    [Senate Hearing 117-288]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]

                                                            S. Hrg. 117-288

            NOMINATIONS OF THE 117th CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION_PART I

    =======================================================================

                                    HEARINGS

                                   BEFORE THE

                         COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
                              UNITED STATES SENATE

                        ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS

                                 FIRST SESSION

                                   ----------

                                     Part I

                      January 19, 2021 thru July 20, 2021

                                   ----------

           Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations

      [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

                       Available via the World Wide Web:

                             http://www.govinfo.gov

                      NOMINATIONS OF THE 117TH CONGRESS,
                             FIRST SESSION--PART I

                                                            S. Hrg. 117-288

            NOMINATIONS OF THE 117TH CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION_PART I

    =======================================================================

                                    HEARINGS

                                   BEFORE THE

                         COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
                              UNITED STATES SENATE

                        ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS

                                 FIRST SESSION

                                   __________

                                     Part I

                      January 19, 2021 thru July 20, 2021

                                   __________

           Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations

       [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

            Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.govinfo.gov

               U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
    47-861 PDF           WASHINGTON : 2022

                    COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

                ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman
    BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland             JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
    JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire            MARCO RUBIO, Florida
    CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware           RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
    CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut          MITT ROMNEY, Utah
    TIM KAINE, Virginia                      ROB PORTMAN, Ohio
    EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts          RAND PAUL, Kentucky
    JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon                     TODD YOUNG, Indiana
    CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey               JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
    BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii                     TED CRUZ, Texas
    CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland               MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota
                                             BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
                    Jessica Lewis, Staff Director
           Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director
                       John Dutton, Chief Clerk

                                 (ii)

                                C O N T E N T S

                                  ----------

    Responses to additional questions from the committee and any
      other material submitted for the record are located at the end
      of each hearing transcript.

                                     PART I

    January 19, 2021--Blinken, Hon. Antony J., of New York, nominated
      to be U.S, Secretary of State--hearing transcript printed as a
      separate document in two parts:

        Part I: https://bit.ly/3yKm75m

        Part II: https://bit.ly/3OIPCd6

    January 27, 2021--Thomas-Greenfield, Hon. Linda, of Louisiana,
      nominated to be U.S. Representative to the United Nations--
      hearing transcript printed as a separate document: https://
      bit.ly/3AsQRsH

    March 3, 2021....................................................     1

        Sherman, Hon. Wendy R., of Maryland, nominated to be Deputy
          Secretary of State.........................................     9

        McKeon, Hon. Brian, of the District of Columbia, nominated to
          be Deputy Secretary of State (Management and Resources)....    13

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................    60

    March 23, 2021...................................................   171

        Power, Hon. Samantha, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
          Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International
          Development................................................   176

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   207

    April 15, 2021...................................................   263

        Nuland, Hon. Victoria, of Virginia, nominated to be Under
          Secretary of State (Political Affairs).....................   269

        Zeya, Uzra, of Virginia, nominated to be Under Secretary of
          State (Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights).....   272

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   292

    April 28, 2021...................................................   353

        Jenkins, Hon. Bonnie D., of New York, nominated to be Under
          Secretary of State (Arms Control and International
          Security)..................................................   357

        Fernandez, Hon. Jose W., of New York, nominated to be Under
          Secretary of State (Economic Growth, Energy, and the
          Environment); Alternate Governor of the International Bank
          for Reconstruction and Development; Alternate Governor of
          the Inter-American Development Bank; and Alternate Governor
          of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development....   360

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   379

                                     (iii)

    May 19, 2021.....................................................   425

        Nichols, Hon. Brian A., of Rhode Island, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (Western Hemisphere Affairs)..   431

        Sison, Hon. Michele Jeanne, of Maryland, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (International Organization
          Affairs)...................................................   434

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   462

    June 9, 2021.....................................................   493

        Andre, Hon. Larry Edward Jr., of Texas, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Somalia..............   498

        Brewer, Hon. Maria E., of Virginia, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Kingdom of Lesotho.......................   500

        Mushingi, Hon. Tulinabo S., of Virginia, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Angola, and to serve
          concurrently and without additional compensation as
          Ambassador to the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and
          Principe...................................................   503

        Aubin, Hon. Elizabeth Moore, of Virginia, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria..   505

        Young, Eugene S., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to
          the Republic of Congo......................................   508

        Lamora, Christopher John, of Rhode Island, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Cameroon.....................   510

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   520

    June 15, 2021....................................................   549

        Robinson, Hon. Todd D., of New Jersey, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (International Narcotics and
          Law Enforcement Affairs)...................................   552

        Holmgren, Brett M., of Minnesota, nominated to be Assistant
          Secretary of State (Intelligence and Research).............   555

        Kritenbrink, Hon. Daniel J., of Virginia, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (East Asian and Pacific
          Affairs)...................................................   558

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   583

    July 13, 2021....................................................   617

        Smith, Gentry O., of Virginia, nominated to be Assistant
          Secretary of State (Diplomatic Security)...................   622

        Bitter, Hon. Rena, of the District of Colombia, nominated to
          be Assistant Secretary of State (Consular Affairs).........   625

        Medina, Monica P., of Maryland, nominated to be Assistant
          Secretary of State (Oceans and International Environmental
          and Scientific Affairs)....................................   628

        Knapper, Marc Evans, of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam............   631

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   647

    July 20, 2021....................................................   669

        Adams-Allen, Paloma, of the District of Columbia, nominated
          to be Deputy Administrator of the U.S. Agency for
          International Development (Management and Resources).......   672

        Donfried, Dr. Karen, of the District of Columbia, nominated
          to be Assistant Secretary of State (European Affairs and
          Eurasian Affairs)..........................................   675
        Phee, Hon. Mary Catherine, of Illinois, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (African Affairs) and a member
          of the Board of Directors of the African Development
          Foundation.................................................   677

        Witkowsky, Anne A., nominated to be Assistant Secretary of
          State (Conflict and Stabilization Operations), and to be
          Coordinator for Reconstruction and Development.............   680

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   695

                                  ----------

                                    PART II

    July 27, 2021....................................................   739

        Gifford, Hon. Rufus, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Chief
          of Protocol and to have the rank of Ambassador during his
          tenure of service..........................................   745

        Satterfield, Lee, of South Carolina, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (Educational and Cultural
          Affairs)...................................................   748

        Coleman, Hon. Isobel, of New York, nominated to be Deputy
          Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International
          Development (Policy and Programming).......................   751

        Lu, Hon. Christopher, of Virginia, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative to the U.N. for U.N. Management and Reform,
          and to be the Alternative Representative to the Sessions of
          the General Assembly of the U.N............................   753

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   768

    July 28, 2021....................................................   789

        Salazar, Hon. Kenneth Lee, of Colorado, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the United Mexican States....................   795

        Lewis, Jessica, of Ohio, nominated to be Assistant Secretary
          of State (Political-Military Affairs)......................   798

        Lu, Hon. Donald, of California, nominated to be Assistant
          Secretary of State (South Asian Affairs)...................   801

        Escobari, Hon. Marcela, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
          Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for
          International Development (Latin America and the Caribbean)   803

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   823

    August 5, 2021...................................................   859

        Raynor, Hon. Michael, of Maryland, nominated to be Ambassador
          to the Republic of Senegal, and to serve concurrently and
          without additional compensation as Ambassador to the
          Republic of Guinea-Bissau..................................   863

        Ostfield, Marc, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador
          to the Republic of Paraguay................................   866

        Fitrill, Troy Damian, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador
          to the Republic of Guinea..................................   868

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   879

    September 15, 2021 (a.m.)........................................   889

        Noyes, Hon. Julieta Valls, of Virginia, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (Population, Refugees, and
          Migration).................................................   896

        Bauer, Hon. Denise Campbell, of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the French Republic, and to serve
          concurrently and without additional compensation as
          Ambassador to the Principality of Monaco...................   899

        Smith, Julianne, of Michigan, nominated to be U.S. Permanent
          Representative to the Council of the North Atlantic Treaty
          Organization, with the rank and status of Ambassador.......   902

        Leaf, Hon. Barbara A., of Virginia, nominated to be Assistant
          Secretary of State (Near Eastern Affairs)..................   905

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................   929
    September 15, 2021 (p.m.)........................................   997

        Kang, Dr. C.S. Eliot, of New Jersey, nominated to be
          Assistant Secretary of State (International Security and
          Nonproliferation)..........................................  1000

        Scheinman, Hon. Adam, of Virginia, nominated to be Special
          Representative of the President for Nuclear
          Nonproliferation, with the rank of Ambassador..............  1002

        Bernicat, Hon. Marcia Stephens Bloom, of New Jersey,
          nominated to be Director General of the Foreign Service....  1005

        Crocker, Hon. Bathsheba Nell, of the District of Columbia,
          nominated to be U.S. Representative to the Office of the
          U.N. and other International Organizations in Geneva, with
          the rank of Ambassador.....................................  1007

        Carpenter, Dr. Michael, of the District of Columbia,
          nominated to be U.S. Representative to the Organization for
          Security and Cooperation in Europe, with the rank of
          Ambassador.................................................  1010

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1028

    September 22, 2021...............................................  1067

        Nides, Hon. Thomas R., of Minnesota, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the State of Israel..........................  1079

        Cohen, David L., of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador
          to Canada..................................................  1082

        Telles, Dr. Cynthia Ann, of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Costa Rica...................  1084

        Udall, Hon. Tom, of New Mexico, nominated to be Ambassador to
          New Zealand and without additional compensation to be
          Ambassador to the State of Samoa...........................  1115

        Margon, Sarah, of New York, nominated to be Assistant
          Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor..  1118

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1130

    September 28, 2021...............................................  1249

        Markell, Hon. Jack A., of Delaware, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative to the Organization for Economic Cooperation
          and Development, with the rank of Ambassador...............  1256

        Gitenstein, Hon. Mark, of Washington, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative to the European Union, with the rank of
          Ambassador.................................................  1259

        Flake, Hon. Jeffrey Lane, of Arizona, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Turkey.......................  1262

        McCain, Cindy Hensley, of Arizona, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative to the U.N. Agencies for Food and
          Agriculture with the rank of Ambassador during her tenure
          of service.................................................  1265

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1285

    September 29, 2021...............................................  1311

        Sullenberger, Capt. C.B. III, of Texas, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative on the Council of the International Civil
          Aviation Organization with the rank of Ambassador during
          his tenure of service......................................  1318

        Gawande, Dr. Atul A., of Massachusetts, nominated to be
          Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for
          International Development..................................  1321

        Cronin, Hon. Claire D., of Massachusetts, nominated to be
          Ambassador to Ireland......................................  1323

        Logsdon, Kent Doyle, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova......................  1336

        Cromer, Sharon L., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador to
          the Republic of The Gambia.................................  1339

        Palmer, Hon. Virginia E., of Virginia, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana........................  1341

        Van Vranken, Howard A., of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana.....................  1344

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1352
    September 30, 2021...............................................  1411

        Holgate, Hon. Laura S.H., of Virginia, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative to the International Atomic Energy Agency,
          with the rank of Ambassador, and to be U.S. Representative
          to the Vienna Office of the U.N. with the rank of
          Ambassador.................................................  1415

        McClelland, Caryn R., of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam............................  1418

        Young, David John, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to
          the Republic of Malawi.....................................  1420

        Pierangelo, Claire A., of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Madagascar and to serve
          concurrently and without additional compensation as
          Ambassador to the Union of the Comoros.....................  1423

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1431

                                  ----------

                                    PART III

    October 5, 2021 (a.m.)...........................................  1455

        Stewart, Mallory A., of the District of Columbia, nominated
          to be Assistant Secretary of State (Verification and
          Compliance)................................................  1458

        Bondy, Steven C., of New Jersey, nominated to be Ambassador
          to the Kingdom of Bahrain..................................  1461

        Carty, Lisa A., of Maryland, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative on the U.N. Economic and Social Council,
          with the rank of Ambassador, and to be Alternate
          Representative to the Sessions of the U.N. General Assembly
          during her tenure of service...............................  1463

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1485

    October 5, 2021 (p.m.)...........................................  1525

        Hovenier, Jeffrey M., of Washington, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo.......................  1529

        Murphy, Michael J., of New York, nominated to be Ambassador
          to Bosnia and Herzegovina..................................  1532

        Pantaleon, Hon. Julissa Reynoso, of New York, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Kingdom of Spain, and to serve
          concurrently and without additional compensation as
          Ambassador the Principality of Andorra.....................  1535

        Kennedy, Victoria Reggie, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Austria......................  1538

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1558

    October 20, 2021 (a.m.)..........................................  1583

        Burns, Hon. R. Nicholas, of Massachusetts, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the People's Republic of China...............  1587

        Emanuel, Hon. Rahm, of Illinois, nominated to be Ambassador
          to Japan...................................................  1626

        Kaplan, Jonathan Eric, of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Singapore....................  1630

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1651

    October 20, 2021 (p.m.)..........................................  1735

        Mahoney, Hon. Patricia, of Virginia, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Central African Republic.................  1739

        Vrooman, Hon. Peter Hendrick, of New York, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Mozambique...................  1741

        Haas Peter D., of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador to the
          People's Republic of Bangladesh............................  1744
        Chung, Julie, of California, nominated to be Ambassador to
          the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka.............  1747

        Shukan, Brian Wesley, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador
          to the Republic of Benin...................................  1756

        Fitzsimmons, Elizabeth Anne Noseworthy, of Delaware,
          nominated to be Ambassador to the Togolese Republic........  1759

        Gilmour, Hon. David R., of the District of Columbia,
          nominated to be Ambassador to the Republic of Equatorial
          Guinea.....................................................  1762

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1771

    October 26, 2021.................................................  1837

        Stanley, Marc R., of Texas, nominated to be Ambassador to the
          Argentine Republic.........................................  1840

        Rashad, Hussain, of Virginia, nominated to be Ambassador-at-
          Large for International Religious Freedom..................  1846

        Wong, Chantale Yokmin, of the District of Columbia, nominated
          to be U.S. director of the Asian Development Bank, with the
          Rank of Ambassador.........................................  1849

        Kugler, Dr. Adriana Debora, of Maryland, nominated to be U.S.
          Executive Director of the International Bank for
          Reconstruction and Development for a term of two years.....  1852

        Toloui, Hon. Ramin, of Iowa, nominated to be Assistant
          Secretary of State (Economic and Business Affairs).........  1857

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1873

    November 2, 2021.................................................  1941

        Barrett, Hon. Thomas, of Wisconsin, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg................  1947

        Harpootlian, Jamie L., of South Carolina, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Slovenia.....................  1950

        Miller, Scott, of Colorado, nominated to be Ambassador to the
          Swiss Confederation, and to serve concurrently and without
          additional compensation as Ambassador to the Principality
          of Liechtenstein...........................................  1952

        Ramanathan, Erik D., of Massachusetts, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Kingdom of Sweden........................  1955

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  1968

    December 1, 2021.................................................  1985

        Nathan, Scott, of Massachusetts, nominated to be Chief
          Executive Officer of the U.S. International Development
          Finance Corporation........................................  1990

        Bass, Hon. John R., of New York, nominated to be Under
          Secretary of State (Management)............................  1993

        Brzezinski, Hon. Mark, of Virginia, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Poland.......................  1995

        Adler, Michael M., of Florida, nominated to be Ambassador to
          the Kingdom of Belgium.....................................  1998

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  2024

    December 14, 2021 (a.m.).........................................  2067

        Blome, Hon. Donald Armin, of Illinois, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.............  2074

        Garcetti, Hon. Eric M., of California, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of India........................  2077

        Gutmann, Dr. Amy, of Pennsylvania, nominated to be Ambassador
          to the Federal Republic of Germany.........................  2080

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  2094
    December 14, 2021 (p.m.).........................................  2151

        Hill, Hon. Christopher R., of Rhode Island, nominated to be
          Ambassador to the Republic of Serbia.......................  2156

        Taylor, Michele, of Georgia, nominated to be U.S.
          Representative to the U.N. Human Rights Council with the
          rank of Ambassador during her tenure of service............  2159

        Albright, Alice, of the District of Columbia, nominated to be
          Chief Executive Officer of the Millennium Challenge
          Corporation................................................  2162

        Donnelly, Hon. Joseph, of Indiana, nominated to be Ambassador
          to the Holy See............................................  2164

        Whyche-Shaw, Oren E., of Maryland, nominated to be U.S.
          Director of the African Development Bank for a term of five
          years......................................................  2180

        Ebong, Enoh T., of the District of Columbia, nominated to be
          Director of the U.S. Trade and Development Agency..........  2182

        Nucete, Leopoldo Martinez, of Virginia, nominated to be U.S.
          Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank
          for a term of three years..................................  2185

        Jorge, Maria Fabiana, of the District of Columbia, nominated
          to be U.S. Alternate Executive Director of the Inter-
          American Development Bank..................................  2188

        Additional Material Submitted for the Record.................  2196

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                            WEDNESDAY, MARCH 3, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.

        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:01 a.m. in
    Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
    Menendez, chairman of the committee, presiding.
        Present. Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
    Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Booker, Schatz, Van Hollen,
    Risch, Rubio, Romney, Paul, Young, Barrasso, Cruz, Rounds, and
    Hagerty.

               OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

        The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee will come to order.
        We are here today to consider nominees for two critical
    positions, Wendy Sherman, to be Deputy Secretary of State and
    Brian McKeon to be Deputy Secretary of State for Management and
    Resources.
        They are both foreign policy veterans with deep experience
    in Congress and the executive branch. Ms. Sherman has held a
    series of positions at the State Department and is well versed
    in international affairs.
        And I would be remiss if I did not mention Mr. McKeon's
    long service as chief counsel and deputy staff director of this
    committee under then-Chairman Biden. And we appreciate your
    willingness to return to government service.
        We thank your families as well because, inevitably they are
    part of the sacrifice. And I understand before I begin my
    opening comments that Senator Cardin would like to introduce
    Ambassador Sherman.
        So I will recognize him for that purpose.
        Senator Cardin?

                 STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
                       U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND

        Senator Cardin. Well, Mr. Chairman, thank you very much,
    and Ranking Member Risch, thank you for the opportunity for me
    to introduce a fellow Marylander, a person I deeply admire, a
    seasoned diplomat, and, I think a person eminently qualified to
    take on the responsibilities as Deputy Secretary of State, and
    that is Wendy Sherman.
        On a personal note, I have known Wendy Sherman and her
    family for my entire adult life. Her family represents the
    values of giving back to the community, and Wendy has chosen a
    career in public service for all the right reasons. to make our
    nation and world safer and to enhance opportunities for all.
        So first, Mr. Chairman, I want to thank Wendy Sherman and
    her family for their willingness to continue in public life. We
    recognize the sacrifices and we thank you for being willing to
    serve our country.
        Ambassador Sherman is extraordinarily qualified to be the
    Deputy Secretary of State. She started as a social worker and
    rose to become the chief of staff for Senator Barbara Mikulski.
        She knows how to work with senators.
        She was the Secretary for Children and Youth in Maryland,
    and also in Maryland the director of the Maryland Office of
    Child Welfare. She has executive experience. She knows how to
    manage and she knows how to lead.
        She has incredible experience in the State Department as
    the Assistant Secretary for Legislative Affairs, a counselor
    for State under Secretary Albright with the rank of ambassador,
    Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, the first woman
    to hold that position.
        And if confirmed, she would be the first woman to hold the
    Deputy Secretary of State position. She knows the strength of
    diplomacy and how to use it to advance U.S. interests. I cannot
    think of a person better suited for this position at this
    moment.
        We are at a critical junction. We have the opportunity to
    rebuild America's diplomacy, to strengthen relations with
    allies around the world, and to promote our reputation as a
    global leader for democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
        In order to seize this opportunity, we need competent
    compassionate leaders with deep expertise and integrity at the
    helm of the U.S. foreign policy. Ambassador Sherman is just
    such a leader. She is, first and foremost, a dedicated public
    servant.
        Ambassador Sherman has spent her career advocating for
    people and the public good. Ambassador Sherman is a tested
    diplomat with particular experience in many of the most urgent
    challenges that face our global community today. She has gone
    toe to toe with our adversaries from North Koreans to Iranians,
    and represented the United States with dignity, strength, and
    poise.
        Her achievements in community organizing and her experience
    in both the public and private sector give her the knowledge
    that she needs to carry out these responsibilities.
        I want to just mention one example of why I think
    Ambassador Sherman is the right person for this position, and
    that is the Iran nuclear agreement. I was ranking member in
    2015 when we took up the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act, and
    let me just set the stage because I think many of us knew at
    that time that there was the threatened veto by the Obama
    administration.
        There was a deep partisan division in the Senate as to how
    we should review the act. And we worked together, Democrats and
    Republicans, with the Obama administration. Ambassador Sherman
    was extremely helpful in making this a reality.
        And at the end of the day, that Review Act passed the
    United States Senate by a 98 to 1 vote and Ambassador Sherman
    was key in involving Congress as we reviewed that Act. She gave
    each of us, Democrats and Republicans, a meaningful role in how
    we could improve the Iran nuclear agreement. She was totally
    engaged with complete transparency and trust.
        Ambassador Sherman and I came out with different sides on
    the final agreement. But I could not stress enough how
    impressed I was of her commitment to include all of us in the
    process. She gave us the opportunity to fully participate in
    the best traditions of the executive and legislative branches
    working together to strengthen U.S. foreign policy.
        Ambassador Sherman is the type of leader we need at the
    State Department, who knows how to work with Congress and will
    always put the national security of America first.
        I strongly endorse her nomination to be the next Deputy
    Secretary of State. And, Mr. Chairman, if I might, I would ask
    unanimous consent that a letter signed by a hundred former
    ambassadors endorsing Ambassador Sherman's nomination to be
    Deputy Secretary of State be made part of our record.
        The Chairman. Without objection.

        [The information referred to is located at the end of this
    transcript.]

        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cardin.
        As an esteemed and respected senior member of the
    committee, you are well served, Ambassador, by that glowing
    introduction. So thank you, Senator Cardin.
        Let me start off with a few remarks to set the scene and
    then I will turn to the distinguished ranking member.
        Ambassador Sherman and Mr. McKeon, before diving into some
    of the many regional and global issues we face, I want to
    address the serious challenges facing the department and its
    workforce. Our career Foreign and Civil Service are an
    invaluable resource for this nation. Their dedication,
    professionalism, and sacrifice deserve our gratitude and our
    support.
        But the last few years have been trying for the department.
    There has been a stunning loss of expertise, steep declines in
    morale, little accountability for those at the top, and the
    department still has not achieved a workforce that reflects the
    diversity of this great country.
        It is clear that Secretary Blinken is setting a tone and,
    critically, an example that will help restore trust and empower
    career experts. In particular, I appreciate his commitment to
    ensuring the department's leadership and workforce reflect the
    diversity of our nation, including the recent announcement of a
    chief diversity officer.
        It will, of course, take more than just a good example and
    hard work from the Secretary to rebuild the department and its
    workforce. So I look forward to hearing from both of you how
    you will contribute to that cause.
        You also both know the importance of a strong relationship
    between the department and Congress, and the value of engaging
    and securing congressional support on major foreign policy
    decisions.
        In recent years, that relationship has suffered. I
    appreciate the Secretary's acknowledgement of the problem and
    commitment to productive engagement with this committee.
        I expect to work with him and you to solidify this
    relationship so it does not vacillate from one administration
    to another.
        While restoring and rebuilding the department, it is
    essential we face a series of pressing challenges around the
    world, and I will just highlight a few.
        Iran. As I am sure you remember, I was not a proponent of
    the JCPOA. But I also believe that the Trump administration's
    decision to withdraw without a serious strategy involving our
    allies would, ultimately, leave us less safe and Iran
    emboldened.
        Unfortunately, my belief has been realized by Iran's
    continuing aggression across the Middle East, and the recent
    IAEA report that Iran's enriched uranium stockpile is now more
    than 14 times over the JCPOA limit.
        Public reports suggest that they are three months away from
    crossing the nuclear threshold. I support this administration's
    plan to return to diplomacy. But returning to the JCPOA without
    concrete actions to address Iran's other dangerous and
    destabilizing activities will be insufficient.
        I believe there is bipartisan support to find a
    comprehensive diplomatic approach with Iran that includes
    working closely with our European and regional partners, and I
    urge you to do everything possible to find this sweet spot
    because without bipartisan support, no deal will be durable.
        Russia continues to challenge the U.S. and our allies
    around the world. I welcome the President's commitment to lead
    again on areas requiring cooperation like strategic stability
    and arms control.
        But the U.S. is also obligated to counter the Kremlin as it
    uses its military to attack neighbors, its media to lie to the
    world, its oligarchs to corrupt our economies, and its security
    forces to repress peaceful democratic opposition.
        Many on this committee are focused on the Nord Stream 2
    pipeline. I have supported the legislation to stop the
    pipeline. It is the congressional will as is evidenced by its
    passage, and I urge the administration to act with urgency to
    block this effort.
        In our own hemisphere, democratic governance is under deep
    strain. Cuba remains under the rule of an entrenched
    dictatorship, Venezuela has been kidnapped by a brutal criminal
    regime, and fraudulent deeply flawed presidential elections
    have led to political crises in multiple countries.
        Across the region, irregular migration has skyrocketed as
    citizens face diminished prospects, crime, and lose hope in
    their home countries. More than 5 million people have fled
    Venezuela, and hundreds of thousands are abandoning El
    Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. Addressing these crises
    require effective leadership.
        I am very concerned about the viability of the peace
    process in Afghanistan. The Taliban is, clearly, not abiding by
    all of its commitments under the February 29th agreement,
    calling into question the future of Afghan security and
    governance. We need senior level focused attention from the
    department.
        On Africa, this was another casualty, in my view, of the
    previous administration. We are losing the Sahel. The 2020
    Global Terrorism Index found that seven of the 10 countries
    with the largest increase in terrorism were in Sub-Saharan
    Africa.
        Fragile democratic transitions are in jeopardy in Ethiopia
    and Sudan, while there is significant democratic backsliding in
    Uganda, Tanzania, Mali, and the Ivory Coast. Here, too, we need
    senior level attention and an effective strategy.
        I will save China for questions, but it is, clearly, the
    single most significant foreign policy challenge to the United
    States. We must not only confront China, but we must compete
    with it, and I look forward to hearing some of your views in
    that regard.
        Finally, I would be remiss not to note that there are
    American citizens being held hostage or otherwise unlawfully or
    wrongfully detained in many countries around the world. Iran is
    among the worst offenders, including the wrongful detention of
    Siamak Nimazi, and more recently, Emad Sharghi.
        As the lead sponsor of the Robert Levinson Hostage Recovery
    and Hostage Taking Accountability Act, which was signed into
    law last year, I want and expect to work with you to make sure
    the administration is doing everything possible to bring these
    Americans home now and to implement the Levinson Act quickly
    and effectively. There is nothing more critical to our foreign
    policy than the safety of Americans abroad.
        With that, I look forward to hearing your remarks and I
    turn to the distinguished Ranking Member, Senator Risch, for
    his comments.

                   STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                        U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I sincerely
    appreciate that. And thank you to our two nominees. I want to
    thank you both personally for spending the time you did meeting
    with me.
        Mr. McKeon, I really--on a personal note, I really
    appreciate your personal history of my office, since your
    attachment to that office goes back a long ways, and the way we
    open the closets and find things in there, your history has
    helped explain a lot of things as we occupy that office.
        So thank you for that. I understand you worked there with
    then Senator, now President Biden in that office and it was--
    the history was interesting. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Mr. Ranking Member, can you expound upon what
    you meant?
        Senator Risch. I will not.
        [Laughter.]
        Senator Risch. But that is a question for you--Senator Lott
    also had that office, and I have had many interesting
    conversations with Senator Lott about the office and
    attributing certain things to certain people is important to
    me. So that is why I have appreciated Mr. McKeon's
    enlightenment in that regard and it explains a lot of things.
        Well, the two nominations that we have before us today are
    really of considerable importance to our foreign policy and to
    the effectiveness, certainly, of the State Department. The
    Deputy Secretary of State will serve as chief advisor to
    Secretary Blinken and serve as Secretary in his absence.
        The Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources
    will serve as the lead officer for the management of personnel
    and resources at the department. We all know on this committee
    how important that is.
        Neither job is a small task, but both serve critical
    functions. While the deputy secretaries will face a broad array
    of foreign policy issues during their tenure at the department,
    there is a few pressing matters I would like to talk about and
    I would like to focus on specifically today.
        Obviously, I am not going to touch on them all. I think
    Senator Menendez did an outstanding job of underscoring the
    hotspots around the world and places that are of real concern
    to us.
        I also want to say that I fully agree with Senator Menendez
    that China and the Indo-Pacific are critically important
    regions in the world for United States interests and are going
    to be the challenge of the 21st century.
        The region is home to some of our strongest alliances and
    partnerships, and it also is the primary arena of competition
    with the People's Republic of China. The Chinese Communist
    Party routinely engages in actions that deliberately undermine
    U.S. interests and values, as well as the world order based on
    free markets and the rule of law.
        This includes anti-competitive economic statecraft,
    aggressive military posture and coercion, and undermining the
    tenets of free and open societies.
        These are huge challenges for you and for all Americans.
        The State Department's highest priority must be to
    prioritize resource and respond to the challenges posed by the
    Chinese Government.
        The Senate Foreign Relations Committee is currently
    negotiating a legislative package on China. There are a number
    of bills kicking around already on the issue. Both sides of the
    aisle are robustly engaged, and the American people deserve a
    bill that is truly bipartisan and includes concrete and
    effective proposals.
        I look forward to continue working with Senator Menendez,
    my other colleagues on the committee and off of the committee
    as they are--the jurisdiction cuts across several committees on
    the bill that would strengthen the U.S. position in this
    competition, and I hope we can put forward a strong final
    product.
        China is not and cannot be a partisan issue. It is a common
    issue for all Americans. A central theme for this
    administration is rebuilding U.S. alliances in the Indo-
    Pacific. The Biden team has, in fact, already inheriting strong
    relationships, including with Japan, India, Australia, Taiwan,
    and other nations.
        In addition to the lofty discussions by the current
    administration on that, I would really like to hear specific
    steps that the administration is pursuing to support and
    strengthen U.S. alliances.
        One area that is particularly important to our alliances is
    extended deterrence, which is fundamental and foundational to
    the health and strength of U.S. alliances. The Biden
    administration should commit to our declaratory policy and
    nuclear posture will continue to reflect that reality. A
    failure to modernize or an embrace of policies that dilute or
    reduce our extended deterrence commitments will make the Indo-
    Pacific more dangerous for us and for our allies.
        Finally, on the Indo-Pacific, North Korea's nuclear and
    ballistic missile programs continue to threaten both regional
    stability and U.S. forces and allies in the region.
        Ms. Sherman, I would appreciate your assessment of the
    North Korea issue and your views on sanctions, the role of
    high-level diplomacy, and other matters relevant to the Biden
    administration's North Korea strategy, at least as much as we
    can in an open setting like this. We did not get a chance to
    talk about that much when we met. So I will be interested in
    hearing that from you.
        Another issue of acute concern for all of us is Iran. It is
    really unfortunate that the Iran issue has divided us
    frequently more than it has brought us together, and it is
    absolutely critical to our relations in the region.
        And my views on Iran are well known. I was robustly
    engaged, as Mr. Chairman knows, when we talked about this years
    ago, and several of my colleagues joined me in a letter to
    President Biden last week outlining the Republican consensus on
    an appropriate policy, moving forward.
        I do not know if you have seen that or not, Ms. Sherman,
    but it does detail mine and other members of this committee's
    views on that. Those of us that signed it were Republican, but
    that does not mean that those views are strictly Republican.
    There are a number of us that have worked across the aisle on
    this issue.
        The Iranians are testing this administration. They tested
    it again this morning, as most of you know, with an attack on
    American facilities in the region, and the response at the
    outset is going to be very important.
        I have no doubt that all of you are at the present time
    discussing that and, I would hope, creating a very worthwhile
    appropriate response to the testing that is done. This testing,
    I think, that the Iranians are doing is emblematic of the
    mindset of these people. We are at a juncture here when people
    are talking more and more about sitting down and trying to
    resolve the issues and what do they do but ratchet up actual
    kinetic attacks against Americans.
        These people, as you told me, Ms. Sherman, are not to be
    trusted and I agree with you on that, in that regard, and I
    doubt there is many people sitting around the table here that
    would think otherwise.
        Rejoining the old nuclear accord is a nonstarter, as far as
    I am concerned, and it does not meet U.S. national security
    interest. The scope is too narrow and the sunsets have passed
    or remain dangerously close.
        Any new deal with Iran must address its regional terrorism,
    ballistic missiles, and detention of U.S. persons, issues that
    should be addressed now while the United States has leverage.
        Additionally, there must be no sanctions relief or
    unfreezing of assets as a precondition for negotiation.
    Negotiations--I am troubled by what I hear are discussions
    between the administration and South Korea, as far as
    unfreezing some of those assets. That will not be helpful, I do
    not believe.
        To think you can enter into so-called follow-up agreements
    on the issues that I just discussed--terrorism, ballistic
    missiles, and detention of U.S. persons--anyone who would think
    that you could enter into follow-up agreements with Iran after
    a nuclear agreement I really believe is delusional.
        We were--it has been proven in the past that that did not
    work. It did not work then. It is not going to work now, and it
    is all because of the Iranian mindset on these issues.
        If you enter into a nuclear deal without dealing with these
    other malign activities, that is a delusional activity, and I
    believe, once again, we will walk away bamboozled by the
    Iranians.
        I assure you, Chinese, Russian, and diplomats--excuse me.
        Finally, I want to--I want to address and I hope that the
    Biden administration has demonstrated it has learned from the
    mistakes of the past. I know we are going to struggle again
    with if we get to an agreement point how that agreement is
    ratified by America.
        I know everyone here has seen what has happened in the
    past. If, indeed, this is a partisan agreement, three years
    from now we will see a cadre of Republicans trying to get the
    nominee for the--to run as the party standard bearer, and once
    again, you will go along the line and they are going to say,
    what will you do with it, and they will say, well, I am going
    to set it on fire. The next guy will say, well, I am going to
    shred it. The next guy will say, well, I am going to put it on
    the floor and stomp on it.
        That is what happened last time and, of course, we wound up
    where we wound up with that. This needs to be something that is
    embraced by all of us, not one of the parties, and we will wind
    up again where we are.
        When I was--I cannot tell you how many times--I think all
    of us had this experience--where our European partners and
    others would come in and say, well, you know, America, you
    breached your agreement that you entered into.
        And I kept telling them, you did not have an agreement with
    America. You had an agreement with Barack Obama and with John
    Kerry. An agreement with America is a treaty that goes through
    the United States Senate and is ratified by a vote by the
    United States Senate.
        Now, I understand that they have already--the
    administration has already said that is a nonstarter. I am
    unhappy to hear that. But, hopefully, at least we will have
    very close to unanimous agreement on--agreement that--as we go
    forward.
        Well, finally, I want to briefly address the administrative
    role of Deputy Secretary positions. If we did not appreciate
    the importance of U.S. global health security before, we
    certainly must now.
        As the deputy is charged with coordinating policy and
    resources, it will be incumbent upon you to ensure that the
    department is organized and resourced to lead global health
    diplomacy and coordinate the implementation of a coherent
    global health security strategy overseas.
        I cannot underscore enough how important this is on global
    health.
        It will also be imperative that you seek reforms to the
    department where necessary. My staff and I have heard from
    numerous current and former diplomats over the last few years
    about how difficult it is to get outside of our embassies and
    consulates abroad to meet with the locals.
        The department's approach has been so cautious that it
    often stops our diplomats from doing their jobs. I assure you,
    the Chinese, Russian, and Iranian diplomats are not having
    these issues, and in order to stay ahead of our adversaries and
    advance our interests, the State Department needs to rebalance
    its risk tolerance as far as ambassadors and other people being
    able to get out from the embassies to do their jobs.
        I also look forward to working with you as the department
    establishes an Office of Sanctions Coordination pursuant to the
    Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2021. That should strengthen
    the role of the department in development and implementation of
    sanctions policy.
        This has been a matter of tension between the first and
    second branch for some time. Hopefully, the Act will smooth
    that out.
        I welcome your views on all these important issues. Again,
    I thank you both for being here today and I look forward to
    hearing your thoughts on these important matters.
        Thank you, Mr. Chair.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
        We will now proceed to the testimony of both of our
    nominees for the committee's information. At some point,
    Senator Cardin and I will rotate here because we have a vote in
    the Senate Finance Committee for the Secretary of Health and
    Human Services.
        So if we get up at one point, it is not because of what you
    said but because we need to go cast a vote.
        So we will turn to our nominees.
        Ambassador Sherman, as to both of you, your full statement
    will be entered for the record. We ask you to summarize it more
    or less in about five minutes. And then we will get to a pre-
    agreed with the ranking member round of seven-minute questions
    for each member.
        Ambassador Sherman?

    STATEMENT OF HON. WENDY R. SHERMAN OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED TO BE
     THE DEPUTY SECRETARY OF THE UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF STATE

        Ms. Sherman. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members of the
    committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
    today, and thank you, Senator Cardin for your very kind and
    generous introduction.
        I am grateful to my husband, Bruce, who sits behind me, for
    his love and support, and my daughter, Sarah, who inspires me
    with her work. Bruce, Sarah, my grandsons, Ezra and Oscar,
    seven and five, watching in Boston, and my sister, Andrea, her
    husband, Kevin, their son, Eric, along with numerous friends
    and colleagues have sustained me in their love and counsel.
        I am also deeply grateful to President Biden, Vice
    President Harris, and Secretary Blinken for their trust in
    nominating me to be Deputy Secretary of State.
        If confirmed, I pledge to work every day to sustain that
    trust and the trust of this committee and the Senate. President
    Biden has outlined a foreign policy vision that puts diplomacy
    center stage where we lead not just by the example of our power
    but the power of our example, and where our foreign policy
    benefits and serves the American people.
        This vision is one that is deeply personal to me. In 1945,
    my parents were present at the founding of the United Nations.
    My father, then an active duty Marine still recovering from
    injuries he suffered at Guadalcanal, thought it was important
    that he and my mother attend the founding of a forum to prevent
    war and spare future generations from suffering their
    generation endured.
        This same sentiment led him to help found what later became
    the American Veterans Committee. My parents instilled in me a
    profound commitment to making a safer better world for the
    American people. That commitment led me to social work and
    community advocacy, and later to politics and public service as
    a means of providing improving the lives of my fellow citizens.
        As the President has emphasized, diplomacy must be the tool
    of first resort of American leadership in a more interconnected
    and competitive world. From the pandemic to the climate crisis
    to nuclear proliferation, the challenges that threaten the
    prosperity and security of the American people will only be
    solved by working together in common purpose with our allies
    and partners.
        To do so, we have to rebuild alliances and partnerships,
    strengthen our democratic institutions, increase economic
    opportunity, and enhance respect for democratic principles,
    including freedom of the press, religious liberty, human
    rights, and the rule of law.
        Engaging in the broadest way possible not only with
    government officials but with the private sector and all of
    civil society--youth, women and girls, journalists, and opinion
    leaders--is critical to our success in this effort.
        When I served as the Under Secretary of State for Political
    Affairs, I traveled to 54 countries to advance Americans'
    interests and values. I went to Burma in support of further
    democratic and economic reforms, and met with both Aung San Suu
    Kyi and Min Aung Hlaing.
        I traveled to Bangladesh after the horrific garment factory
    accidents to press on worker safety and labor rights. In
    Africa, I pushed on countering Chinese investment and welcomed
    rising leaders on the continent as part of the Young African
    Leaders Initiative.
        I traveled to almost every conflict zone and engaged
    extensively with our transatlantic and Indo-Pacific allies and
    international partners who work with us to resolve those
    conflicts.
        If confirmed, I will bring a breadth of experience and
    relationships to bear on the challenges that face our country
    today. Among all of these challenges posed by the ambitions of
    China to rival the United States, the determination of Russia
    to damage and disrupt our democracy, and the nuclear and other
    threats posed by Iran and North Korea, to compete and win the
    strategic competition with China we have to invest in America
    and confront and challenge Beijing where we must, including on
    human rights and democratic values.
        We will act firmly in defense of our national interests in
    response to actions by Russia that harm us or our allies.
        If I may, Mr. Chairman, ask for one more moment. Thank you.
        With respect to Iran, as the lead of the U.S. negotiating
    team for the JCPOA, I remain clear eyed about the threat that
    Iran poses to our interests and those of our allies.
        I am ready to address your questions about the JCPOA. But I
    would note that 2021 is not 2015 when the deal was agreed, nor
    2016 when it was implemented. The facts on the ground have
    changed, the geopolitics of the region have changed, and the
    way forward must similarly change.
        Moving forward on the challenges that our country faces
    will not be easy. But I firmly believe in the capacity of the
    United States to meet those challenges through renewed global
    leadership and the exceptionally talented staff of the State
    Department.
        During my prior service, I experienced the unparalleled
    professionalism of the State Department civil servants, Foreign
    Service officers, locally engaged staff, and contractors. I
    also saw the personal sacrifices and contributions of their
    families. I hope I will have the opportunity again to work with
    these extraordinary women and men.
        Of course, our diplomacy to be successful in any issue we
    must engage with you, with Congress. I am honored to now be
    participating in my fourth nomination hearing before this
    committee. The first time was as the nominee to be the State
    Department's Assistant Secretary for Legislative Affairs in
    1993.
        I have learned firsthand the need for close and
    constructive coordination with Congress with consultation, not
    just with notification. As a former congressional chief of
    staff, I have a deep appreciation for the role of the Congress
    and the executive branch.
        Secretary Blinken has spoken to this committee of his and
    the President's commitment to restoring Congress' traditional
    role as a partner in our foreign policy making, and if
    confirmed, I pledge to play a leading role in that effort.
        With that commitment, I welcome your questions and look
    forward to our discussion today. Thank you.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Sherman follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Hon. Wendy R. Sherman

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee,
    thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
        And thank you Senator Cardin for your kind introduction.
        I am grateful to my husband Bruce for his love and support and my
    daughter Sarah, who inspires me with her work. Bruce, Sarah, my
    grandsons Ezra and Oscar, and my sister Andrea, her husband Kevin,
    their son Erik, along with numerous friends and colleagues, have
    sustained me in their love and counsel.
        I am also deeply grateful to President Biden, Vice President
    Harris, and Secretary Blinken for their trust in me in nominating me to
    be Deputy Secretary of State. If confirmed, I pledge to work every day
    to sustain that trust and the trust of this committee and the Senate.
        President Biden has outlined a foreign policy vision that puts
    diplomacy center stage, where we lead not just by the example of our
    power but the power of our example, and where our foreign policy
    benefits and serves the American people. This vision is one that is
    deeply personal to me. In 1945, my parents were present at the founding
    of the United Nations. My father, then an active-duty Marine still
    recovering from injuries he suffered at Guadalcanal, felt it was
    important that he and my mother attend the founding of a forum to
    prevent war and spare future generations from the suffering their
    generation endured. This same sentiment led him to help found what
    later became the American Veterans Committee.
        My parents instilled in me a profound commitment to making a safer,
    better world for the American people. That commitment led me to social
    work and community advocacy, and later, to politics and public service
    as a means of improving the lives of my fellow citizens.
        As the President has emphasized, diplomacy must be the tool of
    first resort of American leadership in a more interconnected and
    competitive world. From the pandemic to the climate crisis to nuclear
    proliferation, the challenges that threaten the prosperity and security
    of the American people will only be solved by working together and in
    common purpose with our allies and partners.
        To do so, we have to rebuild alliances and partnerships; strengthen
    our democratic institutions; increase economic opportunity; and enhance
    respect for democratic principles, including freedom of the press,
    religious liberty, human rights, and the rule of law. Engaging in the
    broadest way possible, not only with government officials, but with the
    private sector and all of civil society--youth, women and girls,
    journalists and opinion leaders--is critical to our success in these
    efforts.
        When I served as Under Secretary of State, I travelled to 54
    countries to advance American interests and values. I went to Burma in
    support of further democratic and economic reforms and met with both
    Aung San Suu Kyi and Min Aung Hlaing. I traveled to Bangladesh after
    the horrific garment factory accidents to press on worker safety and
    labor rights. In Africa, I pushed on countering Chinese investment, and
    welcomed rising leaders on the continent as part of the Young African
    Leaders Initiative. I traveled to almost every major conflict zone, and
    engaged extensively with our Transatlantic and Indo-Pacific allies and
    international partners who work with us to resolve those conflicts. If
    confirmed, I will bring a breadth of experience and relationships to
    bear on the challenges that face our country today.
        Among those challenges are those posed by the ambitions of China to
    rival the United States, the determination of Russia to damage and
    disrupt our democracy, and the nuclear and other threats posed by Iran
    and North Korea. To compete and win the strategic competition with
    China, we have to invest in America and confront and challenge Beijing
    where we must, including on human rights and democratic values. We will
    act firmly in defense of our national interests in response to actions
    by Russia that harm us or our allies. With respect to Iran, as the lead
    of the U.S. negotiating team for the JCPOA, I remain clear-eyed about
    the threat that Iran poses to our interests and those of our allies. I
    am ready to address your questions about the JCPOA, but would note that
    2021 is not 2015 when the deal was agreed, nor 2016 when it was
    implemented. The facts on the ground have changed, the geopolitics of
    the region have changed, and the way forward must similarly change.
        Moving forward on the challenges our country faces will not be
    easy, but I firmly believe in the capacity of the United States to meet
    these challenges through renewed global leadership and the
    exceptionally talented staff of the State Department. During my prior
    service, I experienced the unparalleled professionalism of the State
    Department's civil servants, foreign service officers, locally engaged
    staff, and contractors. I also saw the personal sacrifices and
    contributions their families make for our nation. I am grateful that,
    if confirmed, I will again have the opportunity to benefit from the
    expertise and dedication of all of the women and men who advance
    American interests every day in all of the 180 countries with which we
    have diplomatic relations.
        Of course, for our diplomacy to be successful on any issue, we must
    engage with Congress. I am honored to now be participating in my fourth
    nomination hearing before this committee. The first time was as the
    nominee to be the State Department's Assistant Secretary for
    Legislative Affairs in 1993.
        Since then, in three decades of work in foreign policy and national
    security, I have learned first-hand the need for close and constructive
    coordination with Congress. As a former Congressional Chief of Staff, I
    gained a deep appreciation of the Senate's responsibility to provide
    oversight of the Executive Branch. Secretary Blinken has spoken to this
    committee of his and the President's commitment to restoring Congress's
    traditional role as a partner in our foreign policy making, and if
    confirmed, I pledge to play a leading role in that effort.
        With that commitment, I welcome your questions and look forward to
    our discussion today.

        The Chairman. Thank you, Ambassador Sherman.
        Mr. McKeon?

      STATEMENT OF HON. BRIAN MCKEON OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
       NOMINATED TO BE THE DEPUTY SECRETARY OF THE UNITED STATES
            DEPARTMENT OF STATE FOR MANAGEMENT AND RESOURCES

        Mr. McKeon. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, members of
    the committee, it is an honor to appear before you as the
    President's nominee to be the Deputy Secretary of State for
    Management and Resources.
        I want to start by thanking President Biden, Secretary of
    State Blinken, for selecting me for this position. It is
    particularly gratifying to appear before this committee, which
    was my professional home for 12 years when I worked for the
    Democratic staff supporting then Senator Biden when he was
    chairman or ranking member from 1997 to 2009.
        I spent a lot of hours sitting in confirmation hearings up
    in 419 and I never imagined I would be on the side of the dais
    as the President's nominee.
        I would not be here without the strong support of my
    family, particularly my parents and my wife. My parents were
    both children of the Depression. They are no longer with us,
    but they taught us the value of hard work and perseverance.
        My father, who was a lawyer by training but spent most of
    his time in politics, sparked my interest in public service and
    taught me that politics is a noble profession.
        My wife, Liz, who worked in this chamber for 25 years for
    five different senators, has, simply put, made me a better
    person, giving me unstinting love and support and advice and
    helping me in tolerating all the long hours that go with
    government service.
        My over 20 years of service in this chamber and eight years
    in the executive branch have given me a strong appreciation for
    the many challenges confronting our country, long experience in
    national security, and a deep knowledge of how the two
    political branches operate.
        I believe I have demonstrated an ability to manage large
    organizations to get things done and to work across party
    lines, including on this committee with the staffs of Senator
    Helms and Senator Lugar.
        I also have a great respect for the role of Congress and
    foreign affairs. The debates in this chamber on the Gulf War,
    the Iraq War, the Balkans conflicts, the Chemical Weapons
    Convention, and the expansion of the North Atlantic Alliance
    were, for me, among the most memorable and important of my time
    here, because in a democratic society matters of war and peace
    must be publicly debated and require the informed consent of
    the American people through their representatives here in
    Congress.
        I know from this experience that not all wisdom resides in
    the executive branch. I firmly believe that we share the same
    commitment to protecting and advancing the security and well
    being of our country, although I know we will always--not
    always agree.
        As Secretary Blinken has made clear in his recent message
    to the workforce, the department must consider Congress to be a
    full partner in its work.
        My first priority, if confirmed, is to help the department
    build back better to meet the diplomatic and security
    challenges of this century.
        This starts with investing in our greatest asset, the over
    75,000 public servants who work in Washington at over 270 posts
    around the world and in dozens of facilities in the United
    States.
        Our diplomats are on the frontlines of America's security
    and interests, and they deserve our support and efforts to
    strengthen their ranks. We must ensure that we recruit,
    develop, and retain a diverse and professional workforce that
    is prepared and empowered to advance not only our traditional
    diplomatic interests but also to address the pressing
    challenges of this era, such as climate change, global health
    security, irregular migration, advanced technology, increased
    economic competitiveness, threats to democratic governance, and
    not least the long-term strategic competition with China.
        Let me say a few words about diversity, which will be a top
    priority for all of our senior leadership. Stated simply, the
    Department of State cannot fully represent America unless the
    workforce is fully representative of America.
        We must make real gains in advancing diversity, equity, and
    inclusion through concrete actions to dismantle structural
    barriers at the department. Meaningful change requires
    sustained focus on three key areas. talent management,
    transparency, and accountability.
        Secretary Blinken has made clear he will have such a focus
    and so will I, if confirmed. If confirmed, I also intend to
    devote considerable attention to ensuring that we are aligning
    our resources with our policy priorities, both investments in
    State operations and in State and USAID foreign assistance
    programs, and that we are good stewards of the taxpayer
    dollars.
        For the last several years, Congress has, on a bipartisan
    basis, protected the international affairs budget from
    requested cuts, which has, thankfully, provided a solid
    foundation on which to build.
        If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to ensure
    the department has the resources and authorities it needs to
    meet the challenges we face.
        I am committed to ensuring the effective management of
    these resources. But we will need your help to make necessary
    investments in our workforce and information technology, and
    building and maintaining safe and secure embassies and in our
    foreign assistance programs.
        With that, I appreciate the opportunity to be here today
    and look forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. McKeon follows:]

                   Prepared Statement of Hon. Brian P. McKeon

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee, it is
    an honor to appear before you as the President's nominee to be Deputy
    Secretary of State for Management and Resources.
        I would like to start by thanking President Biden and Secretary of
    State Blinken for selecting me for this position. It is particularly
    gratifying to appear before this committee, which was my professional
    home for 12 years, when I worked on the Democratic staff supporting
    then-Senator Biden during his tenure as Chairman or Ranking Member from
    1997 to 2009. I spent many hours sitting in confirmation hearings; I am
    not sure that I ever imagined sitting on this side of the dais as the
    President's nominee.
        I would not be here without the strong support of my family,
    particularly my parents and my wife. My parents, both children of the
    Depression, taught me the value of hard work and perseverance. My
    father, a lawyer by training whose main avocation was politics, sparked
    my interest in public service, and taught me that politics is a noble
    profession. My wife, who spent 25 years working in this chamber for
    five different senators, has, simply put, made me a better person. She
    provided unstinting love, support, and advice, and patiently endured
    the long hours that I spent away from home over the years, for which I
    am deeply grateful.
        My over 20 years of service working in the Senate, and eight years
    in the Executive branch, have given me a strong appreciation for the
    many challenges that confront our country, long experience in
    international affairs and national security policy, and a deep
    knowledge of how the two political branches operate. I believe I have
    demonstrated an ability to manage large organizations, to get things
    done, and to work across party lines, including through close
    collaboration with the staffs of Senators Helms and Lugar on this
    committee.
        I also greatly respect the role of Congress in foreign affairs. The
    debates in this chamber on the Gulf War, the Iraq War, the Balkan
    conflicts, the Chemical Weapons Convention and the expansion of the
    North Atlantic Alliance were among the most memorable and important of
    my time here--because in a democratic society, matters of war and peace
    must be publicly debated and require the informed consent of the
    American people, through their representatives in the Congress.
        I know intuitively from this experience that not all wisdom resides
    in the Executive Branch. I firmly believe that we share the same
    commitment to protecting and advancing the security and well-being of
    our country, and that we must work together. As Secretary Blinken made
    clear in a recent message to the workforce, the Department of State
    must consider the Congress a full partner in its work.
        My first priority, if confirmed, is to help the Department of State
    build back better to meet the diplomatic and security challenges of the
    21st century. That starts with investing in its greatest asset--the
    over 75,000 public servants who work in Washington, at over 270 posts
    around the world, and in dozens of facilities around the United States.
    Our diplomats are on the front lines of America's security and
    interests. They deserve our support and efforts to strengthen their
    ranks. We must ensure that we recruit, develop and retain a diverse and
    professional workforce that is prepared and empowered to advance not
    only our traditional diplomatic interests, but also to address the
    pressing challenges of this era, such as climate change, global health
    security, irregular migration, advanced technology, increased economic
    competitiveness, threats to democratic governance, and, not least,
    long-term strategic competition with China.
        Let me say a few words in particular about diversity, which will be
    a top priority for all of the senior leadership. Stated simply, the
    Department of State cannot fully represent America unless its workforce
    is fully representative of America. We must make real gains in
    advancing diversity, equity, and inclusion through concrete actions to
    dismantle structural barriers at the Department. Meaningful change will
    require sustained focus on three key areas: talent management,
    transparency, and accountability. Secretary Blinken has made clear he
    will have such a focus, and so will I, if confirmed. As an initial
    action, the Secretary has followed through on his commitment to this
    committee by creating a Chief Diversity and Inclusion Office, reporting
    directly to him.
        If confirmed, I also intend to devote considerable attention to
    ensuring that we are aligning our resources with our policy
    priorities--both investments in our operations and in State and USAID
    foreign assistance programs--and that we are good stewards of taxpayer
    dollars.
        For the last several years, the Congress has, on a bipartisan
    basis, protected the international affairs budget from requested cuts,
    which has thankfully provided a solid foundation on which to build as
    we undertake the collective work to revitalize the Department of State.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to ensure the
    Department has the resources and authorities it needs to meet the many
    challenges we face. I am committed to ensuring the effective management
    of the resources made available to us, but we will need your help to
    make the necessary investments in our workforce, in information
    technology, in building and maintaining safe and secure embassies, and
    in our foreign assistance programs that seek to advance our national
    interests.
        I appreciate the opportunity to appear here today. I look forward
    to your questions.

        The Chairman. Well, thank you both.
        We will start our round of seven minutes for members. I am
    just going to ask you some generic questions on behalf of the
    full committee, and I will reserve the balance of my time to
    intercede as I believe is appropriate.
        When I met with both of you, we discussed the department
    will need to rebuild and repair its relationship with the
    committee after the last few years.
        Based on our discussion and the points that you have made
    in your opening statement, I am confident you understand the
    importance of a constructive relationship between the
    department and Congress. So I have a few quick questions along
    these lines and I would just appreciate a yes or no answer to
    them.
        Do you agree that the State Department is accountable to
    Congress and the American people?
        Ms. Sherman. Yes.
        Mr. McKeon. I do.
        The Chairman. Do you commit that the department will keep
    this committee fully and currently informed on the department's
    activities?
        Ms. Sherman. I do.
        Mr. McKeon. Yes.
        The Chairman. Do you understand and agree that a
    constructive relationship between the department and this
    committee requires meaningful engagement and consultation with
    the committee while policies are being developed, not after the
    fact, and do you commit to ensuring that type of meaningful
    engagement?
        Ms. Sherman. Yes.
        Mr. McKeon. Yes, I do.
        The Chairman. And do you commit to working with this
    committee to provide answers on outstanding requests that your
    predecessors withheld from Congress through years of
    stonewalling?
        Ms. Sherman. Yes, to the extent that I know what they are,
    Senator.
        Mr. McKeon. Same answer, sir.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        With that, I will turn to Senator Risch.
        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate that.
        Ms. Sherman, let us get right to the heart of the thing to
    begin with. Your comments about this not being 2015 are greatly
    appreciated.
        I think we all understand that. You say you are clear eyed
    about the challenge in front of you and I--in your defense, I
    will say that you are carrying water for different people this
    time than you were last time. I and a lot of my colleagues here
    were deeply, deeply disappointed, as you know, in your
    performance in negotiating in getting to the JCPOA, and I got
    to tell you, one of the most surreal experiences I have had in
    the United States Senate is the hearing we had where I was
    asking you about the annexes or whatever you call them, the
    supplements to the JCPOA, and you would not tell me what was in
    them.
        And as you know, I serve on the Intelligence Committee so I
    got the same national security clearance that you do and did at
    the time. And yet, you wanted me to support the agreement but
    would not tell me what was in part of the agreement.
        And I could not do that and I will not do that, and I will
    not do that in the future.
        So what--you say you are clear eyed on this. We are all
    clear eyed, we hope. But tell me, what are your thoughts about
    putting in front of us another agreement that has got annexes
    or agreements that we cannot see, and yet you want us to
    support them? Are we headed down that road again?
        Ms. Sherman. Well, Senator, thank you very much for your
    candor and for recalling a situation that was uncomfortable all
    the way around.
        Senator Risch. I bet it was.[Laughter.]
        Ms. Sherman. What I want to say to you and to all the
    members of the committee today is that President Biden has been
    very clear about what he wants to achieve as has Secretary
    Blinken with regards to Iran, and it is along the lines of both
    the letter that you and Republicans sent as well as the
    sentiments that have been expressed by the Democrats.
        And that is that we have to ensure that Iran does not
    obtain a nuclear weapon, that there be compliance-for-
    compliance, as the President has said, and Iran is a long way
    from compliance, as we all know.
        The President and the Secretary have also said that we must
    work with you and with our partners and allies to address all
    the other issues of concern regarding Iran, and there are many.
    their ballistic missile production, their state sponsorship of
    terrorism, their really concerning behavior in the region,
    their arms sales, their human rights abuses of their own
    people, putting American citizens in Evin Prison. I can go on
    and on about all of the range of concerns.
        So, in my view, Senator, and I do not have access to
    intelligence right now, which is considerably important in this
    situation. I do not have access to all of the thinking of the
    administration because I am not in it.
        But if confirmed, I would want to learn all of that. So in
    the Deputies Committee, I can bring my experience. But the
    decisions that need to be taken will be along the lines of
    those laid out by the President of the United States and the
    Secretary of State, and indeed have to be decided on the merits
    of where we are today, not nostalgia for what might have been.
        I think this is a very tough problem set. I think it will
    require serious discussions, as the chairman said, with the
    United States Senate on both sides of the aisle to get your
    views, to understand.
        I do think we have the same objectives and I think the
    issue is how to achieve them, how to sequence various steps to
    get there, how to work with our allies and partners to make it
    real.
        So I think we have a tough road ahead. You will be very
    important to that policymaking, as the chairman laid out and as
    you and I discussed in your office, and I look forward to those
    conversations and to working in this administration, if
    confirmed, to deal with what is a very difficult challenge.
        Senator Risch. Well, I agree it is a difficult challenge.
    As you and I discussed when you were in my office, I consider
    the malign activity of Iran just as important as the nuclear
    aspects of it.
        And as I told you, the nuclear aspects of it, for me,
    become less important when I know that there is a country on
    this planet which has a tolerance that is substantially lower
    than ours for Iran developing a nuclear weapon.
        Indeed, they consider it existential and they have said to
    me over and over and over again they will never allow that to
    happen. You guys can sign any agreements you want. You can do
    whatever you want. But Iran is not going to have a nuclear
    agreement, and these people mean it when they say it.
        So, to me, it is all well and good to talk about enrichment
    and all that sort of thing. But the other thing is the
    terrorism, the ballistic missiles, the human rights, and on and
    on and on, as you have said to me are equally important to the
    nuclear aspects of this.
        The enrichment thing really bothers me. We argued about
    this last time, and I could not believe that the JCPOA allowed
    enrichment. There is only one reason that Iran wants to do
    enrichment and that is if it eventually wants to pursue a
    nuclear weapon.
        I do not believe them when they say, oh, well, this is for
    peaceful nuclear energy. I know you do not believe them in that
    regard. I do not think anybody believes them in that regard.
    But they say those kinds of things frequently.
        Is it still the position of the--of the administration that
    they are going to go it alone and you are not going to submit
    an agreement as a treaty under the Constitution of the United
    States to the Congress?
        Ms. Sherman. I do not know what the ultimate decision will
    be, Senator, because I do not know where we will be. I think
    that the Biden administration is absolutely committed to
    following the law and doing what is appropriate and necessary
    to whatever gets decided.
        But since I do not know, none of us today know what the
    ultimate outcome will be here, it is hard to make a commitment
    in advance. And I am not in a position--I am not an
    administration official. Hope to be, if confirmed by this
    committee and by the United States Senate, to give you a
    definitive answer.
        Senator Risch. My time is up. Thanks, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
        Senator Cardin?
        Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Mr. McKeon, thank you for your willingness to serve,
    continue to serve, returning to the political life. We
    appreciate it very much. I appreciate the opportunity that we
    had to talk about the management at the State Department.
        I want to give you an opportunity to talk about the
    commitment, if confirmed, to deal with the diversity at the
    State Department. This committee has for many years been
    concerned about the opportunities within the State Department
    for all people, diversity, so our State Department looks like
    our nation and can represent a global community more
    effectively.
        I was pleased to hear that Secretary Blinken announced a
    new Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer. I do not believe
    that person has been named yet.
        Could you just share with the committee your commitment and
    strategies to improve diversity at the State Department if you
    are confirmed?
        Mr. McKeon. Yes. Thank you very much, Senator Cardin.
        The President has made his commitment and he has made it
    clear that he wants to have a government that looks like
    America and that, of course, includes the Department of State.
        The department does okay in recruiting underrepresented
    communities. It is not doing well in retention and promotion,
    and the data of officials at senior levels bear that out.
        The GAO just did a report, I believe, for this committee in
    the House committee that emphasizes that once again. As you
    said, the Secretary has appointed or he has announced he will
    have a Chief Diversity Office. There is, I believe, a person
    who has tentatively been chosen and is probably embedding. So I
    hope that announcement will be made soon.
        We really need to make it a priority across the board in
    everything that we are doing and emphasize to all of our
    leaderships that this has to be a priority in the bureaus and
    in overseas missions.
        What we really need to focus on, among other things, on the
    retention and promotion side is transparency, giving people
    opportunities to advance in a fair and objective way and making
    opportunities available for people to show that they have
    leadership skills and the capabilities.
        And we need to understand why are people leaving, why are
    they not finding the Foreign Service to be a good professional
    home.
        So the department has done some work on that. There is a
    lot more that needs to be done, and you can be sure that I am
    going to spend a lot of time with the Chief Diversity Officer
    drilling down on this and working to make material progress.
        Senator Cardin. I can assure you that there is great
    interest in this committee in this, your efforts, and I would
    ask that, if confirmed, you share with us your strategies and
    work with us, so we can have accountability at the end of the
    day.
        Mr. McKeon. Definitely will do that, Senator. As the
    Secretary said in his confirmation hearing, we will be measured
    in significant part on this issue if we have succeeded or
    failed to make significant progress in the next few years.
        Senator Cardin. Ambassador Sherman, I want to talk about
    one of the issues that we have talked about before and that is
    President Biden's commitment to embrace our values in our
    foreign policy. We just saw with the report released in regards
    to the brutal murder of Jamal Khashoggi some transparency,
    which I think was very much appreciated.
        But there is also frustration that because of the position
    of the Crown Prince, there may not be full sanctions imposed
    against him under--using Magnitsky sanctions or the like.
        So I want to give you an opportunity to express how we will
    advance U.S. values. There is legislation that Senator Wicker
    and I have put in to make the Global Magnitsky statute a
    permanent statute. It is, certainly, gaining global
    credibility.
        We have also, with Senator Young, introduced legislation
    that would provide a clearer direction on dealing with anti-
    corruption around the globe.
        Can you just share with me your commitment to advance U.S.
    values as we embrace countries that we have to have strategic
    relations with? We recognize that. But it needs to be under the
    umbrella of advancing U.S. values.
        Ms. Sherman. Thank you very much, Senator Cardin, and thank
    you for your leadership and working with Senator Young as well
    on both the Global Magnitsky Act and trying to figure out how
    to better deal with the challenge of corruption around the
    world, which is, certainly, a very difficult and very critical
    challenge in so many ways.
        Where the horrifying murder of Jamal Khashoggi is
    concerned, the administration, the Biden/Harris administration,
    has made it very clear from the start, as has Secretary
    Blinken, that the administration is recalibrating its
    relationship with Saudi Arabia.
        It has done that by making public the report that had been
    kept nonpublic for so long about the murder and the
    accountability for that murder. The President took a very
    important step by saying that we would no longer sell offensive
    weapons to Saudi Arabia because we want to see an end to the
    Yemen war, which is, in fact, a very bipartisan view up here in
    the Senate, that that conflict should end, that it is a
    humanitarian disaster.
        I think that we will, in other ways, and I think that when
    the President spoke to the King of Saudi Arabia he was quite
    clear that we will not be silent on human rights. We will speak
    up and we have, in fact, sanctioned many people in Saudi Arabia
    and we have said that many are barred from visas, though that
    visa list is not made public, Senator, given the rules of
    privacy around visas.
        Senator Cardin. And I understand that, and the Magnitsky
    statute is a statute that involves the Congress and the
    executive branch together, and we will be making
    recommendations to the administration. In many cases, this will
    be nonpublic correspondence in order to investigate before
    sanctions are considered or imposed.
        Will you commit to consider the names that we present to
    you for sanctions in a deliberative manner and work with us to
    make sure that the intent of the Global Magnitsky statute is in
    fact carried out?
        Ms. Sherman. I certainly believe, Senator, that on all
    issues we should make a commitment to be open to your ideas,
    your thoughts, your counsel, your advice, and so yes.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Rubio?
        Senator Rubio. Thank you. Thank you both for being here,
    for your willingness to serve.
        Ms. Sherman, let me just ask you quickly as we start out,
    what is your understanding of former Secretary Kerry's role? Is
    he going to be involved in Israeli-Palestinian issues? Is he
    going to be involved in negotiating the Iran issue? Or is he
    solely going to be focused on the climate issues?
        Ms. Sherman. My understanding, Senator, is that former
    Secretary Kerry is the President's Special Envoy on climate and
    that is his sole responsibility and it is quite a large one.
    Should take up most of his time.
        Senator Rubio. Since January 2017, have you met with any
    Iranian Government officials?
        Ms. Sherman. I have met with Iranian officials. I cannot
    remember the last time that it happened, Senator.
        Senator Rubio. Who did you meet with?
        Ms. Sherman. I have met with Foreign Minister Zarif. I have
    met with my former counterparts, Abbas Araghchi and Majid
    Ravanchi, who is now the ambassador to the United Nations.
        And when I had such meetings, they were on the margins of
    the Munich Security Conference, where, as you know, everyone
    attends from all over the world.
        Before and after these meetings, Senator, I was, I think,
    most of the time if not every time in touch with then Under
    Secretary for Political Affairs Hale to let him know that I was
    having such a meeting and to let him know that I would
    certainly stay in touch.
        I would represent America's policies, whether I agreed with
    them or not, and in those meetings my sole purpose was to urge
    the Iranians not to take actions that were against the deal
    that would escalate the security situation.
        And most importantly, Senator, I am appealed to by almost
    every family who has someone detained in Evin Prison, and so my
    major purpose, quite frankly, in those meetings was to urge the
    Iranians that I know to get Americans out of Evin Prison
    because it is the most heartbreaking set of meetings anyone can
    have is to sit with families and hear how horrifying the
    situation is.
        Senator Rubio. And I would agree with that, and I
    appreciate your work on that and I appreciate your answer on
    having been in touch with members of the previous
    administration.
        And let me--you did write an article in July of 2020 where
    you wrote, among other things, an area I care about is, as a
    result of Trump's failure people, you know, inside--the people
    of Cuba and Venezuela face a bitter future.
        So I wanted to explore, in particular, just a number of the
    changes that were made under the Trump administration to see if
    you think that those were bad ideas. One of them was a measure
    that prohibited doing business with entities controlled, owned,
    and operated by the Cuban military, and in particular, one of
    them was the one that controls all the remittances. They take
    10 percent right off the top.
        So you can send remittances to Cuba. You just have to do it
    through a bank. It just cannot be through the hands of this--
    that takes--skims off 10 percent and you can do business with
    individual private Cubans. You just cannot do business with
    entities controlled by the Cuban military and the regime.
        Was that a bad idea?
        Ms. Sherman. I do not know the details well enough,
    Senator, but I do agree that we should take measures that say
    to the Cuban Government that we do not support their way
    forward and that we support the freedom of the Cuban people.
        Senator Rubio. Well, I only--the details are as follows.
    The goal of this strategy was to say, if you want to do
    business with an individual, a private Cuban, in fact, the
    Trump administration made it easier to send remittances to
    Cubans who are using that money to open up a private business,
    to the extent that they are allowed to do it. You are allowed
    to send remittances.
        If they can do it through a bank you can, obviously, take
    the cash in yourself as an individual. The one thing they said
    is you cannot send it through this entity, which skims 10
    percent off the top. And that is just the beginning of how they
    take the money that you also have to spend it at their stores.
    And you cannot do business, not even with the Ministry of
    Tourism, per se, in some cases, but with the entities
    controlled by the Cuban military.
        The gist of it is if individual Cubans are allowed to
    engage in commercial activity, the United States can do a lot
    of things with them. But if it is going to be run through the
    clearing house of an entity controlled by the military in Cuba,
    they cannot. That is the prohibited entity.
        So I am curious. I mean, that was the heart and soul of the
    Trump policy. Yet, you say somehow it leads to a bleak future
    for the Cuban people. And so I am curious of those things you
    thought were bad ideas as I have described it to you.
        Ms. Sherman. So, Senator, I believe that it is very
    important that we support the Cuban people and that we take
    actions that increase their chances for freedom, their chances
    for private commercial activity, their ability to get
    remittances, which increases their own economic power.
        The ability that--the primary objectives, is my
    understanding of the Biden/Harris administration, is to move
    forward on the freedom and the need for democracy in Cuba, and
    the greatest emissaries for that are the American people led by
    Cuban Americans.
        And, quite frankly, Senator, you and I have not had a
    chance to talk. I know how much you know about Cuba. I know how
    much you know about what we need to do to help support the
    Cuban people, and I look forward to further discussions with
    you about that.
        So yes, if there are ways to support the Cuban people, I am
    all for it.
        Senator Rubio. Okay. And you also mentioned Venezuela in
    that piece. The cornerstone of the Trump approach was the
    recognition of Juan Guaido, the legitimately elected president
    or the President of the legitimately elected National Assembly,
    and imposing sanctions that he and almost the entire opposition
    supported, which sanctioned how the regime stole money.
        Was that a bad idea?
        Ms. Sherman. I think it was a very good idea to support
    Guaido as the legitimate leader of Venezuela. What I would have
    hoped for, Senator, difficult to do, is that we would have done
    more work to bring together our allies and partners in the
    region and around the world, quite frankly, not just in Latin
    America but around the world, to increase the pressure and to
    support and recognize Guaido to try to end the horrible saga
    for the Venezuelan people and --
        Senator Rubio. Well, the overwhelming majority of countries
    in the region did recognize Guaido and did come together via
    the Lima Group.
        Ms. Sherman. Yes, indeed, and beyond the Lima Group and
    around the world. I just think there were more steps that we
    could have taken. It is a very difficult situation and, again,
    you and I have not had a chance to talk about this and I look
    forward to your counsel. I know we share the same objective,
    and that is for the people of Venezuela to have a life, and
    right now they do not.
        Senator Rubio. Well, I will just close by saying this.
    Beyond the Lima Group, the only countries really left at that
    point at that time were Nicaragua, Cuba, and Argentina under--
    and Bolivia under Morales. Good luck with that.
        Ms. Sherman. Beyond Latin America, Senator.
        Senator Rubio. Well, that is--the EU just sanctioned
    Venezuela as well, and many of those countries did. So thank
    you.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Shaheen?
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you both for being here
    this morning, for your willingness to be considered for these
    very important posts and for your ongoing willingness to serve
    this country.
        I think you are both the perfect choices for this difficult
    time, based on your understanding of both the executive branch
    and Congress, of the State Department, and your commitment to
    restoring America's role in the world.
        So I want to begin and, really, appreciate both of you
    taking the opportunity to talk with me before we got to this
    hearing, and one of the issues that I discussed with both of
    you was how we are going to continue to treat those public
    servants from the State Department and other parts of our
    Government who have been affected by what is known as the
    Havana Syndrome, the attacks against our diplomats in Cuba,
    China, and other parts of the world.
        And there are--as I see it, there are two parts to this
    problem. One is to ensure that those people who have been
    attacked are treated properly, are believed, and that they get
    the medical attention and benefits that they deserve, and
    Congress has worked on that. We passed legislation in the last
    Defense Authorization Act to try and better level the playing
    field for those people who were affected.
        But the other piece of that is ensuring that we get to the
    bottom of who is responsible, and I hope the State Department
    will work with DOD, who, as I understand, has been designated
    the lead agency to try and come to understand what is
    happening.
        So I would ask that, if confirmed, will you both commit to
    addressing the recommendations of the National Academy of
    Sciences report, and more generally, to providing more
    transparency with Congress and the public on this issue?
        Mr. McKeon. Senator Shaheen, as we discussed yesterday,
    protecting the people we send overseas is our top priority. We
    have to take care of them. We send them out on behalf of the
    United States.
        And so we are very grateful for the work that you have done
    and the committee has done and the Congress has done to make
    sure that benefits are being provided to those who have
    suffered.
        But we do, obviously, need to do work to find out what is
    the cause of this. I do not really understand why, between the
    FBI and the CIA and DOD and State Department, we have not been
    able to figure it out. That is not a slight against anybody who
    is doing the work. It is just--it is kind of confounding.
        So, as you know, the Accountability Review Board on this
    matter pointed out there was not leadership at the top of the
    department paying attention to this issue.
        So I intend to take on this issue in coordination with
    Ambassador Sherman. But this will be a high priority to get
    after this and we will be happy to continue to talk to you
    about this.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Ambassador Sherman?
        Ms. Sherman. I completely agree with what Mr. McKeon has
    said, and I must say, Senator, it is very disturbing that we
    have personnel who have gone through this and continue to
    suffer from it.
        It is critical that they get the medical attention that
    they deserve and that we find out what happened so that it does
    not happen again.
        So thank you for your leadership on this, along with others
    across the aisle. And I know that Secretary Blinken is
    committed to getting to the bottom of this as well.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you both for that.
        One of the challenges we continue to face is the ongoing
    war in Afghanistan. One of the reports that did not get as much
    attention as the Khashoggi report in recent weeks was the
    Afghanistan Study Group that made a number of recommendations
    that I think are particularly relevant as we see the recent
    assassination campaign against civil society leaders in
    Afghanistan and, particularly, against women.
        But what that report recommended is that the administration
    should slow the withdrawal of troops in Afghanistan, abandon
    the May 1st exit deadline, reduce American forces further only
    as security conditions improve.
        And I wonder if you could respond to that, Ambassador
    Sherman.
        Ms. Sherman. Certainly. I have been briefed on the Iraq/
    Iran study--sorry, the Afghanistan Study Group. It is hard to
    keep all the study groups straight. And I think they just did
    extraordinary work that I am sure the administration will take
    into account as it is undertaking its own review.
        There is no question that Secretary Blinken believes that
    diplomacy has to be at the core of a just and sustainable
    settlement in Afghanistan, that the role of our troops is
    really to ensure that we do not have the recreation of al-Qaeda
    in the future or even a new ISIS foothold as a safe haven.
        And so there is very careful deliberation going on with our
    Defense Department colleagues, it is my understanding, and
    ultimately, a decision by the President as we approach May 1st
    about how to proceed.
        To your point about women, and I told you this story --I
    will share it with the other senators--one of the most searing
    meetings I have ever been in as a diplomat was with Secretary
    Albright in a Peshawar refugee camp after the Taliban had
    driven people out of Afghanistan.
        And Secretary Albright and I were able to meet with the
    women in that camp because we were women, and my daughter was a
    teenager at the time and a teenager about her age told the
    story of watching her sister being raped and thrown out the
    window.
        These were women who were doctors and teachers and
    professionals and homemakers and moms who are just trying to
    keep their family together, and I was horrified. And I know
    there is a deep commitment to ensure that whatever ultimately
    happens for the people of Afghanistan that women never find
    themselves in such a position again.
        Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you for that. I think there is
    some anxiety around the administration's announcement of Zalmay
    Khalilzad continuing as the Special Representative for the U.S.
    in Afghanistan. He has been distinctly unresponsive to the need
    to include women in any of the negotiations.
        Now, that may have been a function of the previous
    administration. But I can tell you, in my discussions with him
    he did not hear me at all when I said this needs to be a
    priority for the United States.
        So I hope you will take that back to the State Department
    and to the Biden administration and make it clear that in any
    work that he is doing on our behalf that he is including women
    at the table.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Ms. Sherman. Senator, if confirmed, there will be no doubt
    that in everything I do at the State Department on behalf of
    the people of this country, I will make sure women are
    included.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
        Senator Cardin. [Presiding.] Senator Romney is recognized.
        Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Ambassador Sherman, as the Under Secretary of State for
    Political Affairs under President Obama, you, obviously, were
    very much involved in the development of the JCPOA and
    negotiating the JCPOA.
        You know that people like myself and many in my party were
    very, very concerned that that was not an agreement that was
    effective in preventing Iran from, ultimately, having a nuclear
    weapon.
        As a matter of fact, my read of that agreement is that it
    would delay Iran from being able to develop a nuclear weapon
    but that, ultimately, they would be permitted to develop a
    nuclear weapon and have the missiles necessary to deliver that
    to targets of their interest.
        Am I correct in that understanding that the agreement would
    delay but not prohibit Iran from ever having a nuclear weapon?
        Ms. Sherman. Senator, people read the agreement
    differently. The objective of the agreement, and the--I believe
    the outcome of that agreement was that Iran would never obtain
    a nuclear weapon.
        I do completely understand why many senators and many
    people in Congress and many people in the world believe that if
    Iran can continue to create fissile material, the stuff that
    goes inside a nuclear weapon, that they would be concerned that
    having that ability gives them the option should they choose to
    go there.
        So I see the problem quite clearly and what I have said
    this morning, I think, is very important, which is that we are
    now where we are, which is outside of the agreement.
        The Iranians have increased their enrichment capacity. They
    have increased their development of ballistic missiles. They
    have increased their bad behavior. The Maximum Pressure
    campaign may have put chips on the table, but it has not
    stopped. In fact, they have gone further than they had at the
    end of the Obama administration.
        So we will all have to work together on what is the best
    strategy, going forward. The President and the Secretary have
    said that they want to reenter the deal if there is compliance-
    for-compliance. The Iranians are far away from compliance so
    there is a long way to go here.
        Senator Romney. With time, I am anxious to get your
    perspective as to how it is this agreement prohibits Iran from
    ever having a nuclear weapon. My understanding is the agreement
    allows them to enrich and to create fissile material down the
    road, and that they, obviously, had the capacity at some point
    to use that fissile material to develop a nuclear weapon under
    that agreement.
        It does strike me that the purpose of our strategy with
    regards to Iran's nuclear program is twofold. Number one is to
    try and to dissuade them from ever having a nuclear weapon and
    that that is the ultimate objective, and number two, to exact a
    very high price on Iran such that they, as well as other
    nations thinking of going nuclear, would understand the
    consequence of taking that step, that the price is going to be
    very, very heavy, indeed.
        I do not understand how reentering the JCPOA in any way
    either, number one, dissuades Iran from ever having a nuclear
    weapon, or makes the price sufficiently high to keep them from
    pursuing that course.
        So I guess I am anxious to get your perspective as to what
    the purpose would be of reentering an agreement which does not
    prohibit them from having a nuclear weapon.
        Ms. Sherman. The Biden administration, is my understanding,
    Senator, has said that they want to create a deal that is
    longer and stronger, but is part of a comprehensive strategy
    that deals with all of the elements of concern with Iran,
    including delivery systems for a nuclear weapon, and to ensure
    that any agreement ensures that Iran will not obtain a nuclear
    weapon.
        I would be glad to but I think it probably will get us into
    the weeds to talk about why the JCPOA did create the assurance
    that you are looking for. But it is really beside the point now
    because we are at a very different place. The geopolitics are
    very different in the region.
        There were many things that I disagreed with the previous
    administration on. But the normalization of relations of
    countries with Israel, known as the Abraham Accords in the
    previous administration, was a very good thing. It has changed
    the geopolitics of the region, and that means that one has to
    think about this in a different way because there are different
    elements on the table.
        So I think we have to start where we are now and figure out
    the best way forward, and I would hope that if I am confirmed
    that I have an opportunity to get your views on this.
        And as was laid out at the beginning of this when the
    chairman asked for commitments from Mr. McKeon and me, that
    Congress and the Senate and this committee will be there at the
    takeoff, not just at the landing.
        Senator Romney. Do you have any optimism about the prospect
    of Iran bowing, if you will, to our demands to pull back from
    their enrichment program and otherwise return to the JCPOA as,
    perhaps, adjusted in some ways, making it tougher?
        With the attack last night by Iranian-backed militias in
    Iraq, it would suggest that they are flexing their muscle, not
    showing their weakness. Are we reading that wrong? Is there any
    prospect for them agreeing to a course which is more consistent
    with our objectives?
        Ms. Sherman. I hope so, Senator, but I do not know. I am
    not privy to intelligence. I am not privy to all of the
    deliberations in the administration.
        But, if confirmed, one has to dig into the details and into
    the intelligence and into consultations with you, with our
    allies, with our partners, with Israel, with the Gulf Arab
    states, with countries around the world that might have
    information that is useful to making those assessments.
        So I cannot give you a definitive answer today. I certainly
    hope so because the other routes the President, the Vice
    President, and the Secretary of State, the Secretary of
    Defense, all of us, all of you, are committed to ensuring that
    Iran does not present an existential threat to anyone not able
    to deter our and our allies and partners' actions, and if they
    had a nuclear weapon that would change that calculus in very
    significant and very bad ways.
        Senator Romney. Like you, Ambassador, I do not have access
    to that intelligence. I am not a member of the Intelligence
    Committee, as is Ranking Member Risch.
        But I would hope you study very carefully the conditions
    there in Iran, the health and well being of their leadership,
    the state of their economy, the public attitudes there.
        I think there is some prospect that the Maximum Pressure
    campaign is actually delivering the kind of impetus that we
    might be looking for, and that before we bend and provide to
    Iran the hoped for reduction of our sanctions that we might
    consider the option of continuing with the Maximum Pressure
    campaign. I offer that only as a request on my part.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Romney.
        Senator Coons?
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
    Risch, and thank you, Ambassador Sherman and Mr. McKeon. Thank
    you for your willingness to serve our nation again, and my
    thanks to your families as well.
        I am particularly pleased to have the two of you with such
    experience, such skills, such background in the executive
    branch and State and DOD and the White House, and here in the
    Senate so that we can help work together to make sure that the
    foreign policy priorities and agenda of the executive branch
    are supported or at least well understood, in close
    consultation with this committee, going forward.
        And I look forward to being partners in demonstrating to
    the American people how foreign policy and the foreign policy
    of this administration actually improves their lives, advances
    their security and prosperity, whether it is from keeping
    COVID-19 variants from spreading through doing robust
    vaccination around the world to mitigating threats from our
    adversaries to addressing the existential threat of climate
    change.
        And I hope you will be partners in working through some of
    our nation's most urgent national security challenges, from
    building an enduring and bipartisan strategy for confronting
    China, cooperating where necessary and possible but being
    prepared for a robust and sustained competition with China,
    addressing Iran's nuclear program and its other threats to the
    region and to the world, recalibrating the U.S.-Saudi
    relationship in light of the release of the ODNI report on the
    Crown Prince's role in the murder of Jamal Khashoggi and
    reviewing authorizations of the use of military force to
    strengthen and ensure congressional oversight on critical
    issues of war and peace.
        I look forward also in my new role as the chairman of the
    State and Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee to
    aligning resources with policy and commitments, and
    prioritizing the protection of human rights, the defense of
    democracy, the revitalization of the State Department and
    promoting the diversity of the workforce.
        It is my hope the President's budget request will increase
    funding to what has been a stagnant foreign affairs budget to
    restore our leadership by fulfilling climate pledges,
    strengthening global health and security, and addressing our
    arrears at the United Nations.
        So, Ambassador Sherman, just a brief question. You will be
    called on to travel the world to continue your service overseas
    on behalf of the American people. I hope you will also spend
    time traveling within our nation, speaking to the American
    people.
        Do you agree diplomats in Washington, leaders in the
    administration, have to do a better job of explaining foreign
    policy not just abroad but here at home?
        Ms. Sherman. I quite agree with you, Senator.
        When Secretary Blinken asked me and the President agreed
    for me to be nominated as Deputy Secretary of State, one of the
    things I said to the Secretary--he was not yet Secretary at
    that point--but said to the Secretary that I thought it was
    critical that not only he but myself, if confirmed, Mr. McKeon,
    if he was confirmed, anyone who was a leader in the State
    Department ought to be spending as much time in America talking
    to the American people as we did abroad.
        Jake Sullivan, who is the National Security Advisor, said
    very early on that every day in consideration of national
    security and foreign policy we need to ask, what does this mean
    for the American people? What does this mean for working
    people? What does this mean for the middle class in America?
        People do not understand why we do what we do and how it
    has anything to do with their day-to-day lives. So I thank you
    for laying out this very critical issue. I think this is
    something that Democrats and Republicans can agree on, which is
    that the American people deserve to hear from us why we are
    doing what we are doing and why it matters to them.
        Senator Coons. Well, thank you. And I think as we work to
    combat the pandemic, we have right in front of us an example of
    how the health of the world impacts the health of the American
    people.
        As we work to confront climate change, we have an
    opportunity to look at how our competition with China, our
    realignments around trade, may well end up also advancing our
    goal of combating the existential threat of climate change.
        I know you have both heard of the Global Fragility Act. We
    discussed it in our constructive conversations before today. I
    just want to urge that this bipartisan tool that is available
    to address the real security challenges in the Sahel mentioned
    by the chairman in his comments is taken full advantage.
        It is something that a group of us worked hard to get
    introduced and marked up and passed and signed into law, and it
    gives an opportunity for the State Department, along with AID
    and DOD, to really lead a strategy.
        But it will only work if done in consultation with this
    committee and with robust funding from Congress. So it is my
    hope that you will let us know what you need to implement it
    effectively and that you will utilize, in particular, the
    multi-donor fund that it has authorized to leverage resources
    from public and private sector partners elsewhere.
        If confirmed, you will have critical influence over whether
    we stand up for democracy and human rights at a time when
    China's authoritarian model is posing an increasing challenge
    to our principles.
        How do we balance the need to impose consequences on
    Beijing for its horrific actions in Xinjiang and its oppression
    in Hong Kong while also, perhaps, cooperating in some areas
    like nonproliferation or climate change?
        And in my view, our response to China has to bring in
    domestic policy, robust investments in manufacturing, IP
    protection, and labor, but include engagement with our allies.
        I would be interested, Ambassador Sherman and Mr. McKeon,
    if you might, in the minute and a half I have left, just some
    brief comment on how the Foreign Relations Committee can best
    help in shaping a sustained bipartisan policy with regards to
    China.
        Ms. Sherman. Thank you very much, Senator.
        I agree. I think this is an area where Democrats and
    Republicans agree. China is a major challenge for the United
    States, and I think there are three elements to it. We have to
    compete with China, and President Biden, Vice President Harris,
    the Secretary have said that begins with investment here at
    home in infrastructure and 5G and quantum computing and
    artificial intelligence and jobs for Americans that will take
    them into the next decades ahead.
        We have to compete and win. That includes ensuring that
    China cannot hack our networks, cannot steal our trade secrets,
    and cannot steal our corporate secrets.
        We need to challenge and confront China where we must in
    the South China Sea. Certainly, what they do on human rights.
    Secretary Blinken said, in his view, that the treatment of the
    Uighurs was genocide. I would agree with him on that and we
    should not shy away from saying things as they truly are.
        And third, there will be some small areas in which we will
    have to cooperate, and as strange as it may sound, global
    health may be one of them, starting with getting the real facts
    about what happened in the pandemic.
        And I will turn the last 15 seconds over to my colleague.
        Mr. McKeon. As you know, Senator Coons, the President said
    in the campaign and since that he wants to put democracy and
    human rights back at the center of our foreign policy. So that
    means it is integral and it will inform all the decisions we
    make.
        At a minimum, we are going to speak out about China's
    outrageous behavior and treatment of its citizens in
    international fora or as well as directly, and we need to look
    at new tools to amplify what is happening there.
        One of them is Radio Free Asia that is funded by the U.S.
    Agency for Global Media. You may not know that Senator Biden
    was the author of the legislation to create it and it is one of
    the things I am proud of having worked on.
        So we definitely would want to collaborate with you on the
    best ways to come to grips with the China challenge because it
    is going to be a generational one.
        Senator Coons. Well, thank you both.
        And, Mr. Chairman, if I might just, in conclusion, across
    questioning and exchanges with a wide range of members of this
    committee, it is clear that close consultation, briefings both
    classified and open, and debate with this committee around the
    path forward on Iran, around the path forward on authorizations
    of the use of military force, are critical to our success and
    our ability to craft something that will win bipartisan support
    here.
        And I look forward to working with you on Africa as well,
    something the chairman mentioned, and I know we have great
    promise for making progress in this administration.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. [Presiding.] Thank you.
        Senator Paul?
        Senator Paul. One of the things I agreed with candidate
    Barack Obama on was that he said in an interview with a Boston
    paper we should not go to war without congressional
    authorization unless under imminent attack.
        I had the chance to ask him about this after the
    administration chose to launch attacks on Libya and he said,
    well, I said unless under imminent attack and Benghazi was
    under imminent attack. And I said, really? You were talking
    about imminent attack of a foreign city, not the United States?
    I think nobody interprets the idea of a president going to war
    unless under imminent attack to be anything other than a U.S.
    city or a U.S. interest, at the very least.
        So I was shocked by that. What was your position in the
    Obama administration about the Obama administration's decision
    to go to war in Libya, Ms. Sherman?
        Ms. Sherman. Thank you, Senator, for the question.
        These decisions, as you know, are incredibly difficult to
    make, and when Libya began I was the Under Secretary for
    Political Affairs. And I think that most people thought that we
    were providing support to Europe for a humanitarian
    intervention.
        It turned out to be quite something different. I am glad
    that today, some years later, we are now potentially facing
    elections in Libya, that Libya is getting back, perhaps,
    hopefully--fingers crossed--to a better place for Libyan
    people.
        I will be the first to say, and I think President Obama has
    said so in his own memoir, that we did not have a full
    understanding--we have learned from this--that Gaddafi had not
    built any institutions. He had not created any government.
        So when Gaddafi disappeared in Libya, there was nothing.
    There was absolutely nothing except the potential for a civil
    war and for an ongoing conflict. So I think we have to be very
    careful.
        Senator Paul. I appreciate the understanding. In
    retrospect, it may not have been the best activity. But one of
    the lessons we might learn, and we might learn from Iraq also,
    is that regime change does not work, that Thomas Jefferson is
    not waiting in the wings and American-style democracy is not
    going to blossom, and when we get rid of a tyrant maybe you get
    another tyrant.
        But I guess the reason I question whether there was a
    lesson learned is that immediately many people in the Obama
    administration, the Hillary Clinton camp, et cetera, Samantha
    Power, Susan Rice, and I am not sure you, were then advocates
    of going into Syria in a big way.
        In fact, your boss basically said, well, the problem was we
    just did not go in big enough into Syria. What was your opinion
    on Syria during the Obama administration on sending arms in and
    getting involved in their civil war?
        Ms. Sherman. Thank you, Senator. I want to correct the
    record a minute, as I was thinking about this. I was not
    actually in the Government at the time of the Libya decision.
    The reason it is so much in my mind is I was on the Defense
    Policy Board at the time and we had a big discussion about
    Libya. And the Policy Board believed we should not create a no-
    fly zone in Libya. We should not help out. We had breakfast
    with Secretary Gates on a Wednesday morning. He said, we are
    absolutely not going to do this. And on Thursday, we did it. So
    that is why it is very fresh in my mind. But I was not in
    government at the time.
        On Syria, I was very torn. I thought there was a disaster
    happening in Syria and happening for the Syrian people.
    President Obama was very cautious because he understood that
    this was a slippery slope, that the American people were tired
    of war in the Middle East. And so he moved very, very
    carefully.
        It is a struggle in those situations when you see terrible
    suffering of people, so not an easy decision. I think he tried
    to be very cautious.
        Senator Paul. But, you know, I think we have to learn some
    lessons sometime. I mean, many in the Democrat side of things
    learned the lesson very quickly. Maybe just for partisan
    reasons they did not like the Iraq war, and it was a disaster.
    But, really, it was a disaster. I mean, it is still an ongoing
    disaster. The whole tipping of the balance between Iran and the
    rest of the Middle East was tipped by, you know, getting rid of
    the regime in Iraq.
        And so it is this idea that we are going to make the world
    this great place for democracy, this Wilsonian idea of us,
    naivete that, you know, we are going to get rid of a regime and
    it is going to get better, even in Syria.
        So we did not go all the way in, you know, with the full
    might of the U.S. We went partway in. But you could argue that
    had we not gotten involved and had we discouraged the other
    Arab nations from getting involved that it would have still
    been a disaster but maybe 10,000 people die instead of 500,000
    people.
        So I think the misguided notion that we helped anybody in
    Syria, it would be easy to argue. The evidence shows that a
    half a million people died and millions of people are
    dislocated because we did the half-ass approach to it. We went
    halfway in there.
        And so then Blinken's response, in conclusion, is we should
    have gone all the way in there. And from my perspective, is we
    need to stay the hell out of these wars and toppling, you know,
    one strong man, one tribal leader, we get another one or we get
    worse.
        And all along the Syrian civil war, the fiercest fighters,
    we would pretend that there were lawyers and doctors fighting,
    that there were these moderates over there fighting. Al Nusra
    were the fighters. Al-Qaeda were the fighters. The fiercest
    fighters were the jihadists.
        And so I have never thought that the jihadists would be
    better than Assad, and I am not a fan of Assad either. But we
    have to learn some lessons, and I do not think we adequately
    learn the lessons. We go from Iraq and the power vacuum of
    Iraq. People say, oh, ISIS came about because we left too soon.
    Well, maybe ISIS came about because we got rid of Hussein. I
    mean, what is the original domino that leads to that? It is
    destabilizing in having no government.
        You may be optimistic about Libya. But I see it as one of
    the biggest terrorist havens in the world. You got competing
    governments. The last administration was never really clear who
    they were supporting, whether it was this General Haftar or the
    U.N. government.
        And the thing is, is it is muddled, and we have all these
    people we give arms to who are then giving arms to both--you
    know, to opposite sides in this Libyan civil war.
        Maybe we would have been better off not getting involved,
    not bombing Gaddafi into oblivion, not thinking that he was
    some great saint but knowing that there was at least some
    stability there. And I wonder if chaos is worse, you know, a
    worse scenario.
        And all I would ask is that we have got to learn these
    lessons. And I am not so positive--I do not think Blinken has.
    He is already sending us back into Syria. What do you think of
    sending more convoys into the conflict in Syria?
        Ms. Sherman. Well, my understanding, Senator, is that is
    not what Secretary Blinken is about. What he is about is
    looking at what our interests are regarding ISIS and a de-ISIS
    campaign, and to make sure that we have a very small footprint
    and an appropriate one that is only in our interests.
        But I do appreciate, Senator, the issues you raise. These
    are very hard decisions. You are correct that we should learn
    lessons of history and try not to repeat them, that regime
    change is rarely, if ever, successful.
        So on some of your points, I would agree with you. I think,
    nonetheless, we do have American interests that compel us
    sometimes to use very precious blood and treasure.
        But no President, no Secretary of State, no Secretary of
    Defense, makes these decisions without enormous consideration,
    and I hope as this administration goes forward with more and
    more consultation with Congress, as I think the chairman knows,
    finally, long overdue, there are now Title 10 notifications--
    pre-notifications to this committee, and I think that is a step
    in the right direction.
        Senator Paul. I hope you will be a constructive voice. All
    I will say is that we are bombing now again in Syria without
    congressional approval and we are sending more convoys in there
    without congressional approval to a messy war.
        It has been going on forever. There is nothing good that is
    going to come out of our involvement. People say, well, U.S.
    lives are at risk. Yeah, because we put them there. You know,
    we put them in the middle of a civil war that is, largely,
    over, but can continue if we keep putting troops there--to put
    our troops as a tripwire to get involved in a further
    escalation of this war.
        So I hope there will be sane voices and I hope you will be
    one of those. But I do not have a great deal of confidence that
    we have actually gone away from John Bolton. I think we have
    gone to a liberal form of John Bolton with your new boss and
    that is something I am very concerned with.
        The Chairman. Senator Murphy?
        Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
        Thank you to you both for your continued willingness to
    serve your country. Senator Paul and I do not always agree on
    the answers to these weighty questions but I do think he brings
    a healthy caution regarding American hubris, particularly in
    the Middle East and I appreciate his line of questioning.
        I am hoping to squeeze in three questions here, two, for
    you, Ambassador Sherman, one for you, Mr. McKeon.
        I wanted to come back to the topic of Venezuela. I remember
    shortly after Elliott Abrams was appointed to be President
    Trump's envoy, he came into my office and he talked about the
    big chance that the administration was taking, essentially,
    sort of playing all of our cards right at the outset, including
    the recognition of Juan Guaido, and he predicted that if Maduro
    had not fallen, had not left power by May of 2019, then our
    chance that we had taken would have been perceived as a
    mistake.
        Last week, the Europeans, essentially, de-recognized Juan
    Guaido as the leader of Venezuela, essentially confirming that
    two years later our policy has not worked.
        Maduro is still in power. Russia, China, and Cuba are more
    deeply involved in Venezuela and the United States, having
    played all those cards early on, we look feckless, not just in
    Venezuela but throughout the region.
        And so does it make sense to continue a policy that by all
    objective measures has not worked and, if not, what should a
    new policy look like?
        Ms. Sherman. If I knew the answer this morning to that
    question, Senator, you should confirm me quickly without
    hesitation.[Laughter.]
        Ms. Sherman. I think this is a very thorny and very
    difficult situation. I think that the United States and the
    world community was right to recognize Juan Guaido. I do not
    think that the previous administration took advantage of all of
    the things that it might have to try to push that agenda
    forward.
        I do not think we have supported Colombia in the way that
    we perhaps needed to for taking in all of the refugees out of
    Venezuela. I think that we have given Maduro a platform to, in
    fact, say that everybody is feckless and he gets to do whatever
    he wants to do.
        There are ways, perhaps, that we can communicate with the
    Venezuelan people that we have not. But I do not--I will be the
    first to say I do not this morning--I am filled with humility
    in saying that I do not know that there is an easy answer to
    this problem.
        What I can say to you, Senator, is I think it is a very
    critical one. It is absolutely wrapped up in China's investment
    in Latin America, Russia's investment in Latin America, about
    sort of the triad with Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, and we
    have to think through what a strategy going forward might be.
        And, if confirmed, I look forward to speaking with you and
    with everyone on this committee with your ideas and thoughts
    about the best way we might crack this very difficult
    challenge.
        Senator Murphy. I hope it is also a prism through which the
    administration can take a review of American sanctions policy.
    I think there is an argument to be made that in this case the
    sanctions may have, ultimately, accrued to the benefit of
    Maduro to the detriment of Venezuelan citizens, and not gotten
    us the political return that we had hoped and still hoped for.
        On Iran--I know we keep on coming back to this, but I just
    wanted to clarify an answer that you gave to Senator Romney in
    your exchange with him. You listed out a number of malevolent
    behaviors by the Iranians, the things that we hope that they
    eventually come to the table on.
        But I just wanted to confirm that it is still your
    understanding that the administration's position is that we
    should get back into the nuclear deal, get back on the same
    page with the P5+1 and use that as a platform through which to
    put pressure on the Iranians with respect to its ballistic
    missile programs, its support for terrorist groups.
        I think the Maximum Pressure campaign was built on a
    fantasy, this idea that we could have a comprehensive
    negotiation where the Iranians would come to the table on
    everything all at once. In fact, during the last four years,
    despite these intense sanctions the Iranians came to the table
    on none of Secretary Pompeo's list of 12 demands.
        So it is still our belief that we should get back into the
    nuclear agreement and as quickly as possible, understanding
    that that will take negotiation, and use that as a platform
    with which to bring together the world community around other
    behaviors that we object to by Tehran.
        Ms. Sherman. Yes, it is my understanding that the Biden/
    Harris administration, Secretary Blinken, want to get back into
    the deal but to make it longer and stronger, and to use it as a
    platform to have negotiations on the other issues of concern
    that we have with Iran.
        Senator Murphy. And it makes me a little nervous when we
    sort of hear terms like longer and stronger. Again, I think
    many of us supported that deal on its terms. We understand that
    we always had to have a follow-on negotiation to make sure it
    was lengthened.
        But by expanding out the number of things that we want to
    talk about at this negotiating table, I worry that, you know,
    we may be setting ourselves up for failure. But I look forward
    to continuing that discussion with you.
        Thank you again for your service. I am really looking
    forward to supporting your nomination and working with you.
        Mr. McKeon, I wanted to expand the conversation that you
    and I had privately and that is the question about the
    effectiveness of our diplomacy abroad when we have such
    difficulty getting outside the wire.
        Diplomacy does not just happen in embassies. It needs to
    happen in communities. And in the wake of Benghazi, we have
    become much shyer, much more reluctant, much more cautious
    about putting our diplomats out, especially in dangerous
    places, and the work that Senator Coons has done on fragile
    states, I think, is part of the answer here.
        But, you know, we also have a review process for incidences
    abroad that tends to, you know, make people very, very hesitant
    to do anything that might put any diplomat at risk.
        The risk tolerance in State is fundamentally different than
    the risk tolerance we have in the Department of Defense, and I
    think that is a mistake.
        I think we should pursue some congressional reforms to the
    Accountability Review Board process to make people less fearful
    of punitive action and more willing to learn from mistakes.
        What is your thoughts on how we can try to push diplomacy
    back outside our embassy compound walls?
        Mr. McKeon. Senator Murphy, thank you. It is a hard
    challenge, and I appreciate you being willing to dive into it.
        You know, there is no such thing as perfect security. The
    diplomats that work for our country are in a dangerous
    business, and evidence of that is on the walls of the C Street
    lobby in the State Department, the names of those who have been
    killed while serving the government overseas.
        As you said, we have the statute that mandates
    accountability review. Our board process was enacted in the mid
    '80s. It does not apply in the same way to DOD or the
    intelligence community. So I appreciate if you and other
    members of committee are willing to take a look at that. We
    should have a conversation about it.
        The department began a review under the last Secretary,
    being led by very senior diplomat, to look at this question
    which they put it under the framework of risk mitigation.
    Though I do not know the timing of his work, but that will also
    inform our conversation.
        Senator Murphy. Great. I look forward to working with you
    on that.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Hagerty. Put your microphone on, Senator.
        Senator Hagerty. There we go. I was saying thank you very
    much for scheduling this important hearing for two very
    important positions in the State Department.
        Also, Ambassador Sherman, I appreciate your acknowledgement
    of the success of the Abraham Accords. A tremendous amount of
    work went into that. I know you had been critical of the
    previous administration about this earlier.
        But I appreciate your acknowledgement of the success
    because, indeed, it has changed the dynamic in the region. And
    I encourage the Biden administration to strongly consult with
    our allies in the Middle East as you consider reentry into the
    JCPOA.
        I would like to turn now, Ambassador Sherman, to a
    discussion on the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act, if I
    might. You mentioned earlier that the Biden administration will
    follow the law. I would just like to follow up on Ranking
    Member Risch's comments here, if I might, because I think it is
    very important that we talk about the oversight dynamic here.
        The Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act of 2015 requires the
    executive branch to submit to Congress any and all agreements
    that are related to the nuclear program of Iran. Those need to
    be submitted for congressional review.
        Ambassador Sherman, can you imagine any scenario in which
    the Biden administration would decide to participate again in
    the JCPOA concerning Iran's nuclear program or modifies any
    aspect of the current sanctions regime on Iran and you would
    not submit this to Congress for review?
        Ms. Sherman. It is always hard, Senator. I am not a lawyer.
    But any lawyer would tell you and has told me never to make a
    completely universal comment about such a question.
        But what I will say to you is that this administration, the
    Biden/Harris administration, Secretary Blinken, are committed
    to following the law. And if, indeed, whatever is decided falls
    within the terms of INARA, then we must, indeed, come to
    Congress.
        Senator Hagerty. I think this is the concern that Ranking
    Member Risch and I have right now and that is looking at a very
    specific legal interpretation of the document and not looking
    at the purpose of the Act.
        The purpose of the Act is to ensure congressional review,
    not to find weasel words or ways to get out of complying with
    it. So I encourage this administration and you, if you are
    confirmed, to find a way to comply with the purpose of this
    Act.
        Ms. Sherman. I think that is a fair point that the intent
    is to make sure that Congress has a say, and I think what is
    and, as Senator Cardin pointed out earlier, I was very engaged
    with both Senator Cardin and Senator Corker to ensure that
    INARA, in fact, happened, and that there was a congressional
    review process. I thought it was terribly important, and very
    grateful to then Chairman Corker and Senator Cardin, who was
    ranking at the time, for moving forward on a congressional
    review process.
        What I would hope this time is that we have happen what is
    happening here, which is that you all are there at the takeoff
    that you are reviewing the considerations of this
    administration throughout the process, and that the review does
    not just come at the end but the review happens throughout any
    process that goes forward.
        And if I am confirmed, you have my commitment, not just
    regarding any agreement with Iran but with what we are doing in
    foreign policy and national security, writ large.
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Ambassador.
        Can we turn to the Central Bank of Iran now? That is
    another source of concern. U.S. policy has sought to deny the
    Iranian regime, including the Central Bank of Iran, the money,
    especially the hard currency that it uses to fund terrorism and
    many other malign activities that threaten the national
    security of the United States, of Israel, and our partners in
    the Gulf.
        The Treasury Department has concluded that, since at least
    2016, Iran's IRGC Quds Force, the terror outfit that exists
    there, has received the vast majority of its foreign currency
    from the Central Bank of Iran.
        Ambassador Sherman, do you commit to maintaining sanctions
    on the Central Bank of Iran and hold it accountable for its
    activities to support terrorism, including any secondary
    sanctions that are now in place?
        Ms. Sherman. Senator, I do not know all the ins and outs of
    the current sanctions that are in place because I have been out
    of government now for some time.
        But I, certainly, do not want to do anything that supports
    the IRGC to continue its activities in the region that are
    vastly destabilizing and put our allies and our partners and
    ourselves at tremendous risk.
        Senator Hagerty. I think these sanctions have taken a great
    deal of time and effort. I was personally involved in some of
    the aspects of this. And I would encourage you and I would
    encourage the Biden administration not to grant sanctions
    relief to the Central Bank of Iran without a thorough review
    and make certain that these sanctions are--continue to stay in
    place until they have stopped in all aspects supporting
    terrorism.
        A further question, Ambassador Sherman. The Iranian regime,
    clearly, wants the United States to lift sanctions against the
    Central Bank of Iran. Please, and I would love for your
    commitment on this to not provide any form of sanctions relief,
    including through the use of waivers or licenses to the Central
    Bank of Iran unless we can verifiably ensure that they cease
    all of their malign activities.
        Ms. Sherman. I appreciate your view and I will, certainly,
    want to talk with you further, if confirmed, and as I learn
    more about the sanctions that are currently in place and how
    they affect different activities by Iran. Thank you for that.
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much.
        Turn to North Korea for just a minute, you and I have
    spoken about this before. As you know, when I was ambassador to
    Japan, I was there when Kim Jong-un launched two
    intercontinental ballistic missiles over Japan and, at a
    different time, tested a hydrogen bomb.
        I have no doubt that North Korea is going to remain one of
    the most critical national security challenges that the United
    States will have to face this decade. And as we learned during
    the Trump administration, subordinates come and go in the
    negotiations, sometimes permanently, perhaps.
        Kim Jong-un takes the decisions on the nuclear program. It
    is critical to strengthen the Maximum Pressure campaign to
    sharpen the choices for the Kim regime.
        Ambassador Sherman, do you support additional sanctions
    against the Chinese companies that are doing business with
    North Korea?
        Ms. Sherman. Again, because I have been out of government,
    I do not know all that is in place now. But, certainly, we do
    want to ensure that North Korea understands that unless it
    comes to the table to really make progress in denuclearization
    that we will use every tool that we have to prevent them from
    doing so and, certainly, want China not to be playing an
    adverse role in that process.
        Senator Hagerty. Yeah, they have been playing a tremendous
    role, as you and I both know, and I hope we can continue to
    work toward that goal.
        Ms. Sherman. Thank you. I look forward to it, Senator, if
    confirmed.
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Kaine?
        Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to the
    witnesses. I want to follow up on Senator Hagerty's line of
    questions with respect to congressional approval of forward
    steps on Iran.
        I have a very different opinion about the JCPOA than the
    Republican members of this body, and Senator Risch and I have
    done this often. But I have exactly the same opinion as all the
    members of the body about congressional review, and I was the
    original--sort of one of the original drafters of INARA.
    Because the Obama administration--the plan was to do a deal
    with Iran and do it pursuant to waiver authority under the
    congressional sanctions and not bring it to Congress for eight
    years.
        Eventually, at year eight, they would have to come to
    Congress to have a statutory lifting of the sanctions. That was
    the original plan. And even though I thought the negotiation
    was coming up with a deal that I thought was much better than
    the status quo ante, and Senator Corker did not think so, we
    both thought because congressional sanctions were being used as
    leverage to get the deal that Congress had to be involved. And
    whatever the forward steps on the deal might be, Congress needs
    to be involved because you are using a congressional statute
    that imposes sanctions as leverage in this topic. So I just
    want to associate myself with the comments that he made.
        Now I will go to associating myself with topics raised by
    Senator Paul. You talked about your parents being there at the
    founding of the U.N. because your dad was a Marine veteran who
    had suffered war injuries at Guadalcanal, and he wanted to be
    there at the founding of an organization that was designed to
    prevent war.
        Sadly, we, as humans, cannot prevent war. No organization
    can. But we should try to prevent unnecessary war.
        And it is interesting the way the Framers of the
    Constitution and then even the architects of Senate procedures
    have tried to help us figure out a way to prevent unnecessary
    war.
        So the United States, unlike virtually anywhere else in the
    world, has a founding document, the Constitution, that says it
    is not for the executive to decide to go to war. It is for the
    legislative branch.
        Nobody does that. I mean, war is for the king, the monarch,
    the emperor, the dictator. But not here. The initiation of war
    is supposed to be by Congress with the President then managing
    the war because the last thing you need is 535 commanders in
    chief.
        And then within the rules of this body decisions about
    going to war come out of the Foreign Relations Committee, not
    out of the Armed Services. I am on the Armed Services
    Committee.
        Most people guess that that is where war resolutions start.
    They do not, because as you said, prefer diplomacy first, and
    if diplomacy fails, war can be a sad necessity. But prefer
    diplomacy first. So it has to start in the Foreign Relations
    Committee.
        Let me ask you this, Ms. Sherman, and I have very high
    regard for both of you and I will support both your
    nominations. Iraq right now, are they an enemy or are they a
    partner?
        Ms. Sherman. I hope they are a partner, Senator.
        Senator Kaine. Yeah, they are a partner. They are not an
    enemy anymore. There are some challenges with our partner, with
    Iraq, especially the activities of these Iranian-backed militia
    groups, which the successive prime ministers have tried to
    figure out how to control without completely satisfying us.
        But they are not an enemy. We still have two war
    authorizations against the nation of Iraq that have not been
    repealed. Gulf War 1991, Iraq War Resolution 2002. Boy, how is
    that to treat a partner and have a war authorization against
    them?
        Today, Senators Lee, Paul, Young, Grassley, Kaine, Durbin,
    Coons, Duckworth, we are introducing a bill to repeal the two
    Iraq AUMFs.
        And I am not going to ask you for a commitment on that. You
    are not part of the administration yet. But I would think
    Congress should not just allow war authorizations to exist in
    perpetuity.
        But we often do. We pass them and then they are just out
    there and they can be used in mischievous ways.
        The President undertook on his own initiation without
    congressional approval missile strikes against militia
    positions in Syria that are connected to Iran last Thursday.
        At the same time that this happened, the U.S. had an offer
    on the table with Europeans for Iran to come back to a table
    for a no-preconditions discussion about what do we do about the
    JCPOA. Iran was considering that offer.
        The administration, from my conversations, was actually
    pretty optimistic that Iran was going to accept that offer.
    Then missile strikes happened on Thursday, and then Iran turned
    down the offer on Sunday.
        The President asserted, as a rationale for the missile
    strikes, that he had unilateral power under Article 2 to do
    them. He did not refer to the AUMFs, which was good because
    those would be fig leaves. He just said, I have Article 2
    power.
        But the challenge is if you allow presidents unilaterally
    to do things, even things that are prudent, okay, president
    takes a step with a missile strike. Iran then turns down an
    opportunity to explore diplomacy.
        I cannot imagine anybody at the Pentagon or at the State
    Department was surprised with the militia airstrikes back at
    the Air Force--at the Air Force Base where U.S.-led coalition
    forces were yesterday.
        When one side decides, I can do this unilaterally, then the
    other side decides, I can do this unilaterally because you
    started it. No, you started it. No, you started it. And then we
    are in the midst, potentially, of a significant military
    engagement of war without a discussion in Congress.
        I do not care how prudent unilateral executive action is.
    It can lead to counteraction and counteraction and reaction,
    and then suddenly, we are in the middle of something that has
    not been discussed in front of Congress, has not been discussed
    in front of the American people.
        And I just think, again, even the events of the last couple
    of days since, Ms. Sherman, you and I talked on our Zoom call
    have demonstrated that the Framers were not really wrong when
    they said decisions about war and the initiation of war should
    be sort of aired before the people's legislative body and have
    an imprimatur. If we are going to do it, it should have an
    imprimatur on it of more than just one person.
        I have shared this view about the missile strikes last
    Thursday and about the at least temporary collapse of this
    diplomatic opportunity Sunday, and then the Iraqi strikes
    against the base with the U.S.-led coalition.
        This is the kind of thing that happens and there is no
    guarantee it will not happen if you have more dialogue with
    Congress and the public. But you reduce the risk. I think you
    reduce the risk of unnecessary and uncontemplated escalation if
    you have the kind of consultation that, I think, both Democrats
    and Republicans on this committee would expect of you.
        I know you believe that and I am confident you will push
    for that to all your might, and that is one of the reasons that
    I have the confidence that I will support you.
        Thank you, Mr. Chair.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Young?
        Senator Young. Thank you, Chairman.
        Mr. McKeon, I enjoyed visiting this week. When we spoke,
    you outlined how examining the resourcing of America's
    development enterprise and our foreign assistance would be one
    of your top priorities, if confirmed.
        This is an area of particular interest to me. It dates back
    several years. In fact, I co-chaired a CSIS task force in 2017
    with Senator Shaheen on reforming our foreign assistance
    programming.
        And one of the recommendations that we made in that
    convening of former career Foreign Service officers and USAID
    professionals and other experts was to take a hard look at the
    overlapping responsibilities and, thus, the duplicative efforts
    and budgets of the State Department, USAID, and various
    development finance organizations and to empower USAID to have
    a bigger voice in the conversation and more of a leading role
    in American foreign policy.
        So that starts with strategic direction from the top. From
    the outside, what do you find, sir, most concerning about how
    our foreign assistance is organized?
        Mr. McKeon. Thank you, Senator. I will have to dig out the
    task force report from 2017 because I am not familiar with it.
        As you know, the USAID administrator reports to and is
    under the direct authority of the Secretary of State. But I
    think, from experience in the last 20 years, that relationship
    has probably had more--marked more by tension than
    collaboration.
        So I think one of the first priorities would be to try to
    reset that working with Ambassador Power, if she is confirmed.
    She is going to be a great spokesperson for the mission and is
    not shy.
        So I am sure that she will assert her views about the
    relationship and the direction of our program. So I think first
    priority is to get the relationship between State and AID in
    the right place and make sure that the programs are aligned and
    not duplicative.
        Then, as you mentioned, the other agencies. The Secretary
    of State chairs the board of the Millennium Challenge
    Corporation and the Development Finance Corporation.
        And so we, at the State Department, if I am confirmed and
    the Secretary, we need to make sure we are using that role to
    ensure that everyone is rowing in the same direction on our
    programs and are aligned with the President's priorities and
    strategies.
        You have given us great tools with the--with these
    agencies, the DFC being the newest one, but we need to put them
    to greatest effect, and I would like to talk to you more about
    it as I dig into it, if I get into the job.
        Senator Young. While I move to our diverse array of various
    agencies that are tasked with foreign assistance, it is one of
    the things I discovered when I became a member of this
    committee is just the constellation of different agencies.
        And one avenue to explore is how we can task some of these
    agencies with operating in countries with lower incomes or
    worse health outcomes while directing others to specifically
    address more developed economies and societies, rather than
    throwing our resources from the various agencies at the same
    countries.
        For instance, how can the United States better utilize our
    more independent development organizations like the Millennium
    Challenge Corporation or the Development Finance Corporation
    and make them more strategic in their investments?
        I would like you to sort of speak to that generally, and
    then answer this specifically. Can the Development Finance
    Corporation be more focused on middle income countries that
    face more pressure from Russian and Chinese influence?
        Mr. McKeon. Senator I need to dig into the DFC statute. My
    understanding from a briefing paper is they are supposed to
    prioritize their investments in lower income countries. I think
    there is some exception for middle or higher income countries
    in some respects. But the primary focus is supposed to be on
    the lower income countries. If I have that wrong, please tell
    me.
        Senator Young. Respectfully, I think that is just been the
    construction of the statute. The statute actually does call for
    development assistance to lower income countries, and then
    there is--in the same charge, it indicates that the resources
    may also be deployed strategically.
        So it is like so many of our statutes. It is a vaguely
    written statute, which I lament, but my own views, which you
    might have sort of inferred by the question, is that we have an
    opportunity here to perhaps use DFC in a more strategic fashion
    vis-`-vis some of our strategic competitors, like Russia and
    China.
        So I would look forward to working with you or others
    within the administration to--on that effort.
        Ambassador Sherman, I do not want to neglect you, and I am
    grateful for your long-standing service and for your appearance
    here today.
        President Biden has signaled that working with our partners
    and allies is going to be a foundation of his foreign policy
    and that he will seek to renew relations with our European
    partners.
        In fact, in his recent address before the Munich Security
    Conference, he called the transatlantic relationship the
    cornerstone of all we hope to accomplish in the 21st century.
        I agree that we must be engaging with our democratic allies
    in order to reach agreements on security and trade and
    technology development and health resiliency and all manner of
    other things.
        But we also have to be willing to embrace our own ability
    to shape these areas and not the other way around, right. So
    there is a balance to be struck.
        So if the leaders of Europe are unwilling to confront the
    threats emanating from around the globe, most especially the
    threats emanating from China and Russia, how would you
    recommend the United States adjust its strategy to engage with
    them?
        In 10 seconds or less, please.
        Ms. Sherman. I think it is absolutely critical that we
    engage with the transatlantic relationship around China and
    Russia. We are so much stronger together than we are apart, and
    I think that it will take vigorous diplomacy, which Secretary
    Blinken is going to lead, and, if confirmed, I hope to help him
    do exactly what you are suggesting, that we help to drive that
    agenda.
        Europe is not always excited about us being back at the
    table because they are wary, given some years of us being away.
    But they also respect and understand the power of the United
    States of America, and I think that it is time that we lead by
    our example by what we are doing to compete and build our own
    infrastructure to do that competition.
        But doing it together will make us much more powerful in
    challenging China, competing with China, and dealing with all
    of the threats that are put forward by Russia.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Young. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator.
        I understand we have Senator Markey virtually.
        Senator Markey. Okay. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much,
    and thank both of you for your long-term service to our country
    and we hope that you will be given the opportunity to continue
    because I think you would be enormous assets to ensuring that
    we have a safer better world that we are living in for everyone
    in our society.
        If I may, Mr. Chairman, just want to go through a few bits
    of facts from the past so that we can just establish it as part
    of this hearing record.
        Before you helped to get the world's major powers and Iran
    to the negotiating table, Iran was about two months away from
    producing enough highly-enriched uranium for its first nuclear
    bomb.
        Is that correct?
        Ms. Sherman. Yes, that was the assessment.
        Senator Markey. And after all sides began implementing the
    Iran nuclear deal, that breakout time extended to more than a
    year. Is that correct?
        Ms. Sherman. Yes.
        Senator Markey. And Senator Risch asked you about
    enrichment, so I would like to go back to that. As part of the
    Iran nuclear deal, Iran reduced, reduced, its stock of low-
    enriched uranium by 98 percent to 300 kilograms.
        But as a result of the Trump administration's unilateral
    exit from the Iran nuclear deal, that number increased to 12
    times over that 300-kilogram limit.
        Is that correct?
        Ms. Sherman. That is my understanding. Yes, sir.
        Senator Markey. Okay. So, again, while many of my
    colleagues have spent time criticizing the Iran deal, the
    effect of that arrangement did dramatically reduce the ability
    of Iran to have a quick breakout time towards producing a
    nuclear weapon.
        And I just want to make sure that all of that is out on the
    table, and again, you played an instrumental role in ensuring
    that that would be part of that agreement.
        So compliance-for-compliance is what President Biden is now
    saying his goal is. So can you just, again, expand a little bit
    more on what the Biden administration's policy will be in terms
    of compliance-for-compliance in ensuring that we do go back to
    a position where Iran's breakout time is lessened dramatically?
        Ms. Sherman. Thank you, Senator.
        It is my understanding what the Biden/Harris administration
    hopes to do is to get Iran to come back into full compliance
    with the deal.
        Then we would be in compliance with the deal and that we
    would build from that to get a longer and stronger agreement,
    given that the deal is now some years old and, as you have
    pointed out, Iran has now increased its stockpile, increased
    the depth of its enrichment, increased many of its capabilities
    more--using more sophisticated centrifuges as a result of our
    leaving the deal, and that we would not only get back to where
    we were but we would build a better, stronger, longer platform.
    And then we would address the other issues of concern.
        And as you pointed out, Senator, that one-year breakout
    time is critical because it allows us if for some reason Iran
    is able to cheat, though there were the most extraordinary
    verification and monitoring mechanisms, we would have time to
    slap back on sanctions or even to take military action.
        So we would maintain all of our options to ensure that Iran
    not obtain a nuclear weapon.
        Senator Markey. Yeah, and I agree with you. A one-year
    breakout time gives us time to put additional pressure on, but
    if it goes down to only two months or one month as a breakout
    time, our capacity to respond is, obviously, diminished
    dramatically.
        So I think the approach which the Biden administration is
    taking is the correct one.
        If I could just move over to Burma, that recent coup
    carried out by the Burmese military against the democratically-
    elected civilian government has been condemned by the Biden
    administration, and I welcome the steps which the
    administration has already taken, including imposing targeted
    sanctions against the military.
        What role do you think China should play in partnering with
    the United States and do we have a capacity to get China to
    partner with us in order to put pressure on the military in
    Burma to allow for the civilian democratically-elected
    government to return to power?
        Ms. Sherman. Thank you for that really important question,
    Senator.
        It is my understanding that Linda Thomas-Greenfield, our
    ambassador now to the United Nations, is going to use our
    platform since we are in the presidency in the month of March
    to have a more serious discussion in the U.N. Security Council
    about Burma and encouraging China to urge a return to a
    democratically-elected government and to end the military coup,
    which in its wake is just having a horrifying impact on the
    rights and the freedoms of the Burmese people.
        We have lots of issues with Burma even before this coup,
    given the treatment of the Rohingya. But now it is of great
    concern for all of the people of Burma and their freedom and
    their way forward.
        I applaud Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield for taking
    this subject up as one of the first things that she does, and
    Secretary Blinken has made it very clear this is a very high
    priority for him and to not only look at those sanctions but
    see that we get everyone engaged in ensuring that we return the
    government.
        Senator Markey. Okay, thank you. And I do believe we have
    to put much more pressure on those military leaders and I hope
    that that is part of the Biden plan. And no one has done more
    thinking about the North Korean nuclear program than you have,
    historically. You have just a rich history of the three
    generations of the Kim family and their attitudes about this
    issue.
        Could you give us your sense of what the steps should be
    that are taken by the Biden administration in conjunction with
    the regional allies, especially in order to reduce this ever-
    increasing nuclear threat from North Korea?
        Ms. Sherman. Thank you, Senator. It is my understanding
    that a review is going on in the administration to decide on
    how best to proceed with North Korea. Very tough challenge.
        Quite agree with you it needs to be done with partners and
    allies in the region, particularly Japan and South Korea. But
    with everyone who has a stake in ensuring that Kim Jong-un does
    not develop even more nuclear weapons, greater delivery
    systems, and pose even a greater threat to the region and to
    the world.
        So I understand that review is ongoing and, if confirmed, I
    would be glad to be talking with everyone here more about it to
    get your views and ideas as well.
        The Chairman. Thank you very much.
        Senator Markey. Do you--okay. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Cruz?
        Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Welcome to the both of you. Congratulations on your
    nominations.
        In the last six weeks, the Biden administration has
    embraced China, has bombed Syria, has empowered Russia and
    Putin, has refused to stand with Israel on the Golan Heights,
    and has lifted sanctions on Iranian-backed terrorists.
        That is not an encouraging opening for the foreign policy
    of this country for the next four years. I want to focus on a
    couple of those areas.
        Let us start with an area that should be a potential for
    bipartisan cooperation. It is a topic that I discussed with
    both of you at length in the past week, and that is Nord Stream
    2.
        Nord Stream 2, in the last year, was an incredible
    bipartisan victory for the United States. The pipeline was over
    90 percent completed from Russia to Germany. Congress acted not
    once but twice, passing strong bipartisan sanctions.
        Sanctions supported by Republicans and Democrats on this
    committee passed it into law, and despite mountains of Russian
    disinformation, the pipeline ceased minutes before those
    sanctions were signed into law.
        Unfortunately, the Biden administration has been sending
    mixed signals and those signals have been heard by Putin. And
    so Putin, after ceasing building the pipeline for a year, has
    gone back to building the pipeline because Putin and Russia
    believe the Biden administration will not hold them
    accountable, will allow them to complete this pipeline, which
    would put billions of dollars in Putin's pockets to be used
    against America, against Europe.
        The European Parliament, by the way, in December 2018 voted
    433 to 105 to oppose Nord Stream 2, and in January 2021, after
    Putin attempted to murder Navalny, they voted again to condemn
    it, this time 581 to 50.
        Let me start with both of you. Do both of you agree that
    allowing Nord Stream 2 to be completed would be terrible policy
    for the United States?
        Ms. Sherman. Senator, the President of the United States,
    the Secretary of State, have both said they oppose Nord Stream
    2 and do not believe it should be completed.
        Mr. McKeon. Senator that is my understanding as well. The
    President has said it is a bad deal.
        Senator Cruz. Well, if they oppose it, they are not very
    effective at opposing it because when their administration came
    into office, suddenly it commenced, and to be particular, last
    month the State Department transmitted a mandatory and overdue
    report to Congress about who is helping Putin build the
    pipeline. The report included one ship and its owner, which the
    Trump administration had already sanctioned.
        So it simply reiterated what the Trump administration had
    done. It did not include any entities that are plainly in
    violation, not even the company that is actually constructing
    the pipeline Congress has instructed the President to sanction.
        Then, yesterday, the Biden administration imposed sanctions
    for the poisoning of Russian dissident Alexei Navalny, but
    those sanctions went out of their way not to touch the Nord
    Stream 2 pipeline.
        That was not an accident. Now that construction is resumed,
    we have precious little time. I told both of you that if the
    Biden administration does not change course, we are going to
    wake up in six months or a year and this pipeline is going to
    built because the Biden administration failed to act.
        And so I want to ask you, Ms. Sherman, if confirmed, will
    you move immediately to ensure that the Biden administration
    meets its mandatory obligation imposed by Congress to name and
    sanction all of the entities that are engaged in pipe laying,
    pipe laying activities, certification, or insurance related to
    Nord Stream 2?
        Ms. Sherman. Well, Senator, even if confirmed, I will not
    have the authority to make those decisions unilaterally. But I
    can say to you that I will do everything I possibly can to
    ensure that Nord Stream 2 does not go forward, and I know that
    the administration will welcome advice and counsel from you and
    from the Senate and we will move forward on everything that
    they can do legally to stop the pipeline.
        Senator Cruz. Well, I want to be very clear so that no one
    in the administration is surprised. This was an incredible
    victory for U.S. foreign policy and an incredible loss for
    Putin and Russia.
        The sanctions legislation was supported by virtually the
    entirety the committee when we voted on it. The vote was 20 to
    2, an overwhelming bipartisan majority.
        The administration has all of the tools to stop the
    pipeline, as evidenced by the fact that we stopped it for a
    year that it worked, that we know it worked.
        And it has only been in the last few weeks with the new
    administration that Putin has felt he has the green light to go
    ahead. I understand that the Germans want the pipeline built,
    that the German Government does.
        But going soft on Russia is a serious mistake, and once it
    is built, it likely is impossible to unwind. So the window and
    the urgency is now.
        Ms. Sherman. Senator, we share the sense of urgency, and I
    just want to say although I am not yet a part of the
    administration and will not be unless confirmed by the Senate,
    that I do not believe that the Biden/Harris administration has
    been soft on Russia in any way, shape, or form.
        I know we disagree when it comes to Nord Stream 2. But they
    are very clear. As we heard, Ambassador Burns, who is, I hope,
    about to be confirmed to be the director of the CIA, said and
    who is our ambassador to Russia, that we all should be very
    clear eyed about Russia being an adversary. Secretary Blinken
    has spoken at length about ways in which Russia threaten our
    country and I think there is a commitment to move in a tough
    way.
        Senator Cruz. Ambassador Sherman, with all due respect--
    with all due respect, words are cheap. And so if the Biden
    administration wishes to not be soft on Russia, rather than
    saying we do not want to be soft on Russia they could actually
    follow the mandatory law and stop the pipeline.
        The test is going to be real simple. If Putin has billions
    of dollars and Europe is energy dependent on Russia because the
    Biden administration refused to comply with mandatory
    bipartisan sanctions, that will be the test and not any
    political rhetoric about we are tough on Putin.
        If you are tough on Putin, do not give him billions of
    dollars. The State Department needs to file a supplemental
    interim report on Nord Stream 2 that sanctions every entity and
    they are refusing to do so.
        And if this pipeline gets completed, it will be the fault
    of this administration. I do not want this to happen. I want
    that to be a bipartisan victory and a victory for the United
    States. You both have the opportunity to make sure that happens
    and so I implore you to do that.
        Thank you.
        Ms. Sherman. Thank you, Senator.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Just since the chairman reserved
    his time I am going to take a moment of that time.
        President Trump could have used sanctions for the course of
    his four years in office on Nord Stream. He did not need
    congressionally-approved sanctions to affect the pipeline.
    Would that be from your experience a fair statement?
        Ms. Sherman. That is a fair statement, Senator.
        The Chairman. And yet he did not do that. So I join my
    colleague in my concern for Nord Stream. I mentioned it in my
    opening remarks, and I urge the administration to do everything
    they can to stop Nord Stream.
        But it would be intellectually unfair to suggest that the
    Biden administration is going to be the reason why Nord Stream
    gets built when four years were lost with no sanctions
    whatsoever.
        I understand that Senator Schatz is up next virtually.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to
    both of you for being willing to serve again.
        My first question is for Ambassador Sherman. You know, as
    people think of Asia, the mind races across the Pacific to
    China and not the nations in between us and them, and so I want
    to talk a little bit about Oceania.
        It has got 12 million people, 14 island states, 17
    territories, and 6 percent of the votes that we may need at the
    United Nations. And so how do we step up engagement in Oceania?
        Ms. Sherman. It is a great question, Senator, and you
    probably understand this part of the world better than most of
    us do, representing Hawaii, where it is very much a part of
    your neighborhood in many ways.
        I think that it is critical to engage with Oceania and with
    the island states. They are often, as you point out, critical
    votes at the United Nations and, certainly, in the General
    Assembly.
        And I know that in the Obama administration we, in fact,
    created a special forum to have those conversations and to
    ensure that we had diplomats who traveled to those island
    nations. That often does not happen because they are far away.
    Sometimes the travel is difficult. But it is quite critical.
        So I thank you very much for raising it and, if confirmed,
    I certainly will commit to you to pay attention to what is
    often a swing vote.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you. And I think one area for
    potential cooperation, you know, we think of climate action as
    an objective of American foreign policy.
        But climate action is a shared response to the climate
    crisis, especially in the disaster preparation, disaster
    response space, and as we look at more long-term impacts of sea
    level rise, especially in island nations and coastal nations,
    there are opportunities to step up what USAID is doing and
    other sort of, as you like to use the term, avenues of smart
    power.
        And so I am particularly excited about the opportunities
    for us to deploy those resources throughout island nations for
    selfish reasons but also for good humanitarian reasons.
        Can you talk a little bit about what is going to be the
    climate action strategy? I know we have got, you know, a lot of
    horsepower behind this, including the President of the United
    States, the former Secretary of State.
        But how does that get operationalized in the international
    context? And I am particularly interested not just in Paris but
    how we use shared climate response as a tool of diplomacy.
        Ms. Sherman. So let me make a couple of comments and then
    Mr. McKeon may want to add to it as well in terms of how we are
    organizing to tackle this very critical challenge.
        The President of the United States, the Secretary, the vice
    president have made clear that climate and our response to the
    changing climate is a whole-of-government approach and it is
    also a whole of State Department approach.
        So as much as we have a special presidential envoy for
    climate in former Secretary Kerry, every part of the
    department, every bureau of the department, will have a focus
    on climate as well because, as you well know, some of these
    island nations are at risk of even disappearing, let alone the
    changes in the ecosystem of the oceans, which affects fishermen
    and the ability to have maritime and fishery economies. So it
    is a critical issue that we will all have to pay attention to.
        And your point, Senator, about disaster preparedness is
    often a place where countries even with whom we do not agree on
    everything can work together because it is such a necessity,
    and the United States brings, really, unparalleled capabilities
    in disaster preparedness and response.
        Mr. McKeon, I do not know if you want to add to that.
        Senator Schatz. Mr. McKeon, before you answer, I would like
    you to perhaps provide some emphasis on those areas where we
    can make some permanent structural change within the department
    so that our climate strategy becomes so embedded into American
    foreign policy objectives that it does not swing in one
    direction or the other depending on the partisan affiliation of
    the President herself or himself.
        Mr. McKeon. Thank you, Senator.
        As Ambassador Sherman said, we really have to integrate the
    emphasis on climate action throughout the department. It is not
    just going to be Secretary Kerry's team, but, of course, they
    will be leading the diplomacy.
        But it has to be front of mind for the work of everyone in
    the department in all of the regional and functional bureaus to
    think about how in pursuit of their programs and their planning
    they are integrating a climate action dimension to it, not just
    in our diplomacy but also in our assistance programs, as you
    suggested.
        So I think we owe you more thinking on this and I am not
    sure what planning has gone on already because we are not in
    the department.
        But we will come back to you once we are--once we are in
    the seat, if confirmed, to give you more detail about how we
    are moving forward on this.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you.
        My final question for Ambassador Sherman, global press
    freedom is on the decline. Reporters Without Borders found that
    the protection of rights for journalists has decreased 12
    percent since it started reporting on such things in 2013.
        What can we do to reverse this trend?
        Ms. Sherman. Really important, Senator, and we have already
    had some discussion here this morning about our response on the
    horrifying death of Jamal Khashoggi. I think it is critical
    that we engage with journalists around the world, that we talk
    about press freedom wherever we go.
        Yes, journalists are separate and apart, and they are part
    of holding us accountable and administration accountable. But
    they are also citizens. They are also standing for freedom.
        And, in fact, one of the great parts of the United States
    is when we find ourselves challenged, as we have in many ways
    over the last years, it is often the press who hold all of us
    accountable for what we are doing.
        And so we have heard Secretary Blinken speak of the
    importance of press freedom and making it essential to our
    human rights agenda around the world and our agenda on
    democracy.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you to you both for testifying, for
    being willing to serve again. And I just want to thank the
    chair and the ranking member and all the staff for welcoming me
    on to the committee.
        The Chairman. It is very good to have you with us, Senator
    Schatz.
        Senator Van Hollen?
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking
    Member, and I want to thank both of you for your prior public
    service and your willingness to serve again.
        Mr. McKeon, I want to associate myself with the remarks
    from my fellow Maryland senator, Senator Cardin, about the
    importance of your commitment to greater diversity in the
    Foreign Service and the State Department.
        Senator Sullivan and I are the co-chairs of the Foreign
    Service Caucus and will soon be reintroducing legislation we
    introduced last year, the Foreign Service Families Act.
        It is to provide Foreign Service spouses and families
    serving overseas with the same opportunities that we rightly
    provide now to military spouses and families serving overseas.
        I am just looking for your commitment that you will review
    this legislation and provide us with your feedback as soon as
    possible.
        Mr. McKeon. Senator, you definitely--you have that
    commitment. I have already looked at the bill and it looks, on
    its face, very straightforward. I am sure colleagues in the
    department will tell me we might need a tweak here or there to
    make it more workable for--from the perspective of the
    department. But we can work with you on that.
        Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. One of the benefits
    of going last here is you also get to associate yourself with
    some of the prior comments, and I do want to associate myself
    with the comments of Senator Young and Senator Coons, and I
    know the chairman shares this, about better coordinating all
    the tools available in our both diplomatic arsenal and our
    development arsenal. USAID, the International Development
    Finance Corporation. You and I spoke about that and I look
    forward to working with you on that as well.
        Ambassador Sherman, I teamed up with Senator Toomey to pass
    two pieces of legislation. One is the BRINK Act, to apply
    secondary sanctions against entities doing business with the
    North Korean regime, and the Hong Kong Accountability Act to
    apply sanctions to those Chinese officials who are tasked with
    implementing the crackdown on democracy and human rights in
    Hong Kong.
        I would like your commitment to work with us to both fully
    and effectively apply the sanctions under both those pieces of
    legislation.
        Ms. Sherman. It is an easy commitment to make, to make sure
    that whatever sanctions we have we use them effectively and
    efficiently.
        Senator Van Hollen. So let me turn now to a little bit of
    the Middle East, and JCPOA has been well covered here.
    President Biden has made clear that he supports what had been
    for a long time a bipartisan objective of U.S. foreign policy,
    which is a secure State of Israel and a viable Palestinian
    state--a two-state solution.
        The Biden administration has also indicated that it would
    oppose unilateral steps by either party that undermines the
    prospects of a two-state solution, and we need to hold
    everybody accountable there.
        You would agree with, would you not, that expanding
    settlements in East Jerusalem of the West Bank are unilateral
    measures that do not serve the interests of protecting the
    prospects of a two-state solution, would you not?
        Ms. Sherman. It has been a long-standing position that
    settlements, is my understanding, do not help to achieve a two-
    state solution when they go beyond the current outlines of the
    two states--the potential for two state.
        Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate it. Well, one of them
    under consideration is an area called E-1, which the Bush
    administration made clear, Secretary Condoleezza Rice made
    clear would be a very clear violation of our efforts to
    preserve the opportunity for a two-state solution. So I hope
    you will look into that right away.
        While ISIS no longer controls any substantial territory,
    you would agree that it remains a very potent threat to the
    United States and our allies, would you not?
        Ms. Sherman. I do agree it remains a threat.
        Senator Van Hollen. And you would also agree, I believe,
    that our Syrian Kurdish allies have been absolutely essential
    partners in our fight against ISIS and have been a major part
    of why we have been able to diminish ISIS' influence in the
    region, would you not?
        Ms. Sherman. Yes.
        Senator Van Hollen. So can you commit to working with us to
    work with Turkey to stop trying to, essentially, kill and
    destroy our Syrian Kurdish allies who have been such key
    partners in that fight against ISIS?
        Ms. Sherman. You know, Senator, I certainly understand
    why--Turkey's concerns. But, nonetheless, I agree with you that
    the Kurds have been immensely helpful partners to us and that
    we need to work with Turkey to find a way forward for them to
    understand that that partnership does not threaten them if we
    all manage it in a sane kind of way.
        Our relationship with Turkey is very complicated and one in
    which I think, if confirmed, I would certainly pay some
    considerable attention to.
        Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that, and the chairman and
    the ranking member and I have been very involved in the
    legislation to impose the CAATSA sanctions on Turkey for their
    purchase and deployment of the S-400. Turkey is talking about
    another round of purchasing S-400 from Russia. So I hope you
    will work with us and with Turkey to discourage them from
    moving forward there.
        On the JCPOA, I just want to underscore the fundamental
    principle behind it, which is it is our policy to prevent Iran
    from getting a nuclear weapon, right?
        Ms. Sherman. Yes.
        Senator Van Hollen. And it is also our view, your view, my
    view, that resolving that through diplomatic means is better
    than going to war with Iran, right?
        Ms. Sherman. Yes.
        Senator Van Hollen. And the United States has lots of
    troops in Iraq right now, do we not?
        Ms. Sherman. We do indeed.
        Senator Van Hollen. And I actually agree with Senator
    Paul's analysis of the consequence of the--our actions with
    respect to Iraq, which is the biggest geopolitical winner was
    Iran, which, of course, neighbors Iraq.
        If we were to go to war with Iran, our troops in Iraq would
    be put in grave danger, would they not?
        Ms. Sherman. It is my belief that they would be, yes,
    Senator.
        Senator Van Hollen. I think it is pretty clear that they
    would be right in the line of fire. So I encourage you to
    continue your efforts with respect to JCPOA compliance-for-
    compliance and I hope that we can get to that position as soon
    as possible.
        Thank you, Mr. Chair.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Booker?
        Senator Booker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate that.
        I would like to jump in. Ms. Sherman, I am grateful to see
    you here and very excited to support your nomination on the
    floor of the Senate.
        You and I talked a lot about the Horn of Africa and some of
    the challenges we see going on within Ethiopia that are really
    painful and discouraging. Amnesty International said over the
    weekend and CNN has reported that there have been massacres by
    Eritrean forces, which have killed hundreds of civilians in the
    Tigray region of Ethiopia.
        It is really a point that I think we are at the level of a
    major humanitarian crisis affecting millions of people, and
    that there is the possibility of a famine, and I know you are
    aware of it.
        I really did appreciate Secretary Blinken's receptiveness
    to appointing a special envoy to the Horn of Africa in a
    statement last week, and I really do hope that we move forward
    in that direction.
        But the Government of Ethiopia continues to deny that there
    is even ongoing fighting there, and this puts us in a difficult
    situation. They are even putting out a lot of misinformation
    that makes it hard to understand what is happening.
        And so understanding that the U.S.-Ethiopia relationship is
    important, as we know, could you just maybe give some more,
    publicly in this hearing, some more thoughts on how you would
    engage Prime Minister Abiy to cease hostilities and ensure that
    humanitarian access is in the region and how we create better
    governmental accountability?
        Ms. Sherman. Thank you very much, Senator, and thank you
    for your concern about the Horn of Africa and about what is
    happening in Ethiopia, which is quite horrifying.
        Secretary Blinken, is my understanding, spoke to the prime
    minister yesterday and made it very clear that we expect him to
    ensure humanitarian access.
        He had said that he would, but the Secretary wanted to make
    sure that he understood that there would be consequences if he
    did not, that he has responsibility for ensuring peace in the
    Tigray region of Ethiopia, that Eritrean troops should leave
    and others who are not helpful actors should not be in the
    region.
        I think we will have to follow this up, working with our
    diplomatic presence in Ethiopia, to ensure that that
    humanitarian access continues, that this conflict ends, and the
    Ethiopian prime minister understands that the United States is
    not only watching but we will take action.
        And I am very grateful as a citizen, as a person who cares
    about the rights of people around the world, that Secretary
    Blinken was so forthright yesterday with the prime minister.
        Senator Booker. I am really grateful. Can we shift to Libya
    and Somalia as well, another really difficult area of conflict?

        [Senator Booker requested and was granted permission to
    submit the material referenced above for inclusion in the
    hearing record. That information is located at the end of this
    transcript beginning on page 144.]

        And we can see that this was an internationalized conflict
    with more countries being involved. Libya, UAE, Russia, Turkey,
    have all fueled this conflict that I believe is another strike
    point on the continent.
        In Somalia, you see these other groups that are pursuing,
    really, their own interests that are really to the detriment of
    Somalia's Government and federalized system.
        And so could you maybe give some insights on what you will
    do to address the issues of foreign interference in a situation
    that is really fragile and could destabilize even more, and how
    you will help the regional bureaus of the State Department
    cross between their silos?
        That is the challenge you have in the Near East and Africa
    bureaus that I am a little concerned about, that structurally
    we are not really organizationally prepared for the conflict
    that we are seeing there.
        Ms. Sherman. Thank you, Senator. On Libya, I actually have
    a small sliver of hope, given the pending elections and the
    peace process that has begun in Libya. It is very fragile, as
    you say, led by the Europeans.
        And yes, I agree with you there. Lots of it became a proxy
    place for conflict, and that those who represent those proxies
    should be out of Libya and let the Libyan people decide their
    own future.
        I was in Libya right at the point where Hadi was about to
    run as the only presidential candidate. It was fragile then. It
    remains fragile now, and--I am sorry, Hadi is Yemen. Long in
    the process here. I apologize.
        But I was in Libya at the point of the conflict and before
    we had to shut down our embassy in Libya. So I hope that there
    is a more--a chance for peace in Libya, led by Europe with our
    support.
        In terms of Somalia, which I also visited when I was Under
    Secretary for Political Affairs, and I thought we were on the
    road to a better future for the Somali people. It has, clearly,
    gone backwards in just terrible ways.
        And so I think we have to engage across bureaus, as you
    suggest, to make sure that we bring all of our resources to
    bear. I know that our ambassador to the U.N. will also play a
    role both in the Libyan and the Somalia circumstances.
        And I do not know whether my colleague has something he
    wants to add on sort of how we are organized to become a better
    matrix organization and less siloed.
        Senator Booker. I appreciate you opening the door to Mr.
    McKeon and maybe I will turn to him. I had this incredible
    couple paragraphs written here, knowing you are a Notre Dame
    graduate, to remind you of my exploits as a football player
    against your school and defeating them soundly. But I am going
    to----
        Mr. McKeon. After we talked the other day, I watched the
    video of you making that catch and avoiding tackle from the
    all-star NFL star.
        Senator Booker. I appreciate you saying that because my
    chairman, I am not sure if he even knows that I played.
        Mr. McKeon. I texted some friends, and they were just
    wondering how you got away from Lou Holtz.
        [Laughter.]
        Mr. McKeon. So they would like to hear the story.
        The Chairman. The chairman recognizes that the junior
    senator from New Jersey excels in everything.[Laughter.]
        Senator Booker. Thank you very much. I am actually going to
    just ask you--I just want to maybe say it on the record. You
    were so gracious. But I have a lot of concerns about diversity,
    paid internships.
        I am going to introduce a bill today about paid internships
    in the State Department because that is just an issue to me
    that has always troubled me, as I have traveled around the
    world, seeing our State Department, these amazing heroic
    frontline folks, but they do not really reflect the diversity
    of our country.
        And I just would love to just maybe get in the five, 10
    seconds I have left maybe some thoughts from you on that
    effort.
        Mr. McKeon. Yes, thank you.
        As I said to you the other day, the department has scraped
    together a few million dollars to start paying interns. It is
    not for the entire program. And it appears that I need to dig
    into it some more.
        We might need some legislative authority to facilitate this
    in addition to the resources. So we will come back to you and
    look forward to working with you on this legislation.
        Senator Booker. I look forward to supporting you as well on
    the Senate floor, and thank you both for your extraordinary
    service to our nation.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Booker.
        So the Chair will reclaim his time, and we appreciate that
    you have been through two and a half hours without relief. So
    we will try not to make this too prolonged.
        But, Ambassador, is it fair to say that the Trump
    administration's maximum effort campaigns did cause economic
    consequences to Iran?
        Ms. Sherman. Yes, I would say that it did.
        The Chairman. Yeah. But it is also fair to say that Iran is
    now closer to crossing the nuclear threshold than it was before
    and during the Maximum Pressure campaign?
        Ms. Sherman. Yes, it is.
        The Chairman. Is it also fair to say that we could not get
    one vote for many of our major allies at the United Nations to
    extend the arms embargo that ceased?
        Ms. Sherman. That is my understanding, Senator. Yes.
        The Chairman. Is it also fair to say that the Maximum
    Pressure campaign has done nothing, ultimately, to get Iran to
    stop its nefarious activities throughout the region?
        Ms. Sherman. That is my assessment as well.
        The Chairman. Or, for that fact, to diminish its support
    for terrorism in the world?
        Ms. Sherman. It appears so, yes, Senator.
        The Chairman. So I say these only because I recognize that
    the Maximum Pressure campaign cost Iran financially, but it did
    not meet the goals that I think we, collectively, want. So let
    me ask you this.
        There is no question--well, let me ask you, do you believe
    that a nuclear-armed Iran is an existential threat to the State
    of Israel?
        Ms. Sherman. I do.
        The Chairman. And I share that view, and I also believe
    that it is a threat to the United States of America, not just
    about Israel or our allies in the region. So, therefore, I
    believe that it is President Biden's view that Iran cannot be
    allowed to obtain a nuclear weapon.
        Ms. Sherman. That is correct.
        The Chairman. Now, in that regard, how we achieve that goal
    is really the question, and so I appreciate the phrase
    ``stronger and longer.'' Longer, I get what it means. Stronger,
    I am hoping for definition.
        Because the reality is if all--from my perspective, and I
    have heard my colleagues on both sides here--from my
    perspective, if all we do is return to the JCPOA, that
    certainly is not stronger.
        And if we extend it, it might be longer, but it is not
    stronger because there are still sunset issues that are now
    more prevalent today than they were in 2016 when the agreement
    went into effect.
        And so it also will not have dealt with the ballistic
    missiles. It will not have dealt with the destabilization of
    the region. It will not have dealt with its support for
    terrorism or the violation of its own people's human rights.
        And so, you know, the question in my mind is not so much
    JCPOA. The question is, what is the JCPOA Plus or what do we
    do, but how do we, in fact, ensure that we have more than
    illusory promise in terms of what comes, the follow-on, and the
    connection between any return to some form of the JCPOA with
    some clearly determined process to deal with these other
    issues.
        Otherwise, my own view will be that we will have failed.
    And so this--I drive this because while I also, in fairness,
    for the record, you are not going to be the lead on the Iran
    portfolio. That has already been designated to others.
        But upon confirmation as a deputy you are going to be in
    all the deputy meetings, and you also have expertise and
    experience in this regard and you will be called upon to
    express both the Secretary and the administration's view but
    also on your expertise.
        So could you give me a sense of what that would be in broad
    strokes, understanding--and I appreciate your comments in
    response to other questions about looking at the intelligence
    when you have access to it again because I think a deep dive
    into the intelligence will be very important to understand what
    Iran has and has not complied with in its actions and its
    intentions.
        Ms. Sherman. Thank you very much, Senator.
        I do not know all of the answers at this point because not
    only have I not made a deep dive into the intelligence because
    I am not in the administration, I do not know what
    deliberations have gone on so far in the administration as they
    try to think through the strategy that is best here.
        You know, I have seen what others see from press reports
    about our offer to open diplomacy, which I think should be the
    first resort always. I have seen the strike in Syria in
    retaliation for the threat against Americans.
        I have seen the response, perhaps, or just a separate
    action against Al Asad Airbase. I, you know, read in some of
    the Iranian press what is going on politically in their
    country. But I do not know all the pieces of the puzzle
    anymore. You have to be really inside to get the fingertips for
    what is going on.
        But I do agree with you, Senator, that there has to be very
    careful deliberations which will include, and I hope already
    have begun to include, you and the members of this committee
    and other senators who have interest in this arena to get your
    advice and counsel, as I have said in this hearing, at the
    takeoff, not just at the landing, to have true consultation,
    not just notification, how we sequence sanctions, how we
    sequence any lifting of sanctions, what we expect from the
    Iranians, what those who are in the negotiation and in the
    JCPOA yet believe we need to do going forward.
        So there are a myriad of puzzle pieces here and, if
    confirmed, I would look forward to extensive discussion with
    you and with others who have interest in this to sort through
    how the administration goes forward.
        The Chairman. Let me ask you this. If we were still in the
    agreement and Iran had done what it has done today, would that
    not be subject to snap back?
        Ms. Sherman. Absolutely.
        The Chairman. And I would consider that it would be a set
    of actions that would require snap back, from my own
    perspective.
        Let me ask you this. Sanctions relief for whatever deal may
    come forward, clearly, we have to be very careful. There are
    sanctions which I helped fashion that are not about the nuclear
    portfolio and issue, but about terrorism and other things.
        Iran likes to try to claim that all sanctions that we levy
    are just about their nuclear portfolio. We cannot tolerate that
    or else we will have nothing in our arsenal of peaceful
    diplomacy to deal with Iran's other nefarious activities.
        Is that a fair statement?
        Ms. Sherman. It is a fair statement that we have to keep
    sanctions on that deal with human rights abuses, state
    sponsorship of terrorism, arms sales, et cetera, what we have
    done in terms of Hezbollah and Hamas.
        So, yes, I think there are many things that need to stay in
    place.
        The Chairman. Let me turn to another subject for a moment.
    First of all, my dear friend and colleague, Senator Rubio, on
    Venezuela, you know, I agree with him and our cause in
    Venezuela.
        I think what you meant in response to his question, and
    correct me if I am wrong, that one of the things you thought
    should have been done is to take the international recognition
    of Guaido and, ultimately, maximize that recognition beyond
    simple recognition, but an effort to multilateralize sanctions
    against the Maduro regime. Or am I wrong?
        Ms. Sherman. No, very well said. Wish I had said it as
    well.
        The Chairman. Okay. So, but--and let me refer to Senator
    Murphy, who said that the European Union no longer recognizes
    Guaido.
        The European Union never recognized Guaido. Individual
    member states of the European Union recognized Guaido and some
    of them have a concern because the basis of that recognition
    was under the Venezuelan Constitution.
        The President of the National Assembly, in the absence of
    the President or a legitimate president, ultimately is
    recognized as the interim president of Venezuela.
        He is, according to the view of some, no longer the
    President of the National Assembly because we had an
    internationally-condemned false elections in Venezuela that
    elected a new National Assembly.
        But it is not because he lost his title. It is because they
    had an election that has been internationally condemned. Is
    that a fair statement?
        Ms. Sherman. I believe so, yes, sir.
        The Chairman. And so how we internationalize this is
    incredibly important.
        Let me turn to Cuba for a moment, which is, along with
    Iran, one of my passions. You know, do you know that a Cuban
    worker in Cuba cannot be employed directly by a foreign entity?
        Ms. Sherman. I did not.
        The Chairman. Hotels in Cuba, or a U.S. company that gets
    created in Cuba, cannot directly hire a Cuban worker. They go
    to the state employment agency controlled by the regime. The
    regime sends the worker, for example, to the hotel. The regime
    gets paid in dollars by the foreign company and then gives the
    worker a fraction of their wages in return.
        Do you know that Cuban doctors that are sent abroad,
    ultimately, have their passports taken from them so that they
    cannot leave the country they are sent to, and that payment for
    their service by that country is sent to the regime and not
    paid to a Cuban doctor?
        Ms. Sherman. I had been aware about the passport issue and
    I better understand now from you how the payment system works.
        The Chairman. Do you understand that when we talk about we
    want to help the Cuban people, of which I am all in favor, but
    when we send a remittance to Cuba as a U.S. citizen for one of
    our family members that the regime takes 10 percent of it right
    off the bat, and you do realize that?
        Ms. Sherman. I had heard of that.
        The Chairman. And then after that, they turn the balance of
    the remittance not in dollars, which have a far more vibrant
    buying ability within the island, but they turn it into
    worthless pesos.
        So when we send money, we allow money to be sent under
    these circumstances, what we are doing is empowering the
    regime.
        Do you realize that a U.S. company that wants to open up in
    Cuba has to go through one of Castro's two relatives in order
    to be able to open up and the state becomes a co-owner with
    them?
        Ms. Sherman. I had not realized that, sir.
        The Chairman. That is exactly what happens, in tourism and
    whatnot. You have Castro's son and son-in-law. Both heads of
    the Cuban military are parts of the Cuban military and they
    direct the two corporate entities that do all these.
        So I share these with you because I find it interesting,
    you know, lying on the beach in Veradaro and sipping a Cuba
    Libre, which is an oxymoron, is not going to liberate the Cuban
    people.
        Have you heard of the San Isidro movement?
        Ms. Sherman. Yes.
        The Chairman. Okay. The San Isidro movement is a bunch of
    artists and writers who just want freedom of their expression.
    The Government cracked down on all of those, and so they
    started a movement in what is a black majority part of Havana
    to, ultimately, denounce their artistic and freedom of
    expression movement.
        The Government has viciously attacked them and arrested
    them. These are the realities of Castro's Cuba, not the
    romanticism that some people seem to have, and I personally
    have a problem--I like to be consistent. In this town,
    consistency is not a great virtue. But I like--I try to be
    consistent.
        My advocacy for human rights and democracy globally is not
    subject to where it lies. So whether it be in Burma, whether it
    be in Venezuela, whether it be on the Uyghurs and human rights
    in China, whether it be about the Rohingya, my view is pretty
    universal.
        And the problem I have with some is that when it comes to
    certain places in the world they are enormous advocates of
    democracy and human rights; but when it comes to other places
    in the world, they are willing to look totally the other way
    and act in a different way than we would seek to act in other
    places. And I think that is problematic.
        I understand the world. There is not a single way we can--
    do not get to treat everybody in a cookie cutter fashion.
        By the same token, when we send different messages--that
    here is where we will promote human rights and democracy, here
    is where we will not, here is where we will sanction the
    consequences of violations of human rights and here is where we
    will not--then it becomes a really problematic area to stand up
    for what I believe President Biden is about, which is about
    standing up for democracy and human rights--based upon the time
    I served with him on this committee.
        So I hope we are thinking about that, whether it is about
    Cuba or any other place. I want to help the Cuban people,
    ultimately, live a better life. I would like them to be free. I
    would like them to choose who governs them. I would like them
    to be able to worship at the altar that they choose.
        But that is not, for the most part, the reality of life in
    Cuba. So we need to understand the realities, not the
    romanticism, and when we seek to help; what we cannot do is,
    ultimately, help a regime that oppresses them.
        Finally, I hope you will pay some attention to, upon your
    confirmation, to the eastern Mediterranean region. I passed
    into law with Senator Rubio the Eastern Mediterranean Security
    and Energy Partnership Act of 2019. It is incredibly important
    that we look at Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and others in an
    eastern Mediterranean strategy that is both about energy, but
    at the--and that can diversify and, therefore, not have the
    pipeline issue as important as issue as it is, but at the same
    time deals with security.
        Several of these countries host us in very significant
    ways, are our security partners. With Turkey being under
    Erdogan, the--not the reliable NATO ally that we have aspired
    it to be, not to be the bridge between East and West, not to
    be--you know, there are more lawyers and journalists jailed in
    Turkey than in any other place in the world. That is an
    extraordinary statement about a NATO ally.
        And so what we do as it relates to Turkey but also in our
    own interest. Even if Turkey was a perfect partner, which it is
    not, the East Med is an incredibly important area and I want to
    commend that to your attention as you look forward to take
    duty.
        And then, very finally, I hope the President will keep his
    commitment to recognize the Armenian genocide. The United
    States Senate by unanimous consent passed it last year. I was
    proud to sponsor that. The House of Representatives has passed
    it.
        It is time for the President of the United States to do
    what the rest of the Congress of the United States has
    represented to the American people, which is to recognize the
    genocide. Let us call history for what it is.
        And in that regard, I also hope that we will look to help
    the people of Armenia and help to facilitate the release of
    POWs that the Azerbaijanis have. It is in violation of
    international law what they are doing.
        We need to speak out, which the previous administration did
    not, and we need to work to try to get that region to look
    forward to what the Minsk process was. There is some suggestion
    that this is all over. No, it is not, and we need to get--
    released the POWs and we have to help Armenia as it gets all of
    these people, refugees, back into their country.
        With that, before I close, I am introducing into the record
    a letter written by 19 of Brian McKeon's former Republican
    colleagues during his time on this committee expressing
    enthusiastic support for his nomination and complete confidence
    in his character and abilities.
        I am quoting from the letter. They note their deep respect
    for Brian as a leader who exhibits unfailing integrity,
    fairness, professionalism, devotion to our national interest.

        [The information referred to is located at the end of this
    transcript.]

        The Chairman. Due to COVID precautions, my staff will email
    the letter directly to the clerk.
        With that, and thanks to the committee for your attendance,
    the record will remain open until the close of business
    tomorrow, March the 4th.
        I urge both of you, if there are questions for the record,
    to respond to them in--as quickly as possible so that your
    nominations can be considered at a business meeting of the
    committee.
        And with the thanks of the committee, this hearing is
    adjourned.

        [Whereupon, at 1:02 p.m., the committee was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

                                  ----------

       Letter in Support of Hon. Wendy R. Sheman's Nomination, Signed by
               Former Ambassadors and National Security Officials

       Letter in Support of Hon. Brian McKeon's Nomination, Signed by 19
                      Republican Former SFRC Staff Members

                       Responses to Additional Questions
                            Submitted for the Record

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
                Hon. Wendy R. Sherman by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. The FY 21 NDAA includes a requirement for the Secretary
    of State to develop and implement a strategy for countering white
    identity terrorism globally. The attack on Congress earlier this month
    underscores the importance of this issue. Do I have your commitment
    that you will submit this strategy on time if confirmed?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to developing a Department of State
    strategy for countering white identity terrorism globally, in line with
    the NDAA requirement. Countering white identity terrorism and other
    Racially or Ethnically Motivated Violent Extremism (REMVE) is a top
    priority for the Biden-Harris Administration. The State Department has
    an important role to play on these issues, as we are seeing increasing
    transnational links between white identity terrorists and other REMVE
    actors. If confirmed, I will prioritize working closely with the
    interagency and our partners around the world to address the threat of
    white identity terrorism and other REMVE, as well as all forms of
    terrorism and violent extremism--offline and online.

        Question. How specifically will you ensure that the State
    Department prioritizes this issue?

        Answer. ``white identity'' terrorism, including terrorism
    designations as appropriate, and foreign partner engagement. The United
    States developed effective tools to counter the spread of ISIS and al-
    Qa'ida that can be adapted to address this threat. Among these tools,
    public diplomacy programs that promote people-to-people engagement help
    increase awareness and build international consensus to counter white
    identity terrorism.

        Question. I am a strong supporter of the U.S.-India relationship,
    which will be critical in addressing 21st century challenges ranging
    from climate change to China. In light of this, I introduced the
    Prioritizing Clean Energy and Climate Cooperation with India Act to
    boost U.S.-India cooperation on clean energy. If confirmed, what
    aspects of the Trump Administration's work on energy in India will you
    continue and what will you change?

        Answer. In view of Prime Minister Modi's announced target of
    installing 450 GW of renewable energy capacity by 2030, if confirmed, I
    would support the work advancing cost-effective strategies to enhance
    the flexibility and robustness of India's electricity grid to encourage
    India's clean energy transition over the next decade. In contrast to
    the previous administration's approach, in order to support India
    raising its climate ambition, if confirmed, I would prioritize lower
    cost alternatives to carbon-intensive energy such as coal-fired power,
    including by promoting renewable energy, battery storage, and load
    shifting.

        Question. I also believe that the U.S.-India partnership is
    strongest when based on shared democratic values, and I am concerned by
    the recent trend away from those values in India. From the recent
    crackdowns on farmers peacefully protesting the new farming laws and
    corresponding intimidation of journalists and government critics, to
    the rising anti-Muslim sentiment and related government actions like
    the Citizenship Amendment Act, to the continued repression in Kashmir
    nearly a year and a half after the abrogation of Article 370, there are
    a significant number of human rights and democracy issues facing India.
    Do I have your commitment that you will actively raise human rights and
    democracy issues with the Indian Government, at your level and all
    levels of the Department?

        Answer. I share your belief that the U.S.-India relationship is
    underpinned by a common commitment to democracy and democratic
    institutions. The Biden-Harris administration will ensure human rights
    and religious freedom remain core pillars of U.S. foreign policy, and
    if confirmed, my engagement with the Indian Government will reflect our
    values and commitment to human rights.

        Question. What is your plan for ensuring that discussion of these
    important issues does not get lost amidst other priorities in the
    bilateral relationship?

        Answer. The U.S.-India strategic partnership is one of our most
    critical relationships in the Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I will work
    with counterparts in the U.S. and Indian Government to deepen our
    comprehensive partnership based on mutual interests including regional
    security and economic growth, promoting shared values of democracy and
    human rights, and cooperation on shared challenges including climate
    change, COVID-19 response efforts, and trafficking in persons. By
    prioritizing our shared interests and values, we can advance broader
    U.S. national security interests for regional peace and stability in
    the Indo-Pacific.

        Question. A democratic, stable and resilient Ukraine is in the
    national security interest of the United States, and efforts towards
    that end receive broad bipartisan support in the Senate. If confirmed,
    how will your policy approach to Ukraine differ from the approach taken
    during the Obama and Trump Administrations?

        Answer. I am committed to revitalizing our bilateral relationship
    with Ukraine. If confirmed, I will continue to oppose Russia's
    occupation and attempted annexation of Crimea and support diplomatic
    efforts to end the conflict in eastern Ukraine. Sanctions on Russia
    will remain in place until Russia ends its occupation of Crimea and
    aggression in eastern Ukraine. Further, if confirmed I will work with
    Congress to continue providing the security assistance, including
    lethal defensive weapons, Ukraine requires to defend itself against
    Russia's aggression. I will support Ukraine's chosen Euro-Atlantic
    path, including by pushing for progress on rule of law and economic
    reforms that strengthen Ukraine's institutions and lead to a brighter
    future for all Ukrainians.

        Question. Do you support the provision of lethal security
    assistance for Ukraine, beyond providing Javelin missiles?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would look forward to working with Congress
    to continue providing the assistance Ukraine requires to defend itself
    against Russia's aggression, including lethal weapons, based on a U.S.
    and Ukrainian assessment of Ukraine's defense requirements. This
    includes the provision of defensive lethal assistance that has already
    expanded beyond Javelin missiles, such as armed Mark VI patrol boats
    this year, for instance.

        Question. How will you work to urge Ukrainian officials and its
    private sector to deny Chinese efforts to take over significant
    military production capabilities in the country?

        Answer. The United States is prepared to work with our Ukrainian
    partners to advance our shared interests and protect Ukraine's
    sensitive industries. I was pleased to see Ukraine's decisive action to
    sanction Chinese firm Skyrizon, which has attempted to take control of
    Motor Sich, on January 29. This action protects U.S. and Ukrainian
    national security. The administration has urged and will continue to
    urge Ukraine to remain vigilant about People's Republic of China (PRC)
    influence in its strategic industries and to pass legislation creating
    a mechanism for reviewing investment. If confirmed, I would work
    closely with the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation to
    support U.S. investors as alternatives to predatory PRC investors.

        Question. Do you believe that our Indo-Pacific strategy ought to be
    a function of our China policy, as was the case with the Trump
    administration, or that our China policy ought to be a function of our
    Indo-Pacific strategy? Put another way, can we get China ``right'' if
    we don't get the region right, first?

        Answer. Our global policy to compete with China and the U.S.
    commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific are complementary
    strategies. Our relationship with China will be competitive when it
    should be, collaborative when it can be, and adversarial when it must
    be. The common denominator is the need to engage China from a position
    of strength. To do that, the United States needs to support a free and
    open Indo-Pacific, where our engagement builds broad cooperation with
    allies and partners in pursuit of common interests, including advancing
    COVID-19 recovery and returning to sustained economic prosperity,
    dealing with the climate crisis, upholding international law and
    multilateral institutions, and reinforcing democracy, human rights, and
    good governance. As the President has said, how the United States and
    Asia work together to secure the peace, defend our shared values, and
    advance our prosperity across the Indo-Pacific, including how we
    address the China challenge, will be among the most consequential
    efforts we undertake.

        Question. With regards to China and the broader Indo-Pacific
    region, aside from words of condemnation and economic sanctions: What
    other tools does the Biden Administration have to counterbalance
    China's growing influence around the world, including in contentious
    regions such as the South China Sea, Hong Kong, and Tibet?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will promote Department efforts to re-
    engage with allies, partners, and international organizations to create
    a level playing field for U.S. businesses across the globe, support
    those who fight for democracy and human rights in China and across the
    Indo-Pacific, maintain our technological edge, protect U.S.
    intellectual property from theft, promote freedom of navigation and
    overflight and other lawful uses of the sea, and continue to work with
    Congress to spotlight and combat malign PRC actions and human rights
    violations, including in Hong Kong, Tibet, and Xinjiang.

        Question. There is little question that the Trump administration's
    failed North Korea policy has left us worse off than we were before.
    North Korea's nuclear and missile programs are unconstrained, our
    alliance with the Republic of Korea has been put under great stress,
    and the sanctions regime is in tatters. President Trump's diplomatic
    failure with North Korea is the latest in a long-line of failed efforts
    to achieve a denuclearized North Korea. How will the Biden
    administration approach North Korea?

        Answer. North Korea's weapons of mass destruction program and
    proliferation activities constitute a serious threat to international
    peace and security and undermine global nonproliferation efforts. If
    confirmed, I plan to join the Biden-Harris Administration's ongoing
    policy review, in consultation with our allies, of the state of play on
    North Korea. I support the U.S. commitment over the long term to the
    complete denuclearization of North Korea, while also focusing in the
    near term on limiting the threat to the United States and our allies.

        Question. What is the pathway to denuclearization and a stable,
    peaceful and prosperous Korean Peninsula?

        Answer. Denuclearization of North Korea must remain a top national
    security priority for the United States. I support the Administration's
    plan to evaluate and adopt, in consultation with our allies, a strategy
    to keep the American people and our allies safe and that takes into
    account pressure options and the potential for future diplomacy with
    North Korea. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with Congress
    on efforts to limit the dangers posed by North Korea's WMD and
    ballistic missile programs.

        Question. What does success with North Korea look like?

        Answer. Foremost, success entails achieving the complete
    denuclearization of North Korea and a durable peace on the Korean
    Peninsula, which would promote stability for our allies, the region,
    and the world. Further, success would entail an end to malign North
    Korea-linked actions globally, including cyber-enabled malicious
    activities and arms trafficking, and involve greater respect for human
    rights and fundamental freedoms in North Korea. If confirmed, I plan to
    join the Biden-Harris Administration's ongoing policy review, in
    consultation with our allies, of the current state of play on North
    Korea.

        Question. The war in Yemen is about to enter its 6th year and, in
    spite of the efforts of UN special envoy Martin Griffiths, little
    progress has been made toward ending a conflict that has killed more
    than 17,000 civilians and created the world's worst humanitarian
    crisis. Iran continues to ship weapons, including ballistic missiles,
    which have allowed the Houthis to menace Saudi Arabia and continue
    their war against the internationally recognized Yemeni Government.
    Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia continues to hit civilian targets in Yemen with
    U.S.-made warplanes and munitions. I am pleased to see that the
    Administration shares my concerns about the civilian casualties
    resulting from Saudi Arabia's use of U.S. munitions, and is reviewing
    arms sales to both Saudi Arabia and the UAE, while ending U.S. support
    for the Saudi-led war in Yemen. What evidence will the Administration
    need to see regarding the improved use of offensive U.S. weapons
    systems by those countries before it is comfortable with further sales?

        Answer. As President Biden said, the Administration is committed to
    reinvigorating diplomatic efforts, alongside the UN and others, to
    achieve a ceasefire and end the war in Yemen. The Administration is
    recalibrating our relationship with Saudi Arabia to reflect U.S.
    values. The President announced the ending of U.S. support for
    offensive operations in Yemen, including relevant arms sales, and
    appointed Special Envoy Tim Lenderking to spearhead our diplomatic
    efforts and support to the UN. The Administration paused two arms sales
    with Saudi Arabia, and, if confirmed, I will support efforts to
    evaluate other potential sales to help ensure they are consistent with
    our values and that Congress will be consulted. The Administration will
    work with our partners to help them reduce the risk of civilian harm.

        Question. I am under no illusions about the Houthi's malevolent
    role in the conflict, but Secretary Blinken's reversal of his
    predecessor's poorly thought-out FTO designation of the Houthis has
    prevented Yemen's humanitarian crises from exponentially worsening. At
    the same time, I am also deeply concerned by the previous
    administration's freeze on assistance to Northern Yemen. Will the Biden
    Administration lift this freeze? What steps will the Administration
    take, alongside the UN and other international donors, to ensure that
    the Houthis are not able to divert or place unacceptable conditions on
    international assistance?

        Answer. USAID was forced to partially suspend some assistance to
    NGOs in northern Yemen in March 2020 due to Houthi interference in
    partners' operations. This decision is currently under review. As with
    all humanitarian programs, the United States aims to ensure our
    partners can deliver assistance in a timely manner without undue
    interference. Without proper oversight of taxpayer money, we adjust or
    terminate funding to specific programs as necessary. Over the last
    year, the U.S. has worked closely with our partners, including the UN
    and other donors, to advocate with the Houthis to cease interference in
    aid operations, and there have been some positive changes. The
    Administration continues to press all parties to allow for the
    unhindered provision of aid.

        Question. I am also concerned by the recent Houthi advance into
    Marib province, which threatens to displace hundreds of thousands of
    Yemenis, many for the second or third time. How will the Biden
    Administration build leverage to push all warring parties to agree to a
    nationwide ceasefire in Yemen and begin talks aimed at a sustainable
    political solution to the conflict?

        Answer. The President committed to ending all support for the
    Saudi-led Coalition's offensive operations in Yemen, including relevant
    arms sales. There is no military solution to the conflict and the
    Department redoubled its diplomatic efforts to find a political end to
    the war and address the dire humanitarian crisis. The Secretary named a
    U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen in order to redouble U.S. efforts to find
    a peaceful resolution as soon as possible. If confirmed, I will support
    efforts towards a nationwide ceasefire that quickly moves to
    negotiations and increases international pressure against the Houthis
    to convince them to halt their assault on Marib.

        Question. The Taliban's commitments on counterterrorism are an
    indispensable part of the February 29th agreement. Its compliance with
    those commitments, or lack thereof, must inform the decisions the U.S.
    makes regarding our future in Afghanistan and will certainly be the
    basis of future congressional support for assistance to Afghanistan. Do
    you commit to make the Taliban's compliance with the February 29th
    Agreement, especially with the counterterrorism provisions, the basis
    of any decisions the U.S. makes regarding our future in Afghanistan?

        Answer. I agree it is important to ensure Afghanistan never again
    serves as a safe haven for terrorist groups that threaten the security
    of the United States and our Allies. To this end, I support the
    Administration's ongoing review of compliance by all parties with their
    commitments in the February 29 U.S.-Taliban Agreement and the February
    29 U.S.-Afghanistan Joint Declaration. This review includes assessing
    whether the Taliban are fulfilling their commitments relating to
    counterterrorism, reducing violence, and engaging in meaningful
    negotiations with the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.

        Question.  Our relationship with Mexico is one of the most
    important in the world. However, I have serious concerns over the
    growing challenges to the rule of law in Mexico by armed criminal
    organizations-especially when certain groups increasingly appear to be
    equipped with military-grade arms and vehicles. While the Mexican
    Government rightfully raises concerns about international arms
    trafficking from the U.S. to Mexico, that only tells half the story.
    The arrest and botched release of former Mexican Defense Minister
    Cienfuegos last year, as well as other high profile cases, suggest that
    criminal organizations have coopted certain officials and institutions
    at various levels of the Mexican Government. And, despite these
    challenges, the Lopez Obrador Government has taken steps to complicate
    bilateral law enforcement cooperation. What is your assessment of
    challenges to the rule of law in Mexico and how will you work with
    Mexican authorities on these issues?

        Answer. U.S.-Mexico security cooperation remains a top national
    security priority. It is critical that U.S. efforts to dismantle
    transnational criminal organizations, reduce impunity and corruption,
    and strengthen the rule of law in Mexico receive the full cooperation
    of the Mexican Government. If confirmed, I look forward to
    comprehensive conversations with the Mexican Government so that this
    cooperation deepens and works for the benefit of both nations. In the
    context of those conversations, I will not hesitate to raise any issues
    with the Mexican Government that I believe to be obstacles to our
    bilateral security cooperation.

        Question. The U.S. has a long-running strategic interest in the
    stability of the East Africa region, given its proximity to the Red
    Sea, the Gulf of Aden, and the Western Indian Ocean. The last
    administration never developed a holistic plan to consolidate
    democratic gains, prevent democratic backsliding and pursue our
    geostrategic interests. I am working on legislation to develop such an
    approach, and I hope you will work closely with me on that effort.
    Ethiopia is one country that will be impacted by my efforts. The
    transition to democracy there is jeopardized by an ongoing conflict in
    Tigray, communal violence in other parts of the country and closing
    political space. Prominent political opposition figures are in jail,
    along with thousands of opposition supporters, journalists, and others.
    Under the current circumstances, do you believe Ethiopia can hold
    credible elections in June? What action should the USG consider in
    addressing the deep humanitarian, political, and security crisis that
    is now impacting Ethiopia?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that the State
    Department develops and implements a comprehensive strategy for the Red
    Sea region. One critical element of this is a strategy to address the
    ongoing issues in the Tigray region of Ethiopia, and the ongoing border
    dispute with Sudan. A peaceful, stable, democratic Ethiopia at peace
    with its neighbors is essential for the Horn of Africa and the wider
    region. The Ethiopian Government has promised national elections in
    June. Inclusive dialogue among all political actors is a prerequisite
    to identifying and adopting necessary reforms. All detainees need to be
    afforded due process. The violence in Tigray must end; humanitarian and
    human rights workers must receive unhindered access; and independent
    investigations into reported human rights abuses and violations must
    proceed.

        Question. Sudan, another country along the Red Sea Corridor, is
    undergoing a fragile transition as well. What specific steps will you
    take to ensure a successful transition?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support Sudan's democratic transition
    and Civilian-led Transitional Government, as well as efforts to promote
    economic reform and development. Further, if confirmed, I intend to
    ensure consistent engagement with Sudan's civilian leaders to encourage
    progress in taking the difficult, but necessary, next steps, including
    governance and security sector reforms, expanded protection of
    civilians in Darfur, resolution of ongoing conflicts, and
    accountability for past atrocities.

        Question. As I told Undersecretary Hale over a year ago, we are
    losing the Sahel. The 2020 Global Terrorism Index found that seven of
    the ten countries with the largest increase in terrorism were in sub-
    Saharan Africa; Burkina Faso topped the list. But this is not just a
    security crisis; we need a comprehensive strategy that addresses
    Diplomatic, Development, and Defense issues (3Ds). Will you make the
    crisis in the Sahel a top priority for the State Department, and ensure
    that the interagency pursues a ``3Ds'' strategy in the region?

        Answer. I agree with your concern about rising violent extremism,
    governance challenges, and humanitarian concerns in the Sahel. The path
    to lasting stability lies in accountable governance, providing services
    and economic opportunities, protecting the rule of law, and engaging
    communities in decisions. The Biden-Harris Administration has committed
    to undertake an interagency review of our diplomatic, security, and
    other assistance programs. As part of the review, the Administration
    will work to understand threats in the region and evaluate our overall
    approach to address the drivers of insecurity. If confirmed, I will
    work with the Department of Defense, USAID, and other agencies to
    ensure that the U.S. Government has and implements a unified strategy
    to support sustained security and stability in the Sahel.

        Question. As Deputy Secretary, how will you ensure close
    coordination between regional bureaus to develop strategies and
    integrated approaches to geographic regions such as the Sahel and the
    Red Sea?

        Answer. The President's interim national security guidance
    underscores that we must be prepared to manage crises and challenges
    that do not respect borders. If confirmed, I will work closely with the
    Department's regional and functional bureaus to make sure they
    understand the President and Secretary's policy imperatives in both the
    Sahel and the Red Sea region and that they work collaboratively through
    working groups, joint briefings, and persistent coordination to develop
    strategies around which we can organize our diplomatic engagement and
    foreign assistance. If confirmed, I will guide the Department to work
    across bureaucratic and geographic seams to address regional challenges
    by understanding, engaging, and cooperating with allies and partners;
    building strong partnerships; and strengthening long-standing
    connections.

        Question. Multilateralism has long been a pillar of U.S. foreign
    policy, and an avenue for advancing international human rights.
    However, over the last four years, the U.S. Government went from being
    a strong champion of human rights and of the rights of women, girls and
    LGBTQ individuals, to being an obstacle to those goals at the United
    Nations and other multilateral forums. It is vital that this
    Administration send an early signal that it is fully committed to
    reversing that, and to advancing human rights and gender equality
    globally. How will you demonstrate, through early action at the State
    Department, a renewed U.S. commitment and leadership to promote global
    gender equality, women's and girls' rights, and the rights of LGBTQ
    persons?

        Answer. As President Biden has said, the promotion of democracy and
    human rights is central to this Administration's foreign policy and if
    confirmed, I will examine all options to address threats to gender
    equality and the human rights of women, girls, and LGBTQI+ persons. I
    fully support the objectives outlined in President Biden's memorandum
    on advancing the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons around the world. The
    work to promote gender equality and respect for the human rights of all
    women, girls, and LGBTQI+ persons is amplified when the United States
    works multilaterally and coordinates with international partners. If
    confirmed, I will support the Department's efforts to increase U.S.
    engagement on these issues bilaterally and across relevant UN fora and
    regional organizations, as appropriate.

        Question. How will you use your role to immediately halt and
    reverse dangerous rollbacks on women's rights and LGBTQ rights in
    intergovernmental processes and multilateral forums?

        Answer. Advancing the human rights of women, girls, and LGBTQI+
    persons is essential to ensure just and equitable societies where all
    individuals can fully contribute. If confirmed, I pledge to work
    closely with partner nations, civil society, and multilateral
    institutions, as appropriate, to advance women's health and human
    rights, including women's and girls' sexual and reproductive health and
    reproductive rights. I will also fully support the objectives outlined
    in President Biden's Presidential Memorandum on Advancing the Human
    Rights of LGBTQI+ persons around the world and will work with other
    governments and multilateral institutions to ensure that U.S. diplomacy
    and foreign assistance promote and protect these rights.

        Question. On June 18, 2020, following a year-long investigation by
    my staff, I published a comprehensive report on the Global Forced
    Migration Crisis, which examined the urgent plight of millions of
    people forced to flee their homes due to conflict and persecution. It
    provided a blueprint for addressing this growing crisis. What actions
    will you take, including with our partners, to address the global
    forced migration crisis? How, specifically, will you work to address
    the root causes of displacement, such as new and unresolved conflicts,
    support populations on the move and those enduring lengthy
    displacement, and seek to assist the low-income countries who host the
    majority of refugees and displaced people?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure State and USAID are
    strengthening protection and durable solutions for the millions of
    forcibly displaced people across the globe by pursuing new strategies
    for addressing the root causes of migration, including climate change;
    rebuilding the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program; enhancing U.S.
    engagement in international institutions; and standing up for
    democratic values and human rights. The State Department will continue
    to work with our partners and the Department of the Treasury to engage
    multilateral development banks on support in protracted situations of
    displacement. In addition, the Department aims its diplomacy at
    continuing to strengthen the global humanitarian architecture,
    including through donor engagement, and at promoting respect for
    international humanitarian principles.

        Question. Principled humanitarian action is under attack around the
    world. Violent conflict has reached record highs, and nearly 235
    million people worldwide need emergency humanitarian assistance-a 40
    percent increase from last year. There has also been a steep escalation
    in the deliberate, willful obstruction of humanitarian access to those
    in need, the targeting of innocent civilians and humanitarian aid
    workers, and an overall noncompliance with international law. What will
    you do to minimize the abuse of humanitarian assistance, including the
    blocking or diverting of humanitarian aid, and to minimize the
    targeting of civilians and humanitarian aid workers?

        Answer. I support the United States taking a strong leadership role
    in support of principled humanitarian action. If confirmed, I intend to
    engage publicly and privately where necessary to promote the protection
    of civilians and humanitarian workers, and humanitarian access, working
    closely with our global and multilateral partners. Further, I will
    support the efforts of the State Department to prevent and immediately
    address any diversion or abuse of U.S. humanitarian assistance. The
    Administration's commitment to these principles has already been clear
    in the Secretary's engagement on the protection of civilians and
    unhindered humanitarian access.

        Question. How can the United States best hold accountable the
    perpetrators of such abuses, and promote accountability and compliance
    with the law of armed conflict and human rights law?

        Answer. I support using all tools available to promote
    accountability for those responsible for targeting civilians, including
    humanitarian aid workers, consistent with international law. If
    confirmed, I would encourage all parties to armed conflict to comply
    with international humanitarian law and ensure the protection of those
    providing humanitarian aid. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that
    the United States supports a variety of tools at our disposal,
    including investigations and prosecutions at appropriate international
    and national tribunals, targeted sanctions, and other mechanisms, to
    promote accountability for those responsible for targeting civilians,
    including humanitarian aid providers.

        Question. We are in a 15-year democratic recession, and this past
    year has been among the worst we've seen for global democracy. For the
    first time since 2001, more people live under autocracies than
    democracies. The COVID-19 crisis has created new opportunities for
    authoritarians and those leaders who strive to consolidate power to
    cement their hold on government structures and erode the fundamental
    human rights of their countrymen. How will you address democratic
    backsliding and emerging global electoral challenges? These include
    foreign interference; the manipulation of new media platforms;
    advancements in artificial intelligence and sophisticated cyber
    threats; and corruption in electoral processes that undermines
    governance?

        Answer. I share concerns over the need to defend democracy and
    counter growing authoritarianism globally, including authoritarian
    responses to the global pandemic that suspend or severely curtail
    democratic governance, rule of law, and human rights. President Biden
    committed to host a global summit to bring together democracies around
    a common agenda to defend and strengthen democratic institutions,
    including commitments on combating corruption, pushing back on
    authoritarianism, and advancing human rights, including online. If
    confirmed, I will support the Administration's goals of promoting good
    governance at home and abroad with all available diplomatic,
    programmatic, and other foreign policy tools to counter democratic
    backsliding and strengthen democratic resilience to malign influence.

        Question. How will you invest in democracy programs, particularly
    in the context of the secondary impacts of COVID-19 on elections and
    democracies worldwide?

        Answer. The United States has long been a leader in promoting
    democracy and human rights, including advancing civil and political
    rights abroad. Adhering to democratic principles is essential for an
    effective global response to COVID-19, and it is imperative that
    countries not use the pandemic as a means to suspend or severely
    curtail democratic governance, rule of law, and respect for human
    rights. If confirmed, I intend to ensure that democracy programs
    support civil society groups and governments in strengthening
    protections for human rights by fostering accountable, responsive and
    inclusive democratic institutions and processes that directly address
    the secondary impacts of COVID-19.

        Question. The Department of Defense annually seeks to duplicate
    various security assistance authorities heretofore reserved to the
    Department of State, to the detriment of the Secretary of States
    fundamental mission to oversee and direct U.S. foreign policy. If
    confirmed, will you personally and aggressively defend the Department
    of State's prerogatives in this area?

        Answer. I am aware of the Defense Department efforts in this area
    and recall selectively supporting some security assistance authorities
    for Defense, where for example they provided clearly for the Secretary
    of State to ``concur'' in Defense's use of such authorities; were time-
    limited; did not duplicate State's authorities; and provided for joint
    formulation. If confirmed, I will certainly study this matter
    thoroughly, as I share your concerns. Among my key goals will be
    personally to uphold and defend prerogatives of the Secretary and the
    Department and to protect the fundamental and primary responsibility of
    the Secretary to carry out for the President the fundamental mission of
    overseeing and directing US foreign policy.

        Question. Will you commit that you and your staff will work closely
    with this committee to protect the Secretary of State and the
    Department of State's primacy in this regard?

        Answer. I look forward to working closely with you and the
    committee to protect the primacy of the Secretary of State and the
    Department in this regard. I also consider that protecting such primacy
    means also protecting and enhancing the tools to engage
    internationally, such as reserving to, or enhancing the broadest range
    of agile foreign assistance authorities of the Secretary of State. If
    confirmed, I also look forward to working with you to ensure that such
    authorities are robust and flexible, particularly given the view by
    some countries that Defense authorities may be less restrictive than
    those of the State Department.

        Question. Section 10 U.S.C 127(e) allows the Secretary of Defense
    to provide undefined support to any foreign person that is in any
    undefined way supporting U.S. Special Forces operations in a country,
    so long as the Chief of Mission of such country concurs. There is no
    requirement in the law that the Secretary of State, nor the Department
    of State, be aware of such activities. Such ``support'' has included,
    at least, the provision of lethal defense articles to unknown foreign
    persons, who could be involved in criminal or even terrorism-supporting
    activities. It is vital that the Secretary of State be aware of this
    support. Secretary Blinken, when asked this question, confirmed that he
    would look into the current practices and procedures in the Department
    with respect to reporting and concurring with such transfers and, if
    necessary, make amendments. Will you, if confirmed, ensure that this
    issue is put to the Secretary for decision, or if delegated to you,
    that you will direct all Chiefs of Mission not to agree to any such
    request without first consulting with you or the Secretary of State?

        Answer. The Departments of State and Defense are working closely to
    address the changing global threat environment. If confirmed, I will
    coordinate closely with the Secretary of State and critical Department
    stakeholders to review the current Department practices and procedures
    related to Section 10 USC 127e. In the event this issue is delegated to
    me, I will take appropriate action to communicate Department procedures
    to chiefs of mission and will initiate a discussion with Department of
    Defense counterparts to clarify reporting and concurrence procedures
    and make amendments as necessary.

        Question. It is no secret that the Department's morale has sunk to
    historic lows over the past several years under President Trump and
    Secretary Pompeo. Secretary Blinken has already made great strides in
    addressing distrust and improving morale at the Department, but much
    work remains to make sure that the Department's workforce is empowered
    and trusted to carry out its critical diplomatic work. What steps will
    you take to rebuild the morale of the people who serve at the
    Department and to ensure the Department has a workforce that is
    supported and empowered to carry out their mission to the best of their
    ability?

        Answer. The people who work for the U.S. Department of State are
    committed public servants who uphold U.S. policies to protect Americans
    and their interests abroad. The marginalization and loss of career
    talent over the last four years coincides with declines in overall
    employee job satisfaction in annual workforce. That said, the nearly
    77,000 State Department employees worldwide remain resilient. If
    confirmed, I am committed to improving and maintaining State Department
    to advance our security and prosperity, including by developing a
    diplomatic corps that fully represents America in all its talent and
    diversity. That means recruiting, retaining, and providing career
    development opportunities to officers with the skills to contend with
    21st Century challenges and who represent the diversity of the country
    we represent. I will spare no effort, if confirmed, to ensure their
    safety and well-being and demand accountability for fostering a more
    diverse, inclusive and non-partisan workplace.

        Question. Last year, I published a report Diplomacy in Crisis,
    which laid out the challenges facing the Department workforce. It cited
    employee survey data that showed some disturbing trends-for example,
    steep increases in the number of staff who said they feared reprisal or
    retribution if they were to report a violation of law. Does that
    concern you, and how do you plan to reverse that culture?

        Answer. I agree that retaliation for participating in the EEO
    process or anti-harassment program, for requesting a reasonable
    accommodation, or for opposing discriminatory practices is unlawful,
    grounds for discipline, and counter to good management; employees do
    best when they have the ability to speak up and help us improve. If
    confirmed, I plan to amplify the Chief Diversity and Inclusion
    Officer's, Bureau of Global Talent Management's, and the Office of
    Civil Rights' efforts to promote a culture of speaking up, free from
    fear of retaliation.

        Question. A recent survey of executive-level staff at the State
    Department conducted by Executive Women at State found concerning
    trends that inhibit career advancement for women. More than half of the
    respondents ranked 15 of the 22 barriers measured in the survey as
    having a huge or significant impact on the advancement of women at the
    Department; 75 percent of respondents described gender-related bias as
    having substantial impact on their career. Do you commit to reviewing
    this report and its recommendations, and prioritizing a review of how
    the Department can reduce barriers for women to increase retention and
    help more women serve in senior roles?

        Answer. I am committed to ensuring that women have equal
    opportunities for career advancement and professional development.
    Throughout my career, I have benefitted from strong mentors and leaders
    who have helped me shape my career, and I have worked to mentor others.
    If confirmed, I will ask those who report to me to serve as models for
    the Department on mentorship and promulgating the tenets of fairness
    and transparency in building their teams. I will hold my senior
    leadership responsible for creating environments where everyone's
    contribution is valued. I will also prioritize reviewing
    recommendations on initiatives to help address the gender gap in the
    Department from our employee affinity groups and associations.

        Question. As you know, Ahlam Tamimi is responsible for
    masterminding a terrorist attack that killed 15 people, including two
    Americans at a restaurant in Israel in 2001. She has been living in
    Jordan since 2011 and the United States has continued to try to bring
    her to justice. Do you commit to pursuing justice for Americans
    murdered in this brazen attack?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will explore all options to bring Ahlam Al-
    Tamimi to justice. The Department will continue to ask that the
    Government of Jordan extradite Al-Tamimi, and will continue to raise
    this issue at the highest levels. The Department will also engage
    Jordanian officials at all levels on the extradition treaty, which is
    in force.

        Question. Will the administration continue to pressure Jordan to
    publicly condemn Tamimi and her actions?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will explore all options to bring Ahlam Al-
    Tamimi to justice. The Department will continue to ask that the
    Government of Jordan extradite Al-Tamimi, and will continue to raise
    this issue at the highest levels. The Department will also engage
    Jordanian officials at all levels on the extradition treaty, which is
    in force.

        Question. Will the administration press Jordan to seek
    parliamentary ratification of the 1995 extradition treaty?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will explore all options to bring Ahlam Al-
    Tamimi to justice. The Department will continue to ask that the
    Government of Jordan extradite Al-Tamimi, and will continue to raise
    this issue at the highest levels. The Department will also engage
    Jordanian officials at all levels on the extradition treaty, which is
    in force.

                                   __________

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
                Hon. Wendy R. Sherman by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. In your view, are the Maduro regime's involvement in
    transnational organized crime and its poor economic and political
    policies in Venezuela to blame for region's most significant security
    and humanitarian crisis? Can humanitarian conditions improve on the
    regime's watch?

        Answer. The illegitimate Maduro regime's corruption and repression
    are responsible for the economic collapse and the resulting
    humanitarian crisis in Venezuela. Maduro and his enablers tolerate and
    often cooperate and collude with criminal and terrorist networks, non-
    state armed groups, and many malign actors that perpetrate human rights
    abuses and human trafficking. Instead of applying Venezuela's resources
    to respond to its humanitarian crisis, Maduro and those allied with him
    pillage state coffers.
        I understand the impact the current crisis in Venezuela is having
    on the region, and the pain it is inflicting on Venezuelans and their
    families. If confirmed, I am committed to addressing the humanitarian
    situation affecting millions of Venezuelans both inside the country and
    the millions who have fled to neighboring countries, pressing for a
    peaceful, stable, democratic outcome in Venezuela through free and fair
    elections and helping the Venezuelan people rebuild their lives and
    their country.

        Question. Please describe your views on what would constitute
    adequate conditions under which free and fair presidential,
    legislative, and local elections could be conducted in Venezuela.

        Answer. There are several conditions that should be met before we
    can consider any Venezuelan elections free and fair. The illegitimate
    Maduro regime should free all political prisoners, return political
    party organizations to their duly chosen leaders, and remove all undue
    restrictions on individuals and political parties to allow their free
    participation. All candidates, political parties, and the electorate
    should have unrestricted access to independent news sources and other
    sources of information. An independent National Electoral Council
    should be appointed and allowed to organize the elections free from
    undue influence. Finally, consistent with the bipartisan Venezuela
    Emergency Relief, Democracy Assistance, and Development Act (VERDAD) of
    2019, elections should be observed and certified as free and fair by an
    independent electoral observation mission comprised of domestic and
    international experts.

        Question. Please describe the conditions under which you would
    recommend the re-establishment of diplomatic relations with Cuba.

        Answer. The United States continues to maintain diplomatic
    relations with Cuba, which provides an opportunity to communicate
    directly with the Cuban Government regarding matters of human rights.
    The Biden-Harris administration's Cuba policy will be governed by two
    principles. First, support for democracy and human rights will be at
    the core of our efforts through empowering the Cuban people to
    determine their own future. Second, Americans--especially Cuban-
    Americans--are the best ambassadors for freedom and prosperity in Cuba.
    We have serious differences with Cuba on a range of issues, including
    Venezuela and human rights, but the administration will engage directly
    on those differences and on other issues that are in the interest of
    the United States.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to conduct meaningful
    consultations with me, my office, and the rest of the committee before
    and during any negotiations with Cuba?

        Answer. Through three decades of work in foreign policy and
    national security, I have learned firsthand the need for close and
    constructive coordination with Congress. I recognize there are many
    different views in Congress on what our approach to Cuba should be. If
    confirmed, I look forward to consulting with Congress on a range of
    policy topics, including Cuba.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you work to ensure that U.S.
    public and private engagement in Cuba does not disproportionately
    benefit the Cuban military, intelligence, or security services or
    personnel at the expense of the Cuban people?

        Answer. The administration committed to carefully reviewing U.S.-
    Cuba policy, including our posture regarding economic sanctions on
    Cuba, to ensure they advance the goals the administration is trying to
    achieve in empowering the Cuban people to determine their future. If
    confirmed, I will support the Department's review of the policy with an
    eye toward assessing its impact on the political and economic well-
    being of the Cuban people and look forward to consulting with Congress
    on this issue.

        Question. In December 2020, Mexico approved reforms to its national
    security law, limiting the power of foreign law enforcement agents in
    the country and restricting their ability to operate. If confirmed,
    what steps will you take to ensure effective law enforcement
    cooperation with Mexico?

        Answer. It is critical that the United States and Mexico work
    together to dismantle transnational criminal organizations and their
    operations, reduce impunity and corruption, and strengthen the rule of
    law in Mexico. If confirmed, I look forward to comprehensive
    conversations with the Mexican Government, and I will not hesitate to
    raise any concerns I believe to be obstacles to our bilateral law
    enforcement cooperation.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you prioritize the recommendations
    of the Bureau of International Organizations as compared to the
    regional bureaus?

        Answer. I have long appreciated and valued the expertise available
    from the Bureau of International Organizations. If confirmed, I will
    ensure the bureau's perspective is solicited, whenever appropriate, and
    in all circumstances welcome its recommendations. The bureau's voice
    and role in U.S. foreign policy is crucial as the administration re-
    engages with international organizations, restores its partnerships,
    and returns to its traditional alliances.

        Question. Will you support the creation of an Office of Integrity
    in the United Nations System within the Bureau of International
    Organizations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to
    ensure the State Department is organized and resourced effectively to
    push back against the rising influence of China and others in the UN
    system and other international organizations and to select qualified
    and independent candidates to lead and staff these bodies, including
    highly specialized agencies.

        Question. Nations have increasingly used hostage diplomacy in an
    attempt to gain leverage through coercion. Multiple Americans are
    victims of this trend, and Americans are currently wrongfully detained
    in Russia, China, Iran, and Venezuela, among other countries. What role
    do you believe the Deputy Secretary has in returning Americans and
    preventing hostage diplomacy?

        Answer. Bringing home U.S. hostages and wrongful detainees is a top
    priority for the administration and the Department of State. If
    confirmed, I will work closely with the Secretary and Special
    Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs to make every effort to quickly
    recover all U.S. nationals held hostage or wrongfully detained abroad.
    Additionally, it will be of the utmost importance to closely coordinate
    with, and lend support to, family members of hostages and wrongful
    detainees.

        Question. If confirmed as Deputy Secretary of State, in what
    concrete ways will you work to bring home Americans wrongfully detained
    abroad and support the work of the Special Presidential Envoy for
    Hostage Affairs?

        Answer. The safety and security of U.S. citizens is one of the
    highest priorities of the Department of State. If confirmed, I will
    ensure the Department continues to use all the diplomatic means at our
    disposal to work for the release of those U.S. citizens wrongfully
    detained or held hostage and provide support to their families.
    Specifically, I will support the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage
    Affairs and the interagency in implementing the Robert Levinson Hostage
    Recovery and Hostage-taking Accountability Act. The Levinson Act is
    critical for harnessing all of the U.S. Government's capabilities to
    resolve these cases quickly and provide support to families.

        Question. The Iranian regime received billions in sanctions relief
    as a result of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The
    Obama administration argued that ``our best analysts expect the bulk of
    this revenue to go into spending that improves the economy and benefits
    the lives of the Iranian people.'' However, a vast body of follow-on
    reporting indicates that a majority of sanctions relief was, instead,
    funneled to the regime's defense budget and to its proxies in Syria,
    Lebanon, Iraq and Yemen.

       Do you believe that sanctions relief provided to Iran as a part of
            the JCPOA improved the economy and the lives of the Iranian
            people?

        Answer. While the DIA testified in 2017 that the majority of
    sanctions relief was used for domestic purposes, the Biden-Harris
    administration is under no illusions about Iran's destabilizing
    activities in the region and about its government's willingness to
    divert funding that should be used to better the lives of its citizens
    to those purposes. It is also clear that the reimposition of sanctions
    has not had the effect of drying up Iran's proliferation of missiles,
    support for terrorism, and regional activities.
        We need to address all of these activities using a variety of
    tools--deterrence, sanctions on Iranian entities providing support to
    violent groups and militias in the region, and, in the event we rejoin
    the JCPOA, in any follow-on talks with Iran--in close consultation and
    coordination with our allies and partners. If confirmed, I am committed
    to consulting closely with Congress on the path forward.

        Question. What tools and safeguards exist that would prevent Iran
    from directing future sanctions relief to malign activities?

        Answer. The U.S. Government maintains a range of tools to combat
    terrorist financing, and we will continue to use these to counter
    Iran's destabilizing activities and support for terrorism.
        We will continue to maintain and impose sanctions on Iranian
    entities and individuals providing support to terrorist groups in the
    region. The Biden-Harris administration will take action, in
    coordination with our allies and partners, to both deter and counter
    Iran's destabilizing activities and to vigorously pursue talks on these
    critical issues. If confirmed, I am committed to consulting closely
    with Congress on the path forward.

        Question. Do you commit not to pursue sanctions relief or
    unfreezing of Iranian assets as a precondition for nuclear negotiations
    with the Iranian regime?

        Answer. We are ready to engage in meaningful diplomacy to achieve a
    mutual return to compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
    as a starting point for follow-on negotiations. Our first order of
    business is consulting with Congress and our allies on the path
    forward.

        Question. You have previously expressed skepticism over the
    prospects of U.S. re-entry into the JCPOA, indicating that if such a
    development were to take place, the United States would need to be
    willing to put ``more on the table.'' Please describe in detail the
    prospects for U.S. re-entry into the JCPOA, to include views of UNSCR
    2231-mandated Transition Day in 2023 and Termination Day in 2025.

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to ensuring
    that Iran does not obtain a nuclear weapon and to addressing the many
    other issues of concern related to Iran. The administration remains
    ready to engage in meaningful diplomacy to achieve a mutual return to
    compliance with JCPOA commitments as a first step, but the work will
    not end there. The administration intends to build on the JCPOA and use
    it as a platform to lengthen and strengthen the constraints on Iran's
    nuclear program and to address other critical issues.

        Question. Exactly what form should ``more on the table'' take in
    your view? What do you see as being acceptable to both the United
    States and Iran?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration remains ready to engage in
    meaningful diplomacy to achieve a mutual return to compliance with
    JCPOA commitments. While it is too early to speculate on the specific
    details, if confirmed, I commit to robust consultation with Congress
    and our P5+1 partners on the best way forward.

        Question. The Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (P.L. 114-17)
    (``INARA'') requires the President to provide to Congress the text and
    related materials of any agreement with Iran relating to the nuclear
    program of Iran within five days of reaching the agreement.
    Additionally, INARA stipulates that the administration certify that
    such an agreement is not ``inimical to or constitute an unreasonable
    risk to the common defense and security.''

       Would the requirements of INARA cited above apply to any future
            nuclear deal with Iran?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to fully consulting with
    Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as called
    for under INARA and to ensuring that the requirements of INARA are
    satisfied, including its transmission and certification requirements.

        Question. Would the requirements of INARA cited above apply to any
    process of rejoining or reaffirming U.S. participation in the Joint
    Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to fully consulting with
    Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as called
    for under INARA. The JCPOA was submitted under INARA in 2015 and
    underwent close Congressional and public scrutiny. If confirmed, I am
    committed to ensuring that the requirements of INARA are satisfied.

        Question. Would any agreement between the United States and Iran
    regarding how the United States and Iran might return to compliance
    with the JCPOA constitute an ``agreement with Iran relating to the
    nuclear program of Iran''?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to fully consulting with
    Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as called
    for under the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA). The JCPOA was
    submitted under INARA in 2015 and underwent close Congressional and
    public scrutiny. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that the
    requirements of INARA are satisfied.

        Question. What are the reporting requirements of INARA that you
    believe that the administration is currently subject to?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will consult within the administration to
    identify and confirm those requirements. I am committed to ensuring
    that the requirements of INARA are satisfied, including its reporting
    requirements.

        Question. In 2014, in your capacity as Under Secretary of State for
    Political Affairs, you hosted a roundtable in which you suggested that
    the JCPOA contained ``in one way or another, all the concerns that must
    be addressed.'' While the 2015 agreement did secure time-limited curbs
    on Tehran's nuclear program, it failed to address Iran's destabilizing
    support for proxy militias and its ballistic missile development.
    Further, it failed to secure the release of American hostages, like
    Washington Post reporter Jason Rezain, who remained illegally detained
    by the Iranian regime until January 2016.

       Is it still your position that the 2015 nuclear agreement contained
            a sufficient basis for the United States to address all of its
            most pressing national security concerns?

        Answer. The objective of the JCPOA was to ensure that Iran would
    never obtain a nuclear weapon, which is just one of the myriad issues
    of national security concern the United States and our allies and
    partners face regarding Iran. The situation we face in 2021, however,
    is different from the situation in 2015. The facts on the ground have
    changed, and our path forward must take this into account. The Biden-
    Harris administration is committed to addressing not only the concerns
    about Iran's nuclear program, but also broader concerns, including
    Iran's unjust detentions of U.S. citizens, its ballistic missile
    program, and destabilizing regional activities.

        Question. Would you recommend the United States pursue re-entry
    into the 2015 nuclear agreement absent the release of American
    hostages, including Morad Tahbaz, Baquer Namazi, and Siamak Namazi?

        Answer. The safety of U.S. citizens overseas is a top priority for
    the U.S. Government. The continued unjust detention of U.S. citizens in
    Iran is atrocious. I have spoken with family members of U.S. citizens
    detained in Evin Prison and their stories are horrific. As President
    Biden has said, the administration will aggressively work for the
    release and return of all our unjustly detained U.S. citizens.

        Question. The Biden administration has indicated that it will
    attempt to address Iran's regional terrorism and ballistic missile
    activity in follow-on agreements after rejoining the JCPOA. Assuming
    the United States grants nuclear-related sanctions relief as a part of
    U.S. re-entry into the JCPOA, what leverage would the Biden
    administration retain to ensure Iran engages in meaningful discussions
    on its support of regional terrorism and ballistic missile program?
    Please be specific.

        Answer. As President Biden has said, we are ready to engage in
    meaningful diplomacy to achieve a mutual return to compliance with the
    Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), and then use that as a
    platform to lengthen and strengthen the constraints on Iran's nuclear
    program and address other issues of concern. The framework of U.S.
    sanctions on Iran remains robust, and there are many layers of that
    sanctions architecture that would remain in place, even in the event of
    a U.S. return to the JCPOA. This certainly includes the primary U.S.
    embargo on Iran, and many other U.S. sanctions on Iran. Working with
    allies and partners, we also have other avenues to place pressure on
    Iran.

        Question. The Abraham Accords have the potentially to fundamentally
    change the Middle East for the better. The previous administration had
    an empowered agent in the White House, Jared Kushner, to pursue
    normalization agreements. We understand that the Biden administration
    will push this role back down to the State Department--currently at the
    Deputy Assistant Secretary level. Given the importance of the Abraham
    Accords, how do you plan to expand and strengthen the Accords without a
    similar empowered staff?

        Answer. The 2020 normalization agreements are an important
    contribution to peace and security in the Middle East. The Biden-Harris
    administration will seek to build on the agreements to expand the
    circle of peace between Israel and its neighbors. If confirmed, we will
    also closely monitor the status of the normalization efforts to date,
    encouraging the states that have signed such agreements with Israel to
    uphold their commitments to establish full diplomatic relations with
    Israel.

        Question. Will you assign responsibility for additional
    normalization agreements to more senior staff?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to reviewing the normalization
    agreements with the relevant subject matter experts and determining the
    best way forward, including with respect to staffing responsibilities.

        Question. In your hearing testimony, you referenced a number of
    meetings that you had with Iranian officials after you had concluded
    your service at the Department of State in 2015. What meetings did you
    have with any Iranian officials since leaving the State Department in
    2015? Were these meetings scheduled ahead of time? If so, by whom?

        Answer. To the best of my recollection, I met with Foreign Minister
    Zarif twice on the margins of the Munich Security Conference, in 2018
    and 2019. I also participated in two bipartisan group meetings in New
    York on the margins of UNGA: in 2018 with President Rouhani, and in
    2019 with FM Zarif. Those meetings were facilitated by the Carnegie
    Endowment for International Peace (2018) and the International Crisis
    Group (2019). Finally, in October 2017 I participated in a panel with
    Deputy FM Abbas Aragchi at a nonproliferation conference sponsored by
    the Center for Energy and Security Studies in Moscow, and we spoke on
    the margins.
        In every meeting, I urged Iran to stay in full compliance with the
    JCPOA, even after U.S. withdrawal, and pressed for Iran to end its
    regional violence and to release American prisoners. I consistently
    kept Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs David Hale apprised
    of meetings and offered to convey any useful information back to him.

        Question. Who were the participants in those meetings? When and
    where did those meetings occur? In what capacity did you engage in
    those meetings?

        Answer. As noted in the previous answer, the meetings were
    principally with Foreign Minister Zarif. At the Munich Security
    Conference, I believe he was accompanied by DFM Abbas Araghchi. When I
    saw FM Zarif in New York he was also accompanied by the DFM and by
    Iran's Ambassador to the United Nations. When I saw DFM Araghchi in
    Moscow, he was alone.

        Question. Please describe in detail the purpose of the meetings,
    the scope of the discussions that occurred in the meetings, the
    positions you took in those discussions, and how those discussions
    inform your views on Iran policy issues.

        Answer. As I stated in my confirmation hearing, I kept Under
    Secretary Hale apprised of the meetings and committed to sharing any
    useful information with him. I attended meetings to urge Iran to not
    escalate the situation, to stay compliant with the JCPOA, to cease its
    regional violence, and to release U.S. citizens who had been unjustly
    detained. As I noted, families have continued to call me and urge me to
    do whatever I can to help gain release of their loved ones. My views on
    Iran policy were offered in the confirmation hearing and were not
    changed by the meetings.

        Question. Did you inform any sitting U.S. official that you had
    planned or were likely to have each of these meetings? If so, please
    provide details for each meeting.

        Answer. As noted, I kept Under Secretary David Hale apprised of the
    meetings.

        Question. After each of these meetings occurred, did you inform any
    sitting U.S. official that the meetings had taken place and/or share
    what was discussed? If so, please provide details for each meeting.

        Answer. As noted, I offered to apprise Under Secretary Hale of any
    useful information and did so as appropriate.

        Question. Outside of these meetings, have you had any other
    contacts with any Iranian officials since leaving the State Department
    in 2015? Please provide details.

        Answer. None that I recall.

        Question. What are the tools and strategies the Department can best
    employ to address cross-regional security, political, and economic
    challenges in the Red Sea, Horn of Africa, Sahel, and Maghreb regions
    of Africa?

        Answer. It is essential that we bring an end to deadly conflicts
    and prevent the onset of new ones; help African nations address climate
    change; violent extremism; promote development, health security,
    environmental sustainability, democratic progress, responsive and
    responsible governance, and rule of law; assist countries facing
    economic distress, including health and food insecurity; and support
    economic and political independence in the face of undue foreign
    influence. If confirmed, I will ensure we work across bureaucratic and
    geographic seams to address these regional challenges by cooperating
    with allies and partners, building strong partnerships, investing in
    civil society, and strengthening long-standing political, economic, and
    cultural connections.

        Question. Do you believe Special Envoys are the most effective tool
    in confronting such complex regional issues?

        Answer. Special Envoys have been an important tool for responding
    to complex security and political challenges, in certain cases where
    sustained, high-level diplomatic engagement is needed. When well-
    coordinated with regional and functional bureaus and embassies, envoys
    can help to integrate and lead cross-regional policy efforts, such as
    building international coalitions to counter transnational threats.
    Envoys can play an important role in responding to conflicts of a
    cross-border and cross-regional nature that require complex, negotiated
    solutions with buy-in from multiple states and actors. If confirmed, I
    intend to play an active role in the policy discussions surrounding the
    potential deployment of future envoys.

        Question. What other tools should the United States consider?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration recognizes that many of the
    biggest threats we face are transnational in nature and must be
    addressed collectively, including through international organizations.
    Nowhere is this more true than in Africa--the African Union (AU) and
    sub-regional institutions play an important role on governance,
    economic, and security issues across the continent. If confirmed, I
    will ensure increased U.S. engagement with the AU and other
    subregional bodies. Additionally, I will work to pursue
    mutually beneficial partnerships across Africa. Coordination and
    collaboration are essential, and we must work to align our approaches
    to holistically address security and governance challenges.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to building greater
    interagency coordination and strategy regarding U.S. security policy
    and programs in Africa, namely between the Department of State and the
    Department of Defense, and specifically with the United States Africa
    Command (AFRICOM)?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Department
    of Defense and AFRICOM to make sure we are united in our efforts to
    implement the President and the Secretary's policy imperatives in sub-
    Saharan Africa and that we work collaboratively to develop unified U.S.
    Government policies around which we can organize our diplomatic,
    security, and development engagement.

        Question. The U.S.-Germany relationship has been increasingly
    strained in recent years. Among our points of disagreement are the Nord
    Stream 2 pipeline, military spending, attitudes towards China, and
    questions of the use of nuclear weapons. What steps will you hope to
    take to improve the United States' relationship with Germany?

        Answer. Reinvigorating and modernizing relations with U.S. Allies,
    including Germany, is one of this administration's highest priorities.
    The administration has already begun this process by conducting
    extensive consultations with the German Government on a range of issues
    of mutual concern. The administration also halted the withdrawal of
    U.S. troops from Germany and lifted the cap on the number of U.S.
    troops that can be stationed in Germany. If confirmed, I look forward
    to further strengthening the U.S.-German relationship, consulting
    closely on our common security priorities, especially at NATO, and
    partnering based on our shared values on challenges, including climate
    change, recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic, and addressing threats
    posed by China, Russia, and Iran. We will not always agree, but we will
    look to manage those differences constructively as Allies.

        Question. Under German leadership, the European Union just
    concluded an investment deal with China. How do you view the German
    Government's attitudes towards China, doing business with China, and
    their recently published Indo-Pacific Strategy?

        Answer. The EU's investment deal with China is a demonstration of
    the amount of work we have before us to reinvigorate our Transatlantic
    alliance and develop a more unified response to the challenge posed by
    China. If confirmed, I will engage actively with the EU, Germany, and
    other European partners on shared concerns about China. My engagements
    will include discussions on how to advance our shared economic
    interests and counter China's aggressive and coercive actions, prevent
    goods made with forced labor from entering global markets, create a
    level playing field and promote private enterprise, and highlight
    China's failure to uphold its international commitments.
        The Biden-Harris administration will work jointly with Germany,
    NATO, the EU, and other partners to address China's predatory economic
    practices, the challenges China poses to our collective security, and
    its human rights violations. Ultimately, the onus will be on China to
    show that its new pledges on forced labor, state-owned enterprises, and
    subsidies in its new agreement with the EU are not just cheap talk. The
    United States welcomes Germany's support for a rules-based
    international order, including in the Indo-Pacific, where Berlin
    recently announced it will send a naval vessel to demonstrate Germany's
    active engagement in the region.

        Question. Former German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder recently wrote
    in Handelsblatt that ``a moralizing foreign policy'' towards China,
    implying that, when it comes to China, human rights should be placed
    after economic interests. Do you agree?

        Answer. China has engaged in gross human rights violations that
    shock the conscience and must be met with serious consequences. The
    President has been clear that the administration will put our
    democratic values back at the center of our foreign policy and stand up
    for democracy, human rights, and human dignity. The United States will
    work with Germany and other allies and partners to condemn human rights
    violations by China in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, and elsewhere. Promoting
    respect for human rights will be a pillar of U.S. engagement with
    Germany and other allies with respect to China both in bilateral and
    multilateral settings.

        Question. How do you and the Biden administration intend to work
    with those European voices and actors that fall on either side of the
    human rights-economics divide?

        Answer. The President has made it clear that revitalizing our ties
    with allies and partners, including in Europe, is an administration
    priority. The administration is working to demonstrate that democracies
    that protect human rights deliver for their people and that human
    rights, democracy, and the rule of law are essential to meet the
    challenges of our time. Vibrant democracies that protect human rights
    are more stable, more open, better partners to us, and more dependable
    markets for our goods and services. If confirmed, I will strengthen our
    relations with our allies, work with likeminded partners, and pool our
    collective strength to promote human rights, democracy, and the rule of
    law.

        Question. Do you believe that the Nord Stream 2 pipeline should be
    completed?

        Answer. The President has made clear his belief that the Nord
    Stream 2 pipeline is a bad deal and that the administration will oppose
    it, and I strongly agree with this position. Nord Stream 2 expands
    Russian malign influence, threatens Europe's energy security, makes
    Allies and partners more vulnerable, and divides Europe. This project
    has the potential to destabilize Europe and embolden Russian aggression
    toward the West. I understand that the Department and our embassies in
    the region are carefully monitoring any activities taken to construct
    the pipeline and will respond in accordance with our obligations under
    PEESA and CAATSA. The administration continues to engage with Germany
    to express the United States' continued opposition to the pipeline and
    to highlight our concerns. If confirmed, I will continue to use all
    available tools to counter Russian malign influence, to work with
    Allies and partners in the region, and to support Transatlantic energy
    security goals.

        Question. Do you commit to following the law and fully implementing
    the Protecting Europe's Energy Security Act and the Protecting Europe's
    Energy Security Clarification Act?

        Answer. Yes. The State Department submits a report to Congress
    every 90 days on vessels engaged in pipe-laying and pipe-laying
    activities, and various entities providing and supporting those
    vessels, for the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, as required by the Protecting
    Europe's Energy Security Act (PEESA), as amended, with the next report
    due to Congress in mid-May. I understand the Department submitted the
    first report required by PEESA, as amended, in February. If confirmed,
    I will continue to use all available tools to counter Russian malign
    influence and to work with Allies and partners in the region to support
    Transatlantic energy security goals. The administration will continue
    to examine entities involved in potentially sanctionable activity and
    will designate additional entities as appropriate.

        Question. Do you believe the United States should entertain
    potential proposals from the German Government that might allow the
    Nord Stream 2 pipeline be completed?

        Answer. The administration has made clear to Germany and other
    European partners that Nord Stream 2 is not just a commercial deal. The
    administration views Nord Stream 2 as a geo-political project that is a
    threat not only to Europe's energy security, but to strategic stability
    on the continent. The United States will continue to work with allies
    and partners, including Germany, Denmark, Ukraine, Poland, and the
    Baltic states, to ensure Europe has a reliable, diversified energy
    supply that enhances, rather than undermines, its collective security.

        Question. Do you believe that it would be worthwhile to allow the
    completion of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline in hopes of improving the
    U.S.-German relationship?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has clearly stated that the
    Nord Stream 2 pipeline should not be completed and has consistently
    conveyed this to German officials. Germany is an important economic and
    security ally and, if confirmed, reinvigorating and modernizing
    relations with U.S. allies will be among my highest priorities. Close
    friends and allies should be able to talk frankly to one another about
    disagreements, as we do with German officials on Nord Stream 2. The
    administration remains hopeful that through diplomatic engagement,
    bolstered by the tools provided by Congress, Germany will address our
    concerns raised by the pipeline related to energy security, Ukraine,
    and malign Russian influence.

        Question. Are such proposals currently being entertained?

        Answer. The administration continues to engage Germany to make
    clear our view that Nord Stream 2 is a bad deal and should not be
    completed. The administration has not received any formal proposals
    from the German Government related to Nord Stream 2.

        Question. The Biden administration has stated its intent to achieve
    ``a carbon pollution-free power sector by 2035'' that puts the United
    States ``on an irreversible path to a net-zero economy by 2050.'' To
    this end, President Biden has ordered that federal agencies move to a
    fully electric vehicle fleet for automotive transportation needs and
    begin to use the federal procurement system for smaller equipment to
    drive demand for low energy-use appliances. What specific steps will
    you take to achieve these goals at the Department?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure the Department continues to
    comply with relevant authorities of Energy Policy Act of 2005 (PL 109-
    58), in full consideration of the administration's net-zero goal and
    Federal Acquisition Regulations.

        Question. Will these environmental goals impede other Department
    missions?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Department's operations,
    logistics and procurement experts to implement relevant policies,
    strategies and plans in a manner consistent with federal laws and
    regulations and as outlined in the President's Executive Order on
    Tackling the Climate Crisis at Home and Abroad.

        Question. Will the Department be expected to offset carbon
    emissions from activities such as air travel?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the Department supports
    the administration's goals, which may include future carbon offsets.

        Question. Do you agree that extended nuclear deterrence is
    foundational to U.S. strategy in the Indo-Pacific, and to the strength
    of U.S. alliances?

        Answer. Extended deterrence plays a foundational role in advancing
    U.S. national security objectives, including ensuring a free and open
    Indo-Pacific. It does so by providing assurance to allies and partners,
    which are our greatest strategic asset, and promoting nonproliferation.
    If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with Congress, allies, and
    partners on this important issue.

        Question. Do you believe that adoption of a sole purpose doctrine,
    a no first use policy, or a posture that fails to modernize U.S.
    nuclear forces would serve U.S. and allied interests in the Indo-
    Pacific?

        Answer. The United States will ensure our strategic deterrent
    remains safe, secure, and effective and that our extended deterrence
    commitments to our allies remain strong and credible. As directed by
    the President, this administration will conduct reviews of various
    nuclear policies. In that process, we will consult with our allies and
    partners, including those in the Indo-Pacific, as well as with
    Congress.

        Question. The Trump administration advanced a ``free and open''
    Indo-Pacific strategy, which yielded a lot of concrete cooperation,
    especially with Japan, Australia, and Southeast Asia. If confirmed,
    what are the key principles, initiatives, and other elements of the
    previous administration's Indo-Pacific strategy that will you continue?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to working
    with allies and partners to advance a free and open Indo-Pacific
    region. As President Biden has said, working with allies and partners
    to secure peace, defend our shared values, and advance our prosperity
    across the Indo-Pacific will be among the most consequential efforts we
    undertake. If confirmed, I will join the administration's review of our
    Indo-Pacific policy, and I commit to working closely with Congress to
    make sure we have the right components in place.

        Question. What major policy changes would the administration make
    in U.S. strategy towards the region?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to working
    with allies and partners to advance a free and open Indo-Pacific
    region. The administration is conducting a review of our
    IndoPacific policy and, if confirmed, I commit to working
    closely with Congress to make sure we have the right components in
    place.

        Question. The Obama administration failed to secure congressional
    support for the Iran nuclear deal. If confirmed, and if the Biden
    administration pursues an agreement with North Korea regarding its
    weapons programs, do you commit to regular briefings at both the member
    and staff levels in advance of and following negotiations with North
    Korea?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with Congress on efforts to
    limit the dangers posed by North Korea's weapons of mass destruction
    and ballistic missile programs.

        Question. If confirmed, and if the Biden administration pursues an
    agreement with North Korea regarding its weapons programs, do you
    personally commit to appear before this committee prior to the
    completion of any such agreement for public hearings on the matter?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to consulting with Congress on
    efforts to limit the dangers posed by North Korea's weapons of mass
    destruction and ballistic missile programs.

        Question. Do you believe that an agreement with North Korea
    regarding its weapons programs should be submitted to the Senate as a
    treaty for the Senate's consent to ratification? If no, please explain
    in detail.

        Answer. Denuclearization of North Korea remains a top national
    security priority for the United States. I understand the
    administration, in consultation with our allies, will evaluate and
    adopt a strategy to keep the American people and our allies safe and
    that takes into account pressure options and the potential for future
    diplomacy with North Korea. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting
    with Congress on efforts to limit the dangers posed by North Korea's
    weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile programs, including
    through any agreements that may be negotiated.

        Question. The Indo-Pacific is the most important region for U.S.
    security and economic growth. It represents nearly half of the global
    population and is home to some of the most dynamic economies in the
    world, but is also home to security challenges that threaten to
    undermine U.S. national security interests, regional peace, and global
    stability. The Trump administration articulated a strategy to advance a
    ``free and open Indo-Pacific,'' and has expanded partnerships with
    regional countries and implemented multiple initiatives in the region
    to support this goal. Do you agree with the core tenants of a vision
    for the ``free and open Indo-Pacific'' strategy advanced over the last
    several years?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. If so, what should the State Department's role be in this
    strategy? If not, why not?

        Answer. While our Indo-Pacific policy is still under review, the
    State Department will have a major role in supporting a free and open
    Indo-Pacific, including by reinvigorating our alliances and
    partnerships, helping the region recover from the global pandemic,
    promoting democratic resilience, and confronting climate change. As the
    President has said, we will work with partners in the Indo-Pacific and
    across the world to protect the free exchange of ideas in open,
    democratic societies and to ensure the benefits of growth are shared
    broadly and equitably.

        Question. Chinese influence in Europe continues to grow. It has
    invested billions across Europe and has sought to acquire strategic
    infrastructure and companies in Europe. European countries are starting
    to take a much more robust approach to China across the board,
    including on investment and human rights. What is your assessment of
    China's objectives in Europe and with regard to the transatlantic
    alliance?

        Answer. The objective of the People's Republic of China's (PRC) is
    to make Europe more reliant and compliant, by dividing and weakening
    alliances forged through the European Union and NATO. They attempt this
    through abusive, unfair, and illegal economic and trade practices,
    including market-distorting subsidies, intellectual property theft,
    forced technology transfers, and predatory investments. With economic
    leverage comes political influence, security vulnerabilities, and the
    ability to coerce countries. This weakens countries' willingness to
    oppose the PRC's efforts to reshape the international order, creating a
    threat to the transatlantic alliance itself.

        Question. How should the United States respond to growing Chinese
    influence in Europe?

        Answer. Our engagement with Europe to counter the growing influence
    of the People's Republic of China should begin with a common
    understanding of the threats facing our mutual prosperity and national
    security and must include collaboration with NATO. Working with our
    Allies and partners, we will address vulnerabilities to Transatlantic
    security, promote technology innovation, information sharing, and
    energy security within the Alliance. We will support transparent
    economic growth and fair labor practices. We are developing foreign
    assistance programs to reach 24 countries that focus on transaction
    advisory, cybersecurity, and strategic infrastructure protection.

        Question. Last year, I published a report on how the United States
    and Europe can cooperate on shared challenges related to China,
    including a chapter on contending with China's anti-competitive
    economic practices. I argued that the United States and Europe should
    revitalize trade negotiations, continue important initiatives at the
    World Trade Organizations such U.S.-EU-Japan efforts on subsidies, fix
    current sticking points like ongoing disputes between Boeing and
    Airbus, coordinate on export controls, and strengthen supply chain
    resilience. How would you advance these goals?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to rebuilding
    and revitalizing relations with our European allies and working with
    them as using the full array of tools to counter China's abusive
    economic practices, both in bilateral and multilateral fora, including
    the WTO. The administration will work with our allies and partners to
    ensure the resilience of the United States, as well as global supply
    chains, particularly under the February 24, 2021, Executive Order on
    America's Supply Chains. As of March 5, the administration announced a
    four-month suspension of tariffs on the UK and EU with the goal of a
    permanent settlement, under the Section 301 Boeing-Airbus case. If
    confirmed, I will continue these efforts to take on the challenge of
    China's abusive and illegal economic practices.

        Question. What additional areas would you prioritize?

        Answer. In addition to those issues discussed in the previous
    question, presenting positive alternatives to China, which showcase the
    value of the U.S. model against the techno-authoritarian model
    proliferated by Beijing, is critical. If confirmed, I will work with
    our European allies and partners on a coordinated approach to China's
    abusive economic practices, human rights violations, and other
    challenges. The EU has made it clear it is willing to cooperate with
    the Biden-Harris administration on China. The administration will work
    in bilateral and multilateral fora, including the UN and others, to
    ensure U.S. national security is protected with respect to investments
    in critical infrastructure and sensitive technologies, and to push back
    against PRC attempts to weaken standards, rules, and institutions that
    support our economic prosperity.

        Question. The incoming administration has stated that global health
    cooperation with China will be a major priority. The United States
    invested a lot of resources and personnel over many years to pursue
    health cooperation with China. That included a close relationship
    between the U.S. CDC and China's CDC, including co-location
    arrangements where they worked side-by-side for many years. While co-
    location arrangements ceased because of concerns about the physical
    security of U.S. diplomats, cooperation still continued. However, in
    the world's hour of need at the beginning of a serious pandemic
    originating in China, the Chinese Government's response proved that
    global health cooperation would always take a back seat to the standing
    and reputation of the CCP. While some level of cooperation may be
    necessary, how can we have confidence in these initiatives without
    reciprocal good faith efforts by Chinese Government interlocutors?

        Answer. It is important that we get to the bottom of the early days
    of the pandemic in China so that we can take steps to prevent future
    pandemics. The Biden-Harris administration will rebuild and expand the
    systems to prevent, detect, and respond to biological threats globally,
    including in China. The administration will work to get our experts
    back into China so that our scientists have the access and
    relationships needed to prepare for and respond to the emergence and
    spread of potential future outbreaks around the globe. If confirmed, I
    will test whether China is willing to play a constructive role on
    certain issues, including on global health, but will be guided by a
    clear-eyed assessment of China's intentions.

        Question. How will you overcome this fundamental challenge, and why
    should the American people trust that use of taxpayer dollars and other
    resources will bear fruit?

        Answer. China poses the most significant challenge of any nation
    state to the United States and our interests. There are competitive,
    cooperative, and adversarial aspects to the U.S.-China relationship. We
    must advance our economic interests, counter China's aggressive and
    coercive actions, sustain our key military advantages, defend
    democratic values, and restore our vital security partnerships as we
    also conduct results-oriented diplomacy with China on shared challenges
    such as global health. The Biden-Harris administration will test
    whether China is willing to play a constructive role on certain issues,
    including on global health, but will be clear-eyed about China's
    intentions.

        Question. What areas of health cooperation will the incoming
    administration prioritize with China?

        Answer. Promoting global health is in China's interests as well as
    ours. The Biden-Harris administration is willing to test whether China
    is willing to play a constructive role in certain areas where we may
    share interests but will be clear-eyed about China's intentions. We
    will not trade off our core interests or values in discussions with
    China or any other country.

        Question. What will be the role of the State Department in this
    regard?

        Answer. The State Department can play a leading role in elevating
    global health diplomacy to identify potential global health risks, to
    work with the international community to detect and prevent epidemics
    and pandemics before they occur, and to ensure effective international
    responses when they do. This includes addressing the root causes of
    these events and strengthening the prevention and response capabilities
    of local health systems. If confirmed, I will strengthen the Department
    of State's diplomatic engagement in support of the COVID-19 health and
    humanitarian response, as well as global health security more broadly,
    in close alignment with USAID, HHS, CDC, and other agencies involved in
    this space.

        Question. Would you advise the President to send high-level
    visitors to Taiwan, boost defense ties, explore negotiations for a Free
    Trade Agreement, strengthen the economic partnership set up by the
    Trump administration, and advocate for Taiwan in international
    organizations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I support sending senior-level visitors to
    Taiwan to deepen and broaden our relationship. I support boosting
    defense ties and strengthening the economic partnership with Taiwan, as
    well as advocating for Taiwan's participation in international
    organizations. I understand that USTR is the lead agency on trade, and
    pending confirmation of the new USTR, I will work with the office of
    the USTR on a review of trade policy toward Taiwan.

        Question. The previous administration authorized many critical
    capabilities via arms sales to Taiwan over the last several years,
    including fighters to replace and augment those being worn out from
    Chinese Air Force incursions, ground-launched anti-ship missiles,
    mobile artillery rocket systems, and surveillance drones. Do you commit
    to fulfilling these arms sales with speed and urgency so that the
    capabilities get to Taiwan in a timely manner?

        Answer. My support for Taiwan is rock solid. Taiwan is a leading
    democracy, a major economy, and a critical security partner. I support
    a peaceful resolution of cross-strait issues, consistent with the
    wishes and best interests of the people on Taiwan. If confirmed, I will
    continue to support efforts to make available defense articles and
    services necessary to enable Taiwan to defend itself, consistent with
    the law, U.S. export regulations, and nonproliferation policy.
        Taiwan remains a priority for this administration. In my position
    at the Department of State, working together with the Department of
    Defense, I will implement that priority wherever feasible to assist
    Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability.

        Question. Do you commit to ensuring that the Department of State
    adheres to a regularized process with regard to Taiwan arms sales,
    including avoiding the practice of bundling?

        Answer. Yes, that would be my intent, if confirmed. Consistent with
    the Taiwan Relations Act and our One China Policy, the United States
    continues to make available to Taiwan the defense articles and services
    necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense
    capability. This longstanding policy contributes to the maintenance of
    peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.
        If confirmed, I will continue to support U.S. policy to assist
    Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability. Doing so
    increases stability both across the Taiwan Strait and within the
    region.

                                   __________

          Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Wendy R. Sherman by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

        Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
    your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
    impact of your actions?

        Answer. Throughout my life, my most important contribution has been
    to help open doors for women and to advocate for their human rights,
    and I have sought to stand for any group of marginalized people in the
    United States and around the world. In politics, I ran Barbara
    Mikulski's successful campaign for the Senate, helping her to become
    the first Democratic woman elected to the Senate in her own right. I
    was also Executive Director of EMILY's List, helping Democratic women
    get elected to the U.S. House and Senate. As Undersecretary of State,
    on virtually every overseas trip, I made it a point to meet with women
    leaders, women business owners, and women crafts persons to give women
    visibility and press coverage and regularly spoke out about ensuring
    that half of the world should be included.
        As I traveled as a diplomat, I met with LGBTQI+ youth in Nepal, the
    first country to allow citizens to check `other' on their passport, and
    I met with LGBTQI+ advocates in other countries as they sought their
    rights. I met with the Rohingya in Bangladesh and had a frank
    conversation in Burma with Aung San Suu Kyi. I have also worked to help
    free those unlawfully detained and imprisoned, particularly in Iran,
    and helped achieve some releases over the years.

        Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
    managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
    creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
    mentor, and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
    underrepresented groups?

        Answer. Studies show how diverse teams outperform other teams based
    on their ability to innovate and address new challenges creatively.
    Diversity is America's competitive advantage on the global stage.
    Addressing today's challenges across the globe will require the
    Department to harness the wealth of diversity and experiences in our
    workforce to address increasingly complex challenges impacting our
    foreign policy as well as the lives of the American people. If
    confirmed, I commit to fostering an inclusive workplace throughout the
    Department so that every employee's contribution is valued. If
    confirmed, I will hold our senior leadership accountable for the
    conduct of their teams and for perpetuating an environment where each
    individual is heard and seen.

        Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
    supervisors at the Department of State is fostering an environment that
    is diverse and inclusive?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that my team upholds the values
    of diversity, inclusion, and mutual respect by setting that example
    myself and cultivating an environment where every contribution is
    valued and considered, regardless of differences in race, gender,
    ethnicity, or other attributes. I will ensure my team takes the proper
    training to cultivate an office environment that creates opportunity
    for dialogue and for innovation across diverse backgrounds. If
    confirmed, I will hold my leadership accountable and will work with the
    Department's new Chief Diversity and Inclusion officer to ensure our
    administrative and foreign policies support the values of diversity and
    inclusion.

        Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
    the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
    actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
    business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
    of any senior White House staff?

        Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
    regulations, and rules and to raise concerns that I may have through
    appropriate channels.

        Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
    reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
    controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
    President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
    White House staff?

        Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
    regulations, and rules and to raise concerns that I may have through
    appropriate channels.

        Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
    any financial interests in any foreign country?

        Answer. My spouse's and my investment portfolio includes mutual
    funds that may hold interests in companies with an international
    presence, but these mutual funds are exempt from conflict of interest
    laws. I am committed to following all applicable ethics laws and
    regulations and remaining vigilant with regard to my ethics
    obligations. I will divest any investments the State Department Ethics
    Office deems necessary to avoid a conflict of interest.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Hon. Wendy R. Sherman by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. Do you agree that Iran is the world's leading exporter
    and supporter of terrorism?

        Answer. Iran remains the foremost state sponsor of terrorism. Its
    support for terrorism threatens international security, our forces,
    diplomatic personnel, and partners in the region and elsewhere. The
    administration is committed to countering any Iranian threat to our
    personnel and our vital interests and will respond to any such threat
    using all appropriate means.

        Question. Do you believe that the United States should trust the
    world's leading exporter of terrorism to honor any international
    agreements?

        Answer. The administration is ready to engage in meaningful
    diplomacy to achieve a mutual return to compliance with the Joint
    Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The JCPOA does not rely on trust;
    it provides the most intrusive nuclear verification and monitoring
    procedures ever negotiated. Diplomacy is a tool; it is not a reward or
    concession. It is a means to advance U.S. interests. I remain clear-
    eyed about the threat Iran poses to us and our allies.

        Question. What policies will you be pressing for to address Iran's
    non-nuclear threats?

        Answer. The administration is ready to engage in meaningful
    diplomacy to achieve a mutual return to compliance with the Joint
    Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and then use that as a platform to
    build a longer and stronger deal and also address other areas of
    concern. The administration also intends to pursue full implementation
    of relevant U.N. Security Council resolutions involving Iran.

        Question. Regarding ``compliance for compliance'' with the
    Iranians, can you commit today that you will not be counseling the
    administration to take the first step or dilute its existing leverage
    vis-a-vis the Iranians amid this process? Could you please explain to
    us how you define compliance by the Iranians with the JCPOA?

        Answer. The administration is ready to engage in meaningful
    diplomacy to achieve a mutual return to compliance with the Joint
    Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) as a starting point for follow-on
    negotiations. There are many steps in the process to getting there that
    we will need to evaluate. If confirmed, I am committed to consulting
    with Congress and our allies on the path forward.

        Question. Do you believe that for any Iran policy to be
    sustainable, it needs to have bipartisan support?

        Answer. The administration agrees that a bipartisan approach to
    Iran is the strongest way to safeguard U.S. interests for the long
    term, and if confirmed I will work to engage with Congress on this and
    other issues. As the Biden-Harris administration develops its Iran
    policy, it is committed to consulting closely and regularly with
    Congress, as well as U.S. allies and regional partners, to listen to
    their ideas and concerns.

        Question. Do you believe that the Iran's Islamic Revolutionary
    Guard Corps (IRGC) is a terrorist organization?

        Answer. The Iran Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is
    designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization in accordance with
    section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act and it is a
    Specially Designated Global Terrorist under Executive Order 13224. I
    believe Iran remains a state sponsor of terrorism and that, as the IRGC
    branch focused on extraterritorial activities, the IRGC-Quds Force has
    been directly involved in planning, directing, and supporting terrorist
    acts outside of Iran. Iran's support for terrorism threatens U.S.
    forces, diplomatic personnel, and partners in the region and elsewhere.
    The administration is committed to countering any Iranian threat to our
    forces, personnel, and our vital interests, and will respond to any
    such threat using all appropriate means.

        Question. Are you committed to strict enforcement of sanctions
    against the IRGC and its subsidiaries and affiliates?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to countering
    Iran's destabilizing activities, including its ballistic missile
    program and support for terrorist groups and violent proxies in the
    region. The Biden-Harris administration will continue to maintain and
    impose sanctions on Iranian entities and individuals supporting
    terrorist activity or responsible for serious human rights abuses, and
    will work with our allies promote accountability for those involved.

        Question. During your nominations hearing before the Senate Foreign
    Relations Committee on March 3, 2021, you acknowledged that you met
    with officials of the Iranian regime--a regime that is a U.S.-
    designated State Sponsor of Terrorism--during your time out of
    government since 2017. You also stated that you coordinated directly
    with Under Secretary for Political Affairs Ambassador David Hale
    concerning your interactions with Iranian regime officials.

       Did you also coordinate directly with any of the following senior
            U.S. State Department officials who handled Iran in their
            portfolio: Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern
            Affairs David Schenker, Special Representative for Iran Brian
            Hook, Special Representative for Iran Elliott Abrams, Deputy
            Secretary of State Stephen Biegun, or Secretary of State
            Michael Pompeo?

       If yes, please identify dates of consultation? If not, why not?

        Answer. I did not engage with any of the named individuals beyond
    Undersecretary for Political Affairs David Hale.

        Question. Besides in-person meetings, have you otherwise been in
    contact with any Iranian regime officials, including via e-mail, text
    exchange, or secure messaging platforms, between January 20, 2017, and
    today? If yes, please identify dates of contact and the text of the
    exchanges.

        Answer. To the best of my recollection, since January 2017 I have
    not had additional contact with Iranian officials beyond the meetings
    discussed, other than to arrange logistical details for those in-person
    meetings. I do not have records of those exchanges.

        Question. Do you agree that a credible option to use military force
    is an important component of U.S. policy to prevent Iran from obtaining
    nuclear weapons and to deter Iran's regional ambitions?

        Answer. Should Iran threaten U.S. personnel, the United States will
    respond in a way that is calculated, on our timetable, consistent with
    all applicable domestic and international law, and using a mix of tools
    seen and unseen.

        Question. Do you believe there were gaps in the JCPOA that must be
    addressed to truly stop Iran from ever acquiring a nuclear weapon?

        Answer. As a non-nuclear-weapon state party to the Nuclear Non-
    Proliferation Treaty (NPT), Iran is obligated not to manufacture or
    otherwise acquire nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices.
    Under the JCPOA, Iran reaffirmed that under no circumstances would it
    ever seek, develop, or acquire any nuclear weapons and committed to a
    series of limits on its nuclear activities that would verifiably block
    any path to producing nuclear material for weapons for their duration.
    The Biden-Harris administration has made clear it is committed to
    ensuring that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.

        Question. You have previously stated that the JCPOA provided the
    most comprehensive inspection regime ever negotiated. But in 2018,
    Israel revealed Iran's nuclear archive--which was unknown to the IAEA.
    Do you agree Iran lied to the IAEA about the possible military
    dimension (PMD) of its nuclear program?

        Answer. The IAEA has made clear that it takes no information
    provided by Iran on its nuclear program at face value. The IAEA has
    previously reported that it found evidence of possible military
    dimensions of Iran's program to be credible, and that a ``range of
    activities relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive device
    were conducted in Iran prior to the end of 2003 as a coordinated
    effort, and some activities took place after 2003.'' The administration
    will not take Iran at its word regarding assertions about its nuclear
    program, and fully supports the IAEA as it uses its verification
    authorities to investigate any indication of undeclared nuclear
    material or activities in Iran.

        Question. Can you describe your understanding of the regime's
    financial system with respect to terrorism finance, money laundering,
    corruption, and other illicit activity? Did the JCPOA change this
    behavior?

        Answer. Iran remains the foremost state sponsor of terrorism. Its
    support for terrorism threatens our forces and partners in the region.
    President Biden is committed to countering Iran's destabilizing
    activities, including its ballistic missile program and support for
    terrorist groups and violent proxies in the region. The United States
    and our partners negotiated a deal that verifiably prevented Iran from
    acquiring a nuclear weapon and subjected it to the most intrusive
    inspection regime ever negotiated. It was working. The President has
    made clear that the United States will be prepared to resume
    participation in the deal if Iran resumes strict compliance, as a
    starting point for follow-on negotiations to lengthen and strengthen
    these nuclear constraints, and address other issues of concern,
    including Iran's ballistic missile program and its destabilizing
    regional activity.

        Question. Do you agree that the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act
    of 2015 (INARA) is permanent law and is binding on the Biden
    administration?

        Answer. The Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA) is binding
    law. I understand that the Biden-Harris administration is committed to
    implementing the requirements of INARA.

        Question. Do you agree that because INARA requires any agreement
    with Iran relating to the nuclear program of Iran to be submitted to
    Congress for review ``regardless of the form it takes'', ``whether a
    political commitment or otherwise'', and ``regardless of whether it is
    legally binding or not'', that any informal agreement, including even
    an unwritten oral understanding, reached about how the United States
    and Iran will return to compliance with the JCPOA, or move in the
    direction of returning to compliance with the JCPOA, must be submitted
    to Congress for review pursuant to INARA?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to fully consulting with
    Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as called
    for under the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA). The JCPOA was
    submitted under INARA in 2015 and underwent close Congressional and
    public scrutiny. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that the
    requirements of INARA are satisfied, including with respect to the
    transmission requirement.

        Question. Do you agree that prior to and during the period for
    transmission of an agreement to Congress for review pursuant to INARA,
    and during the period for congressional review provided in INARA, ``the
    President may not waive, suspend, reduce, provide relief from, or
    otherwise limit the application of statutory sanctions with respect to
    Iran under any provision of law or refrain from applying any such
    sanctions pursuant to an agreement'' required to be transmitted to
    Congress for review pursuant to INARA?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to fully consulting with
    Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as called
    for under the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA). The JCPOA was
    submitted under INARA in 2015 and underwent close Congressional and
    public scrutiny. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that the
    requirements of INARA are satisfied, including with respect to the
    transmission requirement.

        Question. Do you agree that the sanctions that may not be waived,
    suspended or otherwise obviated under the circumstances described in
    the preceding question include sanctions that may have been waived,
    suspended or otherwise obviated pursuant to the JCPOA following
    congressional review of that agreement pursuant to INARA, but which
    were subsequently re-imposed by the United States Government?

        Answer. I am aware of this provision of the Iran Nuclear Agreement
    Review Act (INARA). I understand that the Biden-Harris administration
    is committed to implementing the requirements of INARA and if
    confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that the requirements of INARA
    are satisfied, including with respect to limitations during any
    congressional review period.

        Question. Are you personally committed to upholding the spirit of
    INARA's restrictions on sanctions relief for Iran referred to in the
    preceding two questions by not seeking to extend sanctions relief to
    Iran in circumvention of those restrictions?

        Answer. I am aware that the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act
    (INARA) contains certain limitations on sanctions relief during the
    congressional review period. I understand that the Biden-Harris
    administration is committed to implementing the requirements of INARA.
    If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that the requirements of INARA
    are satisfied.

        Question. Are you personally committed to ensuring that Congress
    will be able to review pursuant to INARA any agreement that is
    hereafter reached with Iran relating to the nuclear program of Iran,
    irrespective of the level of formality or politically or legally
    binding nature of such agreement, to include any agreement providing
    for return to compliance with the JCPOA, as well as any agreement that
    amends, augments, or supersedes the JCPOA?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to fully consulting with
    Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as called
    for under Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA) and to ensuring
    that the requirements of INARA are satisfied, including its
    transmission requirement.

        Question. Do you agree that INARA requires the President to ``keep
    the appropriate congressional committees and leadership fully and
    currently informed of any initiative or negotiations with Iran relating
    to Iran's nuclear program, including any new or amended agreement''?

        Answer. I am aware of this provision of the Iran Nuclear Agreement
    Review Act (INARA). If confirmed, I commit to consulting fully with
    Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as called
    for under INARA.

        Question. Are you personally committed to keeping the appropriate
    congressional committees and leadership fully and currently informed of
    any initiative or negotiations with Iran relating to Iran's nuclear
    program, including any new or amended agreement?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to consulting fully with Congress on
    any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as called for under
    INARA.

        Question. Do you agree that INARA requires the President to submit
    a report to Congress not less frequently than every 180 calendar days
    ``on Iran's nuclear program and the compliance of Iran with the [JCPOA]
    during the period covered by the report''?

        Answer. I am aware of this provision of the Iran Nuclear Agreement
    Review Act (INARA). If confirmed, I am committed to fully consulting
    with Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as
    called for under INARA, and to ensuring that the requirements of INARA
    are satisfied, including its reporting requirements.

        Question. Do you agree that INARA requires the President to make a
    determination and certification to the appropriate congressional
    committees and leadership not less than every 90 calendar days
    regarding Iran's compliance with the JCPOA?

        Answer. I am aware of this provision of the Iran Nuclear Agreement
    Review Act (INARA). If confirmed, I am committed to fully consulting
    with Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as
    called for under INARA, and to ensuring that the requirements of INARA
    are satisfied, including the requirement to determine whether to make
    the certification called for in Section 135(d)(6).

        Question. Do you agree that, should any new agreement or agreements
    be reached with Iran relating to the nuclear program of Iran, INARA
    will require the President to submit a report to Congress not less
    frequently than every 180 calendar days ``on Iran's nuclear program and
    the compliance of Iran with [each such new agreement] during the period
    covered by the report''?

        Answer. I am aware of this provision of the Iran Nuclear Agreement
    Review Act (INARA). If confirmed, I am committed to fully consulting
    with Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as
    called for under INARA, and to ensuring that the requirements of INARA
    are satisfied, including its semi-annual reporting requirements.

        Question. Do you agree that, should any new agreement or agreements
    be reached with Iran relating to the nuclear program of Iran, INARA
    will require the President to make a determination and certification to
    the appropriate congressional committees and leadership not less than
    every 90 calendar days regarding Iran's compliance with each such new
    agreement?

        Answer. I am aware of reporting and certification requirements of
    the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA). If confirmed, I am
    committed to fully consulting with Congress on any agreement relating
    to Iran's nuclear program, as called for under INARA, and to ensuring
    the requirements of INARA are satisfied, including the requirement to
    determine whether to make the certification called for in Section
    135(d)(6).

        Question. Do you agree that the Biden administration will be
    required under INARA to resume submitting reports and certifications to
    Congress that are mandated under INARA should the administration
    announce that the United States has returned to the JCPOA, or is
    returning to the JCPOA?

        Answer. I am aware of the reporting and certification requirements
    of the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA). If confirmed, I am
    committed to fully consulting with Congress on any agreement relating
    to Iran's nuclear program, as called for under INARA, and to ensuring
    that the requirements of INARA are satisfied, including its reporting
    requirements.

        Question. If you agree that the Biden administration will be
    required under INARA to resume submitting such reports and
    certifications to Congress should it announce that the United States
    has returned to the JCPOA, or is returning to the JCPOA, on what date
    will the first such report be due, and on what date will the first such
    certification be due? If you are not able at this time to specify the
    dates on which such reports and certifications will be due, please
    specify the method or formula you will use to calculate the respective
    due dates.

        Answer. I am aware of the reporting and certification requirements
    of the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA). The United States has
    not announced it has returned to the JCPOA, and I am not able to
    specify dates for potential future reporting requirements. If
    confirmed, I am committed to fully consulting with Congress on any
    agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program, as called for under
    INARA, and to ensuring that the requirements of INARA are satisfied,
    including meeting its reporting requirements in a timely manner.

        Question. Can you assure the committee that there are no
    circumstances under which the Biden administration will not abide by
    the understandings about compliance with INARA spelled out in your
    responses to the foregoing questions?

        Answer. I understand that the Biden-Harris administration is
    committed to implementing the requirements of the Iran Nuclear
    Agreement Review Act (INARA). If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring
    that the requirements of INARA are satisfied.

        Question. Do you agree that U.S. policy in the region is best
    advanced when working closely with our ally Israel?

        Answer. President Biden has been one of Israel's strongest
    supporters over the last fifty years. The U.S.-Israel relationship is
    deeply personal to him and he has met and worked closely with every
    Israeli Prime Minister since Golda Meir. The President believes the
    ties between our two countries, rooted in strategic interests and
    shared values, should transcend domestic politics. In this vein, his
    administration will not only further strengthen the U.S.-Israel
    relationship, but also ensure that it enjoys bipartisan backing. If
    confirmed, I will support the administration's goals to work closely
    with Israel, to include building on normalization agreements to
    strengthen cooperation between Israel and its neighbors.

        Question. Do you believe Israel is and should always remain a
    Jewish State?

        Answer. President Biden supports Israel's future as a Jewish and
    democratic state. He continues to believe the two-state solution is the
    best way to ensure that Israel remains both Jewish and democratic. If
    confirmed, I will support the Biden-Harris administration's efforts to
    restore credible U.S. engagement on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
    and look for opportunities for the type of diplomatic progress that can
    protect Israel's long-term security.

        Question. Do you agree with United States policy (and law) that
    Jerusalem is the capital of Israel?

        Answer. This administration recognizes that Jerusalem is central to
    the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians. Jerusalem is
    the capital of Israel and its ultimate status is a final status issue,
    which will need to be resolved by the parties in the context of direct
    negotiations. The administration will handle all issues related to
    Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity that they deserve.

        Question. Do you agree the United States Embassy in Israel should
    remain in Jerusalem?

        Answer. The U.S. position is that our embassy will remain in
    Jerusalem, which we recognize as Israel's capital. The ultimate status
    of Jerusalem is a final status issue, which will need to be resolved by
    the parties in the context of direct negotiations.

        Question. Do you support full funding for United States security
    assistance to Israel as laid out in the current 10-year Memorandum of
    Understanding?

        Answer. President Biden's commitment to Israel's security is
    ironclad. As you know, the President played an important role in
    helping to negotiate the 2016 Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on
    security assistance, among the largest aid packages in U.S. history. If
    confirmed, I will support the administration's pledge to preserve the
    terms of the MOU without reservation.

        Question. The MOU is a comprehensive agreement that outlined the
    terms and conditions of this assistance to Israel. If confirmed, will
    you oppose efforts to impose additional conditions or restrictions on
    this aid?

        Answer. The administration will continue to uphold President
    Biden's strong commitment to Israel and its security. If confirmed, I
    will advance the administration's position that we oppose efforts to
    place additional conditions on U.S. military assistance to Israel.

        Question. Do you support the United States' commitment to Israel's
    Qualitative Military Edge?

        Answer. The United States is required by law to help preserve
    Israel's Qualitative Military Edge in the Middle East. If confirmed, I
    will champion President Biden's priorities related to Israel's
    security, including our commitment to maintain Israel's Qualitative
    Military Edge.

        Question. If confirmed, will you make ensuring Israel's Qualitative
    Military Edge is maintained a priority?

        Answer. President Biden's commitment to Israel's security is
    inviolable. If confirmed, I will support the administration's objective
    to continue U.S. military assistance to Israel and uphold Israel's
    Qualitative Military Edge, which is critical to ensuring Israel has the
    means to defend itself.

        Question. Do you agree that the only way to reach a lasting
    solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is through direct,
    bilateral negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians rather than
    one imposed by outside actors?

        Answer. The United States is working toward a more peaceful,
    secure, and prosperous future for the people of the Middle East. As
    part of this, the United States seeks to advance the possibility of
    achieving a negotiated two-state solution, in which Israel lives in
    peace and security alongside a viable Palestinian state. If confirmed,
    I will support direct negotiations between the two parties to advance
    this goal. I will also support the administration's goals of working
    closely with Israel, engaging the Palestinians, and consulting with
    partners in the region who have a common interest in supporting efforts
    to advance lasting peace.

        Question. Israel constantly faces terrorist attacks and threats--
    including rocket attacks by Hamas in Gaza and attacks from Iranian-
    backed groups in Lebanon and Syria. Do you fully support Israel's right
    to defend itself from terrorist attacks, including taking pre-emptive
    action to disrupt weapons shipments from Iran to its terrorist proxies?

        Answer. President Biden's commitment to Israel's security is a key
    foreign policy tenet. The administration will continue U.S. military
    assistance to Israel and uphold Israel's Qualitative Military Edge,
    which is critical to ensuring Israel has the means to defend itself.
    The administration will take action, in coordination with our allies
    and partners, to both deter and counter Iran's destabilizing
    activities. There should be no doubt that the President has Israel's
    back. If confirmed, I will support the administration's goals regarding
    Israel's security.

        Question. If confirmed, will you make it a priority to counter the
    global Boycott, Divestment, and Sanction (BDS) campaign against Israel?
    Will you work to expand Israel's inclusion in the international
    community and ensure our ally is treated as a normal nation?

        Answer. President Biden, Secretary Blinken, and I firmly oppose the
    Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) campaign against Israel. This
    movement unfairly singles out Israel and too often veers into anti-
    Semitism. While the Biden-Harris administration will respect the
    American people's First Amendment rights, it will not hesitate to voice
    our disapproval of the BDS campaign or to fight efforts to delegitimize
    Israel on the world stage. The administration will work tirelessly to
    support Israel's further integration into the international community.

        Question. The International Criminal Court over the last several
    years has taken actions potentially leading to the prosecution of
    American and Israeli nationals despite neither country being a member
    to the court. If confirmed, will you oppose and work to prevent ICC
    prosecutions of Americans or Israelis?

        Answer. The United States shares the goals of the ICC in promoting
    accountability, respect for human rights, and justice for victims of
    atrocities. However, the United States has always objected to any
    attempt by the ICC to investigate U.S. personnel, as the United States
    is not a State Party to the Rome Statute. If confirmed, I will work to
    protect U.S. personnel from legal jeopardy before the ICC. I share the
    administration's serious concerns about the ICC's attempts to exercise
    jurisdiction over Israeli personnel. Israel is not a State Party, and
    Palestine is not a State.

        Question. Hezbollah's arsenal, particularly its precision guided
    munitions (PGM), represents a clear threat to U.S. and allied forces
    across the Middle East. If confirmed, what specific actions will you
    recommend the U.S. take to address the PGM threat from Hezbollah?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the United States uses
    all the tools at its disposal to push back on Hezbollah's terrorist and
    illicit activities. Hezbollah's actions threaten regional stability, as
    well as Lebanon's security, stability, and sovereignty. Hezbollah's
    actions demonstrate it is more interested in advancing its own
    interests than those of the Lebanese people. If confirmed, I will also
    consult closely with Israel on how to address threats to regional
    security and stability.

        Question. What actions will you take to press all our European
    allies and the United Nations to designate Hezbollah in its entirety as
    a terrorist entity?

        Answer. Hezbollah has been designated by the State Department as a
    Foreign Terrorist Organization since 1997 and a Specially Designated
    Global Terrorist since 2001. The Department remains concerned about
    Hezbollah's terrorist and illicit activities around the world and its
    destabilizing actions in Lebanon. If confirmed, I will continue to
    advance our long-standing diplomatic efforts to press countries and the
    European Union to fully designate, ban, or restrict Hezbollah from
    operating in their territory. Thirteen governments around the world,
    including in Europe, took significant domestic action along these lines
    against Hezbollah in recent years. The administration will encourage
    others to follow suit.

        Question. If confirmed, will you work to ensure that the U.S.
    continues support for the Kurds of Syria during the Biden
    administration?

        Answer. I am committed to supporting our local partners, the Syrian
    Democratic Forces. They cannot continue to root out ISIS terrorists or
    guard the tens of thousands of ISIS detainees and families who are
    still in their custody without U.S. support. If confirmed, I will also
    support renewed U.S. efforts to stabilize areas of northeast Syria
    liberated from ISIS, to include an ongoing Syrian Intra-Kurdish
    Dialogue, which aims to de-escalate tensions with the Syrian opposition
    and advance more inclusive governance in northeast Syria.

        Question. In a July 2020 piece in Foreign Policy titled ``The Total
    Destruction of U.S. Foreign Policy Under Trump'', you criticized the
    Trump administration for having ``made no effort to find areas of
    cooperation with China, such as climate change.'' Should cooperation or
    competition be the dominant U.S. policy approach to Beijing?

        Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, ``our relationship with
    China will be competitive when it should be, collaborative when it can
    be, and adversarial when it must be. The common denominator is the need
    to engage China from a position of strength.'' China has been growing
    more authoritarian at home and more assertive abroad. Beijing is now
    challenging our security, prosperity, and values in significant ways
    that require a new U.S. approach. If confirmed, I will be committed to
    meeting this challenge.

        Question. If you seek to cooperate with the PRC, do you believe
    that the Chinese Communist Party will cooperate in good-faith?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration approaches China through
    the lens of strategic competition and recognizes there are adversarial
    and cooperative aspects to the U.S.-China relationship. The
    administration is willing to test whether China is willing to play a
    constructive role on certain issues but will be clear-eyed about
    China's intentions. China's failure to act consistently with its
    international obligations and commitments will significantly factor
    into how the U.S. approaches China on issues where our interests may
    align. If confirmed, I will keep these past shortcomings in mind in
    future dealings with Beijing and will consult with Congress on any
    potential areas of cooperation.

        Question. Can you name bilateral agreements between the United
    States and the PRC that Beijing has honored in full and without later
    reneging? How do you plan to ensure that Beijing fulfills its part of
    any agreement on climate change given its long record of broken
    promises?

        Answer. China poses the most significant challenge of any nation-
    state to the interests of the American people. The Biden-Harris
    administration is committed to working closely with our allies and
    partners to press China to act more constructively. If confirmed, I
    will be unflinching in our diplomacy with China on climate change.
    Given Beijing's track record of failing to honor its international
    obligations, the United States will keep eyes wide open and not limit
    its options in addressing the China challenge just because Beijing
    makes offers of cooperation. The administration will judge Beijing by
    its actions, not its words.

        Question. Does China have more or fewer coal-fired power plants
    today than in 2016?

        Answer. China has more coal-fired power plants now than it did in
    2016. China currently has approximately 1,005 gigawatts (GW) of
    installed coal power generation capacity, which is roughly half of the
    world's total. According to the Center for Research on Energy and Clean
    Air, China also accounts for 41 percent of planned coal-power
    construction, approximately 200 GW over the next five to ten years.
    Although China has made efforts to decommission old coal plants and
    curtail future builds, it has continued to expand its coal-fired power
    fleet and added a net 36.8 GW and 29.8 GW of coal-fired generation
    capacity in 2019 and 2020, respectively. Media report that, in 2020,
    alone China built more than three times the amount built elsewhere
    around the world.

        Question. If confirmed, how will the State Department, under your
    leadership, push for international transparency and accountability to
    ensure we learn what caused the COVID-19 pandemic and how to prevent
    the next pandemic?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration recognizes COVID-19 is a
    global challenge that requires a global response and will engage
    globally to respond to and recover from COVID-19, as well as to prepare
    for the next threat. The administration will work with allies and
    partners to strengthen and reform the WHO, push for a transparent
    investigation into the emergence and spread of COVID-19 to better
    prepare for future outbreaks, and support multilateral efforts to end
    the COVID-19 pandemic. The commitment to combat COVID-19, promote
    public health, and advance global health security, as embodied in
    National Security Memorandum-1, will save lives, foster economic
    recovery, and build better resilience against future biological
    threats.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit that the State Department
    will follow up on the Department's January 2021 disclosure of new
    information on activities at the Wuhan Institute of Virology? Will you
    commit to sharing with Congress--and with the public as appropriate--
    further details on the disclosures including the names of the Wuhan
    Institute of Virology researchers who were sick in the fall of 2019?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has made clear it supports
    a robust and transparent investigation into the origins of the COVID-19
    pandemic. An impartial public health investigation into the origins and
    early spread of any novel outbreak is vital to protecting against
    future health security threats. The administration will review all
    information available to us about the origins of SARS-COV-2. It is
    imperative to have transparency on the early events of the pandemic and
    determine how COVID-19 spread, so future emergence events with pandemic
    potential can be averted. If confirmed, I commit to follow up--with
    Congress and with the public--on disclosures of new information and
    relevant diplomatic reporting.

        Question. If confirmed, will you support the suspension of U.S.
    funding to research institutions in China engaged in virological
    studies, including the Wuhan Institute of Virology and all branches of
    the PRC Center for Disease Control and Prevention, and discontinue all
    joint research projects involving Chinese scientists and U.S.
    scientists that receive funding from the U.S. taxpayers so long as none
    of this impacts U.S. national security, until PRC authorities allow a
    credible and unfettered international investigation into the origin of
    SARS-COV-2?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to reviewing the current
    policy and funding priorities for any programs the Department may have
    for joint research projects with China.

        Question. On April 3, 2020, you signed a statement entitled
    ``Saving Lives in America, China, and Around the World,'' which read in
    part: ``No effort against the coronavirus--whether to save American
    lives at home or combat the disease abroad--will be successful without
    some degree of cooperation between the United States and China. China's
    factories can make the protective gear and medicines needed to fight
    the virus; its medical personnel can share their valuable clinical
    experience in treating it; and its scientists can work with ours to
    develop the vaccine urgently needed to vanquish it.'' Do you still
    believe today that the same regime that infected the world with this
    deadly virus, and then lied to cover it up, can really be part of the
    solution?

        Answer. Promoting global health is in China's interests as well as
    ours. It is not a favor to be bargained for, but a challenge best
    addressed with China's cooperation. The Biden-Harris administration
    will test whether China is willing to play a constructive role on
    certain issues where we may share interests, such as global health, but
    will be clear-eyed about Chinese intentions. The administration will
    not trade off U.S. core interests or values in discussions with China
    or any other country.

        Question. How would you characterize the nature of the Chinese
    Communist Party? Do you believe their worldview and value system are
    compatible with our own?

        Answer. The Chinese Communist Party is illiberal, authoritarian,
    and increasingly aggressive. Under the Biden-Harris administration, the
    United States will advance an alternative world view that promotes
    democratic governance and transparency.

        Question. What are the ambitions of the Chinese Communist Party?
    Are they purely domestic in scope? Regional? Global? If global, how do
    they challenge U.S. interests?

        Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) seeks to expand its
    domestic, regional, and global influence and drive wedges between the
    United States and our partners and allies. The PRC's coercive economic
    activity and aggressive acquisition of critical technologies through
    licit and illicit means--coupled with a corresponding expansion of its
    military footprint and collection capabilities--seek to expand Chinese
    influence around the globe. These actions pose a threat to U.S.
    interests and undermine our own military, diplomatic, and economic
    influence. If confirmed, I will work with the Department of Defense,
    other national security agencies, and Congress to address this
    challenge.

        Question. In what areas do you think the United States should try
    to frustrate the CCP's ambitions and undermine the party's ability to
    achieve their international ambitions?

        Answer. The United States is committed to working with our allies
    and partners to counter China's malign actions around the world. The
    U.S. should engage in international institutions and make the necessary
    investments in our military to ensure we can deter any aggression.
    Economically, we can and must out-compete China, including by
    preventing U.S. intellectual property and technology from being used in
    ways that could undermine our competitiveness and security. If
    confirmed, I will work closely with our allies and partners to confront
    the challenges posed by China from a position of strength.

        Question. Do you believe that the Chinese Communist Party's united
    front and intelligence activities inside the borders of the United
    States, as well as inside the borders of our allies and partners,
    challenge the integrity of our policymaking? Why?

        Answer. It is important that we bring greater transparency to bear
    on malign People's Republic of China influence activities in the United
    States. China's use of information operations and other coercive and
    corrupting efforts to undermine and interfere in democracies poses a
    threat to the United States and our allies and partners. If confirmed,
    I will push back on Beijing's attempts to write the rules of the
    information age by working with allies and likeminded partners to
    support an affirmative, democratic vision for the global information
    space, while building resilience against these threats and exposing
    China's malign activity. Further, if confirmed, I will also work to
    educate important U.S. constituencies, including state and local
    governments, on these threats.

        Question. Do you agree that the goal of the Chinese Communist Party
    is not merely to make China stronger and more developed, but rather for
    China to ultimately supplant the United States as the world's dominant
    economic, political, and military power?

        Answer. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) intends for the People's
    Republic of China, which is growing increasingly illiberal,
    authoritarian, and aggressive, to become a dominant world power. Its
    values are often at odds with our own. The administration is committed
    to working with our partners and allies to address the challenges the
    CCP poses to democratic values from a position of strength. The
    Department will communicate this clearly and directly in our public
    diplomacy efforts. The Department will confront the CCP's growing
    authoritarianism and escalating efforts to divide and manipulate others
    and write the rules of the information age. It will work with allies
    and partners to define an affirmative, democratic vision for the world.

        Question. Is Xi Jinping's ``Community of Common Destiny for
    Humanity'' compatible with your views of the international order and
    the ways in which countries conduct diplomacy? If not, why not?

        Answer. China seeks to make America and its allies more dependent
    on China and erode the international system that has provided peace and
    stability since the end of World War II. Xi's ``Community of Common
    Destiny for Humanity'' policy framework is no exception. If confirmed,
    I will prioritize renewed engagement with our allies and partners. I
    will rally their support to push back against China, including its
    attempts to reshape the international order and assert a set of values
    inconsistent with our own.

        Question. How would you assess the United States' policy of
    engagement with Beijing from 1979 to 2017? In retrospect, did that
    policy effectively protect and advance of our most vital national
    interests? Do you support a return to that policy?

        Answer. The strategic environment has changed significantly in
    recent years, as has China itself. While there was once a broad
    consensus that economic liberalization in China would lead to political
    liberalization, that has not happened. China has grown more
    authoritarian at home and more assertive abroad. The CCP is illiberal,
    authoritarian, and intends for China to become a dominant world power.
    Beijing is working across the spectrum to compete with and challenge
    the United States. This necessitates a new U.S. approach. If confirmed,
    I will commit to addressing China from a position of strength in
    coordination with allies and partners.

        Question. Please explain how you believe the United States should
    act to defend our national interests when challenged by the Chinese
    authorities, even if our allies and partners are reluctant to join us.

        Answer. The most effective way to defend our national interests
    when challenged by Chinese authorities is to build positions of
    strength with U.S. allies and partners. On its own, the United States
    represents about a quarter of global GDP. When we join with fellow
    democracies that share more than doubles. China cannot afford to ignore
    more than half the global economy.
        When it is in the United States' interest to act on our own, we
    will do so. It is essential to confront directly China's economic
    abuses, defend our values, and protect the long-term prosperity and
    security of the United States.

        Question. While multilateral efforts are preferable, do you support
    unilateral action to counter China's malign activities if diplomatic
    efforts to secure multilateral action should fail?

        Answer. The challenges that China poses to our security,
    prosperity, and values, and how we conduct this competition in
    coordination with our allies and partners, will be crucial for defining
    the 21st century. PRC actions hurt American workers, blunt our
    technological edge, threaten our alliances, and undermine international
    organizations. If confirmed, I will work with partners and allies to
    counter Beijing's aggressive and coercive actions, sustain our military
    and economic advantages, and defend our democratic values from a
    position of strength. However, when it is in the United States'
    interest to act on our own, we should do so.

        Question. If confirmed, in future dialogue with Beijing, will you
    press for meaningful progress as a precondition for further rounds of
    dialogue? Do you commit to supporting the administration and Secretary
    in raising issues that Beijing deems ``sensitive''--such as human
    rights, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Tibet, and the Uyghurs--regardless of
    whether doing so may affect the CCP's willingness to engage in further
    dialogue?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will stand up for our values when human
    rights are being abused in Xinjiang and Tibet--or elsewhere in China--
    or when autonomy is being assaulted in Hong Kong. The administration is
    willing to test whether the Chinese Government is willing to play a
    constructive role on certain issues but will be clear-eyed about U.S.
    interests. The People's Republic of China's (PRC) failure to uphold its
    international commitments will significantly factor into how we develop
    our approach to the PRC. If confirmed, I will keep these past
    shortcomings in mind in future dealings with Beijing. The Biden-Harris
    administration will put our democratic values at the center of our
    foreign policy and stand up for democracy, human rights, and human
    dignity.

        Question. Do you support the Trump administration's designation of
    the National Association for China's Peaceful Unification as a foreign
    mission of the PRC? What steps will you take to ensure other such front
    organizations are properly designated, and to inform relevant
    stakeholders within the U.S.--including state and local governments,
    universities, and business associations--of the nature and mission of
    such front organizations?

        Answer. China's use of coercive and corrupting tools of influence
    to undermine and interfere in democracies is a concern for the United
    States and our allies and partners around the world. The Biden-Harris
    administration will take action to counter this malign Chinese
    influence, including by increasing transparency and accountability. The
    administration will work with our allies and likeminded partners to
    build resilience against these threats, to expose China's malign
    activity and, when appropriate, to impose costs. The administration
    will also work with important U.S. constituencies, including state and
    local governments and academic institutions, to address these threats.

        Question. Do you support the Trump administration's reciprocity
    requirements that PRC diplomats report certain categories of meetings
    to the U.S. Government, including meetings with educational
    institutions and Chinese community groups?

        Answer. The United States seeks for our diplomats in China the same
    open access PRC officials enjoy in the United States. For years,
    Beijing has systematically obstructed access by U.S. officials. The
    administration will use all the tools at our disposal to achieve
    reciprocal access for our diplomats in China.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that human rights
    concerns are integrated in every senior bilateral engagement, and that
    specific prisoner cases are raised at the highest levels, both publicly
    and privately, with the PRC?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will put our democratic values at the
    center of our foreign policy and stand up for democracy, human rights,
    and human dignity. Effective diplomacy on human rights issues requires
    not only general statements but also targeted engagement on specific
    cases. If confirmed, I will integrate advocacy on specific cases into
    our human rights diplomacy.

        Question. Do you see the link between China's pervasive, egregious
    human rights abuses and its failure on so many other fronts to be a
    responsible global actor?

        Answer. The People's Republic of China seeks international
    acceptance of its authoritarian alternative to the rules-based
    international system that has been the mainstay of global security and
    prosperity over the course of decades. At the same time, Beijing denies
    or obfuscates that it has an alarming record of violations and abuses
    of international human rights. If confirmed, I will work with the
    Department to challenge authoritarian governance and stand up for the
    human rights of all individuals, including by calling on PRC
    authorities to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms consistent
    with China's international obligations and commitments.

        Question. In December 2018, Chinese authorities detained Pastor
    Wang Yi of the Autumn Rain Covenant Church in Chengdu, and one year
    later, sentenced him to nine years in prison for refusing to accept the
    CCP controls of his congregation described above. If confirmed, will
    you agree to raise Pastor Wang's case with leaders in Beijing and
    advocate for his immediate and unconditional release until they do so?

        Answer. I share your concerns regarding the deterioration of
    freedom of religion and belief in the People's Republic of China (PRC).
    Religious leaders are at particular risk of PRC repression and are
    pressured to join state-run religious organizations, as we have seen in
    the cases of Buddhist lamas, Muslim imams, Protestant pastors, and
    Catholic bishops and priests. Pastor Wang Yi is no exception and, if
    confirmed, I will continue the Department's advocacy for his release.
    Effective diplomatic engagement on human rights issues requires not
    only general statements but also engagement on specific cases. If
    confirmed, I will advocate on specific human rights cases.

        Question. Former Secretary of State Pompeo rightly determined that
    the People's Republic of China is committing genocide and crimes
    against humanity in Xinjiang against Uyghurs and other Muslim
    minorities. Secretary Blinken agreed with this determination. Do you
    concur with former Secretary Pompeo and Secretary Blinken?

        Answer. Yes. The People's Republic of China (PRC) has committed
    crimes against humanity and genocide in Xinjiang. Uyghurs, who are
    predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious
    minority groups have suffered unspeakable oppression at the hands of
    China's authoritarian government. The PRC is engaged in atrocities that
    shock the conscience and must be met with serious consequences. If
    confirmed, I will speak out consistently with allies and partners to
    condemn these atrocities, and I will consider all appropriate tools to
    promote accountability for those responsible and to deter future
    abuses.

        Question. If confirmed, will you work toward getting like-minded
    countries to join the United States in a genocide determination?

        Answer. Secretary Blinken said in his judgment that the People's
    Republic of China (PRC) has committed genocide against Uyghurs, and I
    agree. The PRC also has committed crimes against humanity in Xinjiang
    against Uyghurs, who are predominantly Muslim, and members of other
    ethnic and religious minority groups, including imprisonment, torture,
    enforced sterilization, and persecution. The associated abuses in
    Xinjiang are particularly devastating to ethnic minority women and
    girls. These atrocities shock the conscience and must be met with
    serious consequences. If confirmed, I will speak out consistently and
    jointly with allies and partners to condemn these atrocities and will
    consider all appropriate tools to promote accountability for those
    responsible and deter future abuses.

        Question. Will you endorse the Rubio-McGovern Uyghur Forced Labor
    Prevention Act to prevent Beijing from profiting from its abuse of
    Uyghur and other persecuted groups' labor?

        Answer. While I cannot comment on pending legislation, I can
    confirm that the Biden-Harris administration stands against forced
    labor and abuses targeting Uyghurs and other minority groups carried
    out by the People's Republic of China (PRC). If confirmed, I will work
    with international partners to promote accountability for the PRC's
    atrocities in Xinjiang, press for the immediate and unconditional
    release of all those arbitrarily detained, the abolition of the
    internment camps and an end to forced labor, as well as the cessation
    of all other human rights abuses in Xinjiang and elsewhere in China. In
    addition, if confirmed, I will support efforts across the government to
    limit the profits China gains from forced labor.

        Question. Do you believe that the National Liberation Army (ELN) is
    a terrorist organization?

        Answer. The National Liberation Army (ELN) is designated as a
    Foreign Terrorist Organization in accordance with section 219 of the
    Immigration and Nationality Act and as a Specially Designated Global
    Terrorist under Executive Order 13224.

        Question. Do you believe that the Revolutionary Armed Forces of
    Colombia (FARC) is a terrorist organization?

        Answer. The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia is designated as
    a Foreign Terrorist Organization in accordance with section 219 of the
    Immigration and Nationality Act and as a Specially Designated Global
    Terrorist under Executive Order 13224.

        Question. Cuba harbors terrorists groups like the ELN. Do you
    support keeping Cuba on the State Sponsors of Terrorism list?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has committed to carefully
    reviewing decisions made in the prior administration, including the
    decision to designate Cuba as a State Sponsor of Terrorism. The
    administration will also carefully review policy related to Cuba and
    will provide further information at the appropriate time. The
    administration does not discuss deliberations or potential
    deliberations regarding designations.

        Question. The Cuban regime denies the Cuban people essential
    liberties such as free association, expression, belief, and access to
    information. How would you characterize the Cuban regime's human rights
    record?

        Answer. Cuba has a poor human rights record. The Cuban Government
    has increased its practice of arbitrary arrest and harassment of human
    rights defenders, journalists, and anyone who criticizes the
    Government. If confirmed, I will follow through on the Biden-Harris
    administration's promise to ensure that democracy and human rights
    remain at the core of our policy efforts toward Cuba. The
    administration will engage directly with a large swath of Cuban civil
    society, with the goal of empowering the Cuban people to determine
    their own future. The administration will also engage directly the
    Cuban Government to denounce abuses and push for reform.

        Question. The Cuban military plays a large role in controlling the
    flow of money in the Cuban economy. They use this control to support
    the Cuban Communist Party and ensure regime survival. Do you support
    restricting financial transactions with the Cuban military as a way to
    promote freedom in Cuba?

        Answer. The Cuban people face great hardship as they deal with the
    pandemic, economic upheaval caused by the country's recent monetary
    measures, and decades of living under an oppressive government that has
    failed to responsibly manage Cuba's economy. The administration has
    committed to carefully reviewing U.S.-Cuba policy, including our
    posture regarding economic sanctions on Cuba, to ensure they advance
    the administration's goal of empowering the Cuban people to determine
    their future. If confirmed, I will support the Department's review of
    the policy with an eye toward assessing its impact on the political and
    economic well-being of the Cuban people, and I look forward to
    consulting with Congress on this issue.

        Question. Do you agree that Americans should be compensated for
    property that was confiscated by the Castro regime?

        Answer. Many Americans waited decades for compensation due to the
    Cuban Government's confiscation of their or their family's property.
    The Department will explore the best ways to support claimants and
    resolve outstanding claims. The administration committed to carefully
    reviewing U.S.-Cuba policy, including the best way to advance U.S.
    nationals' claims against the Cuban Government. The administration
    recognizes the varied views in Congress, and if confirmed, I look
    forward to consulting with Congress in developing a path forward.

        Question. Do you agree with Secretary Pompeo's decision to no
    longer exercise the suspension authority in the LIBERTAD Act, which
    allows Americans to sue in U.S. courts, companies trafficking in their
    stolen properties?

        Answer. The administration has committed to carefully reviewing
    U.S.-Cuba policy, including U.S. posture regarding the suspension
    authority in Title III of the LIBERTAD Act. I understand that the
    administration is exploring ways to best support U.S. nationals'
    claims. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with Congress on
    this issue.

        Question. Do you agree we should maintain strong sanctions against
    Cuba and Venezuela as the Cuban regime provides intelligence and other
    vital support to the Maduro regime in Caracas in exchange for
    subsidized or free oil?

        Answer. The United States should maintain strong sanctions
    targeting the illegitimate Maduro regime and its enablers, including
    those complicit in human rights abuses and corruptly siphoning wealth
    and resources from the Venezuelan people. The administration is also
    committed to taking all appropriate steps to prevent our sanctions from
    impacting humanitarian access and delivery.

        Question. Do you support Interim President Juan Guaido in the
    pursuit of the restoration of democracy in Venezuela?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration continues to recognize Juan
    Guaido as the interim President of Venezuela. If confirmed, I will
    press for the restoration of democracy in Venezuela through holding of
    free and fair elections.

        Question. Do you support democracy assistance to the Cuban people
    to promote democracy, civil society and human rights in Cuba pursuant
    to U.S. law?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will follow through on the Biden-
    Harris administration's promise to ensure that the advancement of
    democracy and human rights remains at the core of our policy efforts
    toward Cuba. The Biden-Harris administration will engage directly with
    a large swath of Cuban civil society, with the goal of empowering the
    Cuban people to determine their own future. The administration will
    also engage with the Cuban Government to denounce abuses and push for
    reform. I am committed to consulting closely with Congress about Cuba
    policy, if confirmed.

        Question. The Helms amendment states, ``No foreign assistance funds
    may be used to pay for the performance of abortion as a method of
    family planning or to motivate or coerce any person to practice
    abortions.'' If confirmed, can you guarantee there will be a strict
    adherence to the Helms amendment in the administration of U.S. foreign
    assistance?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will take the Helms Amendment and other
    legislative restrictions, including other restrictions related to
    abortion, very seriously and will work with partners to ensure
    compliance.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Wendy R. Sherman by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

        Question. March 15 will mark the 10th anniversary of the brutal
    crackdown by Syrian president Bashar al-Assad against peaceful
    protestors, resulting in a violent and protracted civil war. I am
    concerned that U.S. actions in Syria in the last four years have not
    reflected a robust decision-making process focused on supporting our
    allies and countering malign actors. Having visited our Kurdish
    partners in 2018, I have seen first-hand the value of an engaged U.S.
    policy on Syria. What actions are available for the United States to
    take now to improve the outcome in Syria?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration's policy goals in Syria
    include achieving a comprehensive political resolution under the
    parameters of UNSCR 2254, ensuring the enduring defeat of ISIS, and
    promoting the provision of life-saving humanitarian aid to Syrians in
    need. The administration will use a variety of tools, across a
    coordinated whole-of-government approach, to push for a sustainable end
    to the Syrian people's suffering. Any political settlement must address
    the factors that drive violence and instability in Syria. Additionally,
    the humanitarian situation is dire. If confirmed, I will work within
    the administration to do more to aid vulnerable Syrians displaced
    within Syria, as well as refugees who fled abroad.

        Question. How should the U.S. balance Turkey, the Kurds and Russia
    in responding to the situation in Northeastern Syria?

        Answer. Preventing an ISIS resurgence in Iraq and Syria demands
    revitalized U.S. engagement. The administration is committed to
    supporting our local partners, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). The
    United States has shared interests with Turkey in countering terrorism
    and ending the conflict in Syria and understands Turkey's concerns
    about U.S. cooperation with the People's Protection Units (YPG) as part
    of the SDF in the Defeat-ISIS campaign, which we will continue to
    address. The administration will continue to consult with Turkey on
    Syria as it seeks areas for cooperation. The United States has always
    been open to dialogue with Russia on Syria, as long as the dialogue
    contributes to protecting civilians and to credibly moving forward on a
    political resolution to the conflict.

        Question. I was pleased to see the Biden administration
    implementing a sanctions regime against those responsible for the
    poisoning of Russian opposition leader Aleksei Navalny and the
    continued construction on the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. On Nord Stream 2,
    what next steps should the administration take to stop the Nord Stream
    2 pipeline?

        Answer. The administration believes the Nord Stream 2 pipeline is a
    bad deal and a threat to European energy security, including Ukraine
    and other vulnerable partners. The administration welcomes Congress's
    interest and appreciates Congressional efforts to provide the tools
    needed to combat Russian aggressive actions. In a February 19 report to
    Congress, the Department identified Russia-based KVT-RUS as an entity
    knowingly selling, leasing, or providing the vessel FORTUNA for the
    construction of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline project, as required by
    PEESA, as amended. I understand that the Department will continue to
    inform companies about the risks of doing business with Nord Stream 2
    and use all available tools to examine entities potentially involved in
    sanctionable activity, as outlined by CAATSA and PEESA, as amended. It
    will also continue its diplomatic engagement with key European partners
    and allies to outline our serious concerns regarding the project's
    geopolitical implications for Europe's energy security.

        Question. How do you view the timeline for the administration to
    act to stop the pipeline? Is there a point after which our options to
    stop the pipeline are limited?

        Answer. The administration's efforts to date aimed at stopping the
    pipeline, aided by the authorities granted by Congress, have
    significantly slowed the pipeline's pace of construction. It is of the
    utmost importance to maintain this high level of engagement and
    diplomatic pressure to prevent the pipeline's completion. If confirmed,
    I will ensure the Department of State maintains this high level of
    engagement and diplomatic pressure.

        Question. What should next steps for broad, coherent U.S. policy
    response to Russian aggression look like? How are the Navalny sanctions
    part of a wider strategy to respond to and deter Russia?

        Answer. President Biden has made clear that the United States will
    act firmly in defense of its national interests in response to actions
    by Russia that harm us or our allies. On March 2, the administration
    took action to impose costs on the Russian Federation for the
    poisoning, arrest, and imprisonment of Aleksey Navalny. The United
    States will continue to take action to counter Russia's malign actions
    and will comply with the legal obligations to impose a second round of
    sanctions under the Chemical and Biological Weapons Control and Warfare
    Elimination Act of 1991. As the administration works to advance U.S.
    interests, it will continue to hold Russia accountable for its
    destabilizing activity, disregard for international law, including its
    repeated use of chemical weapons in violation of the Chemical Weapons
    Convention, and human rights violations.

        Question. What additional legal tools does the administration need
    to stop this pipeline?

        Answer. I appreciate Congressional support to stop this pipeline.
    The administration has a number of sanctions tools at its disposal to
    stop Nord Stream 2, including the Protecting Europe's Energy Security
    Act (PEESA), as amended, Countering America's Adversaries Through
    Sanctions Act (CAATSA), and the International Emergency Economic Powers
    Act (IEEPA). As you know, PEESA and CAATSA Section 232 provide more
    specific tools targeting Russian energy export pipelines, which can be
    supplemented by IEEPA if needed. If confirmed, I will continue to work
    with the ample tools Congress has already provided. I will also work to
    maintain the high level of engagement with companies and diplomatic
    pressure to bring an end to the pipeline's construction.

        Question. How can the administration better amplify the concerns of
    our central and eastern European allies to persuade Danish and German
    authorities to stop the pipeline?

        Answer. The administration has made clear to Germany and other
    European partners that Nord Stream 2 is not just a commercial deal. It
    views this project as a threat not only to Europe's energy security but
    also to strategic stability on the continent. The German and Danish
    authorities are aware of the U.S. position from frequent and high-level
    interaction and statements, and the administration will continue all
    such efforts. The United States will also continue to work with our
    allies and partners, including Germany, Denmark, Ukraine, Poland, and
    the Baltic states, to ensure Europe has a reliable, diversified energy
    supply that does not undermine collective security.

        Question. From the administration's point of view, what aspects of
    the pipeline's construction are the most vulnerable to targeted
    sanctions that could stop the project?

        Answer. To date, targeted outreach to Western insurers and
    certification, engineering, and construction firms, including companies
    providing pipe-laying vessels, have significantly affected the rate of
    the pipeline's construction with many entities winding down their
    operations and untold more refusing to engage with Nord Stream 2 AG
    given the risk of sanctions. The administration will continue to be
    clear that companies risk sanctions if they involve themselves in Nord
    Stream 2 construction and will continue to monitor companies involved
    in potentially sanctionable activities.

        Question. Georgia has been on a dangerous backslide away from
    democracy for several years now. Recent developments, including the
    arrest and detention of Russian opposition leader Nika Melia, threats
    to further destabilize Georgia and the region. What policy responses
    are available to the United States? How should the U.S. work with
    European allies to develop an international consensus on Georgia?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to support the Georgian
    people's choice to pursue closer ties with the EU and NATO and, as
    Congress has done, voice strong U.S. support for Georgia's sovereignty
    and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized
    borders. In its messaging of support for Georgia's future in the
    context of recent developments, the Department has emphasized the
    importance of Georgian leaders and politicians modeling the values and
    norms of the Euro-Atlantic community they aspire to join. If confirmed,
    I look forward to working with Congress and European allies to help
    identify opportunities to support Georgia's democratic development,
    including reforms to foster judicial independence and a level electoral
    playing field, as well as anticorruption and pro-business reforms. U.S.
    assistance directly supports these goals. I am committed to ensuring
    U.S. assistance to Georgia advances U.S. policy objectives.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Hon. Wendy R. Sherman by Senator Rob Portman

        Question. Last week I sent a letter cosigned by the other GOP
    ranking members of national security committees to provide our vision
    for a successful renegotiation with Iran over its nuclear program and
    its regional aggression. As you are probably aware, I was a vocal
    critic of the previous JCPOA and I believe that the Biden
    administration has a rare opportunity to fix the fatal flaws of the
    previous agreement.
        Specifically, my colleagues and I would like to see that the
    nuclear issue and Tehran's regional aggression be addressed together.
    Iran remains the number one state sponsor of terror, and it would be a
    critical mistake to separate the two issues. Additionally, there should
    be no financial relief for Iran to meet their pre-conditions for
    diplomatic talks. This is a mistake that is often repeated time and
    again, not just in our negotiations with Iran, but with rogue regimes
    worldwide.

       If confirmed, do you commit to addressing Iran's nuclear program
            and regional aggression together in any future diplomatic
            negotiations, while opposing any such deal that includes one
            without the other? Do you agree to not grant concessions as a
            precondition to diplomatic talks?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration agrees that we need to
    supplement the JCPOA if we want a deal that is sustainable. There are
    several issues the deal did not address, including Iran's ballistic
    missile development, proliferation, and destabilizing regional
    activities. Iran also remains the foremost state sponsor of terrorism,
    threatening international security and U.S. forces, diplomatic
    personnel, and partners in the region and elsewhere. The administration
    is ready to engage in meaningful diplomacy to achieve a mutual return
    to compliance with the JCPOA, and then use it as a platform to
    negotiate a longer, stronger nuclear deal, and other critical issues.

        Question. Do you agree to not grant concessions as a precondition
    to diplomatic talks?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration will not make decisions
    based on artificial Iranian deadlines. The President made clear he is
    committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon, and the
    administration believes diplomacy, in coordination with our allies and
    regional partners, is the best path to achieve that goal. The
    administration is ready to engage in meaningful diplomacy to achieve a
    mutual return to compliance with the JCPOA and then use it as a
    platform to negotiate a longer, stronger nuclear deal and other areas
    of concern. Iran continues to exceed JCPOA limits on many fronts, so we
    are a long way from that point.

        Question. Senator Cardin and I worked together to push back against
    the politically motivated global boycott, divestment, and sanctions
    movement unfairly targeting Israel. These efforts have achieved
    widespread bipartisan support in the Senate, and we look forward to
    working with your State Department to ensure that Israel is not
    unfairly targeted through these efforts.

       What is your view on the strategic US/Israel relationship and can
            we count on your support to oppose global BDS movements against
            Israel?

        Answer. President Biden, Secretary Blinken, and I firmly oppose the
    Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) campaign against Israel. This
    movement unfairly singles out Israel and too often veers into anti-
    Semitism. While the Biden-Harris administration will respect the
    American people's First Amendment rights, the administration will not
    hesitate to voice our disapproval of the BDS campaign or to fight
    efforts to delegitimize Israel on the world stage.

    Anti-Normalization laws in the Middle East
        The Trump administration achieved major breakthroughs in Israel's
    relations with the Middle East. Senator Booker and I plan to re-
    introduce a bill called ``Strengthening Reporting of Actions Taken
    Against the Normalization of Relations with Israel Act'' to capitalize
    on this moment. This bill requires the Department of State to report
    instances of Arab Government efforts to undermine people-to-people
    engagement with Israeli citizens and residents. I believe it is
    imperative that the normalization of formal relations between Arab
    Governments and Israel is extended down to these countries' citizens.

       How crucial is it that instances of anti-normalization laws are
            documented publicly, and what further actions can the
            administration take to ensure that people are not punished for
            engaging with Israeli citizens?

        Answer. The 2020 normalization agreements are an important
    contribution to peace and security in the Middle East. The Biden-Harris
    administration will seek to build on these efforts to expand the circle
    of peace between Israel and its neighbors, urging states and
    multilateral organizations with anti-normalization legislation or
    decrees to revoke them immediately so that negotiations can commence.
    The administration will also closely monitor the status of the existing
    agreements to encourage both sides to uphold their commitments to
    establish full diplomatic relations.

        Question. Here in the Senate we have worked hard to provide the
    right framework for Ukrainian Security assistance-I am proud to have
    been a principle author of the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative,
    a program that has provided the Ukrainians billions in military aid and
    training. Under the previous administration, we have provided increased
    amounts of lethal assistance, and I was glad to see in the NDAA that
    $125 million is set aside for lethal assistance-all of this aid is
    appropriately tied to continued Ukrainian sector reforms, which I am
    glad to see President Zelensky is committed to.

       Can I get your commitment to continue the support of robust funding
            for USAI while supporting corruption and continued reforms in
            Ukraine?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Congress to provide robust
    security assistance to Ukraine, including lethal defensive weapons, and
    to support continued reforms in Ukraine. The Department will oversee
    the execution of $115 million in Foreign Military Financing (FMF), $3
    million in International Military Education and Training (IMET), and $6
    million in Nonproliferation, Anti-terrorism, Demining, and Related
    Programs (NADR) funds that Congress appropriated for Ukraine for FY
    2021. Additionally, if confirmed, I will closely coordinate with the
    Department of Defense in the execution of $275 million that Congress
    appropriated for the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative (USAI) in
    FY 2021, including the process to certify that the Government of
    Ukraine has taken substantial actions to make defense institutional
    reforms before the final tranche of $150 million in USAI funding is
    released.

        Question. For two decades, the Chinese Government has
    systematically recruited U.S. researchers and sent Chinese military
    researchers to steal U.S. taxpayer-funded research and intellectual
    property at U.S. universities and institutes. This has led to the U.S.
    taxpayer unwittingly funding the rise of China's military and economy.
    This has to stop.
        Last Congress, the Homeland Security and Government Affairs
    Committee passed Senator Carpers and I's Securing American Innovation
    Act. This bipartisan legislation will increase visibility on who is
    conducting our federally funded research, their potential conflicts of
    interest, and potentially problematic ties with our adversaries. More
    importantly, it will provide the State Department the authority to deny
    visas to foreign researchers whose problematic affiliations and access
    to export-controlled technologies through fundamental research raise
    national security concerns. We took a balanced approach with this bill.
    We need foreign researchers to work with our researchers here, but we
    need to take common-sense steps to prevent bad actors from coming to
    the United States.

       Do you agree that these new visa authorities are necessary, and how
            will they better protect taxpayer-funded research and
            intellectual property from foreign adversaries?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure the Department guards against
    the transfer of sensitive technology to foreign adversaries. The
    Department will implement existing visa ineligibility grounds targeting
    this activity. Presidential Proclamation 10043, issued in May 2020,
    suspends the entry of the People's Republic of China (PRC) nationals to
    study or conduct research if the applicant is affiliated with an
    identified PRC entity that implements or supports China's military-
    civil fusion strategy. The United States continues to welcome
    legitimate students and scholars from China and around the world and
    promote the United States for international science and technology
    talent critical to our research enterprise. If confirmed, I look
    forward to working with Congress on reviewing legislation to further
    State's work and role in these efforts.

    International Criminal Court Mandate
        Question. As you are aware, last year the appeals chamber of the
    ICC allowed a politically motivated investigation into alleged actions
    of US and allied personnel in Afghanistan to move forward. This court
    has no jurisdiction over the US as we are not a signatory to the Rome
    Statute. I was glad to see that the Trump administration responded with
    financial sanctions and the restriction of travel visas for foreign
    individuals assisting the ICC in this manner.
        However, just last month, the ICC's Pre-Trial Chamber granted
    authorization for an investigation into alleged crimes in the West
    Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem to move forward. Like the United States,
    Israel is not a signatory to the Rome Statute. This is not the first
    time that the ICC has conducted a politically motivated investigation.
    My good friend Senator Cardin and I led a bi-partisan letter on this
    issue along with 67 other Senators asking the State Department to push
    back on the ICC's decision to prosecute Israel for alleged war crimes
    in the West Bank, Jerusalem and Gaza. And this month, we plan to send
    to the Biden administration a follow up to that letter asking for a
    firmer stance on these politically motivated investigations. Like us,
    Israel is not a signatory to the Rome Statute and in our view this is
    harmful to the peace process and again, outside of the ICC's
    jurisdiction.

       Do you agree that the ICC's expansion of their mandate is
            detrimental to prospects of a negotiated settlement between
            Israel and the Palestinian authority and what additional
            actions can be taken to push back against the expansion of the
            ICC's legal mandate?

        Answer. I share the administration's serious concerns about the
    ICC's attempts to exercise jurisdiction over Israeli personnel. Israel
    is not a State Party, and Palestine is not a State. A peaceful, secure
    and more prosperous future for the people of the Middle East depends on
    building bridges and creating new avenues for dialogue and exchange,
    not unilateral judicial actions that exacerbate tensions and undercut
    efforts to advance a negotiated two-state solution.

        Question. What steps would you take to protect U.S. service and
    allied coalition members from the ICC's jurisdiction?

        Answer. I share the concerns and the objection by the United States
    to any attempt by the ICC to investigate U.S. personnel, as the United
    States is not a State Party to the Rome Statute. If confirmed, I will
    work to protect U.S. personnel from legal jeopardy before the ICC. I
    also share the administration's serious concerns about the ICC's
    attempts to exercise jurisdiction over Israeli personnel. We will
    continue to uphold our strong commitment to Israel and its security,
    including by opposing actions that seek to target Israel unfairly.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Wendy R. Sherman by Senator Tim Kaine

        Question. For several months, tens of thousands of farmers have
    been camping out on the outskirts of New Delhi, demanding the repeal of
    three agricultural laws they say will drive down crop prices and
    negatively affect their earnings. Multiple rounds of talks between farm
    union leaders and the central government have taken place, but have not
    yet resulted in a resolution. As part of its response, Prime Minister
    Modi's Government has shut down internet service in several districts,
    impeding access to information and compromising protesters' fundamental
    right to freedom of expression. It has also arrested activists on
    suspicion of sedition for allegedly advocating for support of the
    farmer protests. Internet freedom in India continues to decline as the
    central government utilizes internet shutdowns to clamp down on
    dissent, including for these protests and in the Jammu and Kashmir
    region. As Deputy Secretary of State, what steps will you take to
    ensure digital access is not obstructed in India?

        Answer. I am deeply concerned by the growing use of government-
    imposed Internet shutdowns around the world, including in India, which
    restrict the rights of individuals online. If confirmed, I will speak
    out against this worrying global trend and use bilateral and
    multilateral diplomacy, including through U.N. bodies and the Freedom
    Online Coalition, to raise our concerns with governments that engage in
    this practice, including India. I will emphasize the need to protect
    freedom of expression, which includes the freedom to seek, receive, and
    impart information, both online and offline.

        Question. Many of those protesting come from the northern Indian
    states of Punjab and Haryana, regions with a significant Sikh
    population. The Indian Government has labeled some of the farmers and
    their supporters as ``anti-national'' and questioned their allegiance
    to India. What will you do to encourage the Indian Government to
    respect the right to protest for all its citizens?

        Answer. The freedoms of expression, association, religion or
    belief, and peaceful assembly are universal human rights. If confirmed,
    I will use the full array of diplomatic tools to encourage the Indian
    Government to respect these human rights.

        Question. In 2019, then-Secretary Pompeo announced that the United
    States would ``no longer recognize Israeli settlements as per se
    inconsistent with international law'' and rescinded a 1978 legal
    opinion that then-Legal Adviser Herbert Hansell provided to Congress
    reaching a contrary conclusion that said, ``civilian settlements in
    those territories is inconsistent with international law.'' This legal
    justification was never publicly released or provided to Congress. How
    do you view this issue?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration believes that the two-state
    solution is the best way to ensure Israel's future as a Jewish and
    democratic state and to give the Palestinians the state to which they
    are entitled. If confirmed, I will support the administration's focus
    on urging both Israel and the Palestinians to avoid unilateral steps,
    such as annexation of territory, settlement activity, demolitions,
    incitement to violence, and providing compensation for individuals
    imprisoned for acts of terrorism, that exacerbate tensions and make it
    more difficult to preserve the viability of a two-state solution.

        Question. If confirmed as Deputy Secretary, would you work to
    reverse that decision?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the administration's efforts
    to urge both Israel and the Palestinians to refrain from unilateral
    steps that exacerbate tensions and undercut efforts to advance a
    negotiated two-state solution, such as annexation of territory,
    settlement activity, demolitions, incitement to violence, and providing
    compensation for individuals imprisoned for acts of terrorism.

        Question. If confirmed, would you provide Congress with the Trump
    administration's Hansell opinion to include its legal justification for
    the decision, and any new decision the Department may reach under
    Secretary Blinken?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the administration's focus on
    urging both Israel and the Palestinians to avoid unilateral steps that
    exacerbate tensions and make it more difficult to preserve the
    viability of a two-state solution. This will include engaging Congress
    on significant policy matters related to the Israeli-Palestinian peace
    process.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Wendy R. Sherman by Senator Todd Young

        Question. Do you believe the EU's recent commercial agreement with
    China is already putting the United States on its back foot when
    seeking to bring a unified front?

        Answer. It is a demonstration of the amount of work we have before
    us to reinvigorate our transatlantic alliance and develop a more
    unified response to the challenge posed by China. If confirmed, I will
    engage actively with our EU and other European partners on shared
    concerns about China. My engagements will include discussions on how to
    advance our shared economic interests and counter China's aggressive
    and coercive actions, prevent goods made with forced labor from
    entering global markets, create a level playing field and promote
    private enterprise, and highlight China's failure to uphold its
    international commitments.
        Ultimately, the onus will be on China to show that its new pledges
    on forced labor, state-owned enterprises, and subsidies in the new
    agreement are not just cheap talk.

        Question. Some U.S. partners with whom we will have to cooperate to
    best tackle the foreign policy challenges of the coming decades are not
    democracies or are illiberal ones. They occupy key positions in the
    Middle East, South Asia, and East Asia, and we may find ourselves
    relying on them more. How do you believe the United States should be
    cooperating with the Governments of Vietnam, the Philippines, India, or
    our Gulf partners, even as we have concerns about human rights,
    democratic values, and good governance?

        Answer. As you rightly point out, the United States cannot always
    choose the partners it must work with in addressing the most pressing
    foreign policy challenges we face. Further, there is not a one-size-
    fits-all approach to foreign policy, and no country has a perfect human
    rights record. I believe the United States should approach cooperation
    on a case-by-case basis, working to advance U.S. interests while also
    placing democracy and human rights at the center of U.S. foreign
    policy. As President Biden said, ``Diplomacy is back at the center of
    our foreign policy.'' The United States must repair our alliances and
    engage with the world once again to meet accelerating global
    challenges--from the pandemic to the climate crisis to nuclear
    proliferation--which will only be solved by nations working together.
    We cannot do it alone. If confirmed, I will seek to work in partnership
    with countries where we have a national security interest, while at the
    same time addressing human rights concerns, promoting good governance,
    and upholding our democratic values.

        Question. The Biden administration has spoken of the need to work
    closely with allies and partners to develop a coordinated response to
    the China challenge. What specific differences in approach do you
    expect to be most difficult to resolve?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will put alliances and partnerships at the
    center of U.S. foreign policy to advance shared norms and values that
    underpin peace and security and compete with China from a position of
    strength. The United States will consult with allies and partners on a
    coordinated approach to the People's Republic of China's (PRC) coercive
    economic practices, human rights abuses, malign influence operations,
    and other key challenges. The administration will work with the EU, our
    Indo-Pacific and NATO allies, the Quad, and others to restore our vital
    security partnerships, secure the technologies of the future, re-engage
    in the U.N. system, and address attempts by the PRC to undermine the
    international rules-based system.

        Question. The Biden administration has stated that it hopes to
    cooperate with China on such pressing global issues as climate change,
    proliferation, and global health. How would you respond to concerns
    that the administration might downplay areas of friction with China in
    order to make progress on these global priorities?

        Answer. Combatting climate change; opposing the proliferation of
    sensitive goods and technology related to WMD, missile systems, and
    advanced conventional weapons; and promoting global health are in
    China's interest as well as ours. They are not favors to be bargained
    for. If confirmed, I will test whether China is willing to play a
    constructive role on certain issues where we may share interests but
    will be clear-eyed about Chinese intentions, while advancing the
    interests of the American people. Our core interests and values will
    not be traded off in discussions with China or any other country.
    Further, the Department of State will seek Congressional input on
    potential areas of cooperation.

        Question. India is making great strides in developing renewable
    energy sources, but continues to rely heavily on coal-fired power
    generation. Will you seek to work with India on balancing its growing
    power consumption with a mutual interest in addressing climate change
    and reducing greenhouse gas emissions?

        Answer. I fully support the administration's ongoing efforts, led
    by Special Presidential Envoy for Climate John Kerry, to work with
    India on more ambitious climate commitments. As Secretary Blinken noted
    in his confirmation hearing, the Biden-Harris administration is
    committed to ensuring developing countries can meet their energy needs
    while also reducing their emissions and building resilience against the
    destabilizing impacts of climate change--both of which have clear
    benefits not only for the recipient countries, but also for the United
    States and the rest of the world. If confirmed, I look forward to
    working with Congress to promote affordable energy in the developing
    world consistent with our nation's energy and climate goals.
        In view of Prime Minister Modi's announced target of installing 450
    GW of renewable energy capacity by 2030, if confirmed, I would support
    the work advancing cost-effective strategies to enhance the flexibility
    and robustness of India's electricity grid to encourage India's clean
    energy transition over the next decade. If confirmed, I would
    prioritize lower-cost alternatives to carbon-intensive energy such as
    coal-fired power, including by promoting renewable energy, battery
    storage, and load shifting.

        Question. How do you intend to engage Pakistan as a player in U.S.
    strategy toward the Indo-Pacific region?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will push for an open and honest bilateral
    relationship with Pakistan that stands on its own merits based on our
    mutual interests. Despite a challenging relationship, I believe that
    continued cooperation with Pakistan is possible on shared priorities
    like securing a responsible end to the conflict in Afghanistan,
    advancing regional security and fighting terrorism, expanding bilateral
    commerce, and addressing climate change. By fostering productive ties
    with all countries in the Indo-Pacific region, we hope to advance our
    shared prosperity, security, and values.

        Question. Do you view increasing Chinese influence in Pakistan as
    an obstacle to U.S. interests?

        Answer. I have concerns about many of China's activities globally
    and will raise and take action on those concerns whenever appropriate.
    While in principle the United States welcomes investments in
    infrastructure and economic development that are sustainable and meet
    international standards, I am concerned PRC-sponsored projects often
    lack transparency and impose unsustainable debts. If confirmed, I will
    work to encourage Pakistan to pursue a sustainable development path
    involving good governance, long-term capacity building, and market
    principles. U.S. diplomacy and cooperation with Pakistan reflects a
    vision for a region of independent and prosperous nations at peace with
    each other and the rest of the world. If confirmed, I will continue to
    support that objective.

        Question. To what extent will you prioritize cooperating with
    Islamabad in combatting Islamist militancy and stabilizing Afghanistan?

        Answer. Cooperation with Islamabad in combatting terrorist groups
    in the region is a key part of U.S. efforts to seek a stable, peaceful
    Afghanistan through a just and durable political settlement, and
    success in this effort would be crucial to improved U.S-Pakistan
    bilateral relations. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage the
    Pakistani Government to play a constructive role in advancing the
    Afghan peace process as a means to achieve a more stable and secure
    South Asia. Further, if confirmed, I will continue to work closely with
    Afghanistan's neighbors to press for a significant reduction in
    violence to facilitate progress in peace negotiations.

        Question. Do you support the Abraham Accords and the landmark
    normalization agreements that occurred during the Trump administration?

        Answer. Yes, I support the Abraham Accords and the Trump
    administration's role in negotiating them. The normalization agreements
    between Israel and its Arab neighbors are a positive step that reflect
    recognition among Israel and the states that have signed the agreements
    that they hold many interests in common and can most effectively
    address them through cooperation. The agreements are the product of
    years of quiet diplomacy between Israel and its neighbors supported by
    U.S. administrations from both parties.

        Question. Do you intend to help Israel consolidate existing
    normalization arrangements and normalize its relations with other Arab
    states, and if so, how?

        Answer. The 2020 normalization agreements are an important
    contribution to peace and security in the Middle East. The Biden-Harris
    administration will seek to build on the agreements to expand the
    circle of peace between Israel and its neighbors. The administration
    will also closely monitor the status of the normalization efforts to
    date, encouraging the states that have signed such agreements with
    Israel to uphold their commitments to establish full diplomatic
    relations with Israel.

        Question. How will the administration approach arms sales and
    issues such as the Western Sahara impasse with Morocco in light of the
    normalization agreements to date?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration welcomes normalization
    agreements as an important contribution to regional peace and continues
    to review policy in numerous areas, including Western Sahara. The
    administration wants to see the appointment of a Personal Envoy of the
    U.N. Secretary-General and a renewed U.N.-led political process.
    Morocco is a major non-NATO ally, and our military-to-military
    partnership is a regional model. The administration looks forward to
    continued cooperation, including the upcoming Moroccan-hosted African
    Lion exercise, the largest joint military training and interoperability
    exercise in Africa. The State Department continues to ensure all arms
    sales meet U.S. national security objectives and reflect our values.

        Question. Congress has passed two rounds of mandatory sanctions
    against Russia's Nord Stream 2 pipeline as part of the Protecting
    Europe's Energy Security Act (PEESA) and Protecting Europe's Energy
    Security Clarification Act (PEESCA). These laws necessitate the
    imposition of sanctions against entities that engage in or support
    deep-sea pipe-laying for Nord Stream 2. As required under the laws, on
    February 19, 2021, the State Department submitted a report to Congress
    only identifying Russia's Fortuna vessel and its owner as engaging in
    sanctionable activities. However, media and other forms of public
    reporting, including visual data from reputable ship-tracking portals,
    indicate that numerous other vessels and companies are supporting the
    Fortuna's pipe-laying for Nord Stream 2. As required under PEESA and
    PEESCA, the State Department must immediately identify these entities
    to Congress and subject them to mandatory U.S. sanctions. When will the
    State Department submit an updated report to Congress that formally
    identifies these entities?

        Answer. The State Department submits a report to Congress every 90
    days on the provision of vessels engaged in pipe-laying and pipe-laying
    activities, and various entities providing and supporting those
    vessels, for the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, as required by the Protecting
    Europe's Energy Security Act (PEESA), as amended, with the next report
    due to Congress in mid-May. If confirmed, I will continue to use all
    available tools to counter Russian malign influence and to work with
    Allies and partners in the region to support Transatlantic energy
    security goals. I understand that the State Department is actively
    examining entities involved in potentially sanctionable activity and
    will designate additional persons and entities as appropriate.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Wendy R. Sherman by Senator Edward J. Markey

        Question. U.S. sanctions have taken a heavy toll on civilians in
    countries worldwide, particularly amid the COVID-19 pandemic. As a
    humanitarian matter and as a matter of global public health, would you
    consider strengthening humanitarian exemptions through a worldwide
    temporary general license to ensure that sanctioned countries are able
    to obtain critical humanitarian resources, including the COVID-19
    vaccine?

        Answer. Many U.S. sanctions programs include provisions aimed at
    facilitating delivery of medical and other humanitarian supplies. If
    confirmed, I will continue the State Department's conversations with
    our allies and multinational and non-governmental organizations on
    these issues. I will also continue State's cooperation with the
    Department of the Treasury to use available tools, including issuance
    of clarifying guidance and expediting of license requests, to
    facilitate global delivery of humanitarian assistance particularly
    during the COVID-19 pandemic. I would support initiatives by Treasury
    to explore additional options, which could include issuance of
    additional licenses to facilitate medical- or vaccine-related
    transactions.

        Question. What specific recommended additional actions will the
    Biden administration pursue to hold Mohammed bin Salman, and senior
    Saudi officials, responsible for the murder of Mr. Khasshogi?

        Answer. The administration has taken a number of concrete steps to
    recalibrate the relationship with Saudi Arabia. It followed the law and
    submitted an unclassified report to Congress on the horrific murder of
    Jamal Khashoggi. Under the Global Magnitsky Act, it sanctioned a former
    senior Saudi official and the group whose members were involved in the
    killing. The Department has taken action pursuant to a new visa
    restriction policy against 76 Saudi individuals believed to have been
    engaged in threatening dissidents overseas, including but not limited
    to the Khashoggi killing. The Department will report on any such
    extraterritorial activities by any government in the annual Country
    Reports on Human Rights Practices.

        Question. We will not stop climate catastrophe here at home if we
    are supporting industries abroad engaging in ecocide. How will the
    Administration prioritize policies that dramatically reduce U.S.
    financial and diplomatic exposure in polluting industries abroad?

        Answer. Dealing with climate change means investing in resilience
    and green energy here at home and leading a global effort to reduce
    carbon pollution. In his recent foreign policy speech, Secretary
    Blinken described these challenges as being simultaneously domestic and
    foreign. The administration is taking a whole-of-government approach to
    put climate change at the center of its domestic, national security and
    foreign policy, and to working with other nations to advance
    conservation promote green recovery; revitalize communities and cities;
    and secure environmental justice.

        Question. Does U.S. Special Representative for Afghanistan
    Reconciliation, Zalmay Khalilzad, have specific instructions to make
    the return of Paul Overby--my constituent who went missing in
    Afghanistan/Pakistan in 2014--part of ongoing U.S. peace negotiations
    with the Taliban and the Government of Afghanistan?

        Answer. I have been advised the Secretary specifically directed
    Ambassador Khalilzad to continue his efforts to press for the return of
    Paul Overby and of Mark Frerichs during engagements with the Taliban
    and with key regional partners.

                                   __________

          Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Wendy R. Sherman by Senator John Barrasso

        Question. On July 7, 2015, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
    General Martin Dempsey testified before the Senate Armed Services
    Committee about Iran. He clearly stated, ``Under no circumstances
    should we relieve pressure on Iran relative to ballistic missile
    capabilities and arms trafficking.''
        Only seven days later, you and the Obama-Biden Administration
    disregarded the views of the American commanders on the battlefield. As
    the lead negotiator of the Iran nuclear deal, you agreed to lift the
    arms embargo and restrictions on ballistic missile technologies.

       In any future negotiations, would you continue to disregard the
            advice our military commanders?

        Answer. The President and his national security team will always
    take the advice of military commanders seriously. Iran's development
    and proliferation of ballistic missiles, as well as its delivery of
    weapons to violent proxies across the region, pose a threat to
    international security and remain significant challenges. These
    challenges existed despite the U.N. Security Council resolutions that
    aimed to address them.
        The Biden-Harris administration will use a variety of
    nonproliferation tools to work to prevent the further advancement of
    Iran's missile program and its ability to proliferate technology to
    others, and will continue to enforce the U.S. arms embargo on Iran. The
    administration will also work with our partners to stop shipments of
    equipment and technology, seek to disrupt Iran's delivery of weapons to
    violent proxies, and use our engagement in multilateral fora to urge
    countries to take steps to address these activities.

        Question. On October 18, 2020, the international arms embargo on
    Iran, the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism, was officially
    lifted.

       Considering the fact that you helped draft the agreement
            eliminating it in the first place, what specific steps, if any,
            will you take to reinstate the Iran arms embargo?

        Answer. The administration will continue to push for full
    implementation of U.N. Security Council resolutions barring the
    unauthorized transfer of weapons to Lebanon and to the Houthis in
    Yemen, and also continue to use domestic authorities to dissuade
    countries from providing arms to Iran.

        Question. What is your strategy to stop the dramatic increase of
    weapons flowing to terrorists and proxy groups in the region?

        Answer. The administration will continue to use domestic
    authorities to dissuade countries from providing arms to Iran and
    continue to push for full implementation of U.N. Security Council
    resolutions barring the unauthorized transfer of weapons to Lebanon and
    to the Houthis in Yemen. The administration will also continue to use
    domestic authorities, including sanctions, to counter Iran's support
    for terrorism in the Middle East.

        Question. The U.S. constitution provides the Senate the power to
    approve or reject treaties. Under your leadership, the Obama--Biden
    administration refused to submit the Iran nuclear deal to the Senate
    for its advice and consent. As one of the lead negotiators of the Iran
    nuclear deal, you played a major role in drafting the agreement in a
    way to avoid the ratification process.

       If confirmed, will you continue to disregard the will of the
            American people by negotiating international agreements and
            then refusing to submit them to the Senate?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this
    committee on matters related to treaties and other international
    agreements. The Supreme Court has long held that not all international
    agreements require approval as treaties pursuant to the procedures set
    out in Article II of the Constitution, and the Congress has recognized
    this through the enactment of the Case-Zablocki Act, which establishes
    procedures regarding legally binding international agreements other
    than treaties. Regardless of the form which particular agreements may
    take, however, I am committed to engaging with the Senate as a partner
    in the State Department's efforts to advance our national interests
    through international agreements.

        Question. If the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is
    altered at all to include new provisions, would you advocate for the
    administration to submit the accord for congressional review under the
    Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act or other laws?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to fully consulting with
    Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as called
    for under the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA) and to ensuring
    that the requirements of INARA are satisfied.

        Question. Authoritarian regimes continue to restrict religious
    freedoms and the rights of individuals. The violence, oppression and
    attacks on human dignity cannot be tolerated. It is critically
    important for the United States to stand up for those who are being
    persecuted whether it is Christians in Nigeria or Uyghurs in China.

       What additional efforts will you pursue at the State Department to
            promote international religious freedom?

        Answer. If confirmed, I intend to use the full range of diplomatic
    tools--both positive and punitive--to encourage governments to live up
    to their international obligations and commitments to respect religious
    freedom. This includes reforming outdated laws, ending abusive or
    discriminatory practices, releasing individuals imprisoned for their
    beliefs, and achieving justice for victims and accountability for
    perpetrators of religious freedom abuses. The State Department will
    also continue to fulfill its statutory requirements to produce its
    annual report and annually review and designate countries and entities
    for engaging in or tolerating severe or particularly severe religious
    freedom violations.

        Question. Defending human rights and the dignity of every person is
    a fundamental value for Americans. Yet, the United Nations Human Rights
    Council has refused to make serious reform to its organization. Efforts
    by previous administrations failed to achieve the reforms needed.
    Secretary Blinken recently admitted the council ``is flawed and needs
    reform.''

       What are the flaws of the United Nations Human Rights Council?

        Answer. The two principal flaws of the Human Rights Council are its
    disproportionate focus on Israel and the continued election of
    countries with problematic human rights records. The continued
    existence of a separate agenda item on Israel, Agenda Item 7, unduly
    focuses attention on Israel to the exclusion of the human rights
    records of every other country. The Administration believes that the
    Council should treat Israel the same as it does every other U.N. member
    state. Similarly, the membership on the Council must reflect high
    standards for upholding human rights. Those with the worst human rights
    records should not be members of the Council.

        Question. What specific reforms does the administration believe
    need to be taken at the U.N. Human Rights Council and how do you plan
    to get the organization to make those reforms?

        Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the
    U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's
    disproportionate focus on Israel and its problematic membership. The
    United States has seen that when we play an active and constructive
    role, we can advocate more effectively on Israel's behalf and engage
    with our allies and friends to keep some of the countries with the
    worst human rights records off the Council and to encourage countries
    with better records to run for seats. When we were previously on the
    Council, the United States was also able to help reduce the number of
    resolutions focused on Israel. If confirmed, I will ensure the United
    States prioritizes these specific reforms.

        Question. Does the administration plan to demand any commitments
    from the United Nations Human Rights Council on making those reforms
    prior to rejoining?

        Answer. The United States is pursuing reforms while re-engaging and
    seeking a seat on the Human Rights Council, as announced by Secretary
    Blinken during his speech to the Human Rights Council on February 24,
    2021. The United States is most effective at the Human Rights Council
    (HRC) and in other U.N. bodies when we are at the table, in the room,
    in good financial standing, and use the full weight of our diplomatic
    might to lead and to pursue appropriate and needed reforms. If
    confirmed, I will ensure the United States prioritizes needed reforms
    as part of our re-engagement with the HRC.

        Question. For years, the United Nations Human Rights Council has
    included human rights abusers and refusing to stand up for human rights
    taking place across the world. A recent example is the election of
    China and Russia to the United Nations Human Rights Council in October
    2020. The Chinese Communist Party engages in torture, detention, and
    forced labor of religious and ethnic minorities. Russia tramples on
    free speech and the free press every day. Shockingly, Russia was
    elected to the council the same week that the EU sanctioned Russian
    officials for attempts to assassinate a Russian opposition figure. The
    United Nations should be condemning the actions of Russia and China not
    electing those responsible to this body.

       Would you advise the United States to vote in favor of Russia,
            China, or other human rights violators for membership on the
            United Nations Human Rights Council?

        Answer. The continued election of countries with problematic human
    rights records to the Human Rights Council remains one of the principal
    flaws of the Council. If confirmed I will advise the United States to
    vote for nations with strong human rights records for the Council.

        Question. During the Trump Administration, there were several
    historic developments between Israel and its regional Arab neighbors.
    The United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan joined Egypt and
    Jordan in establishing diplomatic relations with Israel. These
    agreements have created the path to peace through recognition and
    engagement rather than isolation and boycotts of Israel.
        In January, Secretary Blinken stated, ``We very much support the
    Abraham Accords, we think that Israel normalizing relations with its
    neighbors and other countries in the region is a very positive
    development, and so we applauded them. We hope that there may be an
    opportunity to build on them in the coming months and years ahead.''

       Do you believe the Abraham Accords are a positive step forward for
            the region?

        Answer. Yes, I firmly believe the normalization agreements are a
    positive step forward for Israel and the region and are in the United
    States' best interest.

        Question. What specific steps will you take to build upon these
    historic successes and create additional peace agreements between
    Israel and Arab nations?

        Answer. The 2020 normalization agreements are an important
    contribution to peace and security in the Middle East. The Biden-Harris
    administration will seek to build on the agreements to expand the
    circle of peace between Israel and its neighbors. If confirmed, I will
    closely monitor the status of the normalization efforts to date,
    encouraging the states that have signed such agreements with Israel to
    uphold their commitments to establish full diplomatic relations with
    Israel.

        Question. Congress continues to be deeply concerned with the
    Turkish Government's purchase of the S-400 surface to air missile
    defense systems from Russia. This decision threatens a range of U.S.
    interests, including the strength of the NATO Alliance.

       Do you believe a weak U.S. response to Turkey's actions would
            embolden other countries to consider buying advanced Russian
            military systems?

        Answer. President Biden has promised to call out Turkish behavior
    that is inconsistent with its commitments as a NATO Ally. A top
    priority will be urging Turkey not to retain the S-400 and to refrain
    from additional Russian arms purchases. The CAATSA sanctions announced
    in December 2020 impose real costs on Turkey for acquiring the S-400
    and advance our global efforts to deter and disrupt purchases of
    Russian weaponry, which bring Russia revenue, access, and influence.
    Turkey's suspension from the F-35 partnership represents an additional
    significant cost. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress
    to review the impact of the sanctions imposed in response to the S-400
    acquisition and to determine whether additional measures are required
    or warranted.

        Question. Are you committed to fully implementing the Countering
    America's Adversaries through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) with respect to
    Turkey's S-400 acquisition and any related purchases by other foreign
    nations?

        Answer. Yes. The imposition of CAATSA Section 231 sanctions on
    Turkish individuals and entities in December demonstrated the State
    Department's continuing commitment to CAATSA. If confirmed, I will not
    only continue that commitment as it relates to Turkey's S-400
    acquisition but also with respect to any other country that may be
    considering similar transactions. I would strongly urge anyone
    considering potentially significant transactions with Russia's defense
    or intelligence sectors, or persons operating for, or on behalf of
    either sector, to avoid such transactions, which may expose them to
    CAATSA sanctions.

        Question. Are current U.S. and NATO efforts to deter Russian
    aggression in Europe adequate?

        Answer. NATO has undertaken significant adaptation over the past
    decade in response to Russian aggression in the Euro-Atlantic area,
    including the illegal invasions of Ukraine and Georgia. The Alliance
    relies on both conventional and nuclear capabilities for deterrence and
    is also addressing growing gray area challenges. Allies will need to
    continue work toward meeting equitable burden sharing to maintain
    effective deterrence. Only with greater investment in defense across
    the Alliance can we ensure NATO is able to adapt quickly to a changing
    security landscape with the necessary capabilities and military
    readiness.

        Question. What is your position on the administration maintaining
    or expanding sanctions intended to get Russia to change its policies
    with regard to Ukraine, cyberattacks, and other malign activities?

        Answer. President Biden has made clear that the United States will
    act firmly in defense of its national interests in response to actions
    by Russia that harm us or our allies. On March 2, the administration
    took action to impose costs on the Russian Federation for the
    poisoning, arrest, and imprisonment of Aleksey Navalny. The United
    States will continue to take action to counter Russia's malign actions
    and will comply with our legal obligations under the Chemical and
    Biological Weapons Control and Warfare Elimination Act of 1991. As the
    administration works together with allies to advance our interests, it
    will continue to hold Russia accountable, including by sanctions, for
    its destabilizing activity, disregard for international law, human
    rights violations, interference in our elections, unlawful cyber
    activity, and aggression in Ukraine and Georgia.

        Question. How will you approach relations with Saudi Arabia?

        Answer. President Biden has committed to recalibrating the U.S.-
    Saudi relationship to ensure it reflects U.S. interests and values. The
    Administration has elevated support for human rights and fundamental
    freedoms, which has already led to positive initial results, such as
    the conditional release of detained U.S. citizens and activists. Like
    Secretary Blinken, if confirmed, I will press Saudi Arabia for the
    removal of conditions on their release, including travel restrictions,
    and the implementation of reforms to avoid future such cases.
    Nonetheless, Saudi Arabia remains an important U.S. partner on regional
    security and counterterrorism, and the U.S. will continue to support
    Saudi Arabian efforts to defend its people and territory, which is home
    to thousands of U.S. citizens.

        Question. How important of a role does Saudi Arabia play in our
    efforts regarding Iran, Yemen, Iraq, and the Israel-Palestinian issues?

        Answer. Saudi Arabia is a critical partner for containing Iranian
    aggressive actions. The Biden-Harris administration strongly supports
    Saudi Arabia's outreach to the Government of Iraq, to include recently
    reopening its main border crossing with Iraq for the first time since
    1990 and ongoing discussions to provide electricity to Iraq, both of
    which will help to reduce Iraq's dependence on Iran. In Yemen, the
    Saudi-led coalition fighting the Houthis has contributed to Yemen's
    dire humanitarian crisis; Special Envoy Tim Lenderking is working with
    Saudi Arabia, regional partners, and the U.N. to resolve the conflict.
    With respect to Israel, Saudi Arabia supports a two-state solution and
    has allowed overflights of Israeli-registered aircraft through Saudi
    airspace to the UAE and Bahrain.

        Question. What role, if any, do you see for Saudi Arabia and other
    regional U.S. partners in talks with Iran?

        Answer. The administration is committed to consulting closely with
    our regional partners regarding U.S. policy on Iran, and in broad
    terms, it supports dialogue among the countries in the region on issues
    of regional security and stability.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Hon. Wendy R. Sherman by Senator Ted Cruz

        Question. Section 15(b) of the State Department Basic Authorities
    Act of 1956 states that ``The Department of State shall keep the
    Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate and the Committee on
    Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives fully and currently
    informed with respect to all activities and responsibilities within the
    jurisdiction of these committees. Any Federal department, agency, or
    independent establishment shall furnish any information requested by
    either such committee relating to any such activity or
    responsibility.'' Can you commit to complying with this provision of
    law by ensuring that information requested by members of the Senate
    Foreign Relations Committee is provided expeditiously and
    transparently? If not, why not?

        Answer. I am committed to working with Congress and this committee
    in accordance with the law to provide all information needed to perform
    traditional oversight functions as promptly as possible.

        Question. The Obama administration was broadly criticized,
    especially in the context of its Middle East policy, for co-mingling
    unclassified documents with classified documents. This practice
    requires that documents be placed in a secure location, unnecessarily
    limiting access to unclassified documents and stifling public debate.
    The Biden administration already seems to be repeating such practices:
    according to an exchange during the State Department press briefing on
    February 11, a notification describing the lifting of terrorism
    sanctions on Iran-controlled terrorists in Yemen was unnecessarily
    transmitted to a Congressional SCIF. Can you commit to ensuring that
    unclassified information is not unnecessarily comingled with classified
    information in notifications provided by the State Department to
    Congress? If not, why not?

        Answer. I am committed to working to ensure that information
    provided to Congress is, to the fullest extent possible, in a format
    that facilitates its access by authorized personnel, while complying
    with Executive Order 13526, the Department of State classification
    guide, and the executive branch rules on the handling and storage of
    classified information.

        Question. Last month the State Department transmitted a mandatory
    and overdue report to Congress listing entities engaged in sanctionable
    activities because of their participation in the construction of the
    Nord Stream 2 (NS2) pipeline, pursuant to the Protecting Europe's
    Energy Security Act (PEESA), as amended. PEESA mandates the imposition
    of sanctions on entities listed in such reports. The report included
    only two entities, the Fortuna and KVT-RUS, both of which the Trump
    administration had already sanctioned. It did not include any entities
    which are plainly, publicly required to be listed under PEESA.
    Reportedly, State Department officials who spoke to Congressional
    staffers were unable to provide a justification why several entities -
    including the company responsible for the planning, construction, and
    operation of NS2 - were left off. This abdication is inexcusable. Can
    you commit to immediately ensuring the Biden administration meets its
    mandatory obligation to provide an interim report to Congress pursuant
    to PEESA and sanction all of the entities that are engaged in pipe-
    laying, pipe-laying activities, certification, and insurance
    sanctionable under PEESA? If not, why not?

        Answer. The State Department submits a report to Congress every 90
    days on vessels engaged in pipe-laying and pipe-laying activities, and
    various entities providing and supporting those vessels, for the Nord
    Stream 2 pipeline, as required by the Protecting Europe's Energy
    Security Act (PEESA), as amended, with the next report due to Congress
    in mid-May. I understand the Department of State submitted its first
    report on PEESA, as amended, in February. If confirmed, I will continue
    to use all available tools to counter Russian malign influence and to
    work with Allies and partners in the region to support Transatlantic
    energy security goals. I understand that the Department of State
    continues to examine entities involved in potentially sanctionable
    activity and will designate additional persons as appropriate, and will
    comply with statutory reporting requirements.

        Question. One of the most egregious dynamics in the initial
    implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)
    involved the way that the Obama administration circumvented
    Congressional deliberation and approval by first attempting to lock in
    the agreement as international law via United Nations Security Council
    Resolution (UNSCR 2231). After that resolution was passed - which
    occurred just as the Congressional review period mandated by the Iran
    Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA) was beginning - officials from the
    Government of Iran and the Obama administration suggested that Congress
    would be abrogating the U.S.'s formal international obligations by
    rejecting the agreement. Can you commit to ensuring that any future
    nuclear agreement negotiated between State Department officials and
    Iran, which involves the suspension or waiver of Congressional
    sanctions, will only be negotiated in full consultation with Congress?
    If not, why not?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to consulting fully with Congress on
    any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as called for under
    INARA.

        Question. Can you commit to ensuring that any future nuclear
    agreement negotiated between State Department officials and Iran, which
    involves the suspension or waiver of Congressional sanctions, will not
    be implemented without Congressional approval? If not, why not?

        Answer. I am aware that the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act
    (INARA) contains certain limitations on sanctions relief during a
    congressional review period. I understand that the Biden-Harris
    administration is committed to complying with the requirements of
    INARA, and if confirmed, I am committed to doing so.

        Question. It was recently announced that Iran and South Korea
    agreed to allow Tehran to access approximately $1 billion of its assets
    that are frozen in South Korean banks due to US sanctions. Reports
    indicate that the South Koreans received approval from Biden
    administration officials to do so. Please transmit to the committee any
    waivers, decision memos, or other documents pertaining to this case,
    and confirm doing so.

        Answer. I do not have access to Department records nor the
    authority on my own to give you Department records. I commit, if
    confirmed, to work with the committee to try to accommodate any
    official committee request for such Department information.

        Question. On January 10, 2021, the State Department designated
    Ansarallah, sometimes called the Houthis, and Abdul Malik al-Houthi,
    Abd al-Khaliq Badr al-Din al-Houthi, and Abdullah Yahya al Hakim, three
    leaders of Ansarallah, as Specially Designated Global Terrorists
    (SDGTs) pursuant to Executive Order 13224. On February 5 the Biden
    administration informed Congress of its intention to revoke those
    sanctions. Officials at the State Department have justified the
    delisting of what they described as the ``broad'' designation of
    Ansarallah on humanitarian grounds, e.g. that large parts of Yemen's
    population live under areas controlled by the group. They have not
    provided an explanation for the delisting of the three leaders, and in
    fact they have publicly, repeatedly, and falsely denied or downplayed
    the relief provided to these Iran-backed terrorists. For example, on
    February 11 State Department spokesman Ned Price falsely told
    journalists ``there is no change'' to the sanctions on these
    individuals. He was asked about the issue again the next day, and said
    ``the Secretary had an intent to remove this broad designation of the
    movement.'' The public statement issued by the State Department did not
    mention the revocation of the SDGT designation on the Houthi leaders,
    but noted that they ``remain sanctioned under E.O. 13611.'' Can you
    commit to ensuring that State Department officials stop publicly
    misleading journalists and the American public about sanctions relief
    provided by the Department and the Biden administration to Iran-backed
    terrorists? If not, why not?

        Answer. I understand that the three Ansarallah leaders in question
    were designated under the U.N. Security Council's Yemen sanctions
    regime in 2015 and domestically under E.O. 13611, related to acts that
    threaten the peace, security, or stability of Yemen. Therefore, they
    remain on the Treasury Department's Specially Designated Nationals and
    Blocked Persons List and are subject to asset freezing and any
    attendant travel restrictions. As a consequence of the revocation of
    Ansarallah's Specially Designated Global Terrorist (SDGT) group
    designation under E.O. 13224, there was no longer a basis to retain the
    SDGT designations of these individuals as leaders of Ansarallah, which
    were derivative of the broader SDGT designation of the group. If
    confirmed, I intend to continue our support of U.N.-led efforts,
    including a robust implementation of the U.N. and E.O. 13611 sanctions,
    to call attention to and condemn Ansarallah's destabilizing activities.
    The State Department's emphasis will continue to be on using diplomacy
    to build international pressure on Ansarallah to change its behavior
    and ultimately end the war.

        Question. Please describe why the State Department lifted the SDGT
    designations on Abdul Malik al-Houthi, Abd al-Khaliq Badr al-Din al-
    Houthi, and Abdullah Yahya al Hakim.

        Answer. I understand that simultaneous with the designation of
    Ansarallah, sometimes called the Houthis, as a Specially Designated
    Global Terrorist (SDGT) under Executive Order (E.O.) 13224, these
    individuals were designated as SDGTs on the basis that they were
    leaders of an SDGT, namely Ansarallah. As a consequence of the
    revocation of Ansarallah's SDGT designation, there was no longer a
    basis to retain the designations of these individuals as leaders of an
    SDGT. However, they remain designated under the U.N. Security Council's
    Yemen sanctions regime and domestically under E.O. 13611 related to
    acts that threaten the peace, security, or stability of Yemen, and
    therefore remain on Treasury's Specially Designated Nationals and
    Blocked Persons List and are subject to asset freezing and any
    attendant travel restrictions.

        Question. The Central Bank of Iran (CBI), has been designated as a
    Specially Designated Global Terrorist (SGT) pursuant to Executive Order
    (EO) 13224 for providing material support to terrorist organizations.
    Can you commit to not lift, rescind or significantly modify - or to
    agree within the interagency process to lift, rescind or significantly
    modify - this terrorism designation of the CBI, in the absence of a
    determination that the CBI has ceased providing material support to
    terrorist organizations? If not, why not?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the administration's efforts
    to counter Iran's support for terrorism, including through the
    appropriate use of sanctions and regular coordination with our partners
    and allies. Iran is the world's foremost state sponsor of terrorism,
    which poses a threat to security and stability in the Middle East, and
    we will continue to use all tools available to counter Iran's support
    for terrorism. The President has made clear that the United States will
    be prepared to resume participation in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of
    Action (JCPOA) if Iran restores strict compliance, as a starting point
    for follow on negotiations to lengthen and strengthen constraints and
    address other issues of concern, including Iran's regional activity.

        Question. Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is
    designated as a terrorist organization both as a Foreign Terrorist
    Organization and as an SDGT pursuant to EO 13224. Can you commit to not
    lift, rescind or significantly modify - or to agree within the
    interagency process to lift, rescind or significantly modify - these
    terrorism designations on the IRGC, in the , in the absence of a
    determination that the Government of Iran has ceased providing material
    support to terrorist organizations.

        Answer. Iran's support for terrorism threatens our forces and
    partners in the region and elsewhere. If confirmed, I intend to
    continue working with our allies and partners to counter Iran's
    destabilizing activities in the region, including its support for
    terrorist groups and violent militias and its ballistic missile
    program, and maintain international, collective pressure on Iran. The
    President is committed to countering Iran's destabilizing activities
    using the array of tools at our disposal, including sanctions to deal
    with Iran's support for terrorism.

        Question. You and other officials responsible for the Joint
    Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) have repeatedly described it as
    the most rigorous inspection regime ever negotiated. Despite this
    inspection regime, the IAEA was unable to locate the illicit Nuclear
    Archive subsequently seized by Israel, which included designs and
    materials relevant to the creation of nuclear weapons. They were also
    unable to find locations which, having been revealed by Israeli
    officials, subsequently proved to have evidence of nuclear work that
    the IAEA says Iran has not accounted for. Please describe what you
    perceive to have been the flaws in the JCPOA inspection regime do you
    believe were responsible for these failures by the IAEA?

        Answer. The IAEA has a decades-long successful track record of
    monitoring the non-diversion of declared nuclear material globally.
    While the IAEA thoroughly investigates all available information,
    including based on its own verification and monitoring activities, it
    is not an intelligence organization. It can only act on information
    that is either acquired by it in the performance of its verification
    mandates or presented to it. President Biden has made clear he is
    committed to ensuring that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon. The
    administration has full confidence in the IAEA to pursue any
    indications of undeclared or diverted nuclear material that could
    contribute to any renewed Iranian pursuit of a nuclear weapon.

        Question. Please describe what new measures would you insist are
    included in any future nuclear agreement with Iran to ensure that the
    IAEA has the ability to identify such materials and activities?

        Answer. The IAEA has said it has the tools it needs to perform its
    verification mandates in Iran so long as Iran fully implements its
    JCPOA commitments. This includes implementation of the Additional
    Protocol to Iran's NPT-required safeguards agreement that provides
    enhanced information and access regarding Iran's nuclear program,
    including with respect to undeclared locations about which the IAEA has
    questions. The JCPOA provides the IAEA with the most intrusive
    verification procedures ever negotiated, including to investigate any
    indications of undeclared nuclear materials or activities in Iran. The
    administration has full confidence in the IAEA to pursue any such
    indication.

        Question. During your nominations hearing before the Senate Foreign
    Relations Committee on March 4, 2021, you acknowledged that you had met
    with officials of the Government of Iran during your time out of
    government. You also stated that you coordinated directly with Under
    Secretary for Political Affairs Ambassador David Hale concerning your
    interactions with Iranian regime officials. Please list any additional
    senior State Department officials responsible for Iran policy with whom
    you consulted or coordinated your engagement with Iranian officials,
    such as Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs David
    Schenker, Special Representative for Iran Brian Hook, Special
    Representative for Iran Elliott Abrams, Deputy Secretary of State
    Stephen Biegun, or Secretary of State Michael Pompeo.

        Answer. I coordinated with Undersecretary Hale and did not engage
    with others listed in this question.

        Question. Please identify the dates on which you coordinated or
    consulted with these officials.

        Answer. To the best of my recollection, I met with Foreign Minister
    Zarif twice on the margins of the Munich Security Conference, in 2018
    and 2019. I also participated in two bipartisan group meetings in New
    York on the margins of UNGA: in 2018 with President Rouhani, and in
    2019 with FM Zarif. Those meetings were facilitated by the Carnegie
    Endowment for International Peace (2018) and the International Crisis
    Group (2019). Finally, in October 2017 I participated in a panel with
    Deputy FM Abbas Aragchi at a nonproliferation conference sponsored by
    the Center for Energy and Security Studies in Moscow, and we spoke on
    the margins.
        In every meeting, I urged Iran to stay in full compliance with the
    JCPOA, even after U.S. withdrawal, and pressed for Iran to end its
    regional violence and to release American prisoners. I consistently
    kept Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs David Hale apprised
    of meetings and offered to convey any useful information back to him.

        Question. Please describe any additional contact you had with
    officials from the Government of Iran Besides in-person meetings, have
    you otherwise been in contact with any Iranian regime officials,
    including via e-mail, text exchange, or secure messaging platforms,
    between January 20, 2017, and today? If yes, please identify dates of
    contact and the text of the exchanges.

        Answer. To the best of my recollection, since January 2017 I have
    not had additional contact with Iranian officials beyond the meetings
    referenced in the previous question, other than to arrange logistical
    details for those in-person meetings. I do not have records of those
    exchanges.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Wendy R. Sherman by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. What is the status of the Clean Network Initiative at the
    U.S. Department of State? As of November 2020, over 50 countries, 180
    telecommunications companies, and dozens of other leading tech
    companies had joined the State Department's Clean Networks Initiative
    and pledged to advance common principles with regard to securing 5G and
    other digital technologies against untrusted foreign vendors and
    suppliers. The Biden administration, however, appears to have removed
    any references to the Clean Network Initiative from the State
    Department's website.

        Answer. The Biden-Harris Administration views 5G security as a high
    priority and is working with allies and partners to ensure their 5G
    networks are free of untrustworthy vendor equipment and to support a
    vibrant and diverse supply chain of trustworthy telecommunications
    equipment and services. The United States will pursue a comprehensive
    strategy that addresses the full range of these issues. As is routine
    practice, the Department archives webpages during the transition of
    administrations. Webpages from 2017 to 2021 remain available to the
    public at https://2017-2021.state.gov/index.html.

        Question. What is the status of the Blue Dot Network at the U.S.
    Department of State? In November 2019, the United States joined
    Australia and Japan in launching the Blue Dot Network concept that
    seeks to bring together governments, the private sector, and civil
    society under shared standards for international infrastructure
    development. If the Blue Dot Network is fully realized to promote
    quality infrastructure investment that is open, transparent, and
    compliant with international standards--including by eventually
    mobilizing the deep capital markets of the United States and other
    marked-based democracies--it can help to counter to China's predatory
    One Belt One Road (OBOR) infrastructure initiatives.

        Answer. I understand that the Blue Dot Network seeks to promote the
    development of quality, sustainable infrastructure around the world by
    certifying projects that uphold global infrastructure principles. I
    understand that the State Department, USAID, and the U.S. International
    Development Finance Corporation continue to work with our Australian
    and Japanese partners to develop the technical details of the
    initiative, including a methodology and metrics for certifying quality
    infrastructure projects in the developing world.

        Question. In any negotiations that may occur with the authoritarian
    regime in North Korea, do you commit to pursuing an end-state that
    achieves complete, verifiable, and irreversible denuclearization? What
    do you perceive as the risks of further nuclear proliferation in East
    Asia if we fail to achieve that end-state?

        Answer. North Korea's proliferation-related activities constitute a
    serious threat to international peace and security and undermine global
    nonproliferation efforts. If confirmed, I plan to join the Biden-Harris
    administration's ongoing policy review, in consultation with our
    allies, of the current state of play on North Korea. I support the U.S.
    commitment over the long term to the complete denuclearization of North
    Korea, while also focusing in the near term on limiting the threat to
    the United States and our allies.

        Question. Do you concur that any U.S. international agreement to
    achieve the final, fully verified denuclearization of North Korea must
    also eliminate the threat of North Korean regime's ballistic missile
    program?

        Answer. Denuclearization of North Korea remains a top national
    security priority for the United States. North Korea's weapons of mass
    destruction and ballistic missile programs constitute a serious threat
    to the United States and our allies and partners. If confirmed, I plan
    to join the administration in conducting a thorough policy review, in
    consultation with our allies, of the current state of play on North
    Korea. I support the U.S. commitment over the long term to the complete
    denuclearization of North Korea, while also focusing in the near term
    on limiting the threat to the United States and our allies.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit that the State Department
    will consult closely and proactively with Members of the Senate Foreign
    Relations Committee and their personal staff before providing
    humanitarian assistance in order to ensure that any such U.S.
    assistance benefits directly the suffering North Korean people and is
    not vulnerable to diversion by the Kim Jong Un regime?

        Answer. As part of its North Korea policy review, the Biden-Harris
    administration will carefully consider the country's egregious human
    rights record and work closely with partners and allies to promote
    respect for human rights in the closed country. The administration
    remains deeply concerned by the humanitarian situation in North Korea
    and is committed to ensuring any humanitarian assistance benefits the
    most vulnerable populations, including pregnant women, children, and
    the elderly in detention, in North Korea, and not the Kim Jong Un
    regime. The administration will continue to press for monitoring and
    access necessary to ensure the assistance reaches its intended
    recipients. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress on
    this crucial issue.

        Question. Does the Biden administration intend to appoint a new
    Special Representative for North Korea? If not, why not?

        Answer. If confirmed, I plan to join the administration's ongoing
    review, in consultation with our allies, of the current state of play
    on North Korea. I am not aware of any new personnel announcements at
    this time.

        Question. Do you agree that the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act
    of 2015 (INARA) is permanent law and is binding on the Biden
    administration?

        Answer. The Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA) is binding
    law. I understand that the Biden-Harris administration is committed to
    implementing all of the requirements of INARA.

        Question. Do you agree that any agreement-including any annexes or
    any informal agreement, even an unwritten oral understanding-involving
    the United States and Iran regarding how the two countries will return
    to compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) or
    will move in the direction of returning to compliance with the JCPOA
    must be submitted to Congress for review pursuant to INARA?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to fully consulting with
    Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as called
    for under the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA). The JCPOA was
    submitted under INARA in 2015 and underwent close Congressional and
    public scrutiny. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that the
    requirements of INARA are satisfied, including with respect to the
    transmission requirement.

        Question. Are you personally committed to ensuring that Congress
    will be able to review, pursuant to INARA, any agreement that is
    hereafter reached with Iran relating to the nuclear program of Iran-
    irrespective of the level of formality or of the politically or legally
    binding nature of such agreement-including any agreement providing for
    return to compliance with the JCPOA, as well as any agreement that
    amends, augments, or supersedes the JCPOA?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to fully consulting with
    Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as called
    for under Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA) and to ensuring
    that the requirements of INARA are satisfied, including its
    transmission requirement.

        Question. Do you agree that, should any new agreement or agreements
    be reached with Iran relating to the nuclear program of Iran, including
    a decision to participate again in the JCPOA, INARA will require the
    President to submit a report to Congress not less frequently than every
    180 calendar days ``on Iran's nuclear program and the compliance of
    Iran with [each such new agreement] during the period covered by the
    report''?

        Answer. I am aware of this provision of the Iran Nuclear Agreement
    Review Act (INARA). If confirmed, I am committed to fully consulting
    with Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as
    called for under INARA and to ensuring that the requirements of INARA
    are satisfied, including its reporting requirements.

        Question. Do you agree that, should any new agreement or agreements
    be reached with Iran relating to the nuclear program of Iran, including
    a decision to participate again in the JCPOA, INARA will require the
    President to make a determination and certification to the appropriate
    congressional committees and leadership not less than every 90 calendar
    days regarding Iran's compliance with each such new agreement?

        Answer. I am aware of this provision of the Iran Nuclear Agreement
    Review Act (INARA). If confirmed, I am committed to fully consulting
    with Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as
    called for under INARA and to ensuring that the requirements of INARA
    are satisfied, including the requirement to determine whether to make
    the certification called for in Section 135(d)(6).

        Question. Can you provide an assurance that there are no
    circumstances under which the Biden administration will not abide by
    the understandings about compliance with INARA spelled out in your
    responses to the foregoing questions?

        Answer. I understand that the Biden-Harris administration is
    committed to implementing all of the requirements of Iran Nuclear
    Agreement Review Act (INARA). If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring
    that the requirements of INARA are satisfied.

        Question. When you were negotiating the Joint Comprehensive Plan of
    Action (JCPOA) during the Obama administration, were you aware at the
    time that the Iranian regime was concealing a nuclear weapons archive?
    I request you to begin your answer with a yes or no. The Government of
    Israel revealed the existence of this undeclared, covert nuclear
    weapons archive in April 2018.

        Answer. No. However, the United States and others were well aware
    of Iran's long history of concealment regarding elements of its nuclear
    program, especially as related to its past military dimensions. That is
    why we worked with our allies and partners to ensure that the JCPOA
    provides the most intrusive verification procedures ever negotiated,
    including to investigate any indications of undeclared nuclear material
    or activities in Iran, as well as any information that came to light
    after implementation of the JCPOA. President Biden has made clear he is
    committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.
        The IAEA has made clear that it takes no information provided by
    Iran on its nuclear program at face value. The IAEA has previously
    reported that it found evidence of possible military dimensions of
    Iran's program to be credible, and that a ``range of activities
    relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive device were
    conducted in Iran prior to the end of 2003 as a coordinated effort, and
    some activities took place after 2003.'' The administration will not
    take Iran at its word regarding assertions about its nuclear program,
    and fully supports the IAEA as it uses its verification authorities to
    investigate any indication of undeclared nuclear material or activities
    in Iran.

        Question. When you were negotiating the JCPOA during the Obama
    administration, were you aware that the Iranian regime was storing
    undeclared nuclear material at a warehouse reportedly called
    Turquzabad? I request you to begin your answer with a yes or no. In May
    2020, the State Department noted that in late 2018 ``public allegations
    surfaced that Iran had been hiding material and equipment at a site in
    Tehran called Turquzabad, only three miles from where the infamous
    `nuclear archive' had been stored.''

        Answer. No. The Turquzabad site was first publicly disclosed by
    Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu in late 2018. To date, the IAEA has
    detected particles of chemically processed uranium at the undeclared
    location but has not yet made any conclusion regarding the potential
    storage of nuclear material there. The IAEA continues to investigate
    the source of the detected particles. The JCPOA provides the most
    intrusive verification procedures ever negotiated, including to
    investigate any indications of undeclared nuclear materials or
    activities in Iran, and the administration has made clear its strong
    support for the IAEA's investigation of safeguards-relevant information
    that has come to light after implementation of the JCPOA.

        Question. When you were negotiating the JCPOA during the Obama
    administration, were you aware of any other undeclared sites under the
    control or influence of the Iranian regime where nuclear material may
    be present?

        Answer. Iran has a long history of denial and concealment regarding
    its past nuclear weapons program. The JCPOA addressed potential
    undeclared locations by providing for the most intrusive verification
    procedures ever negotiated, including to investigate any indications of
    undeclared nuclear materials or activities in Iran. President Biden has
    made clear he is committed to ensuring that Iran never acquires a
    nuclear weapon.
        The IAEA has made clear that it takes no information provided by
    Iran on its nuclear program at face value. The IAEA has previously
    reported that it found evidence of possible military dimensions of
    Iran's program to be credible, and that a ``range of activities
    relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive device were
    conducted in Iran prior to the end of 2003 as a coordinated effort, and
    some activities took place after 2003.'' The administration will not
    take Iran at its word regarding assertions about its nuclear program,
    and fully supports the IAEA as it uses its verification authorities to
    investigate any indication of undeclared nuclear material or activities
    in Iran.

        Question. Did your Iranian regime counterparts disclose to you the
    existence of its nuclear weapons archive, the Turquzabad site, or any
    other undeclared Iranian regime nuclear-related site during the
    negotiations for the JCPOA?

        Answer. Iran has never acknowledged its past nuclear weapons
    program. The JCPOA was concluded to ensure Iran never again pursues
    nuclear weapons and provides the most intrusive verification procedures
    ever negotiated, including to investigate any indications of undeclared
    nuclear materials or activities in Iran. President Biden has made clear
    he is committed to ensuring Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon.

        Question. President Biden says he will rejoin the JCPOA if the Iran
    regime first returns to ``full compliance'' with the JCPOA. Can the
    Iranian regime be in full compliance with the JCPOA if it is concealing
    undeclared nuclear material, sites, and/or activities?

        Answer. Iran is obligated under its NPT-required safeguards
    agreement to declare to the IAEA nuclear material and nuclear
    activities in Iran. Under the JCPOA, Iran committed to strict limits on
    its nuclear program as well as enhanced verification and monitoring
    measures that go beyond its obligations under its safeguards agreement.
    The JCPOA provides the most intrusive verification procedures ever
    negotiated, including to investigate any indications of undeclared
    nuclear materials or activities in Iran. It is critical that Iran
    comply with both its safeguards obligations and its JCPOA commitments.
    President Biden has made clear he is committed to ensuring that Iran
    never acquires a nuclear weapon.

        Question. Is it your view that Iran must fully and verifiably
    account for all of its undeclared activities, sites, and materials
    before the United States would rejoin the JCPOA and lift any sanctions?
    I request you to begin your answer with a yes or no.

        Answer. Iran is obligated under its NPT-required safeguards
    agreement to declare to the IAEA nuclear material and nuclear
    activities in Iran. The JCPOA provides the most intrusive verification
    procedures ever negotiated, including to investigate any indications of
    undeclared nuclear materials or activities in Iran. The Biden-Harris
    administration strongly supports the IAEA's ongoing investigation in
    Iran into indications of possible undeclared nuclear material and,
    along with the rest of the international community, awaits the IAEA's
    conclusions in its ongoing safeguards investigations while expecting
    full Iranian cooperation with inspectors. President Biden has made
    clear he is committed to ensuring that Iran never acquires a nuclear
    weapon.

        Question. During your nominations hearing before the Senate Foreign
    Relations Committee on March 4, 2021, you acknowledged that you had met
    with senior officials of the Iranian regime-a regime that is a U.S.-
    designated State Sponsor of Terrorism-during your time out of
    government. Besides in-person meetings, have you otherwise been in
    contact with any Iranian regime officials, including via phone, e-mail,
    text exchange, or secure messaging platforms, between January 20, 2017,
    and today? I request that you begin your response with a yes or no. If
    yes, please identify dates of contact and the text of the exchanges.

        Answer. To the best of my recollection, since January 2017 I have
    not had additional contact with Iranian officials beyond the meetings
    discussed, other than to arrange logistical details for those in-person
    meetings. I do not have records of those exchanges.

        Question. Besides in-person meetings, have you otherwise been in
    contact with any Iranian regime officials, including via e-mail, text
    exchange, or secure messaging platforms, between January 20, 2017, and
    today? If yes, please identify dates of contact and the text of the
    exchanges.

        Answer. To the best of my recollection, since January 2017 I have
    not had additional contact with Iranian officials beyond the meetings
    discussed, other than to arrange logistical details for those in-person
    meetings. I do not have records of those exchanges.

        Question. In ``The Total Destruction of U.S. Foreign Policy Under
    Trump'' (Foreign Policy, July 31, 2020), you wrote: ``As a result of
    Trump's failures, the Middle East is further from peace..'' But soon
    thereafter, in September 2020, Israel signed the Abraham Accords that
    normalized bilateral relations with the United Arab Emirates and
    Bahrain, respectively. In December 2020, Morocco signed the Abraham
    Accords with Israel. And in January 2021, Sudan also signed the Abraham
    Accords with Israel. What is your current assessment about the Trump
    administration's efforts to promote peace and normalization agreements
    between Israel and Arab nations? And what steps will you support to
    further the Abraham Accords peace process in the Middle East?

        Answer. The 2020 normalization agreements are an important
    contribution to peace and security in the Middle East. The Biden-Harris
    administration will seek to build on the agreements to expand the
    circle of peace between Israel and its neighbors. If confirmed, the
    administration will also closely monitor the status of the
    normalization efforts to date, encouraging the states that have signed
    such agreements with Israel to uphold their commitments to establish
    full diplomatic relations with Israel.

        Question. If you are confirmed, do you commit that if the United
    States decides to participate again in the JCPOA, you will seek to
    prevent the Iranian regime or any other Iranian entity from being
    allowed to export oil to Syria either in defiance of U.S. sanctions
    under Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act, Executive Order 13894,
    Executive 13582, and other relevant authorities, or by receiving a
    waiver or license to do so?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is under no illusions about
    Iran's destabilizing activities in the region, nor has it forgotten
    about the atrocities committed by the Syrian regime. The Biden-Harris
    administration is committed to countering the threat posed by Iran,
    using the various tools at its disposal, including sanctions, and
    working in close coordination with our allies and partners. If
    confirmed, I commit that I will seek to enforce fully U.S. sanctions
    with respect to Syria.

        Question. Will the Biden administration maintain existing sanctions
    designations against the Assad regime and continue imposing new
    sanctions designations against the Assad regime? The Caesar Syria
    Civilian Protection Act has imposed significant economic pressure
    against the Syrian regime under Bashar al-Assad. Before January 2021,
    the U.S. Government imposed more than 100 sanctions designations
    against the Assad regime and its supporters since June 2020. Under the
    Biden administration, the U.S. Government has not yet imposed any new
    sanctions designations against the Assad regime and its allies.

        Answer. The Caesar Act is an important tool, which seeks to limit
    the ability of Assad and others in the Syrian Government to profit from
    the ongoing conflict and any post-conflict reconstruction. Sanctions
    are also one way to press for accountability from the Assad regime for
    its atrocities, some of which amount to war crimes and crimes against
    humanity. If confirmed, I will continue to work to ensure U.S.
    sanctions do not unnecessarily impede humanitarian access in Syria and
    that they remain targeted in a way that contributes to progress toward
    our political objectives.

        Question. Does the Biden administration intend to appoint a new
    Special Envoy for Syria? If not, why not? Since closing the U.S.
    Embassy in Damascus in February 2012, the U.S. Government has
    maintained a Special Envoy for Syria to oversee diplomatic activities
    concerning Syria. The Biden administration has not appointed a new
    Special Envoy for Syria since the previous envoy left office in January
    2021, leaving the position vacant.

        Answer. I understand that the State Department does not have any
    appointments or nominations to announce at this time, but I am assured
    there is a very experienced team in place working on these issues. If
    confirmed, I will continue to advance our policy goals in Syria, which
    include achieving a comprehensive political resolution that addresses
    the factors that drive violence and instability in Syria, under the
    parameters of UNSCR 2254 and in close consultation with our allies,
    partners, and the UN; ensuring the enduring defeat of ISIS; and
    promoting the provision of life-saving humanitarian aid to Syrians in
    need.

        Question. Energy revenues account for approximately 80 percent of
    Russia's exports, and the conclusion of the Nord Stream 2 (NS2)
    pipeline would provide a financial boon for Russia's Putin regime. At
    the same time, Nord Stream 2 pipeline-if finished-would drastically
    increase Russia's malign influence and coercive leverage over Europe
    especially by exposing Central and Eastern European allies to potential
    supply cutoffs and price manipulation by Russia. Does the State
    Department continue to publicly maintain that Nord Stream 2 is a
    Russian malign influence project? This has been the position of the
    U.S. Government, including the Secretary of State and the State
    Department, for the last few years.

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has made clear that Nord
    Stream 2 is a geo-political project that threatens Europe's energy
    security. If confirmed, I support publicly addressing the ongoing
    threats to energy, geopolitical security, and European solidarity posed
    by Nord Stream2. Nord Stream 2 is a clear example of a tool that Russia
    uses for coercive actions in the region and provides the means to use
    gas, a critical natural resource, to advance its political goals and
    spread its malign influence within Europe.

        Question. Why has the State Department not yet imposed sanctions
    against NS2 AG itself pursuant to mandatory sanctions against
    Protecting Europe's Energy Security Act (PEESA) and Protecting Europe's
    Energy Security Clarification Act (PEESCA)? NS2 AG expressly describes
    itself on its website as the ``project company established for
    planning, construction and subsequent operation of the Nord Stream 2
    Pipeline. The company is based in Zug, Switzerland and owned by Public
    Joint Stock Company (PJSC) Gazprom.''

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to use all available tools to
    counter Russian malign influence, to work with Allies and partners in
    the region, and to support Transatlantic energy security goals. I
    understand the Department of State is continuing to examine entities
    involved in potentially sanctionable activity and will designate
    additional persons as appropriate. The administration has made clear to
    Germany and other European partners that it does not view Nord Stream 2
    as just a commercial deal, but as a threat to Europe's energy security
    to strategic stability on the continent.

        Question. During the Trump administration, the United States worked
    closely with the Government of Japan to facilitate an expedited process
    for Foreign Military Sales. Based on that experience, has the State
    Department created a best practices template or manual to facilitate
    and expedite further Foreign Military Sales to allies and partners?
    Please begin your answer with yes or no.

        Answer. While the Department has not developed a specific manual or
    template for expediting Foreign Military Sales (FMS) to allies and
    partners, the State Department adjudicates almost all FMS cases within
    48 hours. The Department also continually works with interagency
    colleagues and our foreign partners to facilitate and streamline the
    FMS process. If confirmed, I will ensure the FMS process works as
    smoothly as possible to advance the interests of the United States and
    for the benefit of our allies and partners around the world.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Brian McKeon by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. U.S. consulates are a key tool for engaging with local
    populations, and I am concerned that the closures of the Vladivostok
    and Yekaterinburg consulates will negatively impact our ability to
    engage with the Russian people in those areas. What impact will the
    closures of those two consulates have on our ability to engage with
    Russians in those regions? If confirmed, how will you ensure that the
    U.S. continues to engage directly with the Russian people in these
    regions?

        Answer. At this time, there has been no permanent change to the
    consulates' posture. Engaging with Russians, especially those outside
    Moscow, is critical to diplomacy. U.S. consulates provide a valuable
    platform to convey the deep concerns President Biden has expressed
    about the Russian Government's continued efforts to suppress freedom of
    expression and peaceful assembly, and to share our values and insights
    from the U.S. experience in democracy. During the pandemic, Mission
    Russia has adopted a wide range of new virtual tools and hybrid
    engagements to maintain a connection with these audiences. If
    confirmed, I am committed to continuing, and finding ways to expand,
    the Department's virtual engagement.

        Question. If confirmed, what will you do to advocate for the
    release of locally employed consulate staff who remain unjustly
    detained in the aftermath of the Turkish coup attempt?

        Answer. The Department of State continues to press the Government
    of Turkey on behalf of Mission Turkey's three wrongfully accused
    locally employed (LE) staff, including by supporting their legal cases
    and by calling for their releases and exonerations. Senior Department
    and Mission Turkey officials have publicly and privately condemned the
    unjust prosecution and conviction of these employees in discussions
    with senior Turkish officials, and the Department continues to call for
    the swift release of the employee who remains in detention. Department
    personnel regularly consult with the LE staff and their families, who
    remain appreciative of USG support, and respect their concerns that
    public USG statements are more likely to damage than assist their
    cases.

        Question. More than four years after U.S. personnel overseas began
    suffering from a set of mysterious but in many cases debilitating
    symptoms, we have more questions than answers about who was behind
    these attacks, what the ongoing threat may be to personnel, and, going
    forward, what we need to do to protect diplomats and others serving
    overseas. Do I have your commitment to engage fully on this issue, to
    be transparent with this committee, and to work with relevant
    interagency partners to provide Congress all relevant information about
    these attacks?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. The Department of State faced deep budget cut proposals
    every year under the Trump administration. And, as they say, ``if you
    show me your budget, I'll tell you your priorities.'' Congress pushed
    back repeatedly against these proposed cuts. But they were proposals
    that never should have been made to begin with. Do I have your
    commitment that you will seek and fight for a full and robustly-funded
    Function 150 International Affairs budget?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with you to ensure
    a function 150 budget that will allow us to ``make diplomacy the tool
    of first resort for U.S. statecraft to achieve the administration's top
    foreign policy priorities,'' as the Secretary said on March 3. If
    confirmed, I will advocate for the necessary investments in our people
    and programs to support and cooperate with our allies and partners
    around the world to advance our interests and build back better,
    including by furthering the democratic values of prosperity, freedom,
    and peace.

        Question. The Department of State has remained perilously behind
    the curve when it comes to tech innovation and cyber security. The
    recent SolarWinds hack is a stark reminder of the high risk of
    vulnerabilities in government systems. What do you see as the immediate
    priorities for State's cyber infrastructure? What steps will the
    Department take in the future to prevent such intrusions and to
    mitigate the damage where these intrusions do occur?

        Answer. The SolarWinds supply chain compromise is a serious
    cybersecurity issue for the federal government and private sector
    companies. Cybersecurity remains of paramount importance and if
    confirmed I intend to support the Department's efforts to protect and
    maintain its cyber infrastructure. These efforts are focused on
    dedicated investments in infrastructure, talent, and planning to ensure
    the security and resilience of the Department's networks and digital
    assets, thereby protecting its global workforce and the citizens we
    serve. We must also ensure that the Department's internal governance
    structure for cybersecurity is properly aligned to protect the
    Department's networks.

        Question. How is the Department cooperating and coordinating with
    other relevant USG agencies and offices to address the intrusion and to
    repair any damage?

        Answer. While a full assessment of the incident is ongoing, I will,
    if confirmed, support the Department's continued cooperation and
    coordination with the joint Cyber Unified Coordination Group in
    addressing the SolarWinds vulnerability. It is critical that the
    federal government also work with private sector partners to address
    the ever-expanding landscape of threats.

        Question. In September 2020, State's Office of the Inspector
    General (OIG) identified $200 million spent on Trans-Sahara
    Counterterrorism Partnership programs as potentially wasteful spending
    due to mismanagement and inadequate oversight from staff in the Africa
    Bureau. The OIG found that, among other contributing factors, the
    Africa Bureau continuously experiences staffing shortages, and that the
    State Department has not appropriately prioritized the Africa Bureau's
    needs. As Deputy Secretary for Management and Resources, what will you
    do to ensure that the Africa Bureau has adequate resources and staff,
    including a properly skilled, trained, and incentivized workforce
    equipped to meet the bureau's needs and objectives?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Bureau of African
    Affairs to ensure it has the resources, including personnel, necessary
    to meet the bureau's objectives. I recognize that the Bureau of African
    Affairs is chronically understaffed both in terms of positions and
    vacancies. If confirmed, I will review our staffing levels around the
    world to ensure that our embassies and bureaus are adequately staffed
    to meet our duties and advance our interests. Staffing must be aligned
    with our most pressing interests, including oversight of critical
    programs like the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership. If
    confirmed, I will explore enhancing incentives to serve at hardship
    posts, including those in Africa, and will look for other ways to
    ensure that our vacancies are filled, which would address elements of
    the OIG report related to field-based oversight.

        Question. I understand that our embassy in Niger lacked both a
    political officer and an economic officer for months on end, at a time
    when that country was preparing for historic elections, chairing the
    Economic Community of West African States regional bloc, and engaging
    in counterterrorism operations in the increasingly insecure Sahel.
    Similarly, despite an armed uprising and a recent contentious election,
    our embassy in the Central African Republic reportedly lacks a
    political officer. As Deputy Secretary for Management and Resources,
    what will you do to ensure that hard to fill posts, especially in
    Africa, are appropriately staffed by qualified Foreign Service
    Officers?

        Answer. The Department offers a number of incentives for employees
    to serve voluntarily in difficult locations. These include hardship
    differential payments of 5 percent to 35 percent, and danger pay when
    appropriate. Service need differential provides an additional 15
    percent of salary for employees who agree to serve an extra year at
    posts that are particularly difficult to staff. There are also
    procedural incentives, such as the ability to take ``stretch''
    assignments into higher-ranking positions that may offer more
    challenging work and greater opportunities for promotion. If confirmed,
    I will continue to review these incentives and calibrate them to
    America's national interests overseas.

        Question. There are long-standing concerns among career civil
    service employees that the Department is ``designed'' for the career
    foreign service, with few career advancement pathways for the career
    civil service. The lack of such pathways can mean that the Department
    loses talent to outside industries or to another office or bureau with
    higher-graded positions available. How will you address these long-
    standing concerns among career civil service employees, and create
    intentional and transparent pathways to career advancement?

        Answer. I am committed to listening to the workforce and ensuring
    we retain high performers by investing in their professional
    development and strengthening programs that mentor individuals for
    success, provide actionable feedback on performance, chart career
    progression, provide more interagency and other detail opportunities,
    and create viable pathways for those in the Civil Service who aspire to
    advance their careers. I support efforts to expand existing career
    development and detail opportunities for Civil Service employees.

        Question. Some of the most successful businesses in the world have
    developed extensive employee training and career-long mentoring
    programs. The Department has a renowned facility in the Foreign Service
    Institute that plays a critical role in training both foreign and civil
    service employees. Unfortunately, there are very few classes focused on
    developing the management skills necessary to maximize the morale and
    effectiveness of Department employees. Do you believe the Department
    should develop a more robust management training initiative to ensure
    that sound management skills are viewed as a necessary skill not just
    for ``management-coned'' foreign service officers?

        Answer. Yes, I believe that management skills should be widely
    taught to all of our foreign affairs professionals, and that all
    training should reinforce the leadership skills needed to build up
    employees' morale and effectiveness. If confirmed, I will continue to
    promote FSI's commitment to providing world class training to employees
    across the Department. I will work to ensure FSI remains committed to
    seeking additional ways to expand its reach in these crucial areas.

        Question. Do you commit to reviewing existing management trainings
    and reporting back to the committee with recommendations for
    improvement?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to a full review of current
    management skills training at FSI and will report back to the committee
    with recommendations for improvement as necessary.

        Question. A recent survey of executive-level staff at the State
    Department conducted by Executive Women at State found concerning
    trends that inhibit career advancement for women. More than half of the
    respondents ranked 15 of the 22 barriers measured in the survey as
    having a huge or significant impact on the advancement of women at the
    Department; 75 percent of respondents described gender-related bias as
    having substantial impact on their careers. Do you commit to reviewing
    this report and its recommendations, and prioritizing a review of how
    the Department can reduce barriers for women to increase retention and
    help more women serve in senior roles?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will review this report, and will work to
    build upon the Department's ongoing initiatives and framework to
    increase flexibilities and support for our workforce. The Department
    instituted a number of policy changes designed to advance equal
    opportunity for women in the workforce and address barrier concerns
    raised by affinity groups and associations. In line with the
    recommendation of the January 2020 GAO report, ``Additional Steps Are
    Needed to Identify Potential Barriers to Diversity,'' if confirmed, I
    commit to the Department's undertaking of further analysis to explore
    barriers to equal advancement for women and what remedies can be taken
    to mitigate those barriers to support the retention and career
    advancement of women at the State Department.

        Question. It is no secret that the Department's morale has sunk to
    historic lows over the past several years under President Trump and
    Secretary Pompeo. Secretary Blinken has already made great strides in
    addressing distrust and improving morale at the Department, but much
    work remains to make sure that the Department's workforce is empowered
    and trusted to carry out its critical diplomatic work. What steps will
    you take to rebuild the morale of the people who serve at the
    Department and to ensure the Department has a workforce that is
    supported and empowered to carry out their mission to the best of their
    abilities?

        Answer. The people who work for the Department of State are
    committed public servants who uphold U.S. policies to protect U.S.
    citizens and their interests abroad. The marginalization and loss of
    career talent over the last four years has coincided with declines in
    overall employee job satisfaction in annual workforce surveys. The
    report issued by your committee last July, ``Diplomacy in Crisis,''
    also chronicles the decline in morale at the Department, among other
    things. That said, the nearly 77,000 State Department employees
    worldwide remain resilient. If confirmed, I am committed to improving
    the State Department to advance our security and prosperity, including
    by investing in a diplomatic corps that fully represents the United
    States in all its talent and diversity. That means recruiting,
    retaining, and providing career development opportunities to officers
    with the skills to contend with 21st century challenges and who
    represent the diversity of the country we represent. I will spare no
    effort, if confirmed, to ensure their safety and well-being and demand
    accountability for fostering a more diverse, inclusive and non-partisan
    workplace.

        Question. Last year, I published a report, Diplomacy in Crisis,
    which laid out the challenges facing the Department's workforce. It
    cited employee survey data that showed some disturbing trends-for
    example, steep increases in the number of staff who said they feared
    reprisal or retribution if they were to report a violation of law. Does
    that concern you, and how do you plan to reverse that culture?

        Answer. I reviewed the committee's report prior to the confirmation
    hearing. These findings do concern me. I agree that retaliation for
    participating in the EEO process or anti-harassment program, requesting
    a reasonable accommodation, or for opposing discriminatory practices is
    unlawful, grounds for discipline, and counter to good management;
    employees do best when they have the ability to speak up and help the
    Department improve. The release of the forthcoming Diversity and
    Inclusion Strategic Plan will help guide a collective action approach
    to, among other things, fostering a culture that encourages people to
    speak up. If confirmed, as a senior leader in the Department, this work
    will be a priority.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Brian McKeon by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. The COVID-19 pandemic originated and accelerated in
    higher-income countries, where USAID does not maintain a regular
    presence and where diplomatic engagement proved critical to securing
    access for global health experts on the one hand and the evacuation of
    American citizens on the other. Who is responsible for the execution of
    U.S. foreign policy at overseas posts, including diplomatic engagement
    to advance U.S. global health security interests in countries of all
    income categories: the Department of State, the U.S. Agency for
    International Development (USAID), or the Centers for Disease Control
    and Prevention (CDC)?

        Answer. At every overseas mission, the chief of mission is
    responsible for the execution of U.S. foreign policy. Multiple agencies
    have personnel on the ground under chief of mission authority, and the
    State Department works closely with all relevant agencies to deliver on
    our robust U.S. Government foreign policy objectives.

        Question. If confirmed, how do you intend to organize and resource
    the Department to advance the global health security and diplomacy
    objectives of the United States overseas?

        Answer. The Department of State is firmly committed to using
    diplomacy to advance global health security objectives. The Department
    has already begun to mobilize an international response to COVID-19
    with an initial $2 billion contribution to Gavi, which will support
    COVAX, along with a pledge to provide an additional $2 billion through
    2022. The State Department's efforts to address the full range of
    global health security threats are facilitated by the close
    coordination of bureaus across the Department and the interagency. I
    understand the State Department is reviewing options to structure its
    response to meet critical policy objectives and, if confirmed I look
    forward to being part of these efforts and working with Congress as
    planning progresses.

        Question. The Office of the Global AIDS Coordinator was recently
    directed to suspend its Country Operating Plan (COP) process, which had
    already reached an advanced stage, in order to alleviate burdens on
    implementing partners during the COVID-19 outbreak. While sympathetic
    to the needs of implementing partners, the COP process and the data-
    driven approach it has institutionalized is vital to the effective
    planning and execution of the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS
    Relief (PEPFAR) programs. If confirmed, will you ensure that the State
    Department-led COP process is restored and that the implementing
    agencies--USAID and CDC--adhere to such plans without unwarranted
    delays or deviations?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is fully committed to and
    supportive of PEPFAR. On March 5, 2021, the Department announced plans
    for the COP/ROP 2021 planning process to resume on April 1, 2021, and
    conclude no later than May 21, 2021. If confirmed, I will be firmly
    committed to ensuring that collaborative, transparent, and data-driven
    COP/ROP 2021 plans are completed in every PEPFAR-supported country and
    region and that there is no disruption in HIV services at the start of
    FY 2022. Following COP/ROP 2021 approvals, I understand that PEPFAR
    will move expeditiously through the required processes of Congressional
    notifications, approvals, and transfer of funds to implementing
    agencies in advance of the beginning of FY 2022.

        Question. During his confirmation process, this committee asked
    Secretary Blinken: ``Under your leadership as Secretary of State, what
    actions will you pursue to ensure that hard-to-fill posts in Sub-
    Saharan Africa are sufficiently and consistently staffed?'' On January
    19, he replied in writing: ``If confirmed, I will work with the White
    House and relevant State Department bureaus and offices to ensure that
    all posts in Sub-Saharan Africa are sufficiently and consistently
    staffed with the appropriate personnel.'' Secretary Blinken's response
    was insufficient because it merely re-phrased the question into an
    answer and was non-specific on any action reflecting a change in
    priority from previous administrations. What do you view as the most
    pressing management and staffing challenges facing the Department's
    Bureau of African Affairs?

        Answer. Advancing the State Department's diplomatic agenda and
    implementing innovative, effective foreign assistance programs depends
    on its personnel. The Bureau of African Affairs has been chronically
    understaffed both domestically and overseas, impeding the Department's
    ability to achieve the administration's goals, as well as to seize
    opportunities when they appear. Staffing must be aligned with our most
    pressing interests, including oversight of critical programs like the
    Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership. If confirmed I will explore
    enhancing incentives to serve at hardship posts, including those in
    Africa, and will look for other ways to ensure that our vacancies are
    filled.
        The Department offers a number of incentives for employees to serve
    voluntarily in difficult locations. These include hardship differential
    payments of 5 percent to 35 percent, and danger pay when appropriate.
    Service need differential provides an additional 15 percent of salary
    for employees who agree to serve an extra year at posts that are
    particularly difficult to staff. There are also procedural incentives,
    such as the ability to take ``stretch'' assignments into higher-ranking
    positions that may offer more challenging work and greater
    opportunities for promotion. If confirmed, I will continue to review
    these incentives and calibrate them to America's national interests
    overseas.

        Question. What specific actions will you prioritize in your role to
    ensure that the Africa Bureau's staffing efforts focus on building
    regional expertise, diversity, and preparedness so the Department can
    sufficiently and consistently staff hard-to-fill posts in Africa?

        Answer. I recognize that the Bureau of African Affairs is
    chronically understaffed, both in terms of positions and vacancies. If
    confirmed, I will review the State Department's staffing levels around
    the world to ensure that staffing is aligned with its most pressing
    interests. I will explore enhancing incentives to serve at hardship
    posts, including those in Africa, and will look for other ways to
    ensure that our vacancies are filled. I am committed to an inclusive
    workplace and, if confirmed, will support the Bureau of African
    Affairs' efforts as they work to implement management reforms for
    recruitment, hiring, and retention.

        Question. Recently, legal restrictions--commonly referred to as
    ``section 889''--have gone into effect that severely limit the types of
    telecommunications networks that U.S. Government departments and
    agencies can use overseas. These restrictions were an attempt to combat
    the Chinese Government's sale and use of Chinese companies'
    technological networks and equipment in other countries to engage in
    espionage. However, many countries' networks are so saturated by
    prohibited telecommunications equipment that complying with section
    889, absent a waiver, may limit the ability of our posts to operate
    abroad. How do you assess the burden placed on the Department by these
    restrictions?

        Answer. Compliance with FY 2019 NDAA Section 889 places an extreme
    burden on the Department's ability to conduct diplomacy in those
    nations where access to trusted networks is limited or non-existent.
    The current ODNI national security interest waivers mitigate the impact
    of Section 889, enabling the State Department to continue to supply its
    posts with critical services. There are parts of the world where it is
    unlikely that any trusted vendor will be available. Current ODNI
    waivers expire in 2022. Without waiver extensions, changes to the
    compliance regimen, or unforeseen technical solutions, the Department
    will be severely impacted in its ability to conduct diplomacy overseas.

        Question. Do you believe that the Department should be able to
    implement these restrictions fully without diminishing its ability to
    operate abroad?

        Answer. While I strongly support the intent of Section 889 of the
    2019 NDAA, I understand that the current global market upon which the
    Department relies cannot meet the provision's requirements without
    waivers while continuing to accomplish the Department's mission. Absent
    a waiver, critical mission area activities will cease or be seriously
    hindered.

        Question. Are there costs associated with these restrictions?

        Answer. As a result of the ODNI approved waivers, I understand that
    the initial cost of compliance has been manageable and mainly focused
    on administrative workloads. As alternatives and compliant sources are
    identified overseas, it is anticipated the cost of compliance will
    increase when transitioning overseas acquisitions to compliant
    services.

        Question. Would the Department be able to operate without the
    waivers currently granted by the Office of the Director of National
    Intelligence (ODNI) to the Department?

        Answer. I understand that the Department of State would not be able
    to operate without the waivers currently granted by the Director of
    National Intelligence (ODNI). ODNI granted nine waivers under section
    889(d)(2) until September 30, 2022, to allow the Department to continue
    contracting activities that would otherwise be prohibited under section
    889(a)(l)(B). I understand that these waivers cover not only
    contracting for telecommunications services, but also contracting for
    security services and equipment and many other programs and services
    vital to the Department and potentially impacted by the breadth of
    section 889(a)(1)(B).
        The Department will make use of these waivers until an offeror
    attests itself eligible under section 889(a) or until alternative
    sources eligible under section 889 can be identified and contractual
    arrangements and necessary transitions implemented.

        Question. Do you plan to request an extension of waivers?

        Answer. Without change to the current compliance requirements, I
    understand that the Department must pursue extensions of all waivers
    granted by ODNI. I am committed to protecting U.S. telecommunications
    and, if confirmed, will work across government agencies and in the
    international community to adopt networks based on trusted supply
    chains

        Question. Do you commit to work with Congress to find a long-term
    solution that ensures secure, reliable communications while encouraging
    foreign governments to move away from prohibited technological
    networks?

        Answer. Yes. I strongly support the intent of the FY 2019 NDAA
    Section 889 and concur that steps must be taken to contract with safe,
    reliable, and secure services. If confirmed, I will continue to engage
    with the Department's interagency partners to develop a unified long-
    term solution.

        Question. One troubling trend my staff and I have identified during
    our travels over the previous Congress is that many of our diplomats
    are not getting out from behind embassy walls and meeting with the
    local population or even other diplomats. Frequently, we are told that
    the security requirements are too great to support regular traverses to
    and from embassy compounds. This intolerance of reasonable, voluntary
    risk sacrifices advancement of U.S. interests for airtight security and
    keeps our diplomats from being able to do their jobs. Does the
    inability of State Department diplomats to leave the embassies at which
    they are currently stationed put the Department at a strategic
    disadvantage?

        Answer. Consistent in-person outreach remains essential to
    advancing U.S. foreign policy goals. Doing this work requires a
    diplomatic presence in some of the most difficult and dangerous
    environments in the world. The Department of State continues to
    prioritize people-to-people engagement and relationships while taking
    into account a wide range of threats, including the unique local
    circumstances at each post. If confirmed, I am committed to reviewing
    the Department's current overseas operating posture and consulting with
    Congress and internal Department stakeholders such as the Bureau of
    Diplomatic Security to determine if current laws and our policies to
    mitigate operational risk should be modified.

        Question. Do Chinese, Russian, and Iranian diplomats face similar
    restrictions to those placed on U.S. diplomats?

        Answer. I am not currently in a position to answer the question of
    exactly what restrictions are now being placed on Chinese, Russian, and
    Iranian diplomats.

        Question. Do you support getting our diplomats back outside posts?
    If yes, how so?

        Answer. The Department of State strives to provide the most secure
    environment possible for the conduct of U.S. foreign policy while
    acknowledging that there is never a guarantee of complete safety. The
    Bureau of Diplomatic Security (DS) makes every effort to ensure that
    the Department's personnel and contractors are aware of potential risks
    and trained accordingly. State Department employees understand the
    risks but face them every day to advance U.S. national security and
    foreign policy interests on behalf of the American people. If
    confirmed, I will work with the DS to maximize the ability of our
    diplomats to work outside posts whenever possible through effective
    risk mitigation and management decisions.

        Question. Do you intend to emphasize to the Bureau of Diplomatic
    Security, regional security officers, and chiefs of mission your desire
    to do so? If yes, what specific steps will you take?

        Answer. Engaging diplomatically outside posts whenever possible is
    paramount to the success of the Department. If confirmed, I intend to
    work closely with the Bureau of Diplomatic Security to ensure our
    foreign affairs community can effectively achieve U.S. foreign policy
    goals with an acceptable level of risk.

        Question. Should security concerns always take precedence over the
    ability of our diplomats to operate abroad?

        Answer. Security conditions faced by our foreign affairs community
    overseas evolve, but the need to operate globally and carry out the
    State Department's diplomatic mission remains constant. If confirmed, I
    commit to ensuring the Department routinely assesses the threat
    environment in which its people live and work, mitigating risk with all
    the tools at our disposal, and making informed risk management
    decisions. My objective will always be to ensure personnel working in
    the Department's diplomatic missions overseas are able to carry out
    their duties in as safe and secure an environment as possible.

        Question. How should diplomatic objectives be weighed in relation
    to security concerns, particularly with regard to embassy security?

        Answer. I understand that the Department uses a variety of
    policies, training, and techniques to weigh diplomatic objectives in
    relation to security concerns. The Department sets a high baseline of
    security practices for all personnel and diplomatic facilities wherever
    they are located. If confirmed, I intend to continuously review and
    improve the Department's global security standards without sacrificing
    our ability to effectively fulfill our diplomatic mission.

        Question. Between late 2016 and May 2018, the State Department
    found that certain U.S. Embassy community members suffered a series of
    unexplained injuries, including hearing loss and cognitive issues. If
    confirmed, will you commit to continuing the investigation into the
    circumstances surrounding the sonic attacks?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will be wholly committed to engaging in the
    ongoing investigation into circumstances surrounding the unexplained
    health incidents. The Department continues to work on determining what
    happened to our staff and their families and to ensure their well-being
    and health going forward. There is no higher priority than the safety
    and security of our U.S. personnel, their families, and U.S. citizens.

        Question. Will you seek to ensure the safety and security of U.S.
    diplomatic personnel in Havana and other posts where personnel have
    been injured?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working to ensure the
    safety and security of U.S. personnel and their families under Chief of
    Mission security responsibility. The Department is working to determine
    what happened to its staff and their families and to ensure the well-
    being and health of our officials going forward. That investigation is
    ongoing and is a high priority.

        Question. Dozens of these cases were reported by personnel
    stationed at the U.S. Embassy in Havana, Cuba. To date, Cuba has
    refused to cooperate with investigations into these reports. Is it in
    the national interest of the United States to assign an ambassador to
    Cuba before the Cuban Government fully and credibly cooperates with
    these investigations and explains the targeted attacks on U.S.
    diplomats in Havana?

        Answer. The Department of State has no higher priority than the
    safety and security of U.S. personnel, their families, and U.S.
    citizens. The Department continues to review its staffing posture to
    ensure that Embassy Havana can continue its core mission effectively
    and safely. The Department continually reminds the Cuban Government of
    its obligation under the Vienna Convention to take all appropriate
    steps to protect our diplomats.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to support all State
    Department employees and their families who were injured by these sonic
    attacks, including those employees who have since left the Department?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to supporting all State
    Department employees and their families who were injured by these
    unexplained health incidents, regardless of employment status. To
    ensure that affected personnel receive the appropriate care, the
    Department established the Senior Care Coordinator position to serve as
    an advocate for the affected personnel and provide administrative
    support including assistance in applying for workers' compensation.
    This position is an advocate for all affected personnel.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work constructively with
    other government agencies to find the cause of the attacks and
    determine the best ways to support those U.S. Government employees who
    have been injured?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will be wholly committed to strengthening
    interagency cooperation on this issue. The Department has partnered
    with multiple agencies to help identify the source and cause of these
    injuries. Recently, the Department designated a senior-level official
    as the Senior Advisor to the Health Incidents Response Task Force who
    will advise senior Department leadership and coordinate the
    Department's response to the health incidents with the interagency.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to regularly share new
    information on this issue with Congress, including updates on any live
    investigations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to regularly share new
    information on this issue as appropriate.

        Question. Do you support Congress passing a State Department
    authorization bill?

        Answer. As you might imagine, given my years working with the
    President, including in his capacity as chairman of this committee, I
    have been very involved in and supportive of Congressional efforts to
    pass a State Department Authorization Act. If confirmed, I am committed
    to working with the committee on our shared interest in strengthening
    the capabilities of the Department, including through legislation as
    necessary.

        Question. Do you believe it is important that the Department be
    explicitly authorized outside of the appropriations process?

        Answer. I do think it is important. Given my past work on the staff
    of the committee, I appreciate the role of the Senate Foreign Relations
    committee, in considering and developing authorization legislation
    pertaining to Department operations. I recall, too, the challenges
    encountered at times in efforts to secure such authorization. If
    confirmed, I am committed to working with the committee on legislative
    proposals, particularly those providing needed authorizations.

        Question. Do you believe that the role the Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee is important in providing congressional oversight?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. Do you commit to making Department personnel under your
    purview available for timely briefings upon request?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that the Department
    makes available personnel who are well-positioned to be responsive to
    your requests in a timely manner.

        Question. In light of the massive cyber hack of the U.S. federal
    Government that was reported in December 2020, how important is
    cybersecurity to the State Department and U.S. diplomacy?

        Answer. Cybersecurity is of paramount importance to the Department
    of State. The Department needs to ensure cybersecurity is an integral
    part of its efforts, including as it adopts new technologies to meet
    new global diplomacy demands. The continually evolving threat to the
    cyber landscape requires a dedicated investment in infrastructure,
    talent, and planning to ensure the security and resilience of our
    networks and digital assets while protecting its global workforce and
    the citizens we serve.

        Question. What cybersecurity challenges does the Department
    currently face?

        Answer. As with any global organization, the Department of State is
    an attractive target for malicious cyber activity. Therefore, the
    Department is always engaged in identifying cybersecurity threats and
    taking steps to counter any threats. Cyber threat actors will likely
    prioritize exploitation of the Department's maximum telework and global
    posture and attempt to target remote access solutions and devices to
    collect internal Department information. Threat actors will attempt to
    identify and exploit any new vulnerabilities in operations.
    Additionally, cyber threat actors may be more likely to target supply
    chain operations against the Department's software providers, inspired
    by the recent SolarWinds event. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the
    Department's cybersecurity efforts are geared toward addressing these
    challenges.

        Question. How do you intend to improve cybersecurity at the
    Department?

        Answer. The Department's approach to cybersecurity is rooted in a
    deep understanding of the operational nexus between malicious cyber
    activity and counterintelligence threats and the need to develop
    proactive solutions for managing the Department's global cyber exposure
    and ensuring a safe and reliable digital environment for performing the
    diplomatic mission. To proactively defend against current, emerging,
    and future cybersecurity threats, the Department should continue steps
    to consolidate network monitoring and infrastructure IT operations and
    maintenance as well as maximize network visibility, auditing, and
    configuration management. The Department must ensure rigorous
    vulnerability management and swift patch deployment, while leveraging a
    matrix of cybersecurity, security technology, and investigative
    capabilities to detect, analyze, and defend against all cyber threats.

        Question. As with any workforce, high morale among the State
    Department's employees is vital to attracting and retaining talent. Is
    morale at the Department a problem?

        Answer. The people who work for the Department of State are
    committed public servants who uphold U.S. policies to protect U.S.
    citizens and their interests abroad. The marginalization and loss of
    career talent over the last four years has coincided with declines in
    overall employee job satisfaction in annual workforce surveys, as well
    a reduction in test takers for the Foreign Service exam. That said, the
    nearly 77,000 State Department employees worldwide remain resilient and
    work every day to advance the interests of the American people.

        Question. If yes, how do you intend to improve and maintain morale
    at the Department?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to improving and maintaining a
    State Department workforce that advances our security and prosperity,
    including by developing a diplomatic corps that fully represents the
    United States in all its talent and diversity. That means recruiting,
    retaining, and providing career development opportunities to personnel
    with the skills to contend with 21st century challenges and who reflect
    our country's diversity. I will spare no effort, if confirmed, to
    ensure their safety and well-being and demand accountability for
    fostering a more diverse, inclusive and non-partisan workplace.

        Question. Are there specific areas of morale (or bureaus) that you
    believe need immediate attention?

        Answer. I am not currently in a position to speak to this question,
    but if confirmed, one of my first priorities will be to investigate the
    areas and bureaus that may need urgent attention. I commit to ensuring
    the safety and well-being of the entire workforce and demand
    accountability for fostering a more diverse, inclusive, and non-
    partisan workplace.

        Question. In 2017, Congress passed a lateral entry pilot program
    for the Foreign Service which the Department has yet to implement. Do
    you commit to begin implementation of the program in 2021 and to design
    it as Congress intended?

        Answer. I understand the Department developed and planned to roll
    out a new Lateral Entry Pilot Program for Foreign Service generalists
    in FY 2021. Implementation was delayed for Congressional consultation
    and notification requirements in the Department's annual appropriations
    act and by the Department's focus on responding to the global COVID-19
    pandemic. If confirmed, I commit to resume implementation of the
    program when appropriate.

        Question. Currently, Foreign Service oral assessments are only held
    in Washington, D.C., throughout the year and once a year in San
    Francisco, California. On February 24, 2021, Secretary Blinken issued a
    press statement saying that, in order to effectively represent the
    American people to the world, ``we must recruit and retain a workforce
    that truly reflects America.'' Is geographic diversity important is
    building a Department that ``truly reflects America''?

        Answer. The Department administers the Foreign Service Oral
    Assessment outside of Washington, D.C. twice each year, in San
    Francisco in February and in Chicago in May. In addition, the
    Department maintains a national recruitment platform that includes
    geographic diversity in its strategic recruiting objectives. In 2020,
    the recruitment team conducted 1,500 events nationwide. Secretary
    Blinken is committed to increasing diversity, including geographic
    diversity, at all levels through recruitment and retention as a major
    priority. If confirmed, I will work with the Secretary to build a
    diverse workforce that is fully representative of our Nation.

        Question. Do you think making it easier and more cost effective for
    Americans outside of Washington, D.C., and northern California to take
    the Foreign Service oral assessments would encourage a more
    geographically diverse Foreign Service?

        Answer. Secretary Blinken and I are committed to building a diverse
    workforce representative of the American people--including
    geographically--and the Department will continue to expand the
    accessibility of the Foreign Service assessment process. If confirmed,
    I will dedicate resources to continue modernizing talent acquisition
    and support additional innovations to attract exceptional talent. The
    Department typically offers the Foreign Service Oral Assessment outside
    of Washington, D.C., twice each year in San Francisco (February) and
    Chicago (May). In response to COVID-19 disruptions, the Department
    successfully piloted a virtual oral assessment for Specialist
    candidates in June 2020. If confirmed, I will direct my team to resume
    in-person oral assessments outside Washington, D.C., as soon as
    conditions allow.

        Question. Do you commit to expanding the number of locations where
    the Foreign Service oral assessments can be administered?

        Answer. COVID-19 caused disruptions to the assessment process. To
    overcome this, in June 2020 the Department successfully piloted a
    virtual oral assessment for Foreign Service Specialist candidates.
    Although the Generalist Foreign Service Oral Assessment could not be
    adapted to a virtual format, the Department's prioritization of public
    health measures at the assessment facility will permit in-person oral
    assessments to resume in Washington, D.C., in late March. When health
    and safety conditions permit, the Department will again offer the
    Foreign Service Oral Assessment outside of Washington, D.C., twice each
    year, in San Francisco and in Chicago. If confirmed, I will dedicate
    resources to continue modernizing talent acquisition and support
    additional innovations to attract exceptional talent.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to briefing this committee on
    the administration's use of special envoys, including with respect to
    the constitutional and legal authority to appoint such officials?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to briefing this committee on the
    administration's use of special envoys, including with respect to the
    relevant appointment authorities.

        Question. The Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2021 establishes
    an Office of Sanctions Coordination within the Department of State. If
    confirmed, do you commit to work with my office and this committee to
    ensure that this office succeeds and fulfills its statutory mandate?

        Answer. Yes, I am aware that this office has been re-established in
    statute, and that the law requires the administration to appoint a head
    of such office to have the rank of ambassador and with the advice and
    consent of the Senate. I understand that the Department is actively
    reviewing these new requirements. If confirmed, I believe there will be
    the opportunity for me to engage in this process, as we will want to
    ensure that any such official would have the expertise and stature,
    including political support, to operate effectively within the U.S.
    Government and internationally.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Hon. Brian McKeon by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

        Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
    your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
    impact of your actions?

        Answer. While a Senate staffer working for then-Senator Biden--
    first in his Senate office as a foreign policy legislative assistant,
    and later as chief counsel on the staff of the Committee on Foreign
    Relations--I developed and executed on legislative and oversight
    efforts to protect and enhance the work of U.S. international
    broadcasting, which provides objective news and information to
    audiences around the world. In particular:

       Early in the Clinton administration, Senator Biden blocked an
            effort, proposed in the first budget submitted by President
            Clinton, to close Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL).
            Senator Biden believed, as I did, that it was premature to
            close the radio services, given that democratic governments and
            traditions in Europe and Eurasia after the collapse of the
            Soviet bloc were not firmly established. In that period, we
            also learned from testimony by leaders such as Poland's Lech
            Walesa of the power of these services during the Cold War in
            sustaining dissident movements. With the regression of
            democracy in the region since then, it is clear that the
            decision to preserve RFE/RL was well-founded.

       Based on the success of RFE/RL, Senator Biden authored the
            legislation that led to the creation of a similar `surrogate'
            radio service to broadcast to China and other countries in East
            Asia. ``Radio Free Asia (RFA)'' was established by legislation
            enacted in 1994 and initiated broadcasts in 1996. Today, the
            service has a well-established reputation for its coverage of
            news in the countries to which it broadcasts and has earned
            numerous journalism awards. For example, in 2019, a journalist
            from RFA's Uyghur service received the Magnitsky Human Rights
            Award for her reporting on the humanitarian and human rights
            situation in China's Xinjiang region.

        When legislation was proposed to consolidate U.S. foreign affairs
    agencies in the 1990s, Senator Biden insisted that the Broadcasting
    Board of Governors (BBG)--then a part of the U.S. Information Agency--
    be maintained as an independent agency, and not merged into the
    Department of State, based on our concern that doing so would
    jeopardize the journalistic integrity of the broadcasting services
    supported by the BBG.
        As chief counsel to the Committee on Foreign Relations, in
    coordination with a human rights organization, I initiated a standard
    set of questions for the record that were posed to every ambassadorial
    nominee about human rights issues in the country to which they had been
    nominated. We also later undertook to request follow-up reports from
    the ambassadors after they had been at post for a number of months. I
    believe this process helped to sensitize nominees to the importance of
    these issues and ensure that they were giving priority attention to
    human rights issues as part of their work.

        Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
    managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
    creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
    mentor, and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
    underrepresented groups?

        Answer. Diversity is the key to unlocking an organization's
    potential as diverse teams consistently demonstrate high performance
    due to their creativity and innovation. If confirmed, I commit to
    upholding and fully implementing the Department's leadership and
    management tenets, including support for diversity and inclusion, to
    strengthen teams across the Department. I will hold senior leaders
    accountable for promulgating fairness and transparency in their day-to-
    day decisions and will seek progress reports, working with the new
    Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer, on their continued commitment to
    championing diversity and inclusion.

        Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
    supervisors at the Department of State is fostering an environment that
    is diverse and inclusive?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ask those who report to me to provide
    updates on their initiatives and contributions to advance diversity and
    inclusion at the State Department. I will encourage leaders to
    prioritize innovation and creativity across teams, ensuring that all
    voices are heard and that their contributions matter. If confirmed, I
    will support, empower, and work with the new Chief Diversity and
    Inclusion Officer and bureau representatives to implement Department-
    wide diversity and inclusion policies, ensure transparency of these
    initiatives, and hold senior leadership accountable for progress.

        Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
    the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
    actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
    business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
    of any senior White House staff?

        Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
    regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
    appropriate channels.

        Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
    reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
    controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
    President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
    White House staff?

        Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
    regulations, and rules and to raise concerns that I may have through
    appropriate channels.

        Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
    any financial interests in any foreign country?

        Answer. My spouse does not have any financial interests in a
    foreign country. My investment portfolio, as set forth in my SF-278
    submitted to the committee, includes mutual funds and exchange traded
    funds, including a foreign stock fund, which may hold interests in
    companies with an international presence, but these funds are exempt
    from the conflict of interest laws. I am committed to following all
    applicable ethics laws and regulations and remaining vigilant with
    regard to my ethics obligations. I will divest any investments the
    State Department Ethics Office deems necessary to avoid a conflict of
    interest.

                                   __________

               Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Hon. Brian McKeon by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. There is the proliferation of special envoys, who are
    often political appointees, and who tend to duplicate work that should
    belong to the regional bureaus and other permanent offices of the
    Department. This is not to say that special envoys cannot play a role
    in certain circumstances, but many career diplomats seem to think there
    have been too many in recent years. If confirmed, what will you do to
    streamline the Department, reduce wasteful spending, and do away with
    redundant positions?

        Answer. I understand that the Secretary shares your concern about
    the proliferation of redundant positions. I also am aware that some
    special envoy positions are required by law. If confirmed, I will work
    toward accomplishing the Secretary's goals of efficient and effective
    management, including by examining the Department's use of special
    envoys.

        Question. It is critically important that we have a Foreign Service
    that is designed to meet the needs of this century. The talent we have
    recruited to the Foreign Service is impressive, but I think there are
    ways to further strengthen how we identify new talent and train the
    workforce that we have. To meet the challenges of this century, our
    Foreign Service must be structured to counter the malign influence of
    the Chinese Communist Party. The new regional China officer positions
    created during the last administration were a good step in this
    direction. If confirmed, what would you do to shift the focus of the
    Foreign Service toward developing regional expertise and advanced
    language skills, particularly in the Indo-Pacific region? If the
    generalist model is to be retained, are you prepared to carve out a
    separate track for political and economic officers who specialize in
    one region and/or critical language?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to examining the best ways to
    develop and advance the skills of Department employees so they are
    prepared to meet global challenges, including the challenges posed by
    China. In addition to operational and leadership effectiveness,
    officers wishing to get into the Senior Foreign Service must
    demonstrate language proficiency. The new Professional Development
    Program also gives officers the flexibility to focus on and build
    expertise in a specific region.
        I understand in 2020 the State Department stood up a Mandarin
    Language Task Force to answer the continuing critical need for regional
    expertise and advanced Chinese language skills. The task force has
    already delivered an Advanced Mandarin Training Program, with students
    starting in-country, in-depth language training in Summer 2021.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to an evaluation of the
    personnel numbers in each region and adjust accordingly?

        Answer. People are the most important State Department asset and
    properly aligning them to regions and posts is essential to achieving
    our mission objectives. If confirmed, I will work to make sure that the
    State Department has the appropriate people in the right place at the
    right time to achieve its objectives.

        Question. Another perennial problem is that too many Foreign
    Service officers have traditionally regarded human rights and democracy
    promotion as the responsibility of civil servants in the Department of
    Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL), or USAID, but not the Foreign
    Service. If confirmed, what will you do to raise the importance of
    human rights and democracy issues in the Foreign Service?

        Answer. The President and Secretary Blinken have made clear that
    America's cherished democratic values are at the center of this
    administration's foreign policy. If confirmed, I will ensure that this
    is reflected in human resources decisions as well as policy actions. I
    pledge to encourage Foreign Service Officers, most of whom passionately
    and skillfully carry the mantle of human rights and democracy promotion
    in the execution of their duties, to serve in DRL and to elevate their
    attention to these issues, wherever they serve. If confirmed, I look
    forward to working to better enable Foreign Service Officers to build a
    career around these important issues and to elevate the roles that
    human rights and labor officers play at our embassies.

        Question. I hear from married couples in the Foreign Service that
    getting assignments in the same country is often difficult. It is
    important that we find creative ways to keep married couples together,
    both for morale reasons and to make the best use of the talent we have.
    If confirmed, what will you do to support Foreign Service families and
    tandem couples?

        Answer. I strongly support efforts to help tandem couples find
    appropriate positions at the same post, while also ensuring that we
    meet service need, promote career development, and follow the law such
    that no advantage or disadvantage accrues to any employee on marital
    status grounds. If confirmed, I will look for ways to expand workplace
    flexibilities for tenured employees to increase opportunities for
    tandems to serve together, including identifying aligning tours of
    duty, expanding positions eligible for domestic employees teleworking
    overseas, and identifying more opportunities for in-country language
    training.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                   to Hon. Brian McKeon by Senator Tim Kaine

        Question. Sluggish State Department hiring procedures--including a
    pre-pandemic average of six months to complete a security clearance--
    contribute to recruitment challenges and poor morale, and create
    significant staffing gaps. This is particularly true overseas, where
    embassies rely on spouses, known as eligible family members (EFMs), to
    fulfill critical professional and support roles. These positions can be
    vacant as often as one-third to one-half of the time due to the lengthy
    hiring and security process. If confirmed, what will you do to address
    sluggish State Department hiring procedures, particularly for eligible
    family members?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to support ongoing efforts of
    the Department's senior leadership to re-engineer the security
    clearance process for all employees, including EFMs. The government-
    wide Federal Investigative Standards, implemented in 2017, has
    increased the work that goes into completing background investigations,
    which impacts EFM onboarding. To streamline family member employment to
    fill available positions overseas, I am committed to expanding
    membership in the Foreign Service Family Reserve Corps (FSFRC), where
    eligible EFMs are appointed to a position that allow them to maintain
    their current security clearance during gaps in employment at posts.
    The FSFRC is a helpful tool in reducing the time needed to hire and
    onboard EFMs overseas.

        Question. The pandemic has necessitated a swift move to remote
    work, highlighting possibilities for expanding the use of telework even
    after the current health emergency is under control. Would you support
    increasing the number of foreign and civil service domestic positions
    approved for telework overseas (i.e. DETO, domestically employed
    teleworking overseas) and opening them to EFMs and tandem spouses?

        Answer. During the pandemic, Foreign Service personnel and employed
    family members teleworked from the United States to provide remote
    assistance to our missions around the world. The Department implemented
    new workplace flexibilities allowing domestic employees to telework
    remotely from other U.S. locations to maintain an agile workforce. In
    the past five years, the Department doubled the number of both Foreign
    and Civil Service DETOs, which allowed qualifying employees to perform
    their domestic work overseas for a defined period of time. Family
    members who encumber Civil Service and Foreign Service positions may
    enter DETO arrangements to perform work from the location of their
    spouse's overseas assignment. If confirmed, I will strongly support the
    Department's focus on enhancing employee workplace flexibilities,
    including telework and remote work.

        Question. Would you instruct offices to re-examine policies that
    permit remote telework only after several months of in-office work,
    thereby eliminating eligible overseas applicants from applying?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support the Department's
    focus on enhancing employee workplace flexibilities, including telework
    and remote work. The pandemic has reinforced the need for such
    flexibilities and demonstrated that virtual work can be successful.
        I understand in August 2020, the Department established a remote
    work policy, which permits employees in domestic positions to work
    full-time from an alternate worksite in the United States with
    supervisor and bureau approvals.

        Question. Would you support expanding telework to allow for
    appropriate overseas positions to be filled by EFMs and tandem spouses
    who are stationed in the U.S. or at other posts?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would support expanding employment
    opportunities overseas for spouses to work in the country to which
    their employee spouse is assigned and accredited. While the Department
    does not have authority to employ family members domestically using its
    overseas hiring authorities, family members with prior U.S. Government
    service who are currently residing in the United States may be eligible
    to apply non-competitively to Civil Service positions.

        Question. Being assigned to the same post is a perpetual struggle
    for tandem couples. While the State Department is prohibited from
    discriminating based on marital status, 3 FAH-1 H-2425.8-7(A) states
    that State ``will make a reasonable effort to assign both members of a
    tandem to the same post in positions appropriate to their class levels
    and qualifications.'' What actions will you take to ensure that this is
    implemented given current challenges that tandems face in being
    assigned to the same post?

        Answer. I strongly support efforts to help tandem couples find
    positions at the same post that are appropriate to their skill codes,
    grade levels, and qualifications, while also ensuring that no advantage
    or disadvantage accrues to any employee on the grounds of marital
    status. I will look for ways to expand existing and new workplace
    flexibilities for tenured FS employees to increase opportunities for
    tandem spouses to serve together, including identifying aligning tours
    of duty, expanding positions eligible for domestic employees
    teleworking overseas (DETO), and identifying more opportunities for in-
    country language training.

        Question. Will you work to align bidding timelines across different
    components of the State Department (e.g. Diplomatic Security and
    generalist/specialist cycles) and different foreign affairs agencies?

        Answer. The Department has worked to bring bidding cycles in line
    over the past two years for all employees. The main cycle takes place
    in the fall, for positions that will be open the following summer.
    There are also bidding cycles for winter vacancies, for ``priority
    staffing posts'' in 11 countries, and for chiefs of mission, deputy
    chiefs of mission, and principal officers. I will continue to review
    the bidding cycles and process to ensure they meet our staffing and
    mission requirements. Other foreign affairs agencies manage their own
    bidding cycles and process to meet their mission needs.

        Question. Will you direct the Entry Level Division of the Career
    Development and Assignments Office to make every reasonable effort to
    direct assignments for incoming officers and specialists to posts where
    their tandem spouse is already serving?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will direct the Career Development and
    Assignments Office (CDA) to follow the law when directing assignments
    for entry-level employees, so that no advantage or disadvantage accrues
    to any employee on the grounds of marital status. Further, if
    confirmed, I will direct CDA to make reasonable efforts to assign both
    members of a tandem to the same post or region within the bounds of the
    law. Entry-level employees have less flexibility due to tenure
    requirements and therefore are always the ``lead bidder'' when bidding
    with a mid- or senior-level spouse; more flexibilities exist for mid-
    and senior-level employees to align tours with an entry-level spouse.
    If both tandem spouses are entry-level, CDA will direct the entry-level
    employees according to service needs and career development.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Hon. Brian McKeon by Senator Rob Portman

    GEC/Global Disinformation
        Senator Chris Murphy and I have worked very closely over the last 4
    years to strengthen the Global Engagement Center and through our
    efforts and have made important strides in countering global
    disinformation. I think this is one of the gravest threats we face
    internationally. Disinformation operations are cheap, deniable, and
    when combined with economic and political subversion can be a
    devastating to democracies. Thanks to the work of the GEC we now have
    an effective organization that can help our allies fight back.
        However, there is more work to be done to ensure that the effort is
    sustained and strengthened through the work of the GEC. In particular,
    I would like to see:

       A sustained funding level of at least $138 million annually. At its
            current amount of $60 million, the Center continues to be under
            resourced, and is unable to expand into areas such as Africa
            where countries desperately need our assistance.

       Extension of hiring authority. It is critical that the Center be
            able to retain its talent within the Department as well as
            recruit outside expertise.

       A commitment to continue the work of the GEC. Foreign
            disinformation is a threat to our democracy and a tool our
            adversaries wield against us. It is critical that we have the
            resources, means, and capability to combat this threat, and the
            GEC located within the Department of State is the right
            organization to do it.

        Question. Can I get your commitment to work with Senator Murphy and
    me to continue strengthening the capabilities and funding of the GEC so
    that we can continue the fight against state sponsored disinformation
    campaigns worldwide?

        Answer. You have my commitment, if confirmed, to work with you and
    your colleagues, as well as the Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy
    and Public Affairs, to continue strengthening the GEC and our full
    range of public diplomacy programs so that we are better able to
    counter disinformation campaigns of authoritarian regimes.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Hon. Brian McKeon by Senator Edward J. Markey

        Question. Will you commit that the Department will make a robust
    State Department and USAID budget request in Fiscal Year 2022 to
    address the global pandemic and its secondary impacts?

        Answer. If confirmed, and to the extent that decisions have not yet
    been made on the FY 2022 budget request by the time I am appointed, I
    am committed to making sure that the Department requests the necessary
    resources in FY 2022 to address the global pandemic and secondary
    impacts on Department operations and foreign assistance. I know
    Congress has already generously provided the Department with funding
    and expanded authorities in FY 2020 and 2021, which protected the
    health and safety of the American people and others worldwide, allowed
    for the timely and efficient repatriation of Americans stationed
    overseas in the early stages of the pandemic, supported global health
    security and pandemic preparedness, and sustained consular operations
    worldwide into FY 2021. I also understand there are significant
    resources for international pandemic response efforts in the American
    Rescue Plan, which the Congress is currently considering.

        Question. Will you commit to the goal of working in cooperation
    with our international allies to ensure that every person, regardless
    of wealth, will gain access to a life-saving vaccine?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support the administration's
    commitment to multilateralism to surge broad and equitable global
    vaccine distribution. On December 22, 2020, Congress appropriated funds
    to contribute to Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance to support the procurement
    and distribution of safe and effective COVID-19 vaccines, including
    through the COVAX Advance Market Commitment to facilitate vaccine
    distribution in 92 low- and middle-income countries. Last month, the
    Administration announced an initial $2 billion contribution to Gavi,
    and that the additional $2 billion provided by Congress will be
    released as the United States works with other donors to elevate their
    pledge commitments. I will encourage countries to consider vulnerable,
    marginalized, and at-risk populations in their national vaccination
    plans.

        Question. What role can ``vaccine diplomacy'' play towards
    restoring the U.S. global image?

        Answer. Most countries in the world are anxious to procure COVID-19
    vaccines. In addition to meeting our primary responsibility and
    commitment to ensuring that all U.S. citizens have access to vaccines,
    therapeutics, and other resources, the United States will also lead in
    ensuring sufficient vaccines are available around the world, with a
    focus on protecting communities most at risk. The United States is
    supporting COVAX, a multilateral initiative to ensure equitable
    distribution of vaccines. The U.S. will work to expand global
    vaccination, including through encouraging others to donate to COVAX,
    and will work to support efforts to mitigate secondary impacts. If
    confirmed, I will work to leverage our technical, financial,
    diplomatic, and other assistance to support global vaccination efforts.

        Question. What steps will you take to revitalize efforts to ensure
    that USG diplomatic and administrative personnel who identify as LGBTQI
    are able to receive visas for themselves and their families when
    assigned to U.S. diplomatic and consular facilities and bases abroad?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will be committed to ensuring that all of
    the Department's employees and their families are treated fairly and
    equitably. For employees assigned overseas, that commitment includes
    seeking accreditation, with all appropriate privileges and immunities,
    for our LGBTI employees and their families. The State Department has
    formed a dedicated senior working group to seek ways to gain full
    recognition for our LGBTI families in those countries that do not now
    extend such recognition.

        Question. Will you commit to regular and personal oversight of
    these efforts?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will be wholly committed to regular and
    personal oversight of these efforts.

        Question. I was pleased to see the recent Presidential Memorandum
    on Advancing the Human Rights of LGTBQI Persons Around the World. The
    memorandum outlines a leadership role for the State Department to
    ensure the federal government's swift and meaningful response to
    incidents which threaten the human rights of LGBTQI persons abroad.
    Please articulate how you will mobilize our diplomatic corps to support
    LGBTQI equality worldwide.

        Answer. In accordance with President Biden's Presidential
    Memorandum on Advancing the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons around the
    world, I am committed to working closely with our diplomatic corps in
    using the broad range of diplomatic and programmatic tools and
    resources to promote and protect the human rights of LGBTQI+ persons.
    If confirmed, I pledge to support the Department's efforts to empower
    civil society and local LGBTQI+ movements; combat criminalization of
    individuals on the basis of LGBTQI+ status or conduct; protect
    vulnerable LGBTQI+ refugees and asylum seekers; and allow swift U.S.
    responses to human rights violations of LGBTQI+ persons.

        Question. How can the Department better use the insights and
    talents of its affinity groups to increase outreach to minority
    communities with a view to increasing diverse employment and better
    connecting U.S. foreign policy programs and goals to the needs of the
    American people?

        Answer. The State Department encourages all employees to help
    recruit diverse talent by using their professional affiliations and
    networks to amplify Department career opportunities. The Department's
    17 Employee Affinity Groups (EAGs) members can explain to future
    colleagues their unique roles and cooperation to create a culture of
    inclusion across the Department. The Department's Volunteer Recruiter
    Corps, launched in January 2021, will leverage employees' diverse
    insights and experiences to recruit for a more inclusive workforce;
    half of the 500 participants are EAG members. Outreach from members of
    underrepresented groups in the diplomatic workforce will be key to
    prioritize diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility as a
    national security imperative.

        Question. Specifically, will you consider encouraging domestic
    travel of U.S. diplomats, increasing the number of Pickering and Rangel
    Fellows, and increasing the number of Diplomats in Residence at U.S.
    colleges and universities in underserved areas?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will look forward to carefully reviewing
    this proposal. I will also continue the Department's efforts to build a
    more diverse workforce. Currently, 16 regional Diplomats in Residence
    are based around the country, including seven at Historically Black
    Colleges and Universities and Hispanic Serving Institutions. In 2020,
    the Department's virtual recruitment and career fairs opened new
    channels to reaching candidates. A new ``sourcing unit'' will identify
    highly skilled potential candidates from all backgrounds.
        The Department increased the Pickering and Rangel Fellowship
    Programs by 50 percent in 2020 and will welcome a newly expanded cohort
    of 90 fellows in March. Additionally, in 2020, the Department recruited
    a record number of fellowship candidates. The Department is considering
    new fellowships to meet specialist career track hiring needs and
    diversity and inclusion initiatives, as we have done for Information
    Specialists with the Foreign Affairs IT Fellowship. If confirmed, I
    also look forward to continuing conversations with Congress to explore
    an expanded paid internship program.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
               Submitted to Hon. Brian McKeon by Senator Ted Cruz

        Question. Section 15(b) of the State Department Basic Authorities
    Act of 1956 states that ``The Department of State shall keep the
    Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate and the Committee on
    Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives fully and currently
    informed with respect to all activities and responsibilities within the
    jurisdiction of these committees. Any Federal department, agency, or
    independent establishment shall furnish any information requested by
    either such committee relating to any such activity or
    responsibility.'' Can you commit to complying with this provision of
    law by ensuring that information requested by members of the Senate
    Foreign Relations Committee is provided expeditiously and
    transparently? If not, why not?

        Answer. I am committed to working with Congress and this committee
    in accordance with the law to provide all information needed to perform
    traditional oversight functions as promptly as possible.

        Question. The Obama administration was broadly criticized,
    especially in the context of its Middle East policy, for co-mingling
    unclassified documents with classified documents. This practice
    requires that documents be placed in a secure location, unnecessarily
    limiting access to unclassified documents and stifling public debate.
    The Biden administration already seems to be repeating such practices:
    according to an exchange during the State Department press briefing on
    February 11, a notification describing the lifting of terrorism
    sanctions on Iran-controlled terrorists in Yemen was unnecessarily
    transmitted to a Congressional SCIF. Can you commit to ensuring that
    unclassified information is not unnecessarily comingled with classified
    information in notifications provided by the State Department to
    Congress? If not, why not?

        Answer. I am committed to working to ensure that information
    provided to Congress is, to the fullest extent possible, in a format
    that facilitates its access by authorized personnel, while complying
    with Executive Order 13526, the Department of State classification
    guide, and the executive branch rules on the handling and storage of
    classified information.

        Question. Last month the State Department transmitted a mandatory
    and overdue report to Congress listing entities engaged in sanctionable
    activities because of their participation in the construction of the
    Nord Stream 2 (NS2) pipeline, pursuant to the Protecting Europe's
    Energy Security Act (PEESA), as amended. PEESA mandates the imposition
    of sanctions on entities listed in such reports. The report included
    only two entities, the Fortuna and KVT-RUS, both of which the Trump
    administration had already sanctioned. It did not include any entities
    which are plainly, publicly required to be listed under PEESA.
    Reportedly, State Department officials who spoke to Congressional
    staffers were unable to provide a justification why several entities--
    including the company responsible for the planning, construction, and
    operation of NS2--were left off. This abdication is inexcusable. Can
    you commit to immediately ensuring the Biden administration meets its
    mandatory obligation to provide an interim report to Congress pursuant
    to PEESA and sanction all of the entities that are engaged in pipe-
    laying, pipe-laying activities, certification, and insurance
    sanctionable under PEESA? If not, why not?

        Answer. The State Department submits a report to Congress every 90
    days on vessels engaged in pipe-laying and pipe-laying activities, and
    various entities providing and supporting those vessels, for the Nord
    Stream 2 pipeline, as required by the Protecting Europe's Energy
    Security Act (PEESA), as amended, with the next report due to Congress
    in mid-May. If confirmed, I will use all available tools to counter
    Russian malign influence and to work with Allies and partners in the
    region to support Transatlantic energy security goals. The Department
    of State will continue to examine entities involved in potentially
    sanctionable activity and will designate additional persons as
    appropriate.

        Question. One of the most egregious dynamics in the initial
    implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)
    involved the way that the Obama administration circumvented
    Congressional deliberation and approval by first attempting to lock in
    the agreement as international law via United Nations Security Council
    Resolution (UNSCR 2231). After that resolution was passed--which
    occurred just as the Congressional review period mandated by the Iran
    Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA) was beginning--officials from the
    Government of Iran and the Obama administration suggested that Congress
    would be abrogating the U.S.'s formal international obligations by
    rejecting the agreement. Can you commit to ensuring that any future
    nuclear agreement negotiated between State Department officials and
    Iran, which involves the suspension or waiver of Congressional
    sanctions, will only be negotiated in full consultation with Congress?
    If not, why not?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to consulting fully with Congress on
    any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as called for under
    INARA.

        Question. Can you commit to ensuring that any future nuclear
    agreement negotiated between State Department officials and Iran, which
    involves the suspension or waiver of Congressional sanctions, will not
    be implemented without Congressional approval? If not, why not?

        Answer. I am aware that the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act
    (INARA) contains certain limitations on sanctions relief during a
    congressional review period. I understand that the Biden administration
    is committed to complying with the requirements of INARA, and if
    confirmed, I am committed to doing so.

        Question. It was recently announced that Iran and South Korea
    agreed to allow Tehran to access approximately $1 billion of its assets
    that are frozen in South Korean banks due to U.S. sanctions. Reports
    indicate that the South Koreans received approval from Biden
    administration officials to do so. Please transmit to the committee any
    waivers, decision memos, or other documents pertaining to this case,
    and confirm doing so.

        Answer. I do not have access to Department records nor the
    authority on my own to give you Department records. I commit, if
    confirmed, to work with the committee to appropriately comply with an
    official committee request for such Department information.

        Question. On January 10, 2021, the State Department designated
    Ansarallah, sometimes called the Houthis, and Abdul Malik al-Houthi,
    Abd al-Khaliq Badr al-Din al-Houthi, and Abdullah Yahya al Hakim, three
    leaders of Ansarallah, as Specially Designated Global Terrorists
    (SDGTs) pursuant to Executive Order 13224. On February 5 the Biden
    administration informed Congress of its intention to revoke those
    sanctions. Officials at the State Department have justified the
    delisting of what they described as the ``broad'' designation of
    Ansarallah on humanitarian grounds, e.g. that large parts of Yemen's
    population live under areas controlled by the group. They have not
    provided an explanation for the delisting of the three leaders, and in
    fact they have publicly, repeatedly, and falsely denied or downplayed
    the relief provided to these Iran-backed terrorists. For example, on
    February 11 State Department spokesman Ned Price falsely told
    journalists ``there is no change'' to the sanctions on these
    individuals. He was asked about the issue again the next day, and said
    ``the Secretary had an intent to remove this broad designation of the
    movement.'' The public statement issued by the State Department did not
    mention the revocation of the SDGT designation on the Houthi leaders,
    but noted that they ``remain sanctioned under E.O. 13611.'' Can you
    commit to ensuring that State Department officials stop publicly
    misleading journalists and the American public about sanctions relief
    provided by the Department and the Biden administration to Iran-backed
    terrorists? If not, why not?

        Answer. I understand that the three Ansarallah leaders in question
    were designated under the U.N. Security Council's Yemen sanctions
    regime in 2015 and domestically under E.O. 13611, related to acts that
    threaten the peace, security, or stability of Yemen. Therefore, they
    remain on the Treasury Department's Specially Designated Nationals and
    Blocked Persons List and are subject to asset freezing and any
    attendant travel restrictions. As a consequence of the revocation of
    Ansarallah's Specially Designated Global Terrorist (SDGT) group
    designation under E.O. 13224, there was no longer a basis to retain the
    SDGT designations of these individuals as leaders of Ansarallah, which
    were derivative of the broader SDGT designation of the group. If
    confirmed, I intend to continue our support of U.N.-led efforts,
    including a robust implementation of the U.N. and E.O. 13611 sanctions,
    to call attention to and condemn Ansarallah's destabilizing activities.
    The State Department's emphasis will continue to be on using diplomacy
    to build international pressure on Ansarallah to change its behavior
    and ultimately end the war.

        Question. Please describe why the State Department lifted the SDGT
    designations on Abdul Malik al-Houthi, Abd al-Khaliq Badr al-Din al-
    Houthi, and Abdullah Yahya al Hakim.

        Answer. I understand that simultaneous with the designation of
    Ansarallah, sometimes called the Houthis, as a Specially Designated
    Global Terrorist (SDGT) under Executive Order (E.O.) 13224, these
    individuals were designated as SDGTs on the basis that they were
    leaders of an SDGT, namely Ansarallah. As a consequence of the
    revocation of Ansarallah's SDGT designation, there was no longer a
    basis to retain the designations of these individuals as leaders of an
    SDGT. However, they remain designated under the U.N. Security Council's
    Yemen sanctions regime and domestically under E.O. 13611 related to
    acts that threaten the peace, security, or stability of Yemen and,
    therefore, remain on Treasury's Specially Designated Nationals and
    Blocked Persons List and are subject to asset freezing and any
    attendant travel restrictions.

        Question. The Central Bank of Iran (CBI), has been designated as a
    Specially Designated Global Terrorist (SGT) pursuant to Executive Order
    (EO) 13224 for providing material support to terrorist organizations.
    Can you commit to not lift, rescind or significantly modify--or to
    agree within the interagency process to lift, rescind or significantly
    modify--this terrorism designation of the CBI, in the absence of a
    determination that the CBI has ceased providing material support to
    terrorist organizations? If not, why not?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the administration's efforts
    to counter Iran's support for terrorism, including through the
    appropriate use of sanctions and regular coordination with our partners
    and allies. Iran is the world's foremost state sponsor of terrorism,
    which poses a threat to security and stability in the Middle East, and
    the administration will continue to use all tools available to counter
    Iran's support for terrorism.

        Question. Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is
    designated as a terrorist organization both as a Foreign Terrorist
    Organization and as an SDGT pursuant to EO 13224. Can you commit to not
    lift, rescind or significantly modify--or to agree within the
    interagency process to lift, rescind or significantly modify--these
    terrorism designations on the IRGC, in the absence of a determination
    that the Government of Iran has ceased providing material support to
    terrorist organizations.

        Answer. Iran's support for terrorism threatens our forces and
    partners in the region and elsewhere. If confirmed, I intend to
    continue working with our allies and partners to counter Iran's
    destabilizing activities in the region, including its support for
    terrorist groups and violent militias and its ballistic missile
    program, and maintain international, collective pressure on Iran. The
    administration is committed to countering Iran's destabilizing
    activities using the array of tools at our disposal, including
    sanctions to deal with Iran's support for terrorism.

        Question. You and other officials responsible for the Joint
    Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) have repeatedly described it as
    the most rigorous inspection regime ever negotiated. Despite this
    inspection regime, the IAEA was unable to locate the illicit Nuclear
    Archive subsequently seized by Israel, which included designs and
    materials relevant to the creation of nuclear weapons. They were also
    unable to find locations which, having been revealed by Israeli
    officials, subsequently proved to have evidence of nuclear work that
    the IAEA says Iran has not accounted for. Please describe what you
    perceive to have been the flaws in the JCPOA inspection regime do you
    believe were responsible for these failures by the IAEA?

        Answer. I did not work on the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
    while serving in the Obama-Biden administration, but I did support the
    policy decision by President Obama to conclude it. The IAEA has a
    decades-long successful track record of monitoring the non-diversion of
    declared nuclear material globally. While the IAEA thoroughly
    investigates all available information, including based on its own
    verification and monitoring activities, it is not an intelligence
    organization. It can only act on information that is either acquired by
    it in the performance of its verification mandates or presented to it.
    The administration has full confidence in the IAEA to pursue any
    indications of undeclared or diverted nuclear material that could
    contribute to any renewed Iranian pursuit of a nuclear weapon.

        Question. Please describe what new measures you would insist are
    included in any future nuclear agreement with Iran to ensure that the
    IAEA has the ability to identify such materials and activities?

        Answer. The IAEA has said it has the tools it needs to perform its
    verification mandates in Iran so long as Iran fully implements its
    JCPOA commitments. This includes implementation of the Additional
    Protocol to Iran's NPT-required safeguards agreement that provides
    enhanced information and access regarding Iran's nuclear program,
    including with respect to undeclared locations about which the IAEA has
    questions. The JCPOA provides the IAEA with the most intrusive
    verification procedures ever negotiated, including to investigate any
    indications of undeclared nuclear materials or activities in Iran. The
    administration has full confidence in the IAEA to pursue any such
    indication.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Hon. Brian McKeon by Senator Jeff Merkley

        Question. In partnership with the State Department's New Chief
    Diversity Officer, what tangible steps will your office take to improve
    diversity across the State Department, including at the most senior
    levels of the Foreign Service?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will partner with the Chief Diversity and
    Inclusion Officer to track the progress of the Department on
    performance metrics on diversity and inclusion as outlined in the soon-
    to-be released Diversity and Inclusion Strategic Plan. I will hold
    officers who report to me accountable to promote a culture of
    inclusion--where every individual voice is heard, respected, and
    valued. The Department is taking a critical look at the current
    selection processes employed by the deputy chief of mission and
    principal officer selection panels. If confirmed, I will encourage
    hiring managers to identify opportunities that will allow the
    Department to reach a wider candidate pool to include more candidates
    from underrepresented backgrounds. Additionally, the Department is
    finalizing an Enterprise Data Strategy which will include an initial
    emphasis on supporting Department diversity and inclusion efforts.

        Question. Why have women and minorities historically left the
    Foreign Service at significantly higher rates than white males, and
    what can you do to address that troubling trend?

        Answer. Understanding why women and minorities leave the Department
    is a crucial step in increasing retention. If confirmed, I intend to
    ask Department experts to examine whether there is a significantly
    higher rate of attrition for certain populations. Consistent with the
    recommendation of the January 2020 GAO report, ``Additional Steps Are
    Needed to Identify Potential Barriers to Diversity,'' I commit to the
    Department's undertaking of further analysis, including as part of its
    forthcoming Enterprise Data Strategy, to explore what interventions the
    Department can introduce to mitigate attrition, including of
    underrepresented minorities and women, ensuring the Department remains
    an employer of choice. If confirmed, I will focus on bringing
    accountability and transparency to this issue.

        Question. Significant delays in the hiring process have impacted
    the State Department's ability to bring on board talented Foreign and
    Civil Service Officers, as well as local staff and family members at
    many embassies abroad. Do these delays affect the State Department's
    ability to deliver on its goals, and how will you approach implementing
    a more efficient hiring process?

        Answer. I understand in FY 2020, the Department achieved a 20-
    percent reduction in Foreign Service assessment timelines, despite
    disruptions caused by COVID-19. A new virtual oral assessment and a
    remote-proctored Foreign Service Officer test allowed at-home testing.
    The Department's Bureau of Global Talent Management (GTM) created an
    entirely virtual Foreign Service onboarding process that met FY 2020-
    authorized Foreign Service hiring targets, including 414 Foreign
    Service staff hired virtually. The Department exceeded the Foreign
    Service Specialists target by 14 percent. The Department has
    experienced high Civil Service (CS) vacancy rates due to the extended
    hiring freeze; however, I understand the CS hiring backlog has been
    significantly reduced. If confirmed, I will dedicate resources to
    continue modernizing hiring strategies and support additional
    innovations to attract exceptional talent.

        Question. With last year's closure of the U.S. Consulate in
    Chengdu, the United States appears to be at a disadvantage in our
    diplomatic reach and representation in China. How will you approach re-
    positioning our diplomatic footprint in China to ensure that we have
    the broadest reach, including access to parts of the country in which
    we do not currently have representation?

        Answer. I understand that the suspensions of operations at U.S.
    Consulate General Chengdu and U.S. Consulate General Wuhan
    significantly increased the workload for Embassy Beijing without adding
    additional staff, and that the Department is currently reviewing
    Mission China's request for additional personnel. It is important that
    the Department is adequately resourced and positioned to know what is
    happening inside China. If confirmed, I will review the Department's
    diplomatic presence there, including whether it should resume
    operations at U.S. Consulate General Wuhan.

        Question. For many years, the State Department has relied on
    consular fees to fund most of its basic functions, a model that proved
    untenable over this last year. How will you approach working with
    Congress to find a more sustainable model for funding the Department?

        Answer. The consular funding structure relies on visa fees and the
    growth in visa demand to fund the Department's highest priority: the
    protection of U.S. citizens and their interests. The Department retains
    only 83 percent of all consular fees it collects. Retained fees are
    exclusively from passport and visa applications. The Department remits
    the remaining consular fees, primarily for overseas citizen services,
    to the Treasury. For FY 2021, Congress expanded expenditure authorities
    of certain retained fees which otherwise could not be used to support
    U.S. citizen services. I understand that the Bureau of Consular Affairs
    may continue to need appropriations without further changes to its
    fiscal structure. If confirmed, I would work with Congress to find a
    solution.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Hon. Brian McKeon by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. In your prepared statement, you highlighted the
    importance of increasing diversity in the Department of State to ensure
    that it is ``fully representative of America.'' If you are confirmed,
    what metrics will you develop to measure that all aspects of diversity,
    to include race, gender, ideology, regional, and socioeconomic
    differences are represented in the Department of State's efforts to
    increase diversity?

        Answer. Diversity is the key to unlocking an organization's
    potential as diverse teams consistently demonstrate high performance
    due to their creativity and innovation. If confirmed, I commit to
    upholding and fully implementing the Department's leadership and
    management tenets, including support for diversity and inclusion, to
    strengthen teams across the Department. I will hold senior leaders
    accountable for promulgating fairness and transparency in their day-to-
    day decisions and will seek progress reports, working with the new
    Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer, on their continued commitment to
    championing diversity and inclusion.
        In addition, I will work to ensure that our recruiting efforts
    target all regions of the country. The Department is also developing a
    program to begin to pay some interns, which will help our recruitment
    efforts with those who are socioeconomically disadvantaged.

        Question. In the era of global connectivity and greater ease of
    movement, what is the purpose of an Embassy in the 21st century?

        Answer. Maintaining a U.S. embassy presence allows the Department
    to cultivate personal relationships around the world to advance U.S.
    foreign policy, economic, and national security interests and to
    support U.S. citizens abroad, such as assisting and evacuating more
    than 100,000 U.S. citizens during the COVID-19 pandemic. While creative
    and effective pivots to virtual traditional and public diplomacy have
    allowed the Department's missions to promote U.S. priorities during
    COVID-19, consistent in-person outreach remains the most effective way
    to achieve an understanding of host countries that strengthen our
    ability to assert U.S. influence. If confirmed, I am committed to
    working with Congress to ensure Department resources and personnel are
    aligned to respond to 21st century challenges.

        Question. Do you support reorganizing or abolishing aspects of the
    Department of State to prevent redundancy and overlapping areas of
    responsibility?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to reviewing the Department's
    organization and aligning available resources and staffing with
    strategic priorities, as well as ensuring clear lines of accountability
    and responsibility. I am committed to ensuring the effective and
    efficient use of U.S. taxpayer dollars.

        Question. In your view, how can we reform the allocation and
    selection of career Ambassadors to ensure American interests are
    adequately represented?

        Answer. The Department of State endeavors to ensure that U.S.
    interests are strongly represented by career ambassadors who embrace
    the diversity of the United States. There is a rigorous selection
    process in place which focuses on the candidate's suitability, talents,
    skills, abilities, and experience, and the candidate is vetted by
    senior Department officials before being submitted for consideration by
    the White House. These positions are highly competitive, and the
    Department thoroughly reviews all qualified candidates. If confirmed, I
    will review the Department's ambassadorial selection process to ensure
    we are choosing the best candidates for these positions.
        Question. In your view, should any Ambassador be seated who has not
    met and counseled with the President of the United States?

        Answer. The ambassador is the direct representative of the
    President of the United States. As such, it is beneficial for the
    United States for the ambassador to meet and counsel with the
    President. However, that is not always possible, given the number of
    ambassadors and the President's schedule. As you know from your
    experience as Ambassador to Japan, ambassadors do receive a personal
    letter of instruction from the President that provides them guidance
    directly from the President in preparation for their assignment.

        Question. In order to expand the pool of qualified candidates for
    senior positions in Embassy Tokyo, specifically the position of Deputy
    Chief of Mission, the Department of State previously removed as a
    requirement Japanese language proficiency at the level of 4/4. Is there
    a requirement for Japanese language proficiency at the level of 4/4 to
    be eligible to apply for the position of Deputy Chief of Mission in
    Embassy Tokyo? Please begin your answer with yes or no.

        Answer. No. A 4/4 level in Japanese is exceedingly rare and would
    exceed the working-level requirement of 3/3 for most language-
    designated positions. Although having Japanese language skills is
    certainly desirable, there is no specific language requirement for the
    selection of the Deputy Chief of Mission in Tokyo.

                                   __________

                         Additional Material Submitted
                           by Senator Cory A. Booker

     Report by Amnesty International on the November 19, 2020 Massacre at
                                Axum (Ethiopia)

                           Massacre in the Mountains

                 A CNN Report on the November 2020 Massacre in
                         the Tigray Region of Ethiopia

        [Editor's Note: The CNN report contains video material that
    cannot be adapted to the formats used by the Government
    Publishing Office to publish committee hearings. The report can
    be accessed with the following URL:]

    https://www.cnn.com/2021/02/26/africa/ethiopia-tigray-dengelat-
    massacre-intl/index.html

                                  ----------

                                   NOMINATION

                                  ----------

                            TUESDAY, MARCH 23, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.

        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:02 a.m. in
    Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
    Menendez, chairman of the committee, presiding.
        Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
    Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Booker, Schatz, Van Hollen,
    Risch, Johnson, Romney, Portman, Paul, Young, Barrasso, Cruz,
    Rounds, and Hagerty.

              OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

        The Chairman. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will
    come to order. Today we are considering the nomination of
    Ambassador Samantha Power to be administrator of the United
    States Agency for International Development, known to all of us
    as USAID.
        Ambassador Power, congratulations on your nomination. Thank
    you for your willingness to return to public service. It is a
    pleasure to welcome you back before the committee.
        When I chaired your 2013 hearing to be U.N. Ambassador, I
    said you were, quote, ``impeccably qualified for the
    position.'' Your experience, drive, and dedication to the
    advancement of humanitarian principles also, I believe, make
    you impeccably qualified to be the next USAID administrator.
        Before I go any further, I understand that our
    distinguished colleague from Massachusetts, a member of the
    committee, wants to introduce you this morning. So we will turn
    to him first.
        Senator Markey?

                  STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS

        Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much, Ranking
    Member Risch. It is my absolute honor and pleasure to introduce
    our nominee today, Ambassador Samantha Power, nominated to be
    the administrator of the United States Agency for International
    Development, USAID, and more importantly, a cherished
    Massachusetts resident.
        I would also like to welcome Ambassador Power's husband,
    Cass, and their two young children, Declan and Rian, who are
    right behind us here today.
        Samantha is a friend, a constituent, and, of course, a
    fellow Irishman--Irishwoman in her case. As noted in a New
    Yorker profile of her, Ambassador Power's last name, Power,
    comes from the Irish ``de paor,'' meaning ``of the poor.''
    Fittingly, she has dedicated her entire life in the service of
    others, using her razor-sharp intelligence and fierce advocacy
    as a journalist, activist, and diplomat to stand with the
    world's voiceless masses, all while simultaneously advancing
    United States interests by building bonds in every corner of
    our world.
        Ambassador Power has been known to be ferocious in the
    pursuit of justice, human rights, and democracy, always taking
    the time to hear other points of view with great humility.
        While she disagrees with Henry Kissinger on everything from
    politics to the no-brainer debate of Red Sox versus Yankees, he
    has said that Samantha, quote, ``has----
        The Chairman. Do not ruin the nominee's opportunity here,
    Mr. Markey.
        [Laughter.]
        Senator Markey. Ambassador Henry Kissinger has said that
    Samantha ``has an excellent analytical mind, and even on
    matters where I might have come to different conclusions, I
    respected her analysis,'' perhaps the highest praise ever given
    by a Yankees fan to a member of Red Sox Nation.
        As an immigrant from Ireland, Ambassador Power's personal
    background gives her a unique and deep respect for this country
    and all it stands for. Spending time between Pittsburgh,
    Atlanta, Dublin, and Boston, she received her bachelor's degree
    at Yale University and went on to obtain her law degree at
    Harvard University.
        She served in several key positions during the Obama
    administration, including as the Special Assistant to the
    President, the National Security Council, Senior Director for
    Multilateral Affairs and Human Rights and, notably, as the
    youngest ever United States ambassador to the United Nations.
        Prior to entering government service, she began her career
    as a war correspondent, reporting from the seas of Sarajevo.
    She became a Pulitzer Prize-winning author and served as the
    founding executive director of the Carr Center for Human Rights
    Policy at Harvard University.
        As she takes on the important work of the challenges
    Ambassador Power will face are daunting: recovering from the
    global pandemic, revamping the state of global democracy,
    tackling the climate crisis, and extending life-saving
    assistance to the nearly 1 billion people around the world who
    go to bed hungry every night.
        I know of no person more qualified to take on this task.
    She embodies that bold red, white, and blue USAID logo which
    states ``From the American People.''
        In 2015, Ambassador Power invited me to be her guest to
    attend His Holiness Pope Francis' address before the United
    Nations General Assembly. For two Irish Catholics from
    Massachusetts, it was the experience of a lifetime.
        On that day, Pope Francis spoke of the need for compassion,
    inclusivity, and action in tackling the world's shared
    challenges.
        Ambassador Power's career personifies each of these
    qualities, and I know she will take her compassion, her
    inclusivity, and her unwavering desire for action to achieve
    great things for the people of the United States and the world
    at USAID.
        So welcome, Ambassador Power. We are pleased to have you
    here. We cannot wait to see you get to work over at USAID and I
    thank you for your service to our nation.
        It is my privilege, Mr. Chairman, to introduce Ambassador
    Power to the committee.
        The Chairman. Thank you very much, Senator Markey. We know
    that you both sit here and in other committees. So if you have
    other work to do, we certainly invite you to join us if you
    can. If not, we will see you back a little later.
        That was a rousing introduction and with--but with one
    flaw. I thought it was extraordinary. So as a Yankee fan, I
    just--I just cannot be quiet.
        So, anyhow, let me start off. Ambassador, in his inaugural
    address, President Biden said that, quote, ``We will lead not
    merely by the example of our power, but by the power of our
    example.''
        The work that dedicated professionals of USAID do
    exemplifies that example, supporting people around the world to
    advance democratic and citizen-responsive governance, to help
    ensure fair treatment and access to opportunity for vulnerable
    minorities, and provide life-saving relief on behalf of the
    American people.
        We know that these core values are the strength of our own
    country and that promoting them abroad contributes to more
    stability and stability worldwide.
        As I emphasized to Secretary Blinken at his nomination
    hearing, the U.S. must reassert itself as a global leader
    capable of confronting complex challenges.
        As we work to address COVID-19 inequality, migration,
    climate change at home, if the U.S. is not contributing
    leadership and resources to address these issues globally, then
    our security at home is tenuous at best.
        There are few people as familiar with many of today's
    complex long-running conflicts as you are. As you well know, if
    confirmed, you will be responsible for responding to new and
    renewed conflicts from Venezuela to Ethiopia to Burma, human-
    and resource-driven conflicts which have victimized hundreds of
    thousands of civilians, forcing millions to flee their homes.
        Political crises in Latin America have caused unprecedented
    humanitarian disasters. I am encouraged by the Biden
    administration's plans to renew our commitment to achieving a
    diplomatic solution to the Venezuela crisis where USAID has
    provided significant humanitarian and development assistance.
        In the Northern Triangle countries, addressing rampant
    crime, weak governance, corruption, and displacement must also
    be a top U.S. priority, as stability there directly impacts the
    security and prosperity of the United States.
        Across Africa we have seen democratic backsliding in
    various countries, along with persistent terrorist threats and
    conflicts that have cost thousands of lives and displaced
    hundreds of thousands more.
        In particular, the conflict in Ethiopia's Tigray Province
    has contributed to destabilizing the whole Horn of Africa while
    increased terrorism has thrown the Sahel into chaos.
        Meanwhile, climate change is increasing food insecurity and
    natural resource scarcity, and threatening the very existence
    of many small island nations, while COVID-19 pandemic continues
    to ravage the world.
        At the same time that you will be confronting these global
    challenges, you will also need to rebuild and restore USAID as
    an institution. Successful U.S. foreign policy rests on the
    appropriate utilization of the three D's: defense, diplomacy,
    and development.
        Unfortunately, the previous administration had anywhere
    from skepticism to disdain for the last of those two. While I
    believe Ambassador Green who--for whom I have great respect,
    believed and invested in the mission of the agency, the years
    after his departure have taken a serious toll on the agency
    morale, strained USAID's relationships with its implementing
    partners, and weakened trust in America.
        The agency needs internal attention, and I recommend that
    if confirmed you listen to USAID's civil servants, Foreign
    Service officers, and Foreign Service nationals to explain what
    USAID needs.
        As you may know, USAID underwent a major reorganization
    spearheaded by Ambassador Green, and while I believe he
    approached this effort with the best of intentions, the
    ultimate execution was lacking.
        I do believe the agency must be nimble enough to respond to
    changing and pressing challenges, and I trust that you will
    make the ongoing reorganization work better and consult with
    this committee on how that might be achieved.
        So, in conclusion, if confirmed, you will have your work
    cut out for you. However, I have great confidence in your
    experience and abilities, not to mention your passion for
    making this world a better place.
        But we would expect you to engage with this committee as a
    partner and asset in accomplishing USAID's mission. This
    committee has a long bipartisan history of support for USAID,
    and I expect you to engage in frequent and open dialogue to
    help sustain that support.
        I look forward to hearing from you today. We welcome your
    family, who is always part of the sacrifices that those of us
    who are in public service make.
        And with that, let me turn to the distinguished ranking
    member, Senator Risch.

                   STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                        U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

        Senator Risch. Thank you, Senator Menendez. I appreciate
    that, and Ambassador Power, thank you for agreeing to take this
    on and thank you to your family. As the chairman noted, there
    is always sacrifices that are shared, sometimes not equally by
    the family.
        The role of the USAID administrator is an important one. We
    all know that. In order to accomplish the goals of our--as a
    nation, we need a development agency that reflects the
    challenges of the 21st century and is staffed and resourced to
    be strategic, efficient, effective, and accountable.
        USAID must be led by someone who understands that aid is
    most effective when it is targeted toward clearly-defined U.S.
    national interests and those who are committed to advancing
    good governance, economic growth, and self-reliance.
        The challenges before us are immense. An estimated 80
    million people globally have been displaced from their homes,
    26 million of whom are now refugees. The conflict in Syria has
    entered its tenth year and has left more than 12 million people
    food insecure.
        Ebola has reemerged in West Africa and the Democratic
    Republic of the Congo, and the COVID-19 pandemic has shuttered
    schools, destroyed livelihoods, and pushed millions of people
    into poverty around the world.
        USAID has a successful record of responding to emergencies,
    and we will count on the next administrator to put dollars
    provided for humanitarian assistance to good use.
        The agency has also done tremendous work in combating food
    insecurity, expanding access to water, and empowering women to
    participate in their economies.
        USAID needs to work on coordination with the CDC. This is
    why the largest U.S. global health program, PEPFAR, is
    coordinated by the Department of State.
        As we continue to combat the COVID-19 pandemic, I look
    forward to working with the department, USAID, the CDC, and my
    colleagues here in Congress on a more comprehensive approach to
    global health, security, and diplomacy.
        Senator Menendez and I have been discussing that issue in
    particular, and we have talked about a path forward to where we
    can get a bipartisan piece of legislation that will be one of
    the most important things we do as far as global health is
    concerned and as far as the people of the world are concerned.
        We must put in the work now so we can get ahead of the next
    pandemic and keep Americans safe from infectious disease
    threats before they cross our borders again. We should also
    maximize the impact of U.S. contributions to COVAX and GAVI,
    the Vaccine Alliance, and through the Global Fund's COVID-19
    response mechanism.
        Beyond pandemics, I am interested to learn more about how
    you, if confirmed, will position USAID to counter China's
    malign development model. That model is something that many of
    us consider to be one of the greatest threats to U.S. national
    security.
        I would also like to better understand your view on
    promoting democracy, good governance, and the rule of law, the
    foundations of healthy and stable societies. The United States
    cannot, should not, and should not even consider singlehandedly
    trying to solve the world's problems. Difficult choices must be
    made.
        But while the administrator is not empowered to make those
    choices independently, USAID does remain under the foreign
    policy direction of the Secretary of State.
        I am pleased to see that the next administrator will have a
    seat at the principal's table on critical matters of
    development and humanitarian response.
        If confirmed, I am eager to work with you to ensure that
    USAID remains strategic focused and accountable.
        Thank you, Senator Menendez.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
        With that, Madam Ambassador, the floor is yours. Your full
    statement will be included in the record. We ask you to
    summarize it, and then we will have a conversation with you.

     STATEMENT OF HON. SAMANTHA POWER, OF MASSACHUSETTS, NOMINATED
          TO BE ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR
                       INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

        Ambassador Power. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman, Ranking
    Member Risch, members of the committee. It is a tremendous
    honor to appear before you today. I am humbled by President
    Biden's trust in me and by the opportunity to join such an
    indispensable agency at such a critical time.
        I would like to begin by thanking my mother, Veera Delaney,
    a doctor whom I have watched care for her patients during the
    darkest hours of this pandemic, my father, Eddie Bourke, whose
    curiosity about the world helped spark my own, my husband and
    best friend, Cass Sunstein, an American original, and my 11-
    year-old son, Declan, and eight-year-old daughter, Rian, whose
    shared love of animals and nature remind me daily of our
    responsibility to our planet.
        Public service does ask a lot of families and I am
    indescribably grateful for the support and generosity of mine.
    I would also like to thank the members of this committee.
        While bitter political winds blew, continued bipartisan
    support for the U.S. Agency for International Development has
    saved and improved millions of lives while enhancing U.S.
    security and U.S. prosperity.
        I was fortunate to work with many of you when I last
    served. If confirmed, I will be eager to build on these
    relationships and forge new ones.
        I first saw USAID's impact in war-torn Bosnia, where I
    started my career in 1993 as a reporter. I saw USAID staff and
    partners deliver food to the vulnerable while supporting
    mothers as they tried to locate their missing sons and
    husbands.
        Since then, wherever I traveled, whether in East Timor just
    after became the world's newest nation, Darfur in the middle of
    this century's first genocide, or West Africa at the height of
    the Ebola epidemic, USAID was there. America was there,
    identifying needs and moving heaven and earth to meet them.
        In my work, I have seen how the investments the United
    States makes in other countries are investments in our own
    security. I have seen the inextricable linkages between
    political freedom and broad-based economic growth.
        I have seen that the most effective development is driven
    by those on the ground with local knowledge and expertise, and
    I have seen the overwhelming power of individual dignity as a
    driver of world events.
        Even as China increasingly uses its financial leverage to
    sway other nations, citizens everywhere are insisting that they
    be able to exercise agency, provide for themselves, and
    exercise their fundamental rights.
        If confirmed, I will work to strengthen the institution of
    USAID and invest in the capabilities of the agency's dedicated
    10,000 Foreign Service officers, civil servants, locally
    employed staff, contractors, and other personnel.
        This means seeking out and amplifying their insights,
    learning about specific local needs, and adapting our programs.
    It means addressing the issues related to diversity, equity,
    inclusion, and advancement within USAID's workforce, and it
    means emphasizing what President Biden himself and both of you,
    I think, already have stressed.
        Development is critical to America's ability to tackle the
    toughest problems of our time, economic, humanitarian, and
    geopolitical. In consultation with you and others in Congress,
    I will aim to ensure that USAID enhances its long-standing
    leadership in food security, education, women's empowerment,
    and global health, while also addressing four interconnected
    and gargantuan challenges confronting the world at this moment.
        First, the COVID pandemic and the development progress that
    has been imperiled in everything from food security to gender
    equality to access to education to economic growth.
        Climate change, and the surge in droughts, storms, food
    shortages, and climate-associated humanitarian emergencies.
        Third, with more conflicts occurring today than at any
    point since the end of the Cold War, conflict and state
    collapse.
        And fourth, finally, with freedom declining around the
    world for the fifteenth straight year in a row, democratic
    backsliding.
        In tackling these and other challenges, I want to assure
    the committee that I will work every day to expand burden
    sharing in the international system. At the U.N., working with
    my administration colleagues, I was able to help secure major
    commitments from other countries to care for refugees, respond
    to the Ebola epidemic, strengthen peacekeeping, and adopt the
    sustainable development goals.
        U.S. investments are catalysts that can be used to mobilize
    governments, international organizations, foundations, and
    businesses to help countries achieve their own development
    goals.
        If I am confirmed to lead this great agency, I will work
    tirelessly with members on both sides of the aisle to ensure
    that taxpayer dollars are well spent. Guided by evidence, I
    will work with you to adapt or replace programs that are not
    delivering. I will be transparent and accessible as together we
    chart a course that meets the needs of the current moment.
        In 1979, as Senator Markey alluded to, my mother brought my
    younger brother and me to America from Ireland, blessing me
    with a life full of opportunity. As one who has been given so
    much by the United States, I would take it as an incomparable
    privilege to lead the world's premier development agency in
    order to expand the opportunities available to others.
        I thank you, and I look forward to answering your
    questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ambassador Power follows:]

                   Prepared Statement of Hon. Samantha Power

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee,
    it is a tremendous honor to appear before you today. Thank you, Senator
    Markey, for your kind introduction.
        I am humbled by President Biden's trust in me, and by the
    opportunity to join such an indispensable Agency at this critical time.
        I would like to begin by thanking my mother Vera Delaney, a doctor
    whom I have watched care for her patients during the darkest hours of
    this pandemic; my father Eddie Bourke, whose curiosity about the world
    helped spark my own; my husband Cass Sunstein, an American original;
    and my 11-year-old son Declan and 8-year-old daughter Rian, whose
    shared love of animals and nature remind me daily of our responsibility
    to our planet. Public service asks a lot of families, and I'm
    indescribably grateful for the support and generosity of mine.
        I would also like to thank the members of this committee. While
    bitter political winds blew, continued bipartisan support for the U.S.
    Agency for International Development has saved and improved millions of
    lives while enhancing U.S. security and prosperity. I was fortunate to
    work with many of you when I last served. If confirmed, I will be eager
    to build on these relationships and forge new ones.
        I first saw USAID's impact in war-torn Bosnia, where I started my
    career in 1993 as a reporter. I saw USAID staff and partners deliver
    food to the vulnerable, while supporting mothers as they tried to
    locate their missing sons and husbands. Since then, wherever I
    travelled--whether to East Timor just after it became the world's
    newest nation; Darfur, in the midst of this century's first genocide;
    or west Africa, at the height of the Ebola epidemic--USAID was there--
    America was there--identifying needs and moving heaven and earth to
    meet them.
        In my work--as a writer, professor, human rights advocate, national
    security staffer, and diplomat--I've seen how the investments the
    United States makes in other countries are investments in our own
    security. I've seen the inextricable linkages between political freedom
    and broad-based economic growth. I've seen that the most effective
    development is driven by those on the ground with local knowledge and
    expertise. And I've seen the power of individual dignity as a driver of
    world events. Even as China increasingly uses its financial leverage to
    sway other nations, citizens everywhere are insisting that they be able
    to exercise agency, provide for themselves, and exercise their
    fundamental rights.
        If confirmed, I will work to strengthen the institution of USAID
    and invest in the capabilities of the Agency's dedicated 10,000 foreign
    service officers, civil servants, locally-employed staff, contractors,
    and other personnel. This means seeking out and amplifying their
    insights, learning about specific local needs, and adapting our
    programs. It means urgently addressing the issues relating to
    diversity, equity, inclusion, and advancement within USAID's workforce.
    And it means emphasizing what President Biden himself has stressed:
    Development is critical to
        America's ability to tackle the toughest problems of our time--
    economic, humanitarian and geopolitical.
        In consultation with you and others in Congress, I will aim to
    ensure that USAID enhances its longstanding leadership in food
    security, education, women's empowerment, and global health, while also
    addressing four interconnected and gargantuan challenges confronting
    the world at this moment:

       The COVID-19 pandemic. With decades of development gains shattered
            by COVID, imperiling progress on everything from food security
            to gender equality and access to education, USAID's support to
            partners will be vital for recovery, including by building more
            robust and durable health infrastructure for the future.

       Climate Change. With the surge in droughts, storms, food shortages,
            and climate-associated humanitarian emergencies, USAID can help
            countries become more resilient, while supporting their efforts
            to reduce carbon emissions.

       Conflict and state collapse. With more conflicts occurring today
            than at any point since the end of the Cold War, USAID
            assistance will continue to mitigate suffering, while working
            with U.S. diplomats and our international partners to address
            the root causes of such crises.

       Democratic backsliding. With freedom declining around the world for
            the fifteenth year in a row, USAID's democracy, rights, anti-
            corruption, and governance programming must nimbly support
            democratic and civil society actors as they push back against
            creeping authoritarianism and seek to build lasting democratic
            institutions.

        In tackling these and other challenges, I want to assure the
    committee that I will work every day to expand burden-sharing in the
    international system. At the United Nations, working with my
    administration colleagues, I was able to help secure major commitments
    from other countries to care for refugees, respond to the Ebola
    epidemic, strengthen peacekeeping, and adopt the Sustainable
    Development Goals. U.S. investments are catalysts that can be used to
    mobilize governments, international organizations, foundations, and
    businesses to help countries achieve their own development goals.
        If I am confirmed to lead this great Agency, I will work tirelessly
    with Members on both sides of the aisle to ensure that taxpayer dollars
    are well spent. Guided by evidence, I will work with you to adapt or
    replace programs that are not delivering. I will be transparent and
    accessible--as together we chart a course that meets the needs of the
    current moment.
        In 1979 my mother brought my younger brother and me to America from
    Ireland, blessing me with a life full of opportunity. As one who has
    been given so much by the United States, I would take it as an
    incomparable privilege to lead the world's premier development Agency
    in order to expand the opportunities available to others.
        Thank you, and I look forward to answering your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you, Ambassador Power.
        We will start five-minute rounds of--in order of those who
    have appeared either in person or virtually, and I will start
    with the chair.
        USAID plays a central role in the U.S. government's
    humanitarian response to conflict and forced migration. Last
    year, I released a comprehensive report on forced displacement,
    which found that the vast majority of the 80 million displaced
    people worldwide are not displaced for months but for years or
    decades at a time.
        How will you lead efforts at USAID to ensure coherence
    between the U.S. humanitarian and development programs and to
    ensure that a maximum impact is achieved in assisting
    protracted displacement?
        Ambassador Power. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman.
        Well, first, let me say that those displacement numbers, as
    you know, are the highest since World War II. Every year, we
    see that number go up. When I was U.N. Ambassador, it was the
    highest since World War II, and it gets worse and worse.
        Climate-related events, of course, are a factor, and I
    think you are likely to see a surge and displacement stemming
    from the economic fallout from the COVID pandemic.
        It is important to look behind the numbers at the causes of
    displacement, which vary. I alluded in my testimony to the fact
    that more conflicts are occurring now than at any point since
    the end of the Cold War. As you noted just now, conflicts are
    lasting longer.
        So it used to be that one conflict would start but another
    might have been brought to an end and that, therefore, again,
    those numbers were not just continuing to grow.
        But as a new conflict starts, other conflicts are just
    lasting longer and longer, and so the protracted refugee
    population is higher than it has been since World War II.
        The investment that President Biden has committed to making
    in diplomacy is a critical part of this. We have seen, for
    example, in Libya, diplomacy produce, for the first time in
    many years, a U.N.-brokered transition government.
        We need diplomacy to pay dividends in Yemen, which is
    facing the worst humanitarian crisis of any place on earth. And
    when it comes to a place like the Northern Triangle, where you
    have been so active, it is critical to look at the different
    drivers of migration, which range from physical personal
    insecurity and gang violence and corruption to the lack of
    economic opportunity.
        And USAID, again, I think has a really important role to
    play in mitigating humanitarian suffering, but also looking
    upstream at why people are leaving their homes in the first
    place.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Ambassador Power. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Let me ask you this. Under the
    last restructuring of USAID, the Democracy Rights and
    Governance Center was moved under the new development,
    Democracy and Innovation Bureau.
        My question is, I think this is a very significant part of
    the mission of USAID. I noticed you mentioned it among your
    four pillars.
        How will you elevate and integrate democracy and human
    rights in USAID's response both to the COVID pandemic, which
    has provided cover for autocrats to attack civil society and
    diminish human rights, but even more broadly?
        Ambassador Power. Thank you, Senator. Well, there is a
    contest in this world occurring now between two models, the
    democratic model and an authoritarian model. The trends were
    not pretty before COVID struck and, as you note, they are
    getting worse in terms of human rights recessions, even in
    established democracies around the world.
        I think that there would be no question to any of the
    wonderful USAID staff as to the level of priority that I give
    democracy and human rights. My whole career has been in that
    field.
        I was moved to go into foreign policy by the massacre in
    Tiananmen Square that occurred in June of 1989 when I was still
    a college kid.
        And so on the specifics of whether the Democracy Rights and
    Governance Center and that programming belongs within the DDI
    Bureau where it is now, I would love to revert.
        But on the substance, I would just like to note that,
    again, this is incredibly important programming, partnering
    with the Department of State and their Democracy, Human Rights,
    and Labor Bureau, looking at anti-corruption work specifically,
    which is a real Achilles for authoritarian and illiberal
    countries, I think one we have not taken full advantage of.
        This will be a huge priority for me, Senator.
        The Chairman. All right. And finally, you mentioned in your
    comments, and I think it is one of the central issues that we
    need to face as we deal with the challenges of migration and
    the challenges that we have at the border, having AID address
    violence, corruption, and other drivers of migration in the
    Northern Triangle countries are incredibly important as part
    of--Vice President Biden was--when he was vice president he had
    a plan then.
        Unfortunately, it was not continued. There is another
    provision in--that he has put forth. How do you see the key
    components of a joint USAID-State Department strategy as part
    of that the Northern Triangle effort?
        Ambassador Power. Well, just to note that I have been very
    heartened in the briefings that I have been able to have from
    outside by the reliance on data and evidence in tailoring those
    programs.
        USAID actually gets data from the International
    Organization of Migration and CBP, the Customs Border
    Protection, to find out why individuals are leaving their
    homes, to dig into the specifics, to dig into the localities
    from which they are fleeing.
        And USAID--prior to the funding suspension under the Trump
    administration, USAID actually has tailored programs around
    those places where people are most likely to flee and tailor
    programming around, again, the causes of migration.
        So I think that is the right approach. It will take us some
    time to ramp back up, unfortunately, because some of those
    programs were suspended. But the infrastructure is in place and
    I look forward to working with you again to dig into specifics.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Risch?
        Senator Risch. Thank you.
        Ambassador Power, first of all, thank you for taking the
    time yesterday and previously for you and I to talk about this
    position and your confirmation, and one of the things we talked
    about yesterday was National Security Memorandum No. 1 that
    President Biden has executed in which the Secretary of State
    will lead and, in coordination with the USAID administrator,
    the development of the U.S. Government wide plan to combat
    COVID-19 pandemic.
        Can I get your thoughts on the record for that, please,
    briefly?
        Ambassador Power. Specifically on COVID-19 or on the
    structural----
        Senator Risch. Well, generally on the structure and then as
    it relates to COVID-19.
        Ambassador Power. Yeah. I mean, I think that as actually
    COVID-19 illustrates probably better than any contemporary
    threat, our fates, and the fates of the American people, are
    connected to health infrastructure, economic prosperity, the
    curbing of extremism and radicalization internationally.
        And so programming that USAID does in that regard, in
    cooperation with the State Department and other agencies, is
    incredibly important for our security and what President Biden
    has done in elevating USAID and giving it a seat on the
    National Security Council and in the Principles Committee, I
    think, has just effectively enshrined that reality, which is
    that our development efforts and our diplomatic efforts have to
    be resourced and prioritized alongside, of course, our
    essential defense efforts.
        So I think that is the logic. You know, from having spoken
    with him about this decision, that is the logic of elevating
    USAID. The expertise is there, the know-how is there, and I
    think what is really important about doing this is it means
    that that expertise and know-how will be reflected in the
    interagency, not only at high levels but at every level.
        Senator Risch. Thank you. Thanks for that answer.
        Moving offshore, the memorandum also refers to a diplomatic
    outreach plan for enhancing the United States response to the
    COVID-19 pandemic by engaging partner nations.
        Could you give me your thoughts on that, please?
        Ambassador Power. Thank you, Senator.
        When I was U.N. Ambassador, I had the privilege of being
    part of President Obama's effort to mobilize a large anti-Ebola
    coalition to prevent, in that instance, an epidemic, a horrific
    epidemic from becoming a global pandemic of the kind that we
    are now living through.
        I think the United States is at its most powerful,
    effective, and efficient when it leverages the support that it
    offers international institutions or the resources that it
    dedicates to combating global challenges, when it leverages
    that to get others to do more.
        And that is what President Biden, I think, has already done
    in the context of announcing the $2 billion that you allocated
    late last year for GAVI, for the vaccine effort, that that $2
    billion is going to be contributed.
        But it is also going to be leveraged to get other countries
    to do more before the next $2 billion is obligated, and I think
    that is just one example. There has not--there has not been, I
    should say, optimal coordination, I think, in the international
    global vaccine area and that is something that I am very eager
    to dig into, if I am confirmed.
        Senator Risch. Thank you. I appreciate those thoughts.
        The Global Health Diplomacy and Security Act, which I
    introduced, creates a coordinator position at the State
    Department that is consistent with the type of framework I
    believe that President Biden intends in his memorandum.
        Are you familiar with that, by any chance, and go ahead.
    Your thoughts?
        Ambassador Power. The prior version of the bill I was
    familiar with. I have not seen--I think the bill that you
    either are on the verge of introducing or have just introduced.
        Senator Risch. I appreciate that. And as I indicated,
    Senator Menendez and I have been talking about the global
    health issue and an effort by this committee in that regard,
    and I intend to work with Senator Menendez on the creation of
    the framework because, obviously, the success is going to
    depend on that framework and I hope to engage you and your
    agency as we move forward on that.
        And with that, my time is up. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
        Senator Cardin, who is with us virtually?
        Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and, Ambassador
    Power, thank you very much for your willingness to continue to
    serve our nation.
        I want to follow up on comments that you made earlier this
    year, which was something I was pleased to see where you
    indicated that anti-corruption would be a centerpiece of
    President Biden's foreign policy agenda.
        And you have already answered some of that with Senator
    Menendez in regards to how you are using the DRG Center. You
    specifically mentioned in those comments the use of the tools
    that are at your disposal, including Magnitsky sanctions.
        Can I take it that you will work with us as we look at
    permanently authorizing the Global Magnitsky statute today? It
    is by executive order and by statute that expires. We take
    pretty much what was in the executive order, Senator Wicker and
    I, and codified that as permanent authorization.
        Do we have your support on that legislation?
        Ambassador Power. Unequivocally, and let me just thank you
    for the Magnitsky Act where your leadership was so pivotal. As
    you know, it has now been replicated to a large extent in
    Europe and in Canada.
        I think one of our tasks is to ensure that other countries
    adopt similar measures so that we can multilateralize these
    corruption and human rights sanctions.
        Senator Cardin. And Senator Young and I have introduced
    legislation to try to build on it to give capacity for our
    missions to evaluate how well the countries in which they
    operate are are dealing with corruption.
        So it is a way of using a standard similar to what we do in
    trafficking in persons to monitor progress made in fighting
    corruption. You mentioned in your article anti-bribery statutes
    and dealing with those--the laundering, anti-laundering
    statutes, et cetera.
        Will you work with us as we look to enact this law to give
    you additional tools to help fight corruption?
        Ambassador Power. Yes, Senator. Always looking for
    additional tools. Thank you.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you.
        So let me talk a little bit about Central America. You
    already talked a little bit about that with Senator Menendez,
    and I know that President Biden is looking at providing help to
    the Central American countries in order to do what is right in
    our hemisphere from the humanitarian point of view as well as
    the practical aspects of migration.
        But there is systemic corruption in these countries that if
    we do not deal with it we are going to be giving money that
    will not get to its intended purpose.
        So how do you intend to make sure that our assistance to
    the Central American countries are used for the people to deal
    with the problems of Central America and not just fuel
    corruption?
        Ambassador Power. Thank you, Senator.
        You put your finger on a real inhibitor of progress--above
    all progress for the people of that region. Let me say that,
    from what I understand of USAID programming up to this point,
    there is, of course, a recognition of the barrier that
    corruption has constituted to economic progress, to progress in
    combating threats to physical security, and thus, much of the
    programming is routed, for example, through local officials who
    have been identified as reformers or--and/or civil society
    partners.
        And, indeed, many of those partners, as you know, are doing
    work to hold the central authorities accountable for
    transgressions and for different forms of corruption.
        It has been disappointing to see some of the strides that
    were made, for example, in Guatemala and Honduras through CSIG.
    CSIG was actually the most popular and I know you were critical
    in pushing for its mandates to be renewed successively in
    Guatemala. It was the most popular institution in Guatemala
    before it was shut down, and so that is disappointing because
    it had a really important role to play. Then Vice President
    Biden was also critical in ensuring that it was preserved
    there.
        But I think, thinking through at the central level, how--
    what more we can do for civil society actors that are holding
    government accountable to try to change the equation so that
    those governments that are trending in worrying directions
    reverse that tide.
        Senator Cardin. I know that we can help you in this regard.
    I strongly support our involvement in Central America. But when
    we put conditionality on aid, it gives the administration, I
    think, the additional strength in dealing with the governments
    to indicate there has got to be progress made in dealing with
    the governance issues.
        So I hope you take that as friendly help when we look at
    conditionality to make sure that we do achieve progress in
    dealing with systemic problems in these countries.
        With that, Mr. Chairman, I will yield back my time.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator.
        Senator Portman, who is with us virtually, I understand?
        Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you,
    Ambassador Power, and also thank you to your husband, Cass
    Sunstein, for his willingness to come back into public service.
    We appreciate your willingness to step up again.
        I enjoyed our conversation, and let me follow up a little
    bit on what Senator Cardin just talked to you about.
        As you know, I suppose, we have spent $3.6 billion of
    taxpayer money in the Northern Triangle countries--El Salvador,
    Honduras, Guatemala--in the past five years. The results are
    not impressive, understanding that recently some of the natural
    disasters in that area, particularly the hurricanes, added to
    this.
        But I will tell you, I just got the numbers this morning
    from last week. Five hundred and fifty kids per day came into
    the United States, mostly from the Northern Triangle countries,
    which is five or six times more than in January when there was
    less than a hundred.
        In terms of families--and by the way, there were 300 in
    February so we are going up and up and up--in terms of
    families, 1,500 per day last week, as compared to a thousand in
    February, on average, less than a hundred in January, again, a
    15 times increase.
        So the push factors are not being addressed effectively.
    People are coming. The pull factors are that the changes were
    made in policies to allow people to come and they are
    responding and the traffickers are responding.
        So I guess what I would ask you is how you would do it
    differently. Senator Cardin rightly asked you about corruption,
    and I believe insisting on transparency and rule of law and
    tying our aid is important.
        By the way, of that $3.6 billion, as you know, much was
    sent through the Millennium Challenge Corporation, MCC, which
    has precisely those criteria and others to ensure the money is
    well spent.
        But I guess I would ask you also about tying it to
    immigration and specifically requiring those countries to work
    with us to have people apply for asylum from their country of
    origin or if they feel it is unsafe to do it in a safe third
    country, which is one of the programs that was discontinued by
    the current administration.
        In other words, someone could apply in Guatemala for asylum
    if they are from Honduras, which would be the first country
    that they would come into, a safe third country.
        Do you believe that that is an appropriate condition to us
    spending what President Biden has now suggested, which is
    another $4 billion on top of the $3.6 billion that has been set
    in the last five years?
        Ambassador Power. Thank you, Senator.
        Well, first, just to embrace the premise of your question
    that we have a responsibility to be effective vigilant stewards
    of taxpayer resources, this is an immensely challenging set of
    problems, and as you called them push factors out of the region
    to deal with there are no silver bullets. Needless to say, if
    there were someone would have found one along the way.
        But I guess I would just offer a few thoughts. I mean,
    first of all, there is actually compelling data, and I look
    forward to digging into the numbers further if I am--if I am
    confirmed, but that shows that, for example, in the districts
    where USAID had programming aimed at curbing violence--for
    example, in El Salvador between 2015 and 2017, there was a 61
    percent drop in homicide rates.
        There are comparable numbers in terms of the statistics in
    districts that USAID programming was set up in Honduras, with a
    slightly smaller drop but, nonetheless, a very substantial drop
    in homicide rates.
        I think that is encouraging. I think, you know, suspending
    the programs, unfortunately, gave us less influence in using
    our programming to work with those reformist officials who were
    willing, again, to crackdown on violence within their
    neighborhoods.
        Senator Portman. Ambassador, let me interrupt you just for
    a second----
        Ambassador Power. Of course.
        Senator Portman [continuing]. Because I want to cover
    another topic as well. But just on this topic, having just been
    at the border the last few days, I did talk to a lot of
    unaccompanied kids and also to families and single men coming
    over from Central America and, as you know, the constant
    refrain is, ``I can make 10 or sometimes 20 times as much in
    America. I want to take care of my family.''
        So I agree that dealing with the violence is important and
    I applaud those changes. And, in fact, not only has violence
    been dealt with in those countries so that the numbers are a
    little better, generally, but also the economic situation is a
    little better, although the hurricanes and the COVID-19 numbers
    are probably not going to be as good.
        But it is--it is an economic issue, primarily. In other
    words, people will still be looking to come to the United
    States. And my question to you was, should we condition
    billions of dollars in taxpayer money not just on the important
    things that Senator Cardin talked about but also on working
    with us on this issue of immigration and, specifically, on
    asylum claims? Do you agree with that?
        Ambassador Power. Well, I think that one of your premises,
    if I understood it, of putting individuals in a position where
    they could apply for refugee status or asylum in the region
    rather than entrusting, for example, their children to
    coyotes----
        Senator Portman. Right. And taking a dangerous course,
    which is----
        Ambassador Power. I do not think any parents, you know,
    relishes the entrusting of one's child, again, to a smuggler.
    So one of the things that we looked at in the Obama
    administration, as you know, was setting up these UNHCR offices
    in the region. I think that is something that President Biden
    is looking at again, and that is very important.
        But you put your finger, again, on one of the major causes
    of migration, which is the lack of economic opportunity, and
    that is something that USAID has a lot of experience investing
    in.
        You are right, we have not produced the same kinds of
    results, as I have pointed to, when it comes to physical
    security and crime. But I think, you know, now with tailored
    programming, not being everywhere but being specifically in
    those communities where we know that there is the highest
    concentration of migrants, we can, working with you and being
    held accountable, hopefully, begin to make a dent.
        Senator Portman. Well, Ambassador, I hope you--I hope you
    work with--my time is getting toward the end here. But my
    question is specifically dealing with the economy----
        The Chairman. The senator's time has past expired so----
        Senator Portman [continuing]. And the violence issues, but
    also if you could work with us on this issue of immigration and
    asylum so people can apply from their home country or a safe
    third country.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Coons, who just returned from the Tigray region in
    Ethiopia on a mission and we appreciate his work, and you are
    recognized.
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
    Risch, and Ambassador Power.
        Welcome, and thank you for your willingness to serve our
    nation again, and to Cass and to Declan and to Rian, thank you
    for supporting your wife and mother in her tremendous service
    to our nation.
        You are taking on this role, hopefully, once confirmed at a
    critically important time. We all saw how, in the last year of
    the previous administration, the absence of a Senate-confirmed
    administrator.
        The absence of clear and forceful leadership led to real
    drift and some challenges operationally and organizationally.
        There are humanitarian crises all over the world, as many
    of us will comment today, from Venezuela to Yemen to Burma to
    Ethiopia to many other nations, and clear and capable
    leadership at USAID is critical.
        I have profound respect and appreciation for the work of
    the USAID, the folks who are deployed around the world. I just
    had the opportunity to meet with a number of the humanitarian
    partners and leaders that USAID is relying on in Ethiopia, as I
    have elsewhere.
        I also think it is critical we continue to explain to the
    average American how the work of USAID overseas helps keep us
    safer, healthier, and more prosperous.
        And, tragically, COVID-19 is an opportunity for us to
    remind folks exactly how vaccinating the rest of the world is
    critical to preventing new variants from breaking out and from
    harming all of us.
        So I look forward to working with you in my role as the
    chairman of the State and Foreign Operations Appropriations
    Subcommittee and to having a meaningful dialogue.
        Let me dive in first, if I could, to what I just saw. If
    confirmed, can we count on USAID to work with this committee
    and with all of us in Congress to ensure that we are addressing
    the humanitarian crisis throughout Ethiopia and, in particular,
    in the Tigray region?
        Ambassador Power. Absolutely. Thank you for taking the trip
    that you took. USAID, as you know, just made an announcement of
    an additional $52 million dollars in humanitarian support. I
    think that makes the contribution so far $150 million plus
    since the crisis began.
        But the humanitarian--mitigating the humanitarian
    suffering, of course, is not all we need to be doing. We need
    to get at the root causes of that suffering and secure access
    so that that food can be delivered.
        So thank you for what you have done to try to make that
    happen.
        Senator Coons. And I am optimistic we will make progress
    now on humanitarian access.
        I also met with the head of the Ethiopian Human Rights
    Commission, Daniel Bekele, and discussed with him and with
    other international leaders about carrying out a thorough and
    independent investigation of human rights abuses.
        The U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle
    Bachelet, has also talked recently about doing a joint
    investigation.
        From your career working in human rights issues, what kind
    of investigation do you think would be most effective and have
    the greatest impact in getting to the root of human rights
    violations that have occurred?
        Ambassador Power. Well, the biggest challenge,
    traditionally, for international human rights investigations,
    especially independent ones, is securing access, and so the key
    is not only getting the approval from the Center and from the
    prime minister for something like that, but making sure that
    that agreement trickles down and that there is a willingness on
    the part of the authorities who have granted access to ensure
    that, you know, the checkpoints do not go up then as soon as
    the investigators deploy.
        There are many, many countries where atrocity allegations
    have occurred, have developed. Unfortunately, creative
    traditions of erecting roadblocks, you know, where it matters--
    in other words, harassing, intimidating witnesses and so forth,
    denying visas to particular communities, blaming so-called
    uncontrolled militia, you know, without, at the Center, really
    taking steps to make sure that those militia allow
    investigators to do their work.
        Senator Coons. Well, I look forward to partnering with you
    and relying on your advice in exactly how to make sure that
    this commitment that has recently been announced by the prime
    minister to investigate and this partnership that I think is
    quite possible is successful.
        And there is a number of things I look forward to working
    with you on: the implementation of the Global Fragility Act, a
    bill that I helped lead that has been signed into law that is a
    new tool to ensure that development and diplomacy take the lead
    in support of defense work in securing countries from the Sahel
    to the Northern Triangle, the Nita Lowey Middle East
    Partnership for Peace Act and ensuring that we are investing in
    both people-to-people programs and joint economic ventures to
    facilitate the conditions for a possible two-state solution,
    and then ways in which we can keep the Development Finance
    Corporation a development finance corporation and to best use
    the MCC.
        My last question will be for you about the critical role
    that delivering safe and effective vaccines to the developing
    world can play in continuing our role as one of the world's
    leading supporters of effective public health programs.
        There has been a significant increase in the appropriated
    funds available through COVAX. We have rejoined WHO.
        What do you think we most need to do to ensure the prompt
    and equitable distribution of effective vaccines globally?
        Ambassador Power. Well, let me just cite, Senator, the
    International Chamber of Commerce report--I think we discussed
    it on the phone a month or two ago--but that shows that until
    and unless there is economic recovery by virtue of vaccinations
    and curbing of the pandemic in the developing world, it is
    going to cost the global economy $9 trillion, including
    developed countries $4.5 trillion. Between that and the issue
    of variants, where as long as the pandemic is raging somewhere
    there is a chance of some mutation and variants moving
    aggressively, it is so in our interest to make that happen.
        COVAX, if fully funded, will vaccinate 20 percent of
    people, they hope, by the end of this year--20 percent of the
    people in developing countries.
        That is not sufficient, and so looking to see how COVAX is
    being supplemented by bilateral donations, surplus donations,
    and other contributions, I think, is really important.
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Madam Ambassador.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Paul?
        Senator Paul. Good morning. Welcome.
        Ambassador Power. Good morning.
        Senator Paul. Many on the left are horrified at being
    associated with the neocon foreign policy. But it is no small
    irony that the end results of responsibility to protect are, in
    reality, little different than the interventionist policies of
    John Bolton and Bill Kristol.
        Like the neocons, the liberal advocates of responsibility
    to protect have advocated for military intervention in Libya,
    Syria, and Yemen.
        Sure, the reasoning might be more humanitarian than
    geopolitical, but the advocacy for military intervention ends
    up looking pretty much the same.
        I remember liking what candidate Obama said about military
    intervention, that without congressional approval it was only
    justified when there was an imminent threat.
        After President Obama began bombing Libya, I asked him at
    lunch one day, what about your pledge to ask and seek
    congressional permission unless it was an imminent threat.
        He responded that there was an imminent threat to Benghazi.
    I looked at him incredulously and responded, ``Really? An
    imminent threat to a foreign city is your justification for an
    unauthorized war?''
        The responsibility to protect ideology did not learn much
    from the Libyan debacle and immediately pushed the Obama
    administration to jump into Syria. Many on the left, like
    Secretary Blinken, do not admit that there was too much
    intervention. They actually believe in Syria that they failed
    because there was too little military intervention.
        Several hundred thousand people have died in Syria and more
    than a million refugees have been displaced. If you are talking
    about humanitarianism, famine, the wars, really, other than
    natural causes war is the number-one cause of famine around the
    world.
        An argument can be made, though, that Assad would probably
    massacred far fewer people had the West and the Gulf States
    stayed out of the civil war.
        Are you willing to admit that the Libyan and Syrian
    military interventions that you advocated for were a mistake,
    and that going forward, you will be more conscious of the
    unintended humanitarian disasters that seem to occur again and
    again with our military interventions in Africa and throughout
    the Middle East?
        Ambassador Power. Thank you, Senator.
        Well, first, if I may, just talk about USAID and its role,
    which I think can be very important in Libya today.
        I think before you arrived I mentioned that there is--a
    power-sharing government has finally been set up in Libya.
    USAID right now, because of the security conditions, operates
    its programs, largely, from the----
        Senator Paul. You would acknowledge Libya is worse now than
    it was before we started bombing them?
        Ambassador Power [continuing]. I think it is really
    important with Libya having the opportunity to have elections
    at the end of this year for us to do what we can to support
    those elections. I think it is in the face of mass atrocities
    there are a whole set of nonmilitary tools that are--I would
    hope that you would support deploying.
        We had some successes with them, for example, in helping
    bring about the South Sudanese Referendum, which was a risk of
    grave atrocities occurring back in the first term of the Obama
    administration, an attempt to steal an election in Cote
    d'Ivoire where diplomatic pressure averted mass atrocities, and
    even sending technical advisors, military advisors, to Central
    Africa to combat the Lord's Resistance Army, which kidnapped
    children and----
        Senator Paul. Do you think we were successful in Libya,
    that Libya is a better place because of our military
    intervention, or Syria?
        Ambassador Power. The decision that President Obama made
    when confronted with the risk to the people of Benghazi and
    other civilian centers was an incredibly difficult one, and
    again, in sitting in the Situation Room, I think it is hard now
    to remember--you know, with the United Nations, NATO, the Arab
    League, this body, the Senate, unanimously calling for a no-fly
    zone, President Obama made the judgment that the risks of
    allowing Benghazi to fall and the slaughter that would ensue
    were not----
        Senator Paul [continuing]. I know it is a tough decision,
    but in retrospect, was Libya a good idea to militarily
    intervene in Libya? A good idea to militarily intervene in
    Syria, in retrospect?
        Ambassador Power. I think the challenge is that we do not
    have the counterfactual and, certainly, the fallout in the--in
    the wake of the intervention, the centrifugal forces have been
    incredibly difficult to manage and, above all, hard on the
    Libyan people.
        Senator Paul. But we have to learn lessons sometime. I
    mean, we went into Libya. We went into Iraq. We destabilized
    Iraq. We are still dealing with that. We went into Libya,
    destabilized Libya. We are still dealing with that. Syria, the
    same thing, and Yemen as well.
        So, I mean, there should be an accumulation of knowledge
    and a learning curve here that our interventions make things
    worse, not better.
        Ambassador Power. Thank you. Thank you, Senator.
        I, certainly, agree that nonmilitary tools in the toolbox
    are--carry with them far fewer risks. I opposed the war in
    Iraq. I agree with you on Yemen.
        All I am trying to describe is that when these situations
    arise, it is a question almost of lesser evils, that the
    choices are very challenging.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Kaine?
        Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and congratulations,
    Ambassador Power, for your nomination.
        You have been a human rights activist. You have played a
    number of roles with the Obama administration, including U.N.
    ambassador, and now you are poised to take the helm of a
    critical engine of humanitarian assistance around the globe.
        So I am going to ask you questions that kind of combine all
    the roles, both about what you might do at USAID but also how
    you see some of the challenges that affect the committee.
        You began your prepared remarks with four gargantuan
    challenges, and one was democracy backsliding, and I want to
    talk to you about that. We are seeing it everywhere.
        We are seeing it in every continent. We are seeing, as you
    indicate, declines in freedom and democracy indices, whether
    you are looking at, you know, Freedom House annual reports or
    the Economist Democracy Index annual reports.
        President Biden has indicated that sometime either later
    this year or earlier next year he wants to convene a summit of
    democracies, which I think is a great idea.
        How would you foresee USAID being part of what the U.S.
    might do in convening such a summit? Just share your thoughts
    on that.
        Ambassador Power. Thank you.
        If I might, just because the democracy and human rights
    numbers are so unfortunate and depressing, just to offer
    something on the other side of the ledger.
        Prior to the pandemic, there were more political protests
    that occurred in more places than at any point in modern
    recorded history.
        So on the one hand, you have states increasingly repressing
    their people and growing more sophisticated in shutting down
    the internet and in stifling space for civil society.
        On the other hand, many, many people are not getting that
    memo and are insisting on taking their protests and their
    concerns to the streets and holding governments accountable.
        So I think there is a lot to work with out there of
    concerns about violations of dignity and rights and a desire
    for the United States to play a leadership role in promoting
    human rights, of course, with humility.
        With regard to the summit, I am not privy to the
    deliberations and sort of what the planning and thinking is
    either on timing or on the details of substance.
        But I think there are a lot of opportunities to collaborate
    and for USAID to play an important role, for example, in
    combating misinformation and sharing best practices for doing
    so in protecting election infrastructure, not only from
    misinformation but from hacking and other forms of intrusion,
    the anti-corruption programs that have been effective in
    holding governments accountable and bringing civil society into
    conversations that are too often top down.
        I think there are a lot of lessons that can be imparted in
    that regard. And often, Senator, I think it is--it is countries
    that themselves are at different stages of democratic
    progression that have the most valuable lessons to impart to
    those countries that are just becoming democratic.
        For example, the country of Sudan, which is experiencing a
    political transition, is a long way from being a full and--a
    full Jeffersonian democracy, that----
        Senator Kaine. Sudan is a good example of something. I
    agree with you.
        You would agree with me that in something like a summit of
    democracies it would be very important not to just focus on,
    like, a NATO like U.S. and Europe or an OECD, just kind of the
    big developed nations, but we should include large and small
    democracies, mature and nascent from every continent on the
    planet.
        I mean, should not that be the goal of such a summit?
        Ambassador Power. Again, I do not know how the current
    administration is thinking about the summit. I can tell you,
    Senator, from having helped design invitation lists as a U.N.
    ambassador that questions of who is in and who is out are
    actually quite challenging.
        Senator Kaine. And but I am not asking about particular
    nations. I am just saying it would have less utility if it is
    just seen as kind of a U.S. and Europe thing or a big nation
    thing, right?
        If we are going to have a summit of democracies, there are
    democracies on every continent. They are big and small and
    nascent and mature. And if we are going to try to uphold the
    model and share best practices, we should not have kind of a
    U.S. or U.S. and Europe-centric view. We should try to include
    democracies from everywhere.
        Ambassador Power. I think the more demographically and
    culturally and regionally representative we can be in general
    in talking about democracy and human rights the better.
        The progress I was able to make as U.N. ambassador on LGBTQ
    rights would not have happened without the leadership of Latin
    American countries, who were at the forefront there.
        So I agree with the premise of your question. I am just not
    familiar with what the plans are for the summit.
        Senator Kaine. Thank you. I do not have any other
    questions, Mr. Chair. Thanks.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Young?
        Senator Young. Welcome, Ambassador, and congratulations on
    your nomination.
        Ambassador Power. Thank you.
        Senator Young. As you know, the People's Republic of China
    is using development dollars to advance its foreign policy
    goals through programs like the Belt and Road Initiative.
        Some have proposed expanding DFC's work to enable it to
    more effectively combat China's investments by targeting
    middle-income countries or perhaps utilizing DSC to support the
    export of U.S.-made emerging technologies.
        Whether through USAID or DFC, it is absolutely essential
    that our development dollars, I think, be used to advance our
    geostrategic priorities.
        So, Ambassador, how would you like to see our development
    agencies improved so that we are able to more effectively
    compete with China?
        Ambassador Power. Thank you.
        The way in which, and I alluded to this in my opening
    statement, but that China is using its economic leverage and
    heft not only to, in often a predatory way, but not only to
    change governing practices within countries but in my old place
    of work the United Nations to actually leverage those financial
    commitments to change the rules of the road altogether and to
    water down international human rights commitments and so forth,
    for fear that those laws and norms will be used against China.
    It warrants urgent, immediate, and well-resourced attention.
        I think you asked about improvement and I am, again,
    incredibly impressed with what USAID staff have done and was
    very impressed with the leadership of Mark Green in this area.
        I think you and Senator Coons and others have worked on
    making the DFC a much more powerful tool in the American
    toolbox. I think increasing coordination between the Millennium
    Challenge Corporation, the DFC, USAID, and the range of other
    development actors is one answer.
        I think recognizing our comparative advantages--you know,
    we actually believe in local self-reliance. That is what we are
    working toward. We want countries not to be dependent on
    international assistance.
        So the investments we make are in their ability to have
    agency and to dictate their own affairs. This is very----
        Senator Young. Sure.
        Ambassador Power [continuing]. Different, I think, than the
    China model. Go ahead, sir.
        Senator Young. No. So you mentioned local self-reliance. I
    am going to get into that momentarily since you brought that
    up.
        Might you support expanding DFC's mission to target areas
    in the developed world where China is attempting to make
    inroads?
        Ambassador Power. I would want to look into that and hear
    from you and others, just, again, having not worked yet within
    the administration or dug into DFC-related questions, if I
    could.
        But I think, certainly, the question for American foreign
    policy, broadly, is not only, you know, how do we deal with
    China in sub-Saharan Africa and the inroads they are making
    there, but across the developed world as well.
        Senator Young. You mentioned self-reliance, that emphasis
    on making countries self-reliant, I think, is itself an
    advantage, right, because all people--so I think not just most
    people but all people want to be more self-reliant, less
    reliant upon foreign nations and others. It is sort of wired
    into our DNA.
        How would you say America's national security interests are
    helped by making countries more self-reliant? Is that
    consistent with your thinking?
        Ambassador Power. Absolutely consistent with my thinking,
    and I think you put your finger on it. It is you cannot travel
    the world and talk to individuals, whether they are those who
    are receiving U.N. food assistance or those receiving technical
    assistance in a government ministry, without being struck by
    how eager they are to not be dependent on international
    assistance, and I think that is something USAID staff have
    taken to heart. So----
        Senator Young. Is there--is there a way that we might, or
    how should we measure self-reliance?
        Ambassador Power. Well, I think domestic resource
    mobilization is something that USAID has invested a lot in, so
    making sure that countries are able to collect their own tax,
    infrastructure, strengthening the rule of law, so that there is
    an ability, you know, not only for NGOs to hold governmental
    actors accountable for potential corruption or malfeasance but
    also the courts, and making sure there is an independent
    judiciary. So work in those domains, I think, is one----
        Senator Young. Then, lastly, in summary fashion, I will
    just ask you, how would you use your seat on the Development
    Finance Corporation's executive board to ensure that DFC and
    USAID's complementary missions are furthering achieving self-
    reliance in our targeted countries?
        Ambassador Power. I really look forward to that individual
    being named, nominated, confirmed, and sitting down with them.
    I think a critical answer to your question about China but also
    our larger question about just enhancing development for the
    sake of U.S. security and prosperity lies in that partnership.
        And the resources that DFC bring to bear but also,
    specifically, they bring to bear what countries most want,
    which is private sector investment and, really, to move away
    from assistance to a more equal relationship of that nature.
        Senator Young. Thank you, Ambassador. I will be submitting
    some questions for the record about Burma.
        Ambassador Power. Okay. Thank you.
        Senator Young. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you. I understand that Senator Schatz
    is with us virtually.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you,
    Ambassador, for being willing to serve. Again, thank you to
    your family.
        USAID is already leading in climate in our foreign
    assistance. We see that in the work of the bureaus, the various
    offices, and the regional missions.
        But I do think there is more that we can do to make sure
    that there is leadership at the top to help to steer the
    agencies' climate work so there is an advocate for consistent
    and reliable funding, and someone to establish a clear set of
    priorities for USAID's mission.
        Can you talk about where we might make some permanent
    structural changes at USAID so that our emphasis on climate is
    embedded into our budget, our priorities, and our objectives,
    going forward, and so that it does not swing back and forth
    depending on who is the president of the United States?
        Ambassador Power. Thank you, Senator, and thank you for
    your leadership on climate.
        I am struck by how much work is already being done, and you
    are alluding to this at USAID as it relates to disaster risk
    reduction, helping those countries that want to transition to
    clean energy or to lower their carbon emissions, above all,
    dealing with something that I know you have worked on in the
    Pacific Island context, which is mitigation and adaptation
    for--especially with Pacific Island countries, those countries
    that are only a few feet above sea level and really suffering
    devastating effects of climate events and just the rising sea
    levels.
        But you asked a question more about the sort of
    bureaucratic instantiation of these efforts. I think, for
    starters, I will want to get smarter at a granular level about
    what USAID is already doing and was doing under the prior
    administration.
        I think, as well, thinking through what it means to
    acknowledge that climate touches just about every aspect of
    USAID programming, from food security to displacement and
    humanitarian emergency to we had an exchange earlier about
    conflict and the causes of conflict and how we can address root
    causes.
        So given that, what is the appropriate bureaucratic sort of
    structure for that disaster risk reduction, adaptation,
    mitigation, emissions reduction expertise? You know, what is
    the best way to channel all the expertise that exists within
    the building so that it is reflective of the fact that this
    expertise needs to permeate so many domains?
        And so I do not have an answer for you today, Senator. If
    you have ideas, I would love to hear them. But I think it is
    incredibly important to make sure that the structure is fit for
    purpose at this moment.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you.
        I want to stay in Oceania and talk a little bit about not
    disaster response but disaster preparation. You know, the
    United States government is very effective in disaster
    response.
        I think of the Fukushima Daiichi earthquake and tsunami. I
    think of the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami that impacted coastal
    Thailand, among other places, and, of course, we were there for
    the rescue.
        But for such a small amount of money, we were able to
    prevent some of these disasters. Obviously, the natural
    disasters are unpreventable, but for the simple price of about
    $500,000, we were able to deploy some sea level gauges so that
    people would get early warning about tsunamis and save life.
        And I just wonder how you are looking at not just disaster
    response and mitigation in terms of hard infrastructure, but
    especially early warning systems and those relatively easy to
    deploy and inexpensive to purchase the kinds of assistance that
    really help island nations, and whether USAID would be amenable
    to really taking a look throughout Oceania about that.
        Ambassador Power. I cannot wait to dig into that set of
    questions, if I am confirmed. I do--I did read a little bit
    about it, just as I was been preparing these last weeks for
    this hearing.
        And, as you said, just with such modest financial
    investments, I read about these beetles that were working with
    NOAA to provide countries that, in low connectivity areas,
    allow people to communicate warnings of extreme weather events
    to come.
        I think that is just a great example of the kinds of uses
    of technology, the uses of satellites, the uses of surveillance
    that we can bring to bear to mitigate harms.
        So eager, all ears, and look forward to hearing more about
    what USAID staff, which have been so creative in this domain,
    have already done.
        Senator Schatz. Sea level gauges, DART buoys, drones for
    reconnaissance and disaster response--all of these are really
    inexpensive, even in the context of USAID but, certainly, in
    the context of our overall foreign aid and defense budget.
        So I look forward to working with you on all these things.
    Thank you, Ambassador.
        Ambassador Power. Thank you, Senator.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        I understand Senator Hagerty is with us virtually.
        Senator Hagerty. Yes, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Ambassador, I would like to commend your two children for
    attending today. I know that it takes a lot for a family to be
    as supportive as they have been of their parents, and I hope
    they obtain a great civics lesson today and I commend them for
    joining you and for being so supportive of your service.
        To the extent that the United States spends development
    funds overseas, I know we all want to make certain that those
    funds are spent in a manner that is efficient and as effective
    as possible at serving our interest.
        So I would like to turn our attention to women's
    empowerment. As you know, to the extent that women flourish in
    a nation their economies flourish, their democracies flourish,
    and we tend to see more stability.
        The previous administration put together a tremendous
    program, the Women's Global Development and Prosperity
    Initiative, and Congress has allocated some $200 million this
    fiscal year.
        It enjoys great bipartisan support from this committee. And
    I think it has tremendous potential.
        Ambassador, I would like to ask you, first, if you are
    aware of this program, and then further, how would you go about
    the implementation and making sure that we see this program
    through as it is intended?
        Ambassador Power. Thank you, Senator, just to
    wholeheartedly agree with your various premises about the link
    between women's empowerment and education and increased GDPs.
    Peace processes last longer if women are included in at the
    table.
        As to the program that you are referencing, I have,
    certainly, read about it. I would like, if I could, to dig into
    it, again, if I am fortunate enough to be confirmed, and look
    at also how it fits alongside other USAID investments, for
    example, in girls' education, in other efforts to catalyze
    entrepreneurship for women and girls.
        But, again, I share your premises and happy to consult with
    you on that, going forward.
        Senator Hagerty. Well, I appreciate that, and I would
    underscore that this is a terrific program and I think it has
    tremendous potential. So I hope that it will take a premier
    role as you evaluate what you may do, if confirmed, in the
    implementation of programs that will help advance our interest
    overseas.
        Along those same lines, I would like to shift gears and
    talk a bit about nations that are vulnerable to Chinese
    influence and, specifically, the implementation of Chinese
    technology into their networks and their infrastructure.
        Are there things that you might be able to accomplish, that
    USAID could accomplish, that would help make these nations less
    vulnerable to Chinese penetration, to help them stand up
    against the--this sort of incentivization that the Chinese
    often will give to get other types of benefits? Can you address
    that concern, please?
        Ambassador Power. Thank you.
        Well, I think some of the answer is diplomatic. You know,
    the last administration, I think, exerted a lot of diplomatic
    pressure on countries and some of it was proved, I think,
    ultimately effective. For example, the United Kingdom reversing
    its prior decision on Huawei and 5G.
        So I look forward to working with Secretary Blinken in that
    regard. But also, I had a couple exchanges earlier, sir, about
    the comparative advantages of USAID assistance and U.S.
    development assistance, more broadly, and I do think the fact
    that we stand for digital and secure--secure and open digital
    infrastructure is a comparative advantage.
        It is something that aligns with the aspirations of
    hundreds of millions of people around the world, and so part of
    the investments that USAID makes in civil society and in
    nongovernmental actors, part of our work with the DFC, knowing
    how much countries value private sector investment from the
    United States.
        I think linking these conversations and recognizing that
    for American companies, for example, the investment climate is
    more hospitable in the event of an open and secure digital
    infrastructure. I think that can be part of our leverage
    alongside questions of how USAID spends--expends its resources.
        Senator Hagerty. Well, I appreciate your time and effort
    looking at how we might better leverage our position to ensure
    that the networks around the globe remain free and clear.
        Thank you very much for your time.
        Ambassador Power. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        I understand Senator Van Hollen is with us virtually.
        Senator Van Hollen. Yes. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and
    Ranking Member, for this hearing. And, Madam Ambassador, it is
    great to see you. Thank you for your past service to our
    country and for your willingness to serve again in this
    capacity, if confirmed, and it is great to see your family.
        Senator Murphy and I have proposed a new foreign policy
    budget to really meet the needs of this century in the year
    2021, recognizing that many of the threats that we face are
    transnational, global, from climate change to pandemics to
    cybersecurity, and we look forward to working with you to
    explore that budget.
        It includes a significant increase in the budget for AID,
    among other things, and part of the idea is also to combat what
    Senator Hagerty was just discussing, which is China's very
    active and aggressive effort to export its model of
    authoritarianism to the developing world through a number of
    instruments, including debt trap diplomacy, the Belt and Road
    Initiative.
        Their focus has been on sort of major infrastructure
    projects and, you know, decades ago, AID was also very focused
    on building larger infrastructure projects.
        If you could just comment on how you see the role of AID in
    the developing world in the context of China's ongoing efforts,
    but with the toolbox that you have. I mean, should we consider
    changing the mix in our toolbox as we go forward and how do you
    see that challenge?
        Ambassador Power. Thank you, Senator.
        Understandably, this has come up a good bit today, just as
    it comes up every day in the world, and I should say thank you
    to you and Senator Murphy for looking into this question of how
    development diplomacy, our foreign affairs budget, should be
    tailored for this moment.
        So I look forward to seeing what comes of that exercise. I
    have seen the preliminary numbers, but look forward to more.
        You know, I think that the phrase I keep coming back to is
    comparative advantage, and you alluded to debt trap diplomacy.
        I think, you know, on the one hand, this has been a year of
    tremendous Chinese expansionism and aggressiveness when it
    comes to developing countries and when it comes to its near
    abroad as well. We have seen that in Hong Kong. We have seen it
    in the South China Sea. We have seen it on the Indian border.
        But it has not gone that well for China. Their--you
    actually see, you know, very poor polling when it comes to
    China's standing in the world. Even with the donations of
    protective gear in light of the COVID pandemic, you do not see
    increases in soft power.
        Quite the contrary, in light of COVID and the status of the
    global economy and how much different countries have suffered
    from that, and I think it is in part because people recognize
    that this coercive and predatory approach, which is so
    transactional and, seemingly, not really rooted in encouraging
    countries to achieve their own destinies, their own development
    objectives.
        I think it is not going over that well, and that creates an
    opening for the United States. I think our comparative
    advantages are our support for accountable governance, which
    aligns with what citizens want worldwide, our ability to not
    only bring in the DFC but, in parallel, private sector
    investments, which countries hunger for, the fact that we are
    carrying out programming that is supportive of various
    countries' environmental objectives, so many of these countries
    cherish the natural resources that they have been given.
        And so I think our approach, which is helping them sustain
    those resources rather than pillaging them, is something that
    also gives us a comparative advantage.
        So I can go on and, again, I think it is country specific
    in terms of how the programming should be tailored. But,
    fundamentally, it is about supporting those countries achieve
    their objectives and their goals of becoming self-reliant and
    not being dependent on assistance.
        Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. I also want to
    follow up briefly on the line of questioning from Senator Coons
    regarding our role in working with others in the world to
    defeat the coronavirus.
        As you indicated, the COVAX facility, we hope, will
    vaccinate about 20 percent of the developing world. But it is
    in their interest and in our interest, obviously, to stop the
    spread of variants as quickly as possible, variants that could,
    potentially, you know, become more immune to vaccines. And then
    there is the economic fallout, both in those countries and the
    global economy.
        What do you see as AID's role specifically in trying to
    expand the vaccination effort and the use of excess U.S.
    vaccine supplies?
        Ambassador Power. Well, because it will be some time before
    everyone is vaccinated in the world and in the developing
    world, it is really important not to lose sight of the
    diagnostic and the treatment support that we can offer, the
    support as well as we go in rebuilding health infrastructure
    that has been completely overwhelmed by the human costs of this
    pandemic.
        I also think, you know, there is no question that the
    humanitarian toll when it comes to severe malnutrition is going
    to be substantial, and USAID, of course, brings great assets
    when it comes to meeting humanitarian emergencies and
    supporting organizations like the World Food Programme and
    others in meeting food needs and humanitarian needs.
        So I think there is--to look at the pandemic both as the
    vaccination challenge, which we have talked about earlier, as a
    treatment challenge, but then not to lose sight of the fact
    that measles and TB and polio treatments and vaccines, all of
    those have lagged behind, and nor to lose sight of the need to
    ensure that this is the last pandemic that does this kind of
    damage and to be building again in the infrastructure that
    these countries need to be able to fend for themselves in the
    future.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Madam Ambassador.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Murphy?
        Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Good to
    see you, Ambassador. Thank you for your willingness to serve
    again.
        Let me just quickly associate myself with a few comments
    and lines of questioning from other members on the committee.
        First, let me join with Senator Young in recommending that
    you play a forceful role at the DFC with respect to increasing
    their capability to be able to finance projects abroad. We
    have, obviously, targeted DFC's financing towards the
    developing world for good reason.
        But China plays a different game. We carved out a billion
    dollars through legislation written by myself and Senator
    Johnson about a year ago to allow for energy projects to be
    financed in nondeveloping countries.
        I think we are going to have to continue to expand the
    aperture when it comes to the type of countries and type of
    economies the DFC is able to do business in in order to compete
    with China.
        Let me just associate myself with Senator van Hollen's
    comments. You and I have talked ad nauseam about the need to
    dramatically increase our nonmilitary toolkit, and now you will
    be in a perfect position to advocate for those resources.
        My hope is that the administration, when it submits its
    budget, you know, will make a substantial down payment on those
    smart power tools. Just no way to compete with China or prevent
    the next pandemic or fight climate change if you are still
    funding, you know, more employees at military grocery stores
    than diplomats representing America abroad.
        My lines of questioning are on the ability of USAID to be
    able to be nimble enough to meet the changing nature of very
    complex challenges.
        The first is on the topic of how we get our USAID team
    outside the wire. We have significantly downsized--as an
    example, we have significantly downsized our embassy in
    Baghdad. I think right now we have four USAID officers
    overseeing a billion dollars of funding there.
        But it is not unfamiliar what is happening there. All over
    the world we are having a harder time getting our diplomats and
    our economic development officers outside of embassies.
        Second, we also have a lack of flexibility in the way that
    USAID can deploy funds. Congress tends to compartmentalize and
    earmark dollars so that when a challenge pops up it is
    difficult for the USAID administrator to put the dollars into
    the place that really needs it.
        So I wondered if you would talk for a second about the need
    to be able to move USAID personnel around to places that need
    to see American presence but also the need for Congress to work
    with you to try to give some more flexibility to the accounts
    that you are going to oversee.
        Ambassador Power. Thank you, Senator. Both such important
    questions.
        So when it comes to the circumstance for USAID personnel
    and U.S. diplomatic personnel, as you know, it is very
    challenging, with more conflicts happening than any point since
    the end of the Cold War.
        With extremists, you know, who do harbor depending on,
    again, where we are talking about can harbor ill intent towards
    U.S. personnel, you know, we need to take security precautions
    and keep our personnel safe.
        At the same time, you will never meet people more eager to
    be out in the communities where the beneficiaries of U.S.
    programming are than USAID's personnel. I mean, that is what
    drew these extraordinary men and women to this agency in the
    first place.
        You know, many of them are former Peace Corps volunteers or
    people who have taught English when they were, you know,
    practically in high school, you know, living in these
    communities.
        So I think--I look forward to working with Secretary
    Blinken and our security professionals to being sure that we
    have the balance right there.
        And then when it comes to flexibility in deploying funds, I
    do think this relates to the conversation that we have been
    having about China. You know, we--and actually, the Ranking
    Member Risch and I spoke about this a little bit in his office
    yesterday--we want our assistance to be fit for purpose.
        We want our rules and regulations to be fit for purpose. We
    need to be accountable to the American people, given the
    generosity and the spirit behind the investments that are being
    made through USAID.
        I, certainly, if confirmed, want to be responsive to the
    objectives that people have up here, and that is why you see a
    lot of those earmarks is that people have strong commitments
    and want to see particular programming.
        And from what I can tell, you know, that is the kind of
    programming that I would wish to see as well. But we really do
    need to make sure that we are able to move quickly.
        I know Administrator Green made some inroads on this issue.
    But I do think there is more to be done to make sure that we
    are--we are able to be a 21st century agency meeting the
    challenges of the moment.
        Senator Murphy. Agree. Circumstances change, and these days
    they change very quickly, and so I think there is probably a
    way for us to maintain accountability for funds, maintain
    programmatic earmarking but, perhaps, allow for a little bit
    more flexibility with regard to country and geography.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Cruz?
        Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Ambassador, welcome.
        Ambassador Power. Thank you.
        Senator Cruz. So, Ambassador, you and I have had a good
    working relationship. We had a very good conversation in my
    office. We have worked together, in particular, concerning
    humanitarian crises and dissidents.
        I appreciated your willingness when serving as U.N.
    ambassador to speak out for Meriam Ibrahim, who was wrongfully
    imprisoned in Sudan and sentenced to torture and death for the
    crime of being a Christian, and you showed courage speaking out
    for her.
        As you know, I was very frustrated President Obama would
    not speak out for her, but I was grateful that you did. But I
    also had very significant disagreements with you during your
    time as U.N. ambassador and nowhere were those disagreements
    stronger then concerning Israel and concerning Iran.
        Concerning Israel, I think, perhaps, the most shameful
    moment of the Obama administration was after the election in
    November of 2016 and was the Security Council's passage of
    Resolution 2334, which I do not think it is coincidental that
    the Security Council passed it after the presidential election
    and not before.
        And that resolution was passed with, at best, the
    acquiescence of the United States and of you as U.N. Ambassador
    and, at worst, the active encouragement of the Obama
    administration and you, as U.N. Ambassador.
        I believe Resolution 2334 is a pile of lies, that it is a
    resolution that is motivated by anti-Semitism, by hatred for
    Israel. Resolution 2334 declares much of modern-day Israel is
    illegitimate and illegally occupied territory.
        It declares the Jewish Quarter in Jerusalem as illegitimate
    and illegally-occupied territory. It declares the Wailing Wall
    as illegitimate and illegally-occupied territory.
        The much-circulated picture of President Obama in a
    yarmulke paying respects at the Wailing Wall, to see the Obama
    administration put through a resolution designed to attack
    Israel, was quite dismaying.
        So I guess my first question is, do you agree with
    Resolution 2334?
        Ambassador Power. Thank you, Senator.
        I had--there were two sort of guiding principles that I
    relied upon as U.N. ambassador as it relates to Israel. The
    first was to combat bias and anti-Semitism and the unfair way
    that Israel has been treated at the U.N. and is treated at the
    U.N., and the second, following President Obama's direction, of
    course, was to preserve space for a two-state solution.
        I want to make sure I have the chance to just describe a
    little bit what I did, and I am disappointed we did not get to
    talk about this in your office, what I did in the first
    category because I think your question does not reflect the
    reality of my four years at U.N.----
        Senator Cruz. With respect, Ambassador Power, the time is
    limited----
        Ambassador Power. Right.
        Senator Cruz [continuing]. And so if you could just answer
    the question I asked. Do you agree with Resolution 2334?
        I recognize you may well have done other things that were
    positive concerning Israel. I am focused on this action at the
    United Nations.
        Ambassador Power. I just would like to get on the record
    that under my leadership we secured Yom Kippur as a U.N.
    holiday. We convened the first ever General Assembly condemning
    anti-Semitism in the same chamber as the Zionism is racism
    resolution was passed decades before.
        And we integrated Israel in a way that had never been done
    before: chairing committees, being able to actually be part of
    groups from which they had been traditionally excluded.
        I do not think there is a record that looks as substantial
    when it comes to integrating Israel.
        On the resolution itself, it is a resolution in keeping
    with President Obama's desire to encourage the parties to avoid
    unilateral steps, including terrorism, incitement to violence,
    and the building of settlements.
        Those dimensions of the resolution--I think, if you read my
    explanation of vote at the time, the problem with the
    resolution and the reason President Obama decided to abstain
    was, by and large, the venue because the U.N. has been so
    biased, because they are 18 General Assembly----
        Senator Cruz. So let us get to a little bit more
    granularity.
        Ambassador Power. Yeah.
        Senator Cruz. Do you believe the Jewish Quarter in
    Jerusalem is illegitimate and illegally-occupied territory?
        Ambassador Power. I do not.
        Senator Cruz. So do you disagree with the substance of
    Resolution 2334? Because that is what it says?
        Ambassador Power. Senator, President Obama's desire was to
    encourage the parties to avoid unilateral steps. That is the
    essence of that resolution and I think the reason that he made
    the judgment to instruct me to abstain.
        Senator Cruz. So encouraging the party to--parties to avoid
    unilateral steps. Resolution 2334 was a unilateral step. Israel
    had no say in it. It was a step taken by the enemies of Israel
    to condemn Israel.
        Ambassador Power. Again, the desire that animated me in my
    time at the U.N. was to fight bias and to preserve space for a
    two-state solution.
        Senator Cruz. Okay. A final question. Can you please
    describe the role played by Iran and by the Houthis, in
    particular, in deepening the humanitarian crisis in Yemen and
    assess whether the Biden administration's moves to relieve
    terrorism sanctions on the Houthis has played a role in that
    humanitarian crisis?
        Ambassador Power. The Houthis, when I was at the United
    Nations, the Houthi overran a sovereign government, used
    military force for territorial acquisition, have used food as a
    weapon of war.
        I mean, again, I am on record condemning Houthi actions and
    specifically, again, the use of humanitarian aid. I think the
    challenge is the vast majority of Yemenis live under Houthi
    control at the moment unless and until there is a political
    settlement.
        And so it is really important, given that that is the
    world's largest humanitarian catastrophe right now, that we
    find a way to get food to those vulnerable people.
        The Chairman. Thank you very much.
        Senator Cruz. But the Biden administration's lifting the
    terrorism sanction----
        The Chairman. The senator's time has expired, and----
        Senator Cruz. I was just asking her to answer the question.
        The Chairman. I know. I have let more time than other
    colleagues.
        Senator Cruz. Okay. I would still like her to ask the
    question.
        The Chairman. I am sure you can submit it for the record
    and you will get a response.
        Senator Cruz. Okay. So you do not----
        The Chairman. No, I want to observe the time I have for
    everybody else.
        Senator Cruz. She could still----
        The Chairman. Senator Booker?
        Senator Booker. I am really grateful. We are all juggling
    hearings today and I appreciate the yielding of my friend from
    Texas and the considerations of our chairperson on a tight day.
        I am very happy to see Ambassador Power. I have known her
    for years. She is a woman of extraordinary integrity,
    commitment, and has lived a life of service to our nation on
    many fronts that no matter what your political bias is it is
    laudatory the kind of dedication she has had to the best
    interest of America and issues of human rights and human
    decency.
        I want to ask Ambassador Power, really quickly, about the--
    around the issue of preventing future pandemics. Last week, it
    was reported that wildlife farms that were encouraged by the
    communist Chinese government to breed exotic animals were most
    likely the source of the COVID-19 pandemic.
        The senior senator from Texas and I--Senator Cornyn--
    introduced a bill called the Preventing Future Pandemics Act,
    which authorizes funding to USAID to work on reducing demand
    for consumption of wildlife from wildlife markets.
        Will you work with us to reduce the global demand for
    wildlife that could lead to another zoonotic disease outbreak
    and will you work with us to invest in food systems and
    alternative sources of food protein to move food-insecure
    communities away from the consumption of wildlife?
        Ambassador Power. Yes, Senator, and I appreciate the
    integrated approach that that you bring to this issue, the idea
    that environmental, agricultural, health--that these sectors
    can be separated, I think, is--has been proven anachronistic
    and, if confirmed, part of my challenge at USAID is to bring
    about that integration and make sure that our experts are
    working together across what have been silos in the not so
    recent past.
        Senator Booker. Thank you.
        Ambassador, I know, from a friendship with you spanning
    from years, that you are--you have an incredible and courageous
    empathy for humanitarian crises around this planet and I know
    how seriously you take that.
        We are in the midst right now in 2021 with a record 235
    million people who are in need of humanitarian assistance and
    protection. That is an increase of 40 percent since 2020.
        I am really honored to be working with Senator Young. He
    and I co-chair a task force at CSIS to look at the humanitarian
    access, which has been increasingly constrained as violent
    conflict has escalated.
        The NGO partners we worked with identified both
    international--in other words, the willful obstruction by
    governments, as we are seeing, frankly, in Ethiopia, and
    bureaucratic obstruction of humanitarian access.
        And the humanitarian groups really argued to Senator Young
    and I that in the complicated environments like Yemen and
    Syria, Somalia, Afghanistan, northeast Nigeria, and elsewhere,
    compliance with some USAID policies related to potential
    materiel support to terrorist groups has made it nearly
    impossible to operate.
        And so in my final question to you and respectful of the
    time of other senators, I just want to know, can you outline
    the steps that you are going to take to work internally at
    USAID and with colleagues at the State Department to try to
    streamline and improve the regulatory process itself so that
    humanitarian NGOs are really on a sound legal footing when
    carrying out humanitarian assistance that is funded by the
    United States?
        And will you work with us to find ways to ease some of the
    regulatory burdens on frontline humanitarian NGOs to make sure
    they are on legal--sound legal footing in carrying out
    humanitarian assistance funded by the U.S.?
        Ambassador Power. Thank you. Thank you so much. My
    gratitude to our partners working in those difficult
    environments and my gratitude to USAID staff who do the same at
    great risk.
        I think part of the reason that you are seeing humanitarian
    access denied is a sense of impunity on the part of various
    actors, and it does create immense challenges for our partners
    on the ground.
        With regard to vetting and the challenges of complying with
    regulations and certification, I think, Senator, that is
    something absolutely I would love to sit down with you and talk
    through.
        I think we have to make sure that our--we are doing
    everything in our power to ensure that our assistance reaches
    our intended beneficiaries, given the kinds of actors that
    inhabit these conflict areas.
        At the same time, if there are efficiencies to be achieved,
    of course, we would strive to achieve them. So absolutely happy
    to sit down with you and talk that through, consistent, again,
    with following the law and the requirements that this body has
    put forward.
        Senator Booker. I look forward to that partnership. I
    yield. But I would like to just say I am so grateful to the
    state of New Jersey for giving me the privilege of being a
    United States senator.
        I will count it as one of the great honors of my experience
    as a senator to vote for your confirmation on the Senate floor.
        You are an extraordinary human being that will do not just
    the United States proud but the world proud with what I believe
    will be extraordinary efforts to make this planet more just for
    humanity.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for indulging me.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Barrasso?
        Senator Barrasso. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
        Congratulations. Good to see you. The kids have grown up
    since you were last here. Cass is behind you, and as you say,
    he is----
        Ambassador Power. He has not grown up.
        Senator Barrasso. No. No.
        [Laughter.]
        Senator Barrasso. I would like to--if I could--before I
    start on some other questions, just if you could please answer
    Senator Cruz's question about if, when the Biden administration
    lifted the terrorism sanctions on the Houthis if that made the
    humanitarian crisis worse.
        Ambassador Power. In lifting the designation--that is an
    empirical question. I do not have an answer to the question and
    I had not heard the full question before. So I do not know the
    answer to that question.
        Senator Barrasso. I want to move to energy development in
    Africa. You know, worldwide 840 million people are living
    without electricity. Five hundred and seventy-three million
    live in--of these live in sub-Saharan Africa.
        Power Africa was launched to increase the number of people
    with access to power. Energy development can lift people out of
    poverty, improve their education, health, well-being. On my
    multiple trips to Africa, what I see is humanitarian problems
    when they do not have electricity, when they do not have power,
    whether it is to charge a phone or to deliver a baby and use
    the suction apparatus at the time of the birth of the baby
    with--it can make the difference between life and death.
        So developing countries desperately need access to a steady
    supply of affordable reliable electricity to support their
    economic growth as well. So, you know, people back home in
    Wyoming know firsthand the benefits of developing abundant
    energy resources.
        The solution to ending energy poverty does not lie in
    limiting options but, I believe, using all available options. I
    mean, you read about the most threatening environmental hazard
    to people it is--it is cook smoke. It is indoor smoke because
    they are using dung and wood to cook indoors.
        I think we have to be diligent in promoting all-of-the-
    above energy strategy that helps alleviate energy poverty.
        So will you commit to helping developing countries use all
    energy resources, including coal and oil and natural gas, so
    they can get electricity?
        Ambassador Power. Senator, I know that many of our
    partners, you know, are seeking to transition, in part because
    of pollution. I think Power Africa, and grateful from afar for
    the last four years for your leadership on Power Africa.
        I think it has been a tremendous boon to many communities,
    both in poverty alleviation and in providing energy.
        I gather that more than 18 million new power connections
    for homes and businesses have been established through Power
    Africa and that means first-time energy access for more than 88
    million people in sub-Saharan Africa.
        You know, on the specifics of what the energy sources are,
    if I could--if I could get back to you I would be grateful.
    Again, I know that there has been a shift over time, including
    in the last administration, toward renewable sources. But I
    also know that the all-of-the-above approach has been one that
    has been the standard since the inception.
        Senator Barrasso. Well, there have been issues about what
    loans would be made to which countries, and China is rushing in
    with--if the United States does not want to be active in
    providing opportunities for affordable energy, China is happy
    to become a partner with many countries that, I think, are ones
    that we would rather those be working with us, and sometimes
    the purity of the climate alarmists, as I call them, is harmful
    to the economic needs and the health needs of people in these
    areas, parts of the world.
        Moving ahead, due to coronavirus, countries all around the
    globe are struggling to support the health and safety of their
    citizens. We see that--you have seen it firsthand.
        There are limited resources to address incredible and
    growing needs that we just heard about from Senator Booker.
    Given the increasing needs for humanitarian assistance, global
    health, and food insecurity, I am concerned that precious
    resources are going to be redirected away from that in terms of
    focusing on international climate change. Will climate change
    be your top priority as the administrator of USAID?
        Ambassador Power. Well, as you know, climate-related events
    and the changing climate and the warmer climate is affecting
    USAID returns on investments. You know, more droughts have made
    an impact on our agricultural and food security programming.
        So I think what we would be looking to do is within current
    programming, for example, on food security, to think about
    climate resilience.
        You know, when it comes to humanitarian emergency funding,
    you know, since there are more natural disasters happening
    statistically, as a general rule, each year, thinking about how
    to do disaster risk reduction, so there is less damage.
        And so we, thus, you know, need to provide less
    humanitarian emergency funding because buildings were built
    more securely in the first instance. So I think it is less a
    zero sum trade off and more about integration.
        Senator Barrasso. Mr. Chairman, my time is expired. Thank
    you.
        The Chairman. Ambassador, I am going to just draw your
    attention to a few things. I am going to submit those questions
    for the record. I would like a substantive response to them
    instead of going through it here. But I want to draw your
    attention to just a couple things.
        We have challenges in the hemisphere, like Venezuela and
    Colombia, and I would like to hear your assessment on how AID
    can provide development assistance to countries like Colombia
    that are hosting refugees and doing a good neighbor and a
    hemispheric good neighbor.
        But I think we need to help countries like that that are in
    the midst of doing that.
        Second, I would like to draw your attention to the
    challenges that the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh
    continues to face in the light of last fall's attack by
    Azerbaijan.
        In the short term, USAID can help address food, water,
    health care, and COVID assistance need, particularly for
    displaced Armenians. But I am concerned the U.S. has not done
    enough to date.
        So I would like to look forward to hearing from you on
    that. I would like to hear from you how the administration
    seeks to address the interconnected security governance and
    climate-related crises that are feeding the humanitarian
    emergency in the Sahel.
        And then lastly, I would like to draw your attention to the
    U.S.-India relationship. We introduced the prioritizing clean
    energy and climate cooperation with India to boost U.S.-India
    cooperation. I would like to hear the role you envision USAID
    playing in boosting U.S.-India cooperation on clean energy.
        And last, last year's appropriation omnibus authorized the
    USAID administrator to establish the United States-India
    Gandhi-King Development Foundation, which would attract public
    and private capital to fund grants to address development
    priorities in India. I would like to hear your views on that
    foundation.
        So we will submit those for the record. If you give us a
    substantive response, I would appreciate it.
        I want to salute Declan and Rian, who have done such an
    extraordinary job of listening to all these in-depth questions
    and had patience through this whole period of time.
        As the hearing comes to a close today, I want to thank
    Ambassador Power for her time and her thoughtful testimony. It
    is my intention, working with the ranking member, to hold the
    markup for Ambassador Power as soon as possible after the
    recess.
        The record will remain open until Thursday, March 25th. I
    would urge you to answer any questions that are submitted for
    the record so that you can be in a position to be considered at
    a business markup.
        With thanks to the committee, this hearing is adjourned.

        [Whereupon, at 11:53 a.m., the committee was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Samantha Power by Senator Robert Menendez

    Refugees from Venezuela
        Question. I support a strong U.S. response to the Venezuela
    humanitarian crisis given the regional implications, particularly for
    neighboring Colombia, which has received the vast majority of
    Venezuelan migrants and refugees.

       While the State Department leads on the refugee and migrant
            response (with the exception of food aid), what is your
            assessment of how USAID can provide development assistance in
            countries hosting large numbers of refugees?

        Answer. Thank you for your support. USAID works closely with the
    State Department to coordinate response efforts across Latin America
    and the Caribbean, as these countries have received an unprecedented
    number of migrants and refugees from Venezuela. Since 2018, USAID has
    provided more than $298 million in humanitarian assistance supporting
    Venezuelan migrants, refugees, and host communities in Colombia with
    food assistance, direct cash assistance, and health support. USAID is
    also supporting the long-term development challenges in Colombia
    resulting from the Venezuelan migration crisis. In Colombia, I gather
    that USAID has dedicated more than $77 million in development funding
    to provide long-term assistance for Venezuelan migrant receptor
    communities with the aim of expanding health, education, and justice
    services. Colombia recently granted ten years of legal status to all
    Venezuelan refugees who have fled to the country, making it possible
    for Venezuelans to live and work openly. This is an important step for
    Colombia to harness the economic potential of the many Venezuelans it
    hosts and, if confirmed, I look forward to consulting with you on how
    USAID can support this effort.

    Central America Regional Security Initiative
        Question. The Trump administration sought to include funding for
    reintegration services for migrants returning to Central America as
    part of all of its programming for the region. As a result, existing
    programmatic initiatives such as the Central America Regional Security
    Initiative (CARSI) were significantly distorted to address
    reintegration initiatives for deportees from the United States-
    something never previously conceived to be a part of the CARSI
    framework.

       As USAID Administrator, will you work to ensure that well-
            established initiatives are used for their intended goals, and
            that security initiatives such as CARSI are never utilized for
            deportee reintegration services?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed as USAID Administrator, I will work to
    ensure that well-established initiatives, including CARSI, are used for
    their intended goals.

    Internal Displacement in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras
        Question. Humanitarian organizations report that internal
    displacement in Latin America and the Caribbean has increased over the
    past year as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the region has seen
    an uptick in gang and criminal violence, especially in El Salvador and
    Honduras. Women, children, and LGBTQI+ individuals are at heightened
    risk of violence, intimidation, and forced displacement.

       Given recent commitments by governments in the region to address
            forced displacement, including the early 2020 passage of an
            IDP-focused law in El Salvador, what more can USAID do on the
            humanitarian and development fronts to respond to internal
            displacement in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras?

        Answer. I agree this is a crucial issue. With growing needs from
    COVID-19, food insecurity, and the continued impact of recent
    hurricanes, USAID is looking to further expand humanitarian assistance
    in the region, for example increasing support for child protection.
    Following the hurricanes, USAID has been instrumental in providing
    emergency assistance to internally displaced persons (IDPs) ensuring
    they have safe shelter, food, clean water, health and protection
    services, in addition to helping them recover their livelihoods. The
    Agency utilizes several sets of data to understand internal
    displacement flows and dynamics and inform assistance, such as its
    InfoSegura regional project on security information management,
    implemented with the United Nations Development Program, and the
    International Organization for Migration's displacement and shelter
    mapping. This data collection and analysis informs evidence-based
    policies on human mobility in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras. To
    increase protection for IDPs, USAID's Regional Human Rights Project
    supports strengthening early warning systems that track IDP dynamics,
    preventing and alerting their potential human rights violations,
    including referral programs for possible victims. Such efforts with the
    Guatemalan Human Rights Ombudsman, are now being expanded at the
    regional level through joint work with the human rights ombudsman from
    Honduras and El Salvador. If confirmed, I will ensure that USAID
    remains focused on internal displacement data to inform programming in
    Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador.

    Gender-Based Violence
        Question. Will you ensure that USAID targets gender-based violence
    (GBV) survivors, women at risk of GBV, and LGBTQI+ individuals for
    humanitarian programming in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed as USAID Administrator, I will ensure
    that USAID continues to support gender-based violence (GBV) survivors,
    women at risk of GBV, and LGBTQI+ individuals for humanitarian
    programming in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. I understand that
    in the Northern Triangle, USAID supports civil society and independent
    watchdog institutions to deter human rights abuses, respond to human
    rights violations, and support vulnerable populations. This includes
    forcibly displaced persons, women, children, and youth affected by
    violence and insecurity, indigenous and Afro-descendent communities,
    and LGBTQI+ individuals.

    Nagorno-Karabakh
        Question. The Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh continues to
    face serious challenges in light of last fall's attack by Azerbaijan.
    In the short term, USAID can help address food, water, healthcare, and
    COVID assistance needs, particularly for displaced Armenians.

       If confirmed, what will be your plan of action for providing needed
            assistance to ethnic Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh, including
            those displaced to Armenia, in both the short and long term?

        Answer. This has been a horrific chapter in the lives of the
    civilians impacted by the recent conflict. President Biden has made
    clear his intention to look at enhancing humanitarian assistance in the
    region due to the displacement caused by the conflict. I believe USAID
    has an important role to play in supporting peacebuilding and
    humanitarian efforts, and supporting citizen-responsive governance and
    durable economic growth. If confirmed, I will continue to pursue all
    appropriate avenues for helping the people who are suffering in the
    aftermath of this war. Since September 2020, USAID has provided more
    than $4.5 million in total assistance to effectively respond to the
    complex humanitarian crisis resulting from the Nagorno-Karabakh
    conflict and associated COVID-19 resurgence. USAID provided food,
    shelter, emergency health assistance, and social services to
    communities displaced from Nagorno-Karabakh in Armenia.

        Question. What do you view as the biggest challenge to providing
    assistance at this time, and how will you address that challenge?

        Answer. Both the Armenian government and humanitarian actors
    estimate that 35,000-45,000 spontaneous arrivals will permanently
    remain in Armenia, which is a major challenge moving forward. While the
    displacement situation is dynamic and continues to evolve, USAID
    continues to work closely with the Department of State to assess urgent
    post-conflict humanitarian needs and possible future U.S. Government
    engagement on an ongoing basis.

    The Sahel
        Question. The Sahel region of West Africa is facing a significant
    humanitarian crisis due to armed conflict, poor governance, and the
    impacts of climate change. Last year, the efforts of U.N. and
    humanitarian agencies in the region were severely underfunded.

       How will you, if confirmed, plan to address the interconnected
            security, governance, and climate-related crises that are
            feeding the humanitarian emergency in the Sahel?

        Answer. I am concerned about rising violent extremism, growing
    humanitarian needs, and increasing governance challenges in the Sahel.
    If confirmed, I will ensure USAID continues to align with regional,
    national, and local efforts to expand economic growth, improve human
    capital, counter violent extremism, strengthen governance.., and build
    resilience to climate risks. Gains in these areas will help communities
    be less vulnerable to shocks and violent extremism. Complementing these
    efforts, USAID carries out and coordinates resilience programs with a
    longer term aim to reduce chronic vulnerability that underlie the
    crisis and the need for recurrent humanitarian assistance. These
    investments aim to lift people out of poverty and improve on successful
    interventions to facilitate increased resilience to climate change and
    self-reliance in the Sahel. In addition, the administration will take
    advantage of the authorities provided in the Global Fragility Act to
    move this work forward. If confirmed, I hope to build on USAID programs
    already in place to counter violent extremism in the Sahel. I will also
    continue to work with my counterparts to find effective programming to
    address and combat violent extremism throughout the African continent.

    Support for Cuban Civil Society
        Question. For more than two decades, USAID has co-led U.S.
    government initiatives to promote democracy in civil society, and to
    provide support for courageous human rights defenders, as well as civil
    society leaders and journalists who work independently of the Cuban
    regime.

       As USAID Administrator, what steps will you take to continue this
            important work and ensure U.S. support for human rights
            defenders, independent civil society leaders, and independent
            journalists in Cuba?

        Answer. Cuba is one of the most repressive countries in the world.
    The country is ruled by a dictatorship that flagrantly abuses human
    rights, controls information among its populace, inhibits meaningful
    civil society activity-including free press-and criminalizes political
    dissent. The role of a vibrant civil society continues to be essential
    to Cuban democracy. I gather USAID has a portfolio in place to continue
    supporting a diverse sector of independent activists in Cuba who will
    push for democratic freedoms, including religious freedom. The Agency
    will also continue providing basic needs assistance to political
    prisoners and persecuted activists. USAID-supported NGOs continue to
    defend the human rights of those who are abused and even jailed for
    their political beliefs. If confirmed, I will ensure these critical
    programs continue. Also, as one of my first acts as U.S. Ambassador to
    the UN, I raised the case of Oswaldo Pay  directly with the Cuban
    Foreign Minister, pressing him to allow an independent investigation of
    the circumstances in which Pay  had been killed, and I continued to
    advocate publicly in support of Pay 's family. During my time at the
    UN, I repeatedly called out Cuba for its abhorrent treatment of Cubans
    like Jose Daniel Ferrer, Jose Antonio Torres, Julio Ferrer, and Antonio
    Rodiles. If confirmed, I will continue to speak out against Cuba's
    persecution of its citizens and human rights violations.

    Haiti
        Question. Haiti's humanitarian situation is rapidly deteriorating,
    with the U.N. reporting extremely high levels of food insecurity, a 377
    percent increase in gender-based violence over the past year, and lack
    of access to education.

       What more can USAID do to support protection-related needs, such as
            child protection and prevention, and respond to gender-based
            violence?

        Answer. COVID-19 has had devastating direct and indirect impacts on
    women and children in Haiti. Supporting key initiatives that protect
    and empower vulnerable people is a priority for USAID. If confirmed, I
    will ensure that we continue to build on USAID investments in Haiti
    that support protection-related needs. For example, USAID has provided
    approximately $2.3 million in fiscal year 2020 funding to the United
    Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF) and four non-
    governmental organizations to provide protection services such as
    psychosocial support to Haitian children, families, and frontline
    health care workers affected by COVID-19. In addition to prioritizing
    protection activities, USAID also requires partners to adhere to COVID-
    specific gender and protection mainstreaming requirements to ensure all
    programming is safe and accessible to the most vulnerable. USAID has
    also provided $500,000 to support activities in child-friendly spaces
    for vulnerable children and adolescents. USAID partners have also
    organized awareness campaigns that bring attention to gender-based
    violence services; trained journalists on how to ethically report on
    gender-based violence; and developed referral networks to connect
    survivors to safe spaces, legal aid, and other lifesaving services.

    U.S.-India Cooperation
        Question. I am a strong supporter of the U.S.-India relationship,
    and I was proud to introduce the Prioritizing Clean Energy and Climate
    Cooperation with India Act to boost U.S.-India cooperation on clean
    energy.

       What role do you envision USAID playing in boosting U.S.-India
            cooperation on clean energy?

        Answer. The U.S.-India development relationship spans more than 70
    years. India is a partner in advancing our shared objectives to support
    inclusive economic growth, reduced carbon emissions, open and inclusive
    digital ecosystems, and the global health security agenda across South
    and Central Asia and the Indo-Pacific. India is a priority country for
    our climate diplomacy strategy, both because of its current emissions
    trajectory, which is concerning, but also because we see India as an
    important partner on future clean energy research, development, and
    deployment. If confirmed, I envision that USAID will work with its
    clean energy transition as part of our shared objective of meeting the
    climate challenge.

    U.S-India Cooperation and Congress
        Question. How can Congress and USAID work together to strengthen
    that cooperation?

        Answer. While India is the third largest emitter of greenhouse
    gases globally, the Government of India has demonstrated in recent
    years a commitment to reducing emissions and combating climate change,
    including by setting ambitious targets for power sector-led emissions
    reductions. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress in
    support of India's climate priorities through programs and partnerships
    that prioritize climate change mitigation, clean energy development,
    sustainable landscapes, and disaster risk reduction.

    United States-India Gandhi-King Development Foundation
        Question. Last year's appropriations omnibus authorized the USAID
    Administrator to establish the United States-India Gandhi-King
    Development Foundation, which would attract public and private capital
    to fund grants to address development priorities in India. What are
    your views on this Foundation? If confirmed, what will be your first
    actions regarding the Foundation?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the Gandhi-King
    Scholarly Exchange Initiative Act, which calls for professional
    exchanges and the establishment of the U.S.-India Gandhi-King
    Development Foundation in coordination with the Government of India.
    The Foundation presents a unique partnership opportunity for the United
    States to work with the Government of India in leveraging India's
    domestic public and private resources to combat its most pressing
    development challenges. I look forward to advancing this partnership
    and honoring the legacies of both Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr and
    Mahatma Gandhi. If confirmed, I will support the establishment of the
    Foundation which will include coordinating with the relevant Government
    of India ministries and stakeholders and creating a roadmap for next
    steps in establishing the Foundation.

    Labor Rights in Bangladesh
        Question. In March 2020, I released a SFRC report highlighting the
    growing threats to labor rights and trade unions in Bangladesh. The
    U.S. must respond to this threat by increasing our support for unions,
    not abandoning them. Under the previous Administration, USAID moved
    away from using its Bangladesh labor rights appropriation to support
    the development of unions, even though unions have been clear that they
    want, and can use, such support.

       If confirmed, will you commit to directly and robustly supporting
            the development of trade unions in Bangladesh, including with
            the funding from the annual appropriation for labor rights in
            Bangladesh?

        Answer. Thank you for your leadership on this important issue.
    Labor rights are actively threatened and diminished in Bangladesh, as
    was made clear in your 2020 Report commemorating the seventh
    anniversary of the Tazreen Fashions and Rana Plaza tragedies. I
    understand that USAID has a robust labor program in Bangladesh, and if
    confirmed, I commit to continuing this important work. If confirmed, I
    look forward to working with you to help ensure the findings of your
    report are central not just to USAID's labor programming in Bangladesh,
    but also the Agency's entire global labor program.

    Tigray
        Question. The ongoing conflict in Ethiopia's Tigray region has
    triggered a large-scale displacement crisis, regional instability, and
    a humanitarian emergency with constrained outside access.

       Under what conditions should the U.S. restore full foreign
            assistance funding to Ethiopia? Should the U.S. increase
            assistance for critical development programs that address the
            drivers of the conflict and strengthen political reforms?

        Answer. The loss of life and mass displacement resulting from the
    conflict in Ethiopia's Tigray region is profoundly disturbing. The
    violence against civilians must end, and unimpeded humanitarian access
    to the region must be granted without further delay. Ultimately, what
    is required is a constructive political dialogue between the parties
    and accountability for the atrocities committed by all sides.
    Ethiopia's successful transition to a more democratic, inclusive, and
    prosperous society is critical to U.S. interests. I understand that the
    Administration is reviewing our diplomatic, security, and other
    assistance to the region. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging in
    this conversation and commit to keeping you informed.

        Question. Do you believe that, under current circumstances,
    Ethiopia can hold credible elections in June? What steps will you take,
    if confirmed, to address closing political and media space, and
    intercommunal violence in Ethiopia?

        Answer. For the June elections to constitute a step forward in
    Ethiopia's political development, they will need to be seen as credible
    by a majority of Ethiopians, result in more inclusive political
    representation, and lay the foundation for broader political dialogue
    across Ethiopia. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
    interagency partners to determine how USAID can best strengthen
    democratic processes in Ethiopia, especially at a time of such grave
    crisis.

    COVID-19
        Question. Diseases do not recognize borders, so challenges like the
    COVID-19 pandemic necessitate a global response that the U.S. must help
    lead.

       How will USAID ensure its COVID-19 aid response is conflict
            sensitive and takes a peacebuilding and trauma-informed
            approach to reduce the risks of further violence and advance
            effective recovery?

        Answer. Around two-thirds of the countries where USAID works are
    beset by or at risk of violent conflict, and COVID-19 is putting
    further stress on fragile systems in these nations. Dozens of countries
    have curtailed free expression, assembly, and media; more than 70
    countries postponed elections; and a number have experienced civil
    unrest. Disinformation is rampant. Loss of jobs and lack of adequate
    education and basic services create contexts ripe for conflict. I
    understand that USAID applies principles of conflict-sensitivity
    throughout all programs, including its COVID-19 response. If confirmed,
    I will ensure that USAID continues to support conflict-sensitive
    approaches across all USAID programming.

        Question. What steps will you take to address secondary impacts on
    health, education, poverty, and human rights in countries where USAID
    has programs and activities?

        Answer. No matter where in the world we live, we all share the goal
    of ending this terrible pandemic, restoring normalcy in our daily
    lives, and beginning to rebuild from the devastation caused by COVID-
    19. We will not be safe here at home from COVID-19 and its variants
    unless the rest of the world makes significant progress on getting the
    pandemic under control. If confirmed, I will prioritize preventing
    COVID-19 transmission through public health and vaccine interventions;
    alleviating worsening humanitarian crises and food insecurity; and
    addressing the long term second order impacts on the global economy,
    democracy and human rights, education, and livelihoods. USAID will work
    with partner country governments, civil society organizations, and
    other partners to address the second order impacts through a conflict-
    sensitive, rights-based approach to health, education, poverty
    reduction, and governance.

        Question. Will you revise the USAID-State COVID-19 strategy to
    ensure a peacebuilding and conflict prevention perspective is
    integrated?

        Answer. As directed by President Biden's first National Security
    Memorandum, USAID is working with interagency counterparts to develop a
    whole-of-government response plan for combating the global pandemic.
    That document will provide a framework for State and USAID's
    forthcoming work on COVID-19 and will prioritize addressing second-
    order effects of the pandemic. If confirmed, I will ensure that USAID's
    programs incorporate and address the evolving context of the COVID-19
    pandemic, including issues related to peacebuilding and conflict
    prevention.

        Question. In what ways can USAID respond to governments using
    COVID-19 to justify closing civic space, curbing fundamental freedoms,
    committing human rights abuses and expanding authoritarianism?

        Answer. COVID-19 is not just a public health crisis but also a
    crisis for democratic governance, fundamental freedoms, and civic
    space. According to Freedom House, the condition of democracy and human
    rights worsened in 80 countries during the pandemic, with a range of
    countries using the crisis to tighten their grip on power, crackdown on
    political targets, and restrict the rights of vulnerable populations.
    The Administration will restore democracy and human rights to the
    center of U.S. foreign policy, strengthening the protection of human
    rights worldwide and re-establishing government-wide attention to
    atrocity prevention and the protection of civilians in war. USAID will
    ensure that programming to address COVID-19 is implemented in a
    conflict-sensitive, rights-based approach. If confirmed, my seat at the
    NSC will allow me to ensure that these issues are engaged at the
    highest levels of decision-making within the USG.

    Environmental and Social Safeguards
        Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure adequate
    environmental and social safeguards are in place for all of USAID's
    programming?

       How will you support USAID's development of this mechanism to
            ensure that it effectively addresses impacts that could
            undermine U.S. foreign policy objectives?

        Answer. USAID has guiding regulations for examining the
    environmental impact of all projects, as well as a commitment to
    protect and advance vulnerable populations; to seek to do no harm; and
    to promote human rights. I understand USAID is designing an Agency-wide
    accountability mechanism that will further enable beneficiaries and the
    project affected community to express environmental, social and
    economic concerns and grievances. If confirmed, I commit that the
    project design and implementation for all USAID programs, projects, and
    activities will include strong safeguarding for beneficiaries,
    especially the project affected community, including Indignenous
    Peoples and vulnerable populations.

    USAID Resources
        Question. Many USAID officials have argued they need greater
    flexibility in managing appropriated funds in order to adjust to
    rapidly changing global circumstances and achieve the greatest impact,
    while respecting Congressional priorities and maintaining high levels
    of accountability.

       How would you approach the question of increasing flexibility for
            USAID?

       Are there resource management tools you need immediately as you
            address the challenges presented by the pandemic, and
            adjustments needed in the near term as we move to post-Covid-19
            requirements?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to discuss
    ways to improve USAID's ability to align its resources with its
    strategic objectives and priorities, including increasing our ability
    to adapt and pivot to emergent needs and opportunities as they arise,
    while of course making sure to provide Congress with complete and
    useful information on the use of appropriated resources in a timely
    manner.

    Accountability
        Question. Accountability of resources and programs through
    transparency, monitoring, evaluation, and learning is an important aid
    reform pillar that strengthens the ultimate impact of programs, and
    ensures sustainability of investments.

       Is it your intention to prioritize accountability across the
            agency, especially the role of monitoring, evaluation, and
            learning to improve programs and strengthen their impact?

        Answer. Yes, it is my intention to prioritize accountability across
    the Agency, and especially the role of monitoring, evaluation, and
    learning. It is important for USAID to act in the interest of the
    American people. Measuring and analyzing results-and learning and
    adapting when programs fall short-are essential aspects of day-to-day
    management of USAID's operations. USAID is recognized as a leader among
    federal agencies in using evidence from monitoring and evaluation for
    accountability and for learning. Of course, there is always room for
    improvement and innovation. If confirmed, I look forward to pushing
    USAID even further on finding innovative ways to quickly gather
    information to adapt programs and achieve results.

        Question. What is your vision for ensuring important aid
    effectiveness tools will receive priority under your leadership?

        Answer. The key principles of development cooperation effectiveness
    include transparency, accountability, a focus on results, and inclusive
    partnerships. If confirmed, I will look for opportunities to ensure
    that USAID deepens its commitments to these principles in all aspects
    of its programs. I will also ensure that USAID remains a leader in the
    international aid community in championing these principles and
    promoting learning and exchange among donor and partner countries. For
    example, if confirmed, I will ensure that USAID will continue to
    support international accountability through USAID's leadership on
    remote monitoring and real-time evaluations, among other newer
    mechanisms. These innovative approaches have allowed USAID to maintain
    oversight of programs following the onset of the pandemic despite
    constraints placed on travel.

    American Recovery Plan Funding
        Question. The American Recovery Plan provides $41 million for
    COVID-related operational expenses at USAID; $905 million for global
    health response activities; and an estimated $900 million for
    international economic stabilization efforts. The United States has
    both a national security and economic interest in mitigating the COVID-
    19 pandemic's potentially crippling and destabilizing effects on
    regional and local foreign economies.

       With regards to the economic stabilization allocation: where do you
            see the economic risks created by the pandemic as being most
            acute?

        Answer. The pandemic has had devastating impacts on households in
    the U.S. and around the world, exacerbating existing vulnerabilities
    and inequalities, especially in humanitarian settings. The
    reverberating socioeconomic impacts of this global crisis are, and will
    continue to be, widespread-and have already led to major backsliding in
    development and governance. If confirmed, I will ensure USAID remains
    committed to addressing urgent humanitarian needs, providing immediate
    economic relief by forging sustainable pathways out of poverty, and
    working with partner-country governments, civil society, and other
    actors to stabilize economies.

        Question. Will you commit to fulsome engagement with this committee
    on the Agency's use of these funds?

        Answer. Yes, I commit to fulsome engagement with this committee on
    the Agency's use of the American Rescue Plan funds.

        Question. The GAO recently published a report finding that the
    previous administration gave USAID plenty of marching orders, but
    consistently neglected to involve USAID in strategy development and
    decision-making around USAID's CARES Act allocation.

       Will you commit to asserting USAID's appropriate role in COVID
            decision-making processes, and in budgeting the Agency's
            American Recovery Plan funds?

        Answer. Yes, I commit to asserting USAID's appropriate role in
    COVID decision-making processes, and in budgeting the Agency's American
    Recovery Plan funds.

    USAID Vaccine Allotment
        Question. It was widely reported that the previous administration
    failed to acquire an allotment of the COVID vaccine for USAID employees
    from Health and Human Services.

       Will you commit to prioritizing the health and safety of USAID
            personnel, and use the Recovery Plan's operational resources to
            ensure a healthy and safe work environment at USAID?

        Answer. The safety of USAID's workforce is my highest priority. I
    commit to prioritizing the health and safety of USAID personnel and to
    using the American Rescue Plan's (ARP) operational resources to secure
    a healthy and safe work environment at USAID. The Agency has recently
    partnered with the Department of State to vaccinate its overseas and
    domestic personnel with critical in-person continuity of mission
    functions. The Department of State is covering USAID personnel overseas
    while, domestically, USAID received a direct vaccine allocation from
    HHS. The Agency will continue to make every effort to keep USAID staff
    safe in its domestic facilities. The Agency will use ARP funds to
    augment its staff to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic and to improve
    the Agency's operational readiness.

    USAID's Global Labor Program
        Question. I need your commitment to restore and expand USAID's
    Global Labor Program. It is the agency's only multi-country program to
    empower marginalized workers to advocate for their rights and
    livelihood. Workers around the world are struggling amidst the COVID-19
    pandemic, with women workers suffering disproportionately.

       Do you believe USAID currently has the staff capacity and expertise
            to develop the worker rights programs and approaches that
            marginalized workers so desperately need right now?

        Answer. Empowering workers is relevant both globally and in the
    United States, and I appreciate your longstanding leadership on this
    critical issue. Work is central to people's daily lives, and labor
    issues and the ways in which workers express their rights affect many
    of USAID's development objectives. We already know, for example, that
    women are over-represented in a number of the industries (like retail
    and hospitality) most impacted by the pandemic around the world.
    USAID's Global Labor Program (GLP) was created to increase the capacity
    of worker organizations, and I look forward to working with our
    partners to ensure our strategy adequately promotes labor rights and
    access to justice in a fair and equitable manner. If confirmed, I will
    ensure that the high capacity and expertise of USAID staff to address
    these issues remains an Agency priority.

    Climate
        Question. President Biden is hosting a Climate Leaders' Summit on
    April 22, 2021. How will USAID participate in this summit? Do you
    anticipate building global support and financing for climate adaptation
    at the Summit?

        Answer. I understand that USAID is actively participating in
    preparations for the Summit, and that the Agency welcomes the
    opportunity provided by the event to highlight their work with
    developing countries on climate change mitigation, adaptation, and
    finance. A key theme of the Summit will be mobilizing public and
    private sector finance to drive the net-zero transition and to help
    vulnerable countries cope with climate impacts. USAID has extensive
    experience improving policies, strengthening institutions, and
    mobilizing finance for climate adaptation and mitigation that also
    advances countries' development priorities. If confirmed, I will
    continue to elevate these issues within the interagency and with our
    developing country partners, and look forward to engaging in the
    Summit.

        Question. Climate adaptation is currently vastly underfunded, and
    USAID's work in this area needs improvement in terms of execution,
    transparency and reporting.

       What are your initial ideas for how USAID can improve its support
            for the needs of those communities hardest hit by climate
            change to adapt in place?

        Answer. I agree with your concern that adaptation programs are
    vastly underfunded. USAID works with vulnerable countries to implement
    their adaptation priorities and is committed to further mainstreaming
    climate considerations into its work to intensify efforts to increase
    climate security and resilience. USAID helps partners access and use
    climate and weather data and tools, and develop strategies to build
    resilience to climate risks, whether from sudden events such as floods
    and storms or from slower-moving events such as droughts and sea-level
    rise. If confirmed, I will be committed to ensuring that our efforts on
    climate are informed by on-the-ground knowledge and in consultation
    with stakeholders.

        Question. Many developing countries have made greenhouse gas
    emission reduction commitments to the Paris Agreement that are
    contingent upon support and assistance from multilateral finance
    institutions and/or bilateral assistance from developing countries.

       Is it important for U.S. support and assistance to developing
            countries to be consistent with host country climate change
            mitigation commitments?

        Answer. Yes, and with the U.S. having rejoined the Paris Agreement,
    USAID will play an important role in working with developing countries
    to set and achieve more ambitious targets under their Nationally
    Determined Contributions to the Agreement. Developing countries produce
    about two-thirds of annual global greenhouse gas emissions and are
    integral partners in limiting climate change. USAID will provide
    assistance to partner countries to achieve their climate mitigation
    commitments and low-emissions economic development goals through
    concrete actions like transitioning to renewable energy and improving
    conservation and management of carbon-rich forests and landscapes.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Hon. Samantha Power by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Across Sub-Saharan Africa, democratic gains are under
    threat as long-serving rulers manipulate constitutional and electoral
    processes to remain in power while stifling dissent and limiting
    opposition parties and candidates' activities. In 2020 alone, several
    African ruling parties and incumbent leaders deployed authoritarian
    tactics that manipulated democratic processes and constitutional
    frameworks, including in Cameroon, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zimbabwe.
    Meanwhile, across multiple administrations, including the Obama
    administration in which you previously served, U.S. democracy and
    governance programs are chronically underfunded and notoriously slow to
    respond to emerging opportunities.

       If confirmed, how will you prioritize reinforcing democratic
            institutions and norms in Africa through USAID programs while
            balancing competing priorities in the areas of economic growth,
            stabilization, global health, humanitarian assistance, and
            human rights?

        Answer. In sub-Saharan Africa, Freedom House reports that 21
    nations experienced democratic declines and only seven showed positive
    trends in 2020--the largest gap in 15 years. If confirmed, I will seek
    to increase, in scale and effectiveness, USAID's investments in
    democracy and governance throughout the region, including through
    support for anti-corruption efforts and justice reforms. In many
    backsliding countries, concerns about corruption and accountability are
    central to citizens' concerns about government performance. If
    confirmed, I will also work to make sure that USAID is doing much more
    to integrate efforts to address corruption and improve democratic
    accountability into economic growth, stabilization, global health,
    humanitarian assistance, and human rights programming. By embedding
    strong participation, inclusion, transparency, accountability, and
    oversight measures in health, education, and economic programming,
    USAID can better safeguard its investments in sustained and resilient
    recovery efforts from the pandemic, and lay a foundation for shoring up
    democratic institutions in the long term. This is an immensely
    challenging area, especially given China's growing support for various
    governments' undemocratic tactics and its provision of rights-
    infringing technologies in many of these countries. Given the critical
    importance of reversing democratic backsliding and supporting
    democratic reformers, I look forward to consulting closely on the path
    ahead.

        Question. In the last two years, Sudan and Ethiopia have embarked
    upon unexpected democratic transitions. While the United States was,
    and continues to be, eager to support these transitions, rapidly
    mobilizing the necessary resources (enabling policies, funding, and
    staff) has been a challenge. If confirmed, how would you prepare USAID
    to respond to rapid democratic changes and seize unexpected
    opportunities?

        Answer. USAID's democracy, human rights, and governance efforts are
    intended to promote democracy and civil society participation as well
    as prevent and respond to closing democratic spaces. These efforts
    include both rapid response mechanisms through our Office of Transition
    Initiatives programs as well as long-term investments designed to
    demonstrate solidarity with pro-democratic forces, protect nascent
    advances, and prevent backsliding. USAID can play an important role
    during unexpected opportunities by helping civil society adapt to
    changing circumstances and providing assistance to strengthen existing
    checks and balances. To further support transitions and rapidly
    mobilize in the context of unexpected opportunities or crises, USAID
    seeks to promote flexibility within activity design, award language,
    and implementation. This can ensure that programming, implementers, and
    local actors are able to best respond to windows of opportunity and/or
    democratic backsliding. As the current crisis in Ethiopia demonstrates,
    democratic progress and overall stability are fragile, and if confirmed
    I will be focused on ensuring that USAID programming is appropriate
    for, and reflective of, actual circumstances on the ground. As a long-
    time Sudan watcher, I am grateful to Congress for stepping up in
    support of Sudan's nascent democratic transition and eager to assess
    current programming and what more might be done to help deepen the
    reform process.

        Question. There are long-standing concerns about the fungibility of
    U.S. foreign assistance for African countries ruled by authoritarian
    regimes (e.g., Uganda, Rwanda, Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, etc.), particularly
    for health and food security programs, which account for the
    overwhelming majority of U.S. assistance on the continent. While this
    aid advances U.S. humanitarian interests, it can also offset essential
    budget lines, displace national investment, and enable authoritarian
    regimes to prioritize military spending, pilfer state resources, and
    support corrupt patronage networks.

       Do you think it is time for the United States to undertake a
            comprehensive re-evaluation of the policies, forms, and methods
            of delivering U.S. foreign assistance in Africa?

        Answer. The tendencies that you describe are certainly ones I have
    observed in Africa and other regions. USAID works in very complex
    environments and I gather that the Agency's investments in Africa,
    particularly in health and food security, are structured to be
    sensitive to local contexts, in order to save lives and improve
    livelihoods for those most in need. When providing assistance in the
    region, USAID works with both U.N. organizations and international and
    local non-governmental organizations to ensure that support and
    services go to those most in need. USAID also utilizes a variety of
    tools to monitor the delivery of assistance to ensure compliance with
    all applicable laws and regulations. If confirmed, I look forward to
    delving into these issues more deeply and consulting with you further
    to ensure that USAID's assistance does not inadvertently benefit
    authoritarian governments.

        Question. How will USAID effectively deliver aid such that it
    reaches the intended beneficiaries without enabling the preservation of
    repressive regimes?

        Answer. This is a very important issue. USAID adheres to strict
    guidelines for monitoring assistance provided in restrictive
    environments and, depending on the extent of the restrictions, has
    developed remote methods for program monitoring, including contracting
    with third party monitors who are able to access regions where USAID
    staff are not able to travel. One of the cornerstones of U.S. soft
    power is our willingness to provide life-saving humanitarian assistance
    wherever it is most needed. In response to famine or natural disasters
    in authoritarian countries, USAID works with non-governmental partners
    to ensure that aid reaches those most in need without providing
    material support to unfriendly or authoritarian regimes. When it comes
    to longer-term development programs in those countries, USAID works
    with civil society and other non-governmental organizations to support
    development and democracy and governance programs. If confirmed, I look
    forward to consulting with you further to ensure that USAID's
    assistance does not enable the preservation of repressive regimes.

        Question. Africa is experiencing a massive demographic shift. Over
    the next two decades, demographers project that Africa will account for
    nearly half of global population growth and, by mid-century, will be
    home to a quarter of the world's population. Sixty percent of Africa's
    population is currently under 25, with an overall median age of 20, and
    expected to continue to get younger. USAID will remain at the forefront
    of United States efforts to work with young Africans.

       Programs like the Young African Leaders Initiative (YALI) and the
            initiative's Mandela Washington Fellowship are important, but
            what can USAID do to expand its reach, more effectively engage
            Africa's massive youth population, and build long-term
            partnerships with the next generation of decision-makers,
            business partners, and allies?

        Answer. This emphasis on youth is key. Continent-wide initiatives
    such as the Young African Leaders Initiative (YALI), Prosper Africa,
    Power Africa, as well as mission-based programs, contribute to USAID's
    global reputation as a leader in youth programming. For example,
    through YALI, USAID has equipped more than 20,000 young leaders from 49
    sub-Saharan African countries with the skills to catalyze economic,
    political and social change in their home countries based on American
    values of transparency, civic engagement, and accountability. I gather
    that USAID missions also integrate youth across all key sectors and
    support strategic partnerships with other donors and private sector
    partners, a practice I will ensure continues if confirmed. If
    confirmed, I look forward to further consultations with you on ways to
    expand USAID's engagement with young people on the continent, helping
    support the next generation of political leaders, engaged citizens, and
    business owners.

        Question. Launched by the Trump administration, Prosper Africa is a
    U.S. Government initiative supported by 17 agencies and departments,
    including USAID, to increase two-way trade and investment between the
    United States and Africa. In 2019, Africa accounted for just 1.4
    percent of U.S. global trade and received 0.7 percent of U.S. foreign
    direct investment. Such shares have declined relative to their
    historical highs a decade or so ago. One area of Prosper Africa that
    requires greater emphasis, and where USAID can play a critical role, is
    in improving the enabling environment for economic growth.
    Strengthening the rule of law, combating corruption, and promoting
    inclusive economic growth and human rights under a rules-based system
    would create better conditions for U.S. investment while also
    counterbalancing efforts by the Chinese Communist Party to undermine
    free-market competition in African markets to their advantage.

       How can the U.S. Government, and USAID in particular, most
            effectively incentivize reforms that will improve the enabling
            environment for investment and trade in Africa? Does the
            existing Prosper Africa provide an effective framework, or does
            it need to be modified? If so, how?

        Answer. Improving the enabling environment for private sector
    investment is essential, and I agree with you that USAID staff and
    programs can play an important role in engaging local actors to take
    steps to improve the regulatory and investment climate. USAID has
    developed innovative new programs in support of Prosper Africa,
    including a new continent-wide program to be launched this year to
    boost trade, increase investment, and support business-friendly policy
    reforms. If confirmed, I look forward to working with other Departments
    and Agencies to advance this important goal, including through any
    necessary adjustments to Prosper Africa. I will support efforts that
    build the capacity of African businesses and catalyze U.S. private
    sector investment in Africa's growth, and engaging young entrepreneurs,
    especially women, as partners. Programs that strengthen the rule of
    law, protect individual rights, and tackle corruption are vital for
    creating the conditions for economic growth and for attracting U.S.
    investment and trade in Africa.

        Question. How should U.S.-African trade and investment initiatives
    factor into the U.S. global strategy to counter China, particularly in
    Africa?

        Answer. Competition with China is one of the defining challenges of
    the 21st century for the United States, and engaging with our African
    partners to pursue shared strategic interests in advancing security,
    protecting global health, fighting climate change, strengthening
    democracy, and spurring equitable economic growth must be a cornerstone
    of our global strategy to counter China. In this regard, U.S.-African
    trade and investment initiatives have a critical role to play in
    meeting this challenge head-on. In Africa, the United States is
    providing a meaningful alternative to China's state-led approach by
    advancing a model of sustainable economic growth based on transparency,
    responsible lending practices, strong environmental standards, and
    investment in relationships with local communities. Through Prosper
    Africa, the United States aims to mobilize billions of dollars of U.S.
    private sector capital and to ensure that American companies can
    compete on an even playing field by sharing timely information on new
    opportunities, providing comprehensive packages of financing and other
    assistance, and supporting trade and investment policies that promote
    transparency and competition. We must also strengthen American soft
    power by effectively communicating this support, engaging with youth,
    and promoting entrepreneurship and American business practices. If
    confirmed, I look forward to consulting further with you and to working
    with other Departments and Agencies as well as the business community
    to help ensure that the U.S. is pursuing trade and investment
    initiatives strategically and from a position of strength.

    Belarus
        Question. Since the August 9, 2020, presidential election,
    Belarusians have peacefully protested in unprecedented numbers to
    contest the official results, which fraudulently awarded Alexander
    Lukashenka another term. The Government has responded to these peaceful
    protests with violence, initiating a campaign of disappearances,
    arrests, torture, and violence against the protestors and journalists.

       Since the protests began, the United States, though USAID and the
            State Department, has increased its support for civil society
            in Belarus. Do you believe that the U.S. response to events in
            Belarus has been adequate? What more could, or should, the
            United States and its European allies do to assist those
            Belarusians working for democracy, free media, and a free
            society?

        Answer. I have used my platform as a private citizen to be an
    outspoken supporter of the courageous Belarusians who have been
    peacefully protesting for over seven months. If confirmed, I will build
    on the U.S. Government's support for their democratic aspirations.
    President Biden strongly condemned the Lukashenka regime for its
    violent repression of the protesters and called for a peaceful transfer
    of power, the release of all political prisoners, and new elections. As
    the administration consults with allies and partners to determine
    appropriate next steps to support the Belarusian people and their right
    to choose their own leaders via free and fair elections, if confirmed,
    I look forward to working with my interagency counterparts--guided by
    the Belarus Democracy Act of 2020--in developing a whole of U.S.
    Government approach to end this egregious assault on Belarusian
    citizens and initiate a constructive dialogue with those calling for
    change. As U.S. Ambassador to the U.N., I made it a priority to call
    attention to the work of activists, dissidents, and reformers around
    the world, and to mobilize multilateral pressure on their behalf. In
    addition to demonstrating solidarity and raising international
    awareness, support from government officials can sometimes provide
    those on the front-lines in places like Belarus with a greater degree
    of protection from potential retribution. As such, if confirmed, I will
    continue to find ways to lift up the voices of those Belarusians
    working for democracy while encouraging my counterparts around the
    world to do the same.

    Georgia
        Question. Since its independence, Georgia has made generally good
    progress in instilling democracy and implementing market-based economic
    reforms, and has been a strong U.S. partner with ambitions to join the
    EU and NATO. USAID has been a major funder of reform and development
    programs in Georgia. However, over the past few years, the country has
    suffered democratic backsliding and oligarchic capture of the
    judiciary, media, and the ruling political party.

       Do you believe that the political and governance situation in
            Georgia has reached the point at which we should reevaluate our
            relationship with the country, including by conditioning
            certain aid to Georgia? What levers can the United States,
            through USAID, use to push Georgians, including and especially
            the ruling party Georgian Dream, to reform Georgia's judiciary
            and complete its electoral reforms?

        Answer. I agree that for Georgia to unlock further progress in its
    economic and democratic development, the people of Georgia must have
    confidence that their elected leaders are committed to a citizen-
    centered democracy based on the rule of law. USAID's work with
    Georgia's political parties, local nonpartisan monitoring groups, and
    the Central Electoral Commission support this goal. USAID's current
    programs are also actively working to strengthen Georgia's justice
    system and electoral process. If confirmed, I look forward to working
    with Congress to assess the shape and scope of these programs in light
    of the democratic downturn, so as to ensure that they are targeted
    appropriately, considering as well whether resources should be
    channeled in different ways.

    Ukraine
        Question. Ukraine continues to fight two wars: first with the
    Kremlin and its various attempts to undermine Ukraine's freedom and
    independence; and second with its own demons, particularly the
    entrenched corruption that has so often undermined Ukraine's democratic
    transition and Euro-Atlantic ambitions.

       Should the United States continue to condition certain types of
            assistance on continued economic and anti-corruption reforms?
            Should existing conditions for aid be expanded? What further
            incentives does the United States, along with our European
            partners, have to encourage Ukraine to complete its land
            reform, decentralization, privatization of State-owned-
            enterprises, and creation of an independent and responsive
            judiciary?

        Answer. When I travelled to Ukraine in 2015 as U.S. Ambassador to
    the U.N., I spoke out against the very issue you identify: deep,
    systemic corruption that permeated virtually every facet of Ukrainian
    life. I continue to share your concerns about the daunting obstacle
    that corruption poses for the Ukrainian people. Troubling recent
    rulings by Ukraine's own Constitutional Court that weaken important
    anti-corruption institutions, such as the National Anti-Corruption
    Bureau and the High Anti Corruption Court, demonstrate clearly how much
    work remains to be done. At the same time, some inroads have been made.
    When the protests against President Yanukovych began in November 2013,
    Ukraine ranked 144th out of 175 countries on Transparency
    International's corruption index. Today, it ranks 117. While there is
    obviously significant additional work yet to be done, these small but
    important advances show how critical USAID and USG assistance is to
    anti-corruption efforts, from work aimed at strengthening oversight and
    accountability mechanisms to partnerships with civil society
    organizations. The Biden administration has been clear about its intent
    to support Ukraine's self-chosen European path, including by pushing
    for more progress on fighting corruption and implementing reforms that
    will strengthen Ukraine's institutions. USAID implements numerous anti-
    corruption programs in Ukraine that directly address land reform,
    judicial reform, decentralization, and privatization. Combating
    corruption is a central tenet and cross-cutting pillar of USAID's
    development strategy in Ukraine, and if confirmed, I will seek to
    ensure that measurable progress continues to be achieved on this
    pressing concern.

    Central Asia
        Question. The five post-Soviet Central Asian republics, Kazakhstan,
    Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, or C5, have often
    been an afterthought in U.S. foreign policy. However, the region sits
    between Russia and China and has often proven eager for U.S.
    involvement and activity in those countries. USAID has recently
    expanded its presence in the region in response.

       Over the past few years, the coordination between the United States
            and EU on development programs in Central Asia has markedly
            strengthened and both partners have published Central Asia
            engagement strategies. Will you commit to continuing to
            coordinate USAID's Central Asia engagement with the EU and to
            ensuring that Central Asia remains a priority for engagement by
            USAID?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure that Central Asia remains
    a priority for USAID. The Biden administration fully supports the C5+1
    initiative and seeks to help this region be more independent and
    resilient. We will continue our close coordination with the EU on
    development programs. A crucial strategic interest for the United
    States is the stability of the region, which borders China, Russia and
    Afghanistan and is increasingly marked by conflict and
    authoritarianism. USAID has cultivated relationships in Central Asia,
    establishing two new Missions in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan in June
    2020. If confirmed, I will build upon this momentum in collaboration
    with Congress and the European Commission's Directorate-General for
    International Partnerships, which has established technical expert
    working groups focused on coordinating trade, energy, water and
    environmental efforts in Central Asia.

        Question. The Indo-Pacific is a critical region for U.S. security
    and economic growth. It represents nearly half of the global population
    and is home to some of the most dynamic economies in the world, but is
    also home to security challenges that threaten to undermine U.S.
    national security interests, regional peace, and global stability. The
    Trump administration articulated a strategy to advance a ``free and
    open Indo-Pacific,'' and has expanded partnerships with regional
    countries and implemented multiple initiatives in the region to support
    this goal. USAID played a significant role in this strategy.

       Do you agree with the core tenants of a vision for the ``free and
            open Indo-Pacific'' strategy advanced over the last several
            years? If so, what should USAID's role be in this strategy? If
            not, why not?

        Answer. Yes, I agree. The Biden administration has made it clear
    that a Free and Open Indo-Pacific will be a foreign policy and national
    security priority, consistent with the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act
    of 2018. If confirmed, I will ensure USAID continues to fulfill its
    important role supporting democracy, human rights, inclusive economic
    growth, open and inclusive digital ecosystems, and the global health
    security agenda in the Indo-Pacific. Additionally, I believe that USAID
    should continue its vital leadership in efforts to support countries'
    COVID-19 responses and their natural resource management.

        Question. If confirmed, what are the key principles, initiatives,
    and other elements of the Trump administration's Indo-Pacific strategy
    do you believe should be retained and continued? How would you build on
    these initiatives? What other policies, initiatives, and priorities
    would you pursue to advance U.S. interests in the Indo-Pacific region?
    What specific policy and funding priorities would USAID require to
    advance a successful Indo-Pacific strategy?

        Answer. The Biden administration will continue to advance the
    principles of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I will
    continue to prioritize strengthening democratic systems, fostering
    economic growth, and improving the management of natural resources as
    part of USAID's approach to the Indo-Pacific region. I look forward to
    building upon USAID's successful investments in democratic governance,
    transparency and anti-corruption measures, the digital economy,
    infrastructure, and energy across the Indo-Pacific. At the same time,
    USAID will need to review and adapt these initiatives to address the
    significant impacts of COVID-19 on the region, take advantage of new
    opportunities to increase climate security and resilience, and build
    upon renewed multilateral partnerships. I appreciate the continued
    support and advice of Congress on how to best advance U.S. interests in
    the Indo-Pacific region, and if confirmed, I look forward to working
    with you to identify policy and funding priorities.

        Question. Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands are both
    critically important regions to the United States.

       If confirmed, what will be your top priorities with respect to
            USAID's work in Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue deepening USAID's
    collaboration with like-minded partners in this critical region. I also
    support USAID's increased activities and staff presence in the Pacific
    Islands region to support our allies and counter Chinese influence.
        We are committed to working with our Pacific Islands partners to
    help them address the effects of climate change, which poses an
    existential threat, and to mitigate the impacts of frequent natural
    disasters.
        If confirmed, I am committed to advancing shared objectives toward
    strengthening democratic systems, fostering economic growth, and
    improving the management of natural resources throughout the region.

        Question. In the area of human capital development, the Trump
    administration emphasized preserving and expanding assistance programs
    that provide concrete technical assistance and capacity-building for
    emerging and established leaders in partner governments, the private
    sector, and civil society. How would you work to bolster human capital
    development programs in the Indo-Pacific through USAID, if confirmed?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to support USAID's
    investments in technical assistance and capacity-building to bolster
    emerging leaders from partner governments, the private sector and civil
    society in the Indo-Pacific region. USAID will continue to prioritize
    investments to increase workforce participation opportunities (with a
    focus on women and girls), develop skills for a digital economy among
    youth, and improve education outcomes by modernizing curricula in
    partnership with host country governments, educational institutions,
    and the private sector. I will also direct USAID to work toward
    rebuilding human capacity in critical government institutions and
    health systems badly strained by their efforts to combat the COVID-19
    pandemic.

    China
        Question. My view is that China's ``One Belt, One Road'' initiative
    (OBOR) is a means by which to increase the economic influence of state-
    owned Chinese firms in global markets, engender undue PRC political
    leverage with governments around the world, create a China-centric
    technology regime, secure dependence on supply chains centered on
    Chinese companies, export corrupt business practices, and provide
    greater access to strategic nodes for the People's Liberation Army.

       Do you agree that these are the goals of OBOR? If confirmed, what
            actions would you take and what partnerships would you seek to
            execute concrete USAID projects to compete with or reduce the
            influence of OBOR?

        Answer. China's approach to ``development'' through One Belt, One
    Road (OBOR) raises deep concerns for me and many people in USAID's
    partner countries. Projects connected to OBOR have come under
    significant scrutiny on issues such as corruption; unsustainable debt;
    environmental degradation; construction contracts and jobs being
    awarded to Chinese firms over local enterprises; lack of transparency
    and local consultations; and even worries about the potential erosion
    of sovereignty due to the unfavorable terms attached to certain
    projects. I share your conviction that USAID needs a far-reaching
    strategy that addresses the challenges of OBOR, and I believe that
    frustrations around the world with China's development practices
    provide an opportunity for the U.S.
        The administration's approach is to provide an alternative vision
    to Beijing's--a vision that promotes democratic governance,
    transparency, and local ownership in our global development work. If
    confirmed, I will work aggressively to draw on America's comparative
    advantages in distinguishing the U.S. approach from the PRC's, by
    engaging directly with our partner countries and ensuring that good
    governance, sustainability, and social and economic safeguards are
    built into projects we support. USAID can strengthen local capacity to
    ensure that development investments are both beneficial and
    sustainable. If confirmed, I will work with allies and partners,
    including at the DFC and in the private sector, to better leverage our
    collective resources and influence, and I will be an advocate for the
    highest human rights, governance, environmental, social, and labor
    standards in order to promote investments that are sustainable for the
    long term.

        Question. In a speech you gave on China last year at Harvard, you
    highlighted that the Chinese Government and Chinese companies are
    supplying other countries with digital technologies, such as facial
    recognition and artificial intelligence, and those countries are in
    many cases using those technologies for repressive purposes. China is
    also supplying next generation telecommunications equipment and other
    technologies through its Digital Silk Road.

       In your view, what is the role of USAID in helping developing
            countries harness emerging technologies to advance economic
            prosperity and freedom?

        Answer. Emerging technologies can play a significant role in
    advancing economic prosperity and freedom, and USAID has an important
    role to play in this area. I understand that USAID launched its Digital
    Strategy in 2020 to ensure the Agency effectively integrates digital
    technologies across all its work and strengthens the openness,
    inclusiveness, and security of country-level digital ecosystems in
    partner countries. The Agency is supporting the digital security of
    civil society and media organizations, including cyber risk assessments
    and providing AI tools to track disinformation flows. If confirmed, I
    look forward to working with Congress to further strengthen USAID's
    work in this area.

        Question. What tools does USAID possess in this regard, and how
    would you prioritize putting them to good use, if confirmed?

        Answer. I understand that the Agency is supporting e-commerce and
    the opportunities that digital platforms offer traditional businesses
    in developing countries to access new markets and to better integrate
    into the global trading system. Additionally, it is working with CBP to
    apply emerging technologies such as non-invasive inspection systems to
    assure the safety, security and traceability of goods moving across
    borders. If confirmed, I will work with the interagency to promote the
    adoption of policies and technologies in our partner countries to
    advance U.S. national security objectives while creating innovation and
    investment opportunities for American businesses.

        Question. Last year, I published a report on how the United States
    and Europe can cooperate on shared challenges related to China, which
    included chapters encouraging U.S.-Europe cooperation in the Indo-
    Pacific and Africa.

       What areas relevant to USAID's mission are ripe for greater U.S.-
            Europe cooperation in these two regions? What are some factors
            that could enable such cooperation, and what are the limiting
            factors? What is your perspective on the analysis and
            recommendations in the report I published?

        Answer. I agree that U.S.-EU cooperation is critical to combatting
    China's influence in the Indo-Pacific and Africa and appreciated your
    report's analysis and recommendations to focus on areas such as
    democracy promotion, private sector growth, and the environment. USAID
    engages frequently with EU officials to seek to align policy and to
    increase burden sharing on key issues such as the COVID-19 global
    response, democracy and governance, economic growth, energy, food
    security and resilience, global health, and humanitarian assistance.
    The EU's new seven-year budget articulates commitments to climate
    change, human development, gender and digital development. These areas,
    along with immediate and second-order impacts of the pandemic, are
    opportunities for greater cooperation. In Brussels, Secretary Blinken
    and EU leaders recently discussed challenges that China presents to the
    rules-based order and agreed to resume U.S.-EU dialogue to coordinate
    approaches.

    Burma
        Question. Please describe your planned approach to USAID engagement
    in Burma, in light of the military coup and the Biden administration's
    executive order that will retain support for humanitarian assistance
    and civil society.

       What areas of engagement and assistance will you prioritize, if
            confirmed?

        Answer. I condemn, in the strongest possible terms, the military
    coup in Burma and the junta's violent actions against peaceful
    demonstrators. I support USAID's immediate action following the coup to
    redirect $42.4 million away from work that would have benefited the
    Government of Burma and toward strengthening civil society and other
    non-governmental actors.
        If confirmed, I will work with the administration and Congress to
    continue to put pressure on the military regime, call out human rights
    abuses and ensure that USAID programs do not benefit the military
    regime and are focused on improving health outcomes and combating
    COVID-19, strengthening the ability of civil society to guard
    democratic space, fostering food security, supporting independent
    media, and promoting peace and reconciliation in Burma's conflict--
    affected regions. I would also prioritize continuing to provide
    critical humanitarian assistance to the Rohingya and other vulnerable
    populations including in Chin, Kachin, Rakhine, and Shan states.

    Supporting Middle East and North Africa Policy
        Question. When looking broadly across the Middle East and North
    Africa, one is struck with the enormity of the humanitarian need.

       However, given the relative size of budgets, how do you recommend
            the United States best align USAID programs with larger
            diplomatic objectives that further U.S. national interests?

        Answer. I agree with your assessment regarding the importance of
    aligning USAID's humanitarian and development work with diplomatic
    objectives, and ensuring that all advance U.S. national interests.
    USAID and State align department, regional, and country-specific
    strategies and in MENA, in particular, there is close collaboration to
    ensure mutually-reinforcing efforts. USAID's primary role in
    particularly volatile countries in the region is to meet the basic
    needs of suffering populations and support stabilization efforts that
    are necessary preconditions for enduring diplomatic solutions. If
    confirmed, I commit to working further with the Congress and closely
    with Secretary Blinken to ensure that USAID programs are as closely
    aligned as possible with our national interests across the region.

        Question. Looking across the region, what do you see as the most
    significant drivers of instability that run counter to U.S. interests
    and are most deserving of USAID's limited resources?

        Answer. Destabilizing factors--including Iranian aggression, malign
    Russian influence, terrorist networks, and authoritarian resurgence and
    repressive governments that don't provide outlets for dissent and
    pervasive corruption--run counter to U.S. interests in the region.
    Nations in the Middle East and North Africa are also struggling to
    address the impacts of the COVID pandemic. Fragile economies, medical
    facilities, schools and essential services that were already struggling
    to meet the needs of their local populations as well as people
    displaced by active conflicts in Syria, Libya, Yemen, and Iraq, have
    been further strained by the pandemic. If confirmed, I will work to
    ensure that USAID's resources are addressing life-saving and
    stabilization needs and addressing the root causes of conflicts, such
    as polarization, state fragility, corruption, social and economic
    exclusion, gender inequality, and anemic economic growth.

    Iran
        Question. In 2008, you advocated for a new Iran policy based on
    ``broadening cultural contacts with the Iranian people, bypassing the
    regime through Voice of America and the Internet.''

       What role should USAID play in efforts to foster greater U.S.
            engagement with the Iranian people? What form do you envision
            this would take?

        Answer. The Iranian Government denies Iranians their human rights,
    including through severe restrictions on the rights to peaceful
    assembly, freedom of association, freedom of religion or belief, and
    freedom of expression. Iranian authorities have responded to a series
    of popular and widespread demonstrations with brutal repression, the
    arrests of thousands of protesters, and the use of lethal force.
    According to Amnesty International, over 300 people were killed during
    the most recent spate of major protests in late 2019.
        If confirmed, I will work within the administration to draw
    attention to the Iranian regime's human rights abuses and express
    support for the people of Iran. I look forward to engaging with
    Congress to further consider this issue.

        Question. Can you commit to limiting any USAID program to Iran to
    the development and humanitarian assistance space?

        Answer. Yes.

    Iraq
        Question. In the past, you've suggested the United States should
    seek to mitigate, rather than eliminate, Iranian influence in Iraq. In
    2008, you wrote ``no aspect of the Iraq quagmire can be resolved
    without Iranian involvement.''

       Do you still believe this to be the case? If so, how do you plan to
            balance concerns about Iranian's malign influence, including
            its support for militia groups, with U.S. efforts to support a
            stable, sovereign Iraq? What is your vision for the role U.S.
            assistance can play in supporting an independent Iraqi
            governance model?

        Answer. Iran's support for terrorism and human rights abuses
    threatens U.S. forces and civilians as well as U.S. partners in Iraq
    and the region, and can hinder our ability to implement foreign
    assistance progamming. If confirmed, I will ensure that USAID's
    programs in Iraq further the goal of a stable and sovereign Iraq, while
    also considering the safety and security of our staff balanced with
    proper oversight of USAID programs. I also will review USAID's approach
    to ensure that development and humanitarian assistance needs of all
    Iraqis continue to be met in a principled and equitable manner as USAID
    continues to support the recovery and rehabilitation needs of victims
    of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), including Yezidis.

    Lebanon
        Question. Despite the August 4, 2020, explosions in Beirut and
    unrest that followed, Lebanon's political elites have continued to
    cling to power. Past policy has been to withhold broader financial
    assistance absent reforms targeting corruption and transparency.

       How does USAID plan to advance crucial economic reforms in Lebanon,
            and what conditions would Lebanon need to meet in order to
            qualify for U.S. financial support?

        Answer. I share your concerns--the Lebanese people deserve
    accountability and a government that prioritizes their safety and
    prosperity. However, the crisis in Lebanon goes beyond the explosion at
    the port and other immediate concerns like COVID-19. Lebanon's crisis
    is the result of decades of bad governance, economic mismanagement, and
    corruption. Unfortunately, the Lebanese people have paid the highest
    price for their leaders' negligence. USAID's development programs are
    intended to provide support directly to the Lebanese people with
    essential services and humanitarian assistance and to counter potential
    Hezbollah influence in local communities. USAID can support the
    Lebanese people through programs that help businesses retain staff and
    assets to build a foundation for economic recovery; empower municipal
    governments and civil society to deliver vital services; and keep
    students in school. These programs lessen the likelihood that Lebanese
    citizens will suffer the worst effects of the economic crisis.
        If confirmed, I look forward to working with you and the committee
    to ensure USAID's assistance is appropriately targeted to support the
    people in Lebanon in the face of these challenges.

        Question. Can you commit to working to ensure the $11 billion in
    CEDRE, IMF, and World Bank funding earmarked for Lebanon remains
    contingent on key reforms, including reforms to the electricity/natural
    gas sector, increased transparency, and an audit of the central bank?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will expect my team to continue to engage
    with the Department of State, the World Bank, other IFIs, and our
    allies in support of meaningful economic and political reforms
    necessary to halt further deterioration and put the country back on a
    path toward prosperity. Lebanon's elected officials must respond to the
    demands of their people and move forward on reform.

    Yemen
        Question. The previous administration suspended U.S. humanitarian
    aid to Houthi controlled areas of Yemen in response to restrictions
    imposed on the delivery of aid.

       What is your position on the suspension? Can you commit to
            maintaining broad restrictions on aid flows into Houthi
            controlled areas until all 12 conditions are meaningfully and
            comprehensively addressed?

        Answer. I understand that on March 11, 2021, USAID determined that
    international non-governmental organization (INGO) partners could
    resume humanitarian operations in northern Yemen, subject to special
    award conditions. I further understand that USAID is carefully
    monitoring this issue, which includes participation in the Yemen
    Technical Monitoring Group (TMG), consisting of USAID, U.N. agencies,
    NGOs, and like-minded donors, which meets monthly to review Houthi
    progress towards the Benchmarks for Monitoring and Decision-Making on
    Donor Criteria/Conditions for Funding. If confirmed, I will support
    these efforts and monitor conditions on the ground closely.

        Question. How do you plan on working with U.S. funded NGOs to
    ensure the appropriate carve-outs are in place to ensure certain, life-
    saving operations can continue despite the broader suspension in U.S.
    assistance?

        Answer. I understand that on March 11, 2021, USAID determined that
    international non-governmental organization (INGO) partners could
    resume humanitarian operations in northern Yemen, subject to special
    award conditions. During the suspension of humanitarian operations,
    USAID continued to support NGOs implementing some critical life-saving
    assistance, such as treatment for severe malnutrition. USAID partners
    remained operational in southern Yemen.

    Syria
        Question. More than 11 million people are in need of humanitarian
    aid in Syria. Traditionally, the U.S. and its partners have relied
    heavily on four humanitarian access points along the Syrian border to
    transport this life-saving assistance. Of these four cross-border
    access points, only the Bab al-Hawa crossing remains open, thanks to
    Russian and Chinese vetoes at the U.N. Security Council.

       How do you plan on continuing to maintain U.S. aid flows regardless
            of any future action taken at the U.N. Security council related
            to Bab al-Hawa?

        Answer. In 2014, I helped lead the U.N. Security Council in
    authorizing the delivery of vital assistance across the four
    humanitarian access points that you reference. I share your anger at
    Russia and China's vetoes at the U.N. Security Council to reduce the
    number of available access points, which even in 2014 were not even
    close to sufficient in terms of meeting the actual needs of Syrian
    civilians. Overall, since the beginning of the conflict, Russia and
    China have together vetoed 16 Security Council resolutions related to
    Syria. In the face of these unconscionable decisions, the U.S. must
    continue to aid vulnerable Syrians within Syria and across the region.
    The United States remains the largest humanitarian donor in Syria,
    providing over $12.2 billion in humanitarian assistance since the
    conflict began. Despite enormous challenges, humanitarian organizations
    are reaching vulnerable Syrians in both government- and opposition-
    controlled areas, utilizing both cross-border and cross-line access.
    That said, there are no viable alternatives that would yield the same
    range and magnitude of capability, or efficiency, as the U.N.'s cross-
    border assistance to northern Syria. I understand that the Biden
    administration strongly supports renewal of the Bab al-Hawa border
    crossing and reinstatement of other crossings into northern Syria in
    the U.N. Security Council, and if confirmed, I will work tirelessly in
    support of these efforts.

        Question. What are your thoughts on cross-border humanitarian
    assistance in the absence of a U.N. resolution?

        Answer. There is no solution at the scale needed if U.N. cross-
    border access is not reauthorized. Humanitarian assistance must be able
    to be as flexible as possible, including both cross-line and cross-
    border. The humanitarian needs inside Syria will only increase in the
    face of closing borders and shrinking operating spaces. As referenced
    earlier, I understand that the Biden administration strongly supports
    renewal of the Bab al-Hawa border crossing and reinstatement of other
    crossings into northern Syria in the U.N. Security Council, and if
    confirmed, I commit to tirelessly supporting these efforts. I also
    believe that we must partner with a range of countries, NGOs, and
    influential figures to raise awareness about the catastrophic impact on
    Syrian civilians that will result from losing the final crossing,
    highlighting the reputational costs for Russia if it uses its veto to
    completely cut off civilians in northern Syria from this life-saving
    assistance. Additionally, if confirmed, I will support the Department
    of State's efforts to advance a negotiated political settlement so that
    Syria can move beyond its continual cycle of violence and suffering
    towards reconciliation and rebuilding.

    Central America
        Question. In September 2019, then-(Acting) Assistant Secretary of
    State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Michael Kozak described to this
    committee how, despite years of programmatic successes, the U.S.-
    Central America Strategy had failed to muster the political will
    necessary for aid-recipient countries to effectively combat the endemic
    corruption, economic protectionism, and rampant criminality that have
    generated wave after wave of illegal migration from the region.

       If confirmed, what actions would you take to build and maintain
            political will among the political leadership in the countries
            of Northern Central America to tackle the push factors of
            illegal migration?

        Answer. The President has articulated a comprehensive $4 billion,
    four-year plan that will provide financial and other forms of
    assistance and incentives to confront corruption, enhance security, and
    foster prosperity across the region. As Vice President, he also exerted
    consistent diplomatic pressure in support of anti-corruption efforts in
    the region. If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with Congress on
    the most effective ways to implement President Biden's plan, and
    increasing the diplomatic pressure on elected officials not doing
    enough to confront corruption and lawlessness. I understand that USAID
    is working in partnership with other U. S. Government Agencies to
    address the root causes of irregular migration from the Northern
    Triangle and foster an environment where families can envision their
    futures in their home countries and communities. USAID focuses on
    combating crime and violence by reaching at-risk youth, addressing
    corruption and impunity, disrupting the activities of transnational
    criminal organizations, and providing vulnerable citizens with greater
    economic opportunity, social services, and protection. With the
    appropriate time, sustained commitment, and appropriate partners, I
    believe USAID programs can help address the push factors that lead
    Central Americans to reluctantly leave their homes. To give just one
    example: in neighborhoods where USAID worked in El Salvador to
    implement security programs, homicides declined by an average of 45
    percent from 2015 to 2017. If we want to duplicate, improve upon, and
    eventually scale initiatives of this kind, strengthening our
    partnerships with civil society leaders--including advocates for
    transparent and accountable government and human rights--will be
    important. Similarly, USAID will work with those private sector leaders
    committed to transparency and the rule of law.

        Question. The 2014 Strategy for Engagement in Central America aimed
    to deter illegal migration from the region by promoting economic
    prosperity, security, and good governance in recipient countries.
    Pursuant to that strategy, Congress has placed multiple conditions on
    aid to these countries.

       To what extent have legislative conditions contributed to policy
            changes in the recipient nations? How do you plan to
            incentivize needed reforms if the recipient countries fail to
            meet conditions set by Congress, and those failures prompt
            restrictions on assistance?

        Answer. Congress is a key partner in setting America's foreign
    policy agenda and with regard to the implementation of foreign
    assistance. I cannot state definitively how the aforementioned
    conditions specifically impacted decision-making in recipient
    countries, but based on my own experiences as a diplomat, I agree that
    it is important that the administration work with Congress to utilize
    all available congressional tools with flexibility to implement our
    policies and respond to changing contexts.

        Question. President Biden has proposed a four-year $4 billion
    strategy for Central America.

       Can you describe the types of investments and specific reforms you
            would seek from individual governments under this strategy to
            reduce illegal migration from the region, including the
            concrete and verifiable benchmarks by which you will measure
            success? How will this strategy help the governments of Central
            America become more self-sufficient so that U.S. foreign
            assistance is no longer needed to achieve these objectives?

        Answer. I believe that the ultimate solution for sustainably
    reducing irregular migration from Central America is to work not only
    with governments to encourage critical reforms, but also broadly with
    civil society, the private sector, and international partners to
    catalyze structural changes that address corruption, security, and
    prosperity in the region. Creating economic opportunity, rebuilding the
    social fabric in communities that have been torn apart by violence,
    establishing inclusive, fair, and just rule of law, and ensuring there
    is the capacity to deliver citizen-responsive governance and services
    will position Central America's Northern Triangle countries to address
    the drivers of irregular migration for the long term.

    Nicaragua
        Question. Nicaragua is scheduled to hold general elections in
    November. In October 2020, the Organization of American States adopted
    a resolution [AG/RES.2962 (L-O/20)] calling for the restoration of
    democratic institutions and respect for human rights in Nicaragua
    through free and fair elections. The Ortega regime responded by
    approving three statutes with the apparent aim of quashing dissent in
    Nicaragua ahead of the November 2021 elections.

       If confirmed, do you commit to prioritizing actions and programs
            designed to improve the capacity of the democratic forces in
            Nicaragua to be a credible challenge to Ortega ahead of the
            November 2021 general elections?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring USAID supports viable,
    democratic processes and institutions in Nicaragua. USAID is focused on
    the November 2021 national elections in Nicaragua and on restoring
    democratic processes and respect for human rights through expanding
    opportunities for coalition building and supporting electoral integrity
    and an active civil society.

    Cuba
        Question. According to the State Department, in 2019, the
    Government of Cuba maintained an estimated 50,000 medical personnel in
    more than 60 countries under conditions that represent forced labor.
    The United States, the United Nations, independent media outlets, and
    non-governmental organizations have all documented and called out the
    Cuban regime's exploitative and coercive practices toward its doctors
    participating in its overseas medical programs.

       Do you consider the Cuban regime's overseas medical missions to be
            exploitative human trafficking efforts? How can USAID Missions
            in countries that accept Cuban medical missions help
            communicate the realities of the forced labor practices
            employed by the Cuban regime?

        Answer. Support for democracy and human rights is at the core of
    this administration's Cuba policy. We must be vocal in our support for
    the journalists, human rights defenders, and democracy activists
    seeking to challenge the repressiveness of Cuban authorities, who
    maintain an extraordinarily tight grip on all aspects of life on the
    island and are ruthless in seeking to stifle dissent. I understand that
    USAID has programs in place currently to support the human rights of
    Cuban workers, including medical personnel. If confirmed, I will work
    with my colleagues at the Department of State to review the Cuban
    Government's practices with regard to its overseas medical programs and
    look forward to consulting with you on this issue.

        Question. The State Department's 2019 Human Rights Report for Cuba
    painted a dismal picture of human rights abuses by the Cuban regime, to
    include accounts of disappearances; torture and other cruel, inhumane,
    or degrading treatment or punishment; harsh prison and detention center
    conditions; arbitrary arrests and detentions; denial of fair public
    trial; and political prisoners and detainees. The regime also has
    cracked down on freedom of expression, limited internet freedom, and
    restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.

       Will you commit to calling out human rights violations by the Cuban
            Government?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure that support for human
    rights remains at the core of USAID's efforts in Cuba. Cuba is one of
    the most repressive countries in the world, and is ruled by a
    dictatorship that flagrantly abuses human rights, seeks to prevent its
    populace from accessing even basic independent information, inhibits
    meaningful civil society activity--including free press--and
    criminalizes political dissent. As one of my first acts as U.S.
    Ambassador to the U.N., I raised the case of Oswaldo Paya directly with
    the Cuban Foreign Minister, pressing him to allow an independent
    investigation of the circumstances in which Paya had been killed, and I
    continued to advocate publicly in support of Paya's family. During my
    time at the U.N., I repeatedly called out Cuba for its abhorrent
    treatment of Cubans like Jose Daniel Ferrer, Jose Antonio Torres, Julio
    Ferrer, and Antonio Rodiles. If confirmed, I will continue to speak out
    against Cuba's persecution of its citizens and human rights violations.

        Question. How will you work to support democratic activists and
    human rights defenders in Cuba?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue USAID's work to support
    democratic activists and human rights defenders in Cuba. The role of a
    vibrant civil society continues to be essential to Cuban democracy. I
    gather that USAID has a portfolio in place to continue supporting a
    diverse sector of independent activists in Cuba who will push for
    democratic freedoms, including religious freedom. The Agency will also
    continue providing basic needs assistance to political prisoners and
    persecuted activists. NGOs are poised to continue defending the human
    rights of those who are abused and even jailed for their political
    beliefs.

        Question. Do you commit to maintain a robust USAID democracy
    program focused on advancing respect for basic human rights in Cuba?

        Answer. Yes, I am committed to supporting robust USAID democracy
    programming in Cuba.

    Haiti
        Question. Haiti is facing a complex and worsening constitutional
    crisis.

       What role can USAID play in promoting effective dialogue among the
            different political forces? If confirmed, what efforts would
            you make to support strengthening Haiti's technical capacity to
            hold elections?

        Answer. The Haitian people deserve democracy and prosperity. Haiti
    has been without a functioning government for too long, and in the
    meantime, conditions continue to deteriorate. The political parties
    need to come together to end the misery, corruption and insecurity
    wreaking havoc for the Haitian people. While Haiti is facing a complex
    emergency that USAID assistance alone cannot resolve, USAID does have
    an important role to play in helping to promote democracy, human
    rights, and governance. With respect to the upcoming legislative
    elections, I understand that USAID's current activities aim to promote
    credible elections, increase political party competition, and expand
    civic participation in electoral processes to help end the ongoing
    political crisis of rule by decree. If confirmed, I will advocate for a
    strong whole-of-government and multi-donor approach for targeted
    democracy, human rights, and governance work to promote democratic
    political reform, peace and stability.

    South America
        Question. Over the last three decades, Colombia has emerged as a
    source of economic prosperity and stability in the region and a key
    strategic ally and partner of the United States. Yet, policy decisions
    made during the negotiations of the 2016 deal with the FARC terrorist
    organization created new challenges for Colombia and in our relations.
    Coca production in Colombia has steadily increased since 2013, reaching
    212,000 hectares in 2019. In March 2020, the United States and Colombia
    announced a joint action plan to reduce coca cultivation and cocaine
    production by 50 percent by the end of 2023. The plan would make full
    use of all available tools, including rural development, interdiction,
    as well as manual and aerial eradication.

       Would you agree that achieving this goal by 2023 would deliver
            significant health and security benefits for Americans here at
            home? If confirmed, what tools and policies would you implement
            to ensure that our two nations meet this goal?

        Answer. I share your concern about the flow of drugs from Latin
    America and the Caribbean to the United States. USAID plays an
    important role on this issue through its alternative development
    programs in Colombia, which are intended to offer licit alternatives--
    such as coffee, cacao, dairy, and others--to replace coca production.
    Alternative development is a necessary but insufficient tool to
    significantly reduce coca cultivation, which also requires robust
    involvement by the private sector, civil society, and international
    organizations, along with a commitment by Colombian leaders to
    equitable economic development in communities that have long been
    underserved by government programs. Colombia's historic 2016 peace
    accord with the FARC was an important first step in ending one of the
    longest-running armed conflicts in the world, which had led to the
    deaths of hundreds of thousands of people and displaced millions of
    Colombians. Implementing the various components of the accords is a
    complex undertaking, and a challenge that continues to this day. I
    gather that USAID's assistance focuses squarely on these efforts at
    implementation, which must move forward in order to enhance security,
    governance and development in former FARC-controlled and ungoverned
    territories where some 95 percent of coca is cultivated and cocaine is
    produced.

    Venezuela
        Question. Approximately 7.2 million people will require
    humanitarian assistance due to the Venezuela regional crisis in 2021, a
    10 percent increase from the year before.

       How will you organize the resources of USAID to respond to the
            increased need of millions of Venezuelans?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize humanitarian funding for
    the Venezuela regional crisis. The situation within Venezuela is grave
    and deteriorating: a recent U.N. fact-finding mission has uncovered
    ``widespread and systematic'' abuses by the Maduro Government against
    the Venezuelan people, including extrajudicial executions, enforced
    disappearances, arbitrary detentions, and torture. Concurrently, more
    than five million Venezuelans are now refugees, putting immense
    pressure on neighboring countries. USAID has provided more than $1
    billion in humanitarian assistance since 2017 for Venezuelan migrants
    and refugees, and host communities in Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, and
    Peru, as well as more than $104 million since 2018 to reach people
    inside Venezuela with life-saving humanitarian assistance, making the
    U.S. the largest donor to the crisis regionally. USAID also supports
    long-term development and integration activities in Brazil, Colombia,
    Ecuador, and Peru for Venezuelan migrants and refugees. Still, there is
    more that can be done, particularly in terms of stronger coordination
    and cooperation with like-minded countries.
        If confirmed, I will ensure USAID's critical humanitarian and
    development assistance continues. Furthermore, despite the Maduro
    regime's efforts to stifle any activities that threaten its hold on
    power or accountability for its numerous crimes, if I am confirmed,
    USAID will continue to provide support for civil society organizations
    and democratically-minded actors working under incredibly dangerous
    conditions to bring about a democratic transition.

    Self-Reliance
        Question. Former USAID Administrator Mark Green spearheaded the
    agency's ``Journey to Self-Reliance'' initiative in an effort to
    provide strategic focus to U.S. foreign assistance, including by taking
    a data-based approach toward building partner country capacity to
    achieve and sustain development results. In contrast with China's
    development model, which creates dependence, Administrator Green argued
    that America should seek to foster self-reliance and responsibility
    among its friends.

       While distinct from diplomatic and humanitarian assistance, do you
            agree that the purpose of development assistance is to end the
            need for its existence? If so, how will you ensure that USAID
            and the implementing partners it supports effectively work
            themselves out of a job?

        Answer. Yes, I agree with the principle of self-reliance and that
    USAID's programs should encourage self-reliance and sustainability. I
    also believe it is what the vast majority of beneficiaries of USAID
    programs want most for themselves and their communities. My vision for
    USAID's role includes traditional development priorities. It also
    applies a broader lens that recognizes U.S. foreign assistance within
    core U.S. national security priorities, including advancing democracy,
    human rights, increasing climate security and resilience, and global
    health in a collaborative manner with civil society partners and
    governments. If confirmed, I commit to advancing sound, evidence-based
    development and humanitarian programming that continues to improve aid
    effectiveness, self-reliance and sustainability.

        Question. Do you intend to work with USAID to continue the
    ``Journey to Self-Reliance'' initiative, whether in name or in spirit?
    If not, why not?

        Answer. I deeply respect and appreciate former Administrator Mark
    Green's leadership on this issue and intend to build on this
    initiative. I understand that the Journey to Self-Reliance emphasizes
    developing critical local capacities and supporting meaningful country
    commitments, fit to the diverse contexts in which USAID works. I agree
    the concept is sound and builds on the work of the Agency to support
    sustainable development that has spanned multiple administrations.

    Global Health Security
        Question. The COVID-19 pandemic originated and accelerated in
    higher-income countries, where USAID does not maintain a regular
    presence and where intense, high-level diplomatic engagement proved
    critical to securing global health data, navigating supply chain
    disruptions, and facilitating the safe evacuation of American citizens.

       Do you agree with the framework outlined by President Biden in NSM-
            1, in which the Secretary of State, in coordination with the
            USAID Administrator, leads (1) the development of the U.S.
            Government-wide plan to combat the COVID-19 pandemic and (2) a
            diplomatic outreach plan for enhancing the United States'
            response to the COVID-19 pandemic, with a focus on engaging
            partner nations?

       Do you agree that this framework outlined by President Biden could
            be used in other contexts to support global health efforts of
            the U.S. Government, to include efforts to advance the Global
            Health Security Agenda and enhance pandemic preparedness and
            response overseas?

        Answer. Yes, I support the framework outlined by the President in
    NSM-1. I gather that there has been effective collaboration in the
    interagency on the Global Health Security Agenda and if confirmed, I
    look forward to reviewing it further and seeking ways to enhance our
    impact.

        Question. My bill, the Global Health Diplomacy and Security Act,
    creates a coordinator position at the State Department that is
    consistent with this type of framework outlined by President Biden. If
    confirmed, do you commit to work with me on this effort?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with you and the
    committee on all efforts to advance global health security so as to
    ensure that, after such devastation, the world is far better prepared
    to confront global health threats.

    COVID-19
        Question. The American Rescue Plan Act of 2021 (P.L. 117-2),
    included $10 billion in international affairs funding for the COVID-19
    pandemic response, to include: (1) $3.75 billion to prevent backsliding
    in HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis programs, of which $3.5 billion
    was directed toward the multilateral Global Fund to Fight AIDS,
    Tuberculosis and Malaria's COVID-19 Response Mechanism; and (2) nearly
    $5 billion in bilateral funds, of which an unspecified portion would be
    directed toward the United Nations and other multilateral entities.
    This is on top of the $4 billion that already had been appropriated to
    support U.S. contributions to COVAX/Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance.

       What are the comparative advantages of bilateral funding versus
            multilateral funding in the U.S. response to COVID-19 overseas?
            Are there benefits to bilateral funding that you, if confirmed,
            will advocate for and prioritize?

        Answer. I believe that the U.S. Government (USG) is most effective
    when both bilateral and multilateral funding is available and flows to
    responsible and accountable partners. Multilateral funding allows the
    USG to leverage the financial commitments, technical expertise, and
    diplomatic engagement of many partners, often achieving economies of
    scale and burden-sharing with other donors. Bilateral funding enables
    USAID to align that work and those commitments to action on the ground
    through the expertise and coordination of USAID field teams and ongoing
    local assistance efforts, and address priorities that may not be
    effectively or efficiently covered through multilateral channels.
        If confirmed, will you continue the policy of providing funding for
    multilateral entities, to include COVAX/Gavi and the Global Fund, in
    tranches, such that U.S. contributions are made available based upon
    need, performance, and other donor support?
        I understand that USAID funding to Gavi/COVAX will be provided in
    tranches. This will allow USAID to ensure Gavi/COVAX has the funding it
    needs to scale global vaccine access, while closely monitoring COVAX's
    performance and also incentivizing other donors to provide additional
    resources. I understand that to date, USAID has obligated $2 billion
    out of a total $4 billion to Gavi/COVAX. If confirmed, I will ensure
    that USAID, in consultation with Gavi, is carefully considering the
    timing of contributions to ensure COVAX is sufficiently resourced to
    meet critical public health needs, given evolving supply dynamics and
    resource constraints.

    PEPFAR
        Question. Lack of strategic direction, embittered competition, and
    poor communication between the two principal implementers of U.S.
    global health assistance--USAID and the Centers for Disease Control and
    Prevention (CDC)--have long plagued U.S. global health programs. This
    is why, when authorizing the greatest commitment by any country to
    combat a single disease in history, Congress placed the responsibility
    for coordinating the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief
    (PEPFAR) within the Department of State. The PEPFAR program is now
    recognized as the most successful U.S. foreign assistance program since
    the Marshall Plan and has saved millions of lives, strengthened health
    systems and supply chains, and advanced key U.S. diplomatic, economic,
    and security goals.
        Recognizing the success of the PEPFAR model--but also understanding
    that PEPFAR would eventually need to be transitioned--the Obama
    administration in 2009 sought to launch a 6-year, $63 billion Global
    Health Initiative (GHI). Managed by the Coordinator of U.S. Government
    Activities to Combat HIV/AIDS and Special Representative for Global
    Health Diplomacy at the Department of State, the GHI proposed to take
    an evidence-based approach toward strengthening health systems and
    enhancing global health security. Though the GHI never found its
    footing, the compelling need to close gaps in global health security
    while also mitigating the need for disease-specific initiatives
    justifies taking another look.

       Do you agree that the PEPFAR model, to include the coordinating
            role played by the Department of State and the implementing
            roles played by USAID and CDC, has been successful? As more and
            more countries approach epidemic control, do you believe this
            model could be adapted to advance broader global health
            security and diplomacy objectives, as the Obama administration
            envisioned under the GHI?

        Answer. I agree that PEPFAR has been enormously successful, and
    should be considered one of the most significant and impactful public
    health initiatives ever undertaken. As U.S. Ambassador to the U.N.,
    many of my African colleagues spoke to me in strikingly personal terms
    about what PEPFAR meant to their countries, offering sincere and
    profound thanks to the American people for continuing to support this
    initiative. I am also aware that there are other highly successful U.S.
    Government public health initiatives, including the President's Malaria
    Initiative, the West Africa and Eastern Congo Ebola responses, and
    USAID's Neglected Tropical Disease program that should be reviewed for
    lessons learned. If confirmed, I am committed to working with the
    administration and Congress to review all of these successful programs,
    draw lessons learned and determine how to best posture the U.S.
    Government and USAID to advance global health security, global health
    diplomacy, and pandemic response objectives.

        Question. The Office of the Global AIDS Coordinator was recently
    directed to suspend its Country Operating Plan (COP) process, which had
    already reached an advanced stage, in order to alleviate burdens on
    implementing partners during the COVID-19 outbreak. While sympathetic
    to the needs of implementing partners, the COP process, and the data-
    driven approach it has institutionalized, is vital to the effective
    planning and execution of PEPFAR programs. If confirmed, will you
    ensure USAID fully and faithfully engages in the COP process and
    adheres to such plans without unwarranted delays or deviations?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will ensure that USAID fully and
    faithfully engages in the COP process and adheres to such plans without
    unwarranted delays or deviations.

        Question. The World Health Organization (WHO): You had a front row
    seat to the ineptitude of the WHO during the 2014-2016 Ebola outbreak
    in West Africa. It was so bad, in fact, that you helped lead the effort
    on the U.N. Security Council to declare the outbreak ``a threat to
    international peace and security'' and to establish the U.N.'s first-
    ever ``health-keeping'' mission.
        Much like the Ebola outbreak that preceded it, the WHO was either
    unwilling or unable to mount an effective emergency response to the
    COVID-19 outbreak in Wuhan, China. Not only did it fail to press the
    Chinese Government for access and information in the critical first
    days of the outbreak, but the WHO provided political cover for China's
    reckless response, publicly validated disinformation, and condemned
    travel controls designed to mitigate the global spread.

       Do you agree that the WHO is badly in need of reform? If so, what
            specific reforms are necessary to restore its credibility among
            the American people and the world?

        Answer. Yes, the WHO needs reform and strengthening. While the WHO
    continues to play an important role in the global response to COVID-19,
    the pandemic exposed weaknesses in the readiness posture of both the
    WHO and member states to respond to a crisis on this scale. President
    Biden is firmly committed to reforming and strengthening the WHO, and
    some of his first executive actions have focused on strengthening
    global preparedness against future pandemic threats. The administration
    believes that the best way to do this is by remaining an actively
    engaged member of the organization and working with all member states
    to support, strengthen, and build accountability at the WHO. If
    confirmed, I will work closely with the Departments of State and Health
    and Human Services to ensure USAID informs and supports efforts that
    strengthen the World Health Organization.

        Question. If confirmed, will you ensure that by joining COVAX, the
    vaccines pillar of the WHO-supported Access to COVID-19 Tools (ACT)
    Accelerator, the United States will not subsidize the distribution of
    non-transparently developed, reportedly substandard Chinese and Russian
    COVID-19 vaccines?

        Answer. USAID funding to COVAX will only support procurement and
    delivery of vaccines that meet rigorous quality standards, are safe and
    efficacious, and have been approved or authorized by a stringent
    regulatory authority, such as the U.S. FDA or the World Health
    Organization. To date, vaccines developed by China and Russia have not
    met these standards.

    Food Aid and Food Security
        Question. The United States is the single most generous provider of
    humanitarian assistance in the world, both financial and in-kind, thus
    saving hundreds of millions of lives and promoting the growth of
    healthier, more stable societies. Yet today, an estimated 690 million
    people are food insecure, of which 270 million are facing starvation.
    As needs outpace the ability of donors to respond, it is imperative
    that the Department and USAID be enabled to stretch U.S. humanitarian
    resources farther, including by modernizing U.S. international food
    aid.
        Historically, the flagship U.S. food aid program--Food for Peace--
    required that 100 percent of the food provided under the Act be
    purchased in the United States, of which 50 percent must be shipped on
    U.S. flagged vessels. According to the GAO, the shipping requirement,
    in particular, has added significant time and cost to emergency food
    aid, even while failing to fulfil its statutory purpose. Three
    consecutive administrations have thus proposed changes--ranging from
    setting aside 20 percent of the budget for local and regional
    procurement to eliminating Food for Peace entirely. The Global Food
    Security Act (as re-authorized through FY2023) and the 2018 Farm Bill
    did include modest reforms, but more needs to be done.

       Do you agree that the Department of Defense is capable of managing
            its own sealift capacity and that U.S. agricultural cargo
            preference requirements have outlived their statutory purpose,
            add unnecessary time and expense to life-saving U.S. food aid,
            and should no longer be applied to international food aid?

       If confirmed, will you carry forward the food aid reform efforts of
            your predecessors, including under the Obama administration?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with Congress to
    make USAID's programming to combat rising food insecurity and build the
    resilience of vulnerable communities as effectively and efficiently as
    possible. Each of the food assistance modalities--U.S. in-kind food,
    locally and regionally procured food, and cash-based programming--
    complements the others in addressing food insecurity efficiently and
    effectively. At this time of unprecedented global humanitarian need,
    USAID's ability to reach hungry people and improve the efficiency of
    our programs is of utmost importance.

    Humanitarian Assistance
        Question. How will USAID, in coordination with the new Office of
    Sanctions Coordination, work with the Treasury Department to ensure our
    sanctions programs are designed to shape behavior without exacerbating
    humanitarian crises around the world?

        Answer. I understand that USAID coordinates regularly with the
    interagency to review sanctions programs, including how sanctions are
    impacting the COVID-19 response and humanitarian programs. If
    confirmed, I will support USAID's work with the Department of Treasury,
    the Department of State and the rest of the interagency to develop
    effective sanctions regimes with requisite flexibilities to ensure that
    life-saving humanitarian assistance can reach those in need.

        Question. Should U.S. humanitarian assistance be branded? If not,
    why not? If confirmed, will you uphold President Trump's Executive
    Order on branding U.S. foreign assistance and the USAID Branding
    Modernization Act (P.L. 116-334), including by branding all U.S.
    foreign assistance administered by USAID?

        Answer. I am committed to branding and agree that branding sends a
    strong public diplomacy message, conveying that our assistance is due
    to the generosity of the American people. It is also a critical element
    of a counter China strategy.
        Current branding regulations and policy continue to apply to USAID
    awards and partners must continue to follow the branding requirements
    outlined in their assistance agreements.

    Women, Peace, and Security
        Question. Under President Trump's Women, Peace, and Security (WPS)
    initiative signed into law in 2019, the United States is working to
    advance three objectives by 2023, such that: 1) women are more prepared
    and increasingly able to participate in efforts that promote stable and
    lasting peace; 2) women and girls are safer, better protected, and have
    equal access to government and private-assistance programs, including
    from the United States, international partners, and host nations; and
    3) the United States and partner governments have improved
    institutionalization and capacity to ensure WPS efforts are sustainable
    and long-lasting.

       What actions will you, if confirmed, take to ensure these goals are
            met? Will you enhance lines of effort and agency actions?

        Answer. I agree that women's meaningful engagement leads to better,
    more durable outcomes for peace and security. Studies show that when
    women participate in peace processes the resulting agreement is 35
    percent more likely to last at least 15 years. More broadly speaking,
    one of the best predictors of a state's peacefulness is the way women
    are treated within that state. USAID assistance supports the objectives
    in the WPS Act to bolster women's ability to participate in peace and
    political processes, protect against gender-based violence, and hold
    accountable those that commit acts of gender-based violence. USAID's
    activities also help break down barriers to women's participation in
    conflict mitigation and peacebuilding. If confirmed, I will work with
    my colleagues to further implement our commitments under the WPS Act
    and ensure that these efforts continue to be a priority for the Agency.

    Human Trafficking
        Question. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated cases of human
    trafficking and online sexual exploitation and abuse worldwide.

       What will you prioritize, if confirmed, to counter this growing
            problem during COVID-19 and to prevent a resurgence of these
            behaviors after the pandemic is over?

        Answer. I share your concerns and believe that human trafficking is
    a grave human rights abuse. Sadly, the COVID-19 crisis has amplified a
    number of factors that increase the risk of human trafficking and
    online sexual exploitation and abuse. In particular, as out-of-school
    or quarantined children spend more time online, the potential for
    online harm of children also increases. If confirmed, I am committed to
    USAID's work to counter human trafficking, which includes activities to
    raise awareness about the risk of online sexual exploitation and abuse,
    and provide children, families, and communities with the knowledge and
    tools they need to reduce exposure to harmful online content.

        Question. How will you, if confirmed, enhance USAID's role in the
    President's Interagency Task Force to Monitor and Combat Trafficking
    (PITF) and the Senior Policy Operating Group to Combat Trafficking in
    Persons (SPOG)?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will bring USAID's expertise to bear in the
    PITF and SPOG, specifically by strengthening the interagency approach
    to promote evidence-based prevention practices; identify, protect, and
    respond to victims' needs; increase prosecutions and convictions; and
    build partnerships, including with the corporate sector. I will
    advocate for survivors and those who experienced trauma from human
    trafficking. A survivor-centered approach is essential to preserve the
    dignity, safety, and well-being of at-risk and vulnerable populations.
    I am committed to working within the interagency to increase
    collaboration with international organizations, civil society groups,
    and the corporate sector.

    United Nations Funding
        Question. USAID provides significant amounts of funding to the
    United Nations system, including through voluntary contributions to the
    World Food Program, UNICEF, the U.N. Development Program, and others.

       If confirmed, how do you plan to ensure that funding that goes
            through the U.N. system has proper oversight and is not lost to
            waste, fraud, abuse, or diversion to repressive governments,
            armed groups, terrorist organizations, or criminal enterprise?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration will continue to hold
    United Nations (UN) organizations accountable to their mission and U.N.
    member states. This means doing everything possible to ensure that U.N.
    organizations are using resources efficiently and effectively--
    eliminating waste, demanding zero tolerance for corruption and sexual
    exploitation, and strengthening whistleblower protections and
    transparency and accountability. Since most USAID funding to U.N.
    partners is project-based, the Agency also ensures that USAID's U.N.
    partners understand and comply with USAID requirements on monitoring
    and reporting. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Department of
    State and Mission to the U.N., to continue to advance these priorities.

    DDI
        Question. With the re-organization of USAID, there is a new Bureau
    of Development, Democracy and Innovation.

       Can you speak in detail about USAID's democracy promotion efforts?

        Answer. China and Russia are using their resources, influence, and
    technology to support autocrats and undermine and interfere with
    democratic institutions. To meet this moment, the Biden-Harris
    administration will restore democracy and human rights to the center of
    U.S. foreign policy. USAID will pursue an affirmative strategy that
    counters new and emerging threats to democracy and advances human
    rights. This has been a top priority of mine throughout my career, and
    if confirmed, I will elevate democracy programming and seek to deepen
    current investments in anti-corruption programming, democracy, human
    rights, and governance, including by supporting civil society and
    promoting independent media and protection for journalists.

        Question. How do these efforts complement the work being done by
    the Department of State's Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Bureau?

        Answer. USAID works closely with the Department of State and the
    National Endowment for Democracy in democracy promotion efforts. Each
    entity has distinct comparative advantages--in the case of USAID, that
    includes USAID's ability to leverage relationships and know-how through
    its missions to tailor its work to local conditions--which gives the
    United States a multi-faceted and more effective approach in
    increasingly complex environments. I understand the USAID's Bureau for
    Democracy, Development, and Innovation and the State Department's
    Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL) engage in regular
    information-sharing and coordination efforts to avoid duplication and
    make the most strategic use of assistance funds. This coordination
    takes place both in Washington and at our missions overseas. If
    confirmed, I will work closely with my counterparts to ensure that
    coordination continues to take place and every effort is made to
    maximize the impact of our assistance.

    Atrocity Prevention
        Question. What role does USAID play in U.S. atrocity prevention
    efforts?

        Answer. Since the 2011 Presidential Study Directive on Mass
    Atrocities, USAID has played a leadership role in helping improve U.S.
    Government capabilities related to atrocity prevention. USAID addresses
    mass atrocities in four main ways: identifying and communicating risk
    factors and warning signs that could lead to mass atrocities;
    mitigating risks and bolstering resilience to shocks that could lead to
    mass atrocities; responding to escalating atrocity situations with
    humanitarian assistance and prevention programs; and supporting
    recovery from mass violence and gross violations of human rights
    through programs focused on promoting justice and accountability,
    rebuilding social cohesion, supporting political transition, and
    supporting the protection of human rights.
        This work is incredibly important because preventing mass
    atrocities is a core national security interest of the United States.
    While serving on the National Security Council as Special Assistant to
    the President and Senior Director for Multilateral Affairs and Human
    Rights, I worked with President Obama to create the aforementioned
    Directive and the Atrocities Prevention Board, the first White House-
    led structure tasked with reacting to early warnings of atrocities.

    Climate
        Question. If confirmed, how will you and USAID interact with the
    office of Special Presidential Envoy Kerry, including with respect to
    implementation of U.S. foreign assistance connected to any climate
    arrangements or agreements negotiated by the office of Special
    Presidential Envoy Kerry?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would commit to working closely with
    Special Presidential Climate Envoy Kerry, as USAID plays an essential
    role in working with our partner countries to translate bold climate
    ambition into action. Indeed, Secretary Kerry and I have a strong
    working relationship, forged during my time as U.S. Ambassador to the
    U.N. while he was serving as Secretary of State. I understand that the
    administration's top priorities are to: immediately raise and implement
    partner countries' climate commitments, meet the U.S. climate finance
    pledge, accelerate efforts to increase the resilience of climate
    vulnerable countries. USAID will work with countries and regions with
    globally important forests and carbon-rich landscapes to reduce
    deforestation and improve conservation, as unsustainable land use
    accounts for one-quarter of global greenhouse emissions, as well as
    reduce emissions from land use change in critical tropical ecosystems
    that serve as global carbon sinks. USAID will also work with countries
    and regions with globally important forests and carbon-rich landscapes
    to reduce deforestation and improve conservation.

    Infrastructure
        Question. USAID plays an important role in the Infrastructure
    Transaction and Assistance Network and the Transaction Advisory Fund,
    set up under the Trump administration.

       Please describe your specific views on these two programs. Will
            USAID under the Biden administration retain this initiative?

        Answer. China's significant infrastructure investments around the
    world are often fiscally unsustainable, include corrupt practices and
    processes, do not comply with international environmental and labor
    standards, lack public oversight and transparency, and have limited
    community involvement. I believe that USAID, through initiatives like
    ITAN, should continue advising countries on how to ensure a fair and
    level playing field. Once a country commits to undertaking a
    competitive procurement process, USAID should continue using mechanisms
    such as the Transaction Advisory Fund to advise it on how to ensure
    projects are legally, financially, and technically viable and
    incorporate appropriate environmental and social safeguards.

    Reproductive Health
        Question. President Biden has rescinded the Mexico City policy
    (which conditioned U.S. assistance to foreign NGOs upon a commitment
    that they will not perform or promote abortion with funding from any
    source) and has said the United States will rejoin the United Nations
    Population Fund (UNFPA), notwithstanding concerns about its support for
    China's population control program. Abortion pro-choice advocates are
    also seeking to overturn the Helms amendment (prohibiting the use of
    U.S. foreign aid for the performance or promotion of abortion as a
    method of family planning) and the Siljander amendment (prohibiting use
    of U.S. foreign aid to lobby for or against the legalization of
    abortion).

       In your opinion, does the term ``reproductive health'' include
            abortion?

        Answer. Abortion is not included in USAID's definition of
    reproductive health.

        Question. Do you commit to uphold U.S. laws that prohibit funding
    for abortion overseas?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to uphold U.S. laws, including
    the Helms and Siljander amendments.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Samantha Power by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Human Rights
        Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
    your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
    impact of your actions?

        Answer. Promoting human rights and democracy has been central to my
    work as a writer, advocate, and diplomat. In 2002, after years of
    extensive reporting and research, I published ``A Problem From Hell'':
    America and the Age of Genocide, which documented inaction in the face
    of genocides over the course of the 20th century. The book was
    integrated into high school and university curriculums, and some of its
    lessons were embraced by student activists, faith groups, and others
    seeking to promote human rights. In addition, many readers have
    informed me that the book's central message encouraged them to take
    action in the face of genocide in Darfur.
        While serving on the National Security Council as Special Assistant
    to the President and Senior Director for Multilateral Affairs and Human
    Rights, I worked with President Obama to develop new processes aimed at
    ensuring that atrocity warnings rapidly reached senior policy makers,
    and to make creative use of the policy toolbox when signs of potential
    atrocities arose--efforts that helped ensure that, in the face of mass
    atrocities, the American response did not come down to a choice between
    doing nothing or using U.S. military force. This work produced
    significant outcomes, such as the highly-effective deployment of U.S.
    military advisers to support African Governments combating the Lord's
    Resistance Army, proactive peacekeeping in the Ivory Coast to prevent
    spiraling mass atrocities following a stolen election, and relentless
    high-level diplomacy in support of Sudan's independence referendum,
    which paved the way for the birth of an independent South Sudan. Also,
    during my time as Senior Director, I worked with my NSC colleague Gayle
    Smith to spearhead the creation of the Open Government Partnership
    (OGP), a multilateral initiative that secures governmental commitments
    to promote transparency, fight corruption, empower citizens, and
    strengthen governance. Since its founding in 2011, the OGP has grown to
    include 78 country members and a growing number of local members--
    representing more than two billion people--that work alongside
    thousands of civil society organizations.
        As U.S. Ambassador to the U.N., my top priorities included working
    to prevent and end conflicts, addressing the humanitarian needs of
    vulnerable communities, and advancing the human rights and dignity of
    all individuals. I spearheaded the effort to convene two successive
    summits that mobilized unprecedented commitments to U.N. Peacekeeping
    of over 50,000 new troops and police from more than 60 countries. In
    response to the global refugee crisis, I led efforts to convene a
    summit in which participating nations agreed to increase their total
    annual contributions to U.N. appeals and international humanitarian
    groups by approximately $4.5 billion and to double the number of formal
    refugee resettlement slots made available to the U.N.'s refugee agency,
    while a range of private sector companies made $650 million worth of
    pledges in support of refugees. Finally, I used intensive public and
    private diplomacy to secure the release of political prisoners and
    enhance the rights of LGBTQ individuals. Among various efforts to
    advocate on behalf of those unjustly imprisoned, in the #FreeThe20
    campaign, I publicized the cases of 20 female political prisoners
    around the world--16 of whom were ultimately freed. As part of my work
    to advance LGBTQ rights, I helped create for the first time a mandate
    for an Independent Expert to monitor and report on the violence and
    discrimination faced by LGBTQ persons around the world, convened the
    first-ever U.N. Security Council meeting on threats to LGBTQ persons ,
    and was able to push the Security Council to condemn (for the first
    time in its 70-year history) violence against individuals due to their
    sexual orientation.

    Diversity and Inclusion
        Question. In response to a request that I led, GAO reported in June
    2020 that USAID still has much work to do in order to create and
    sustain a truly diverse workforce. What plans do you have for improving
    diversity and inclusion at USAID?

        Answer. Diversity, equity, and inclusion must be a guiding
    principle--in our people, funding and programs, and policies. If
    confirmed, as I noted in my testimony before the Senate Foreign
    Relations Committee, I will make diversity, equity, and inclusion
    foundational priorities for both our mission around the world and how
    we support our workforce. The report you requested, for example,
    presented data demonstrating that ``promotion outcomes at USAID were
    generally lower for racial and ethnic minorities than for whites in
    early to mid career.'' I will engage the staff to understand the
    challenges facing them, solicit advice on how we can create a workforce
    that is more diverse and inclusive, and treat these issues with the
    urgency they demand. Ensuring that USAID remains the world's leading
    development agency requires that diversity, equity, and inclusion be
    guiding principles when it comes to our people, our funding and
    programs, and our policies.

        Question. Do you commit to regularly and transparently monitoring
    the Agency's progress towards its diversity goals?

        Answer. Yes.

    Basic Education
        Question. If confirmed, how would you work to ensure that USAID's
    efforts to support remote learning and re-enrollment efforts in the
    context of COVID-19 will support marginalized learners, including
    girls, refugees, and children with disabilities?

        Answer. COVID-19 interrupted the education of more than 1.6 billion
    learners. The risk of not returning to the classroom is especially high
    for those who experience multiple vulnerabilities based on economic
    status, gender, disability, refugee and displacement status. Since the
    beginning of the pandemic, USAID has adapted its education programming
    to respond to the shifting needs of students and educators in more than
    50 countries. If confirmed, I will ensure that USAID continues to
    support partner countries to sustain investments in inclusive distance
    learning so that education systems are more resilient and equitable. I
    will also ensure that USAID continues to leverage its partnerships and
    global leadership to ensure continued learning opportunities,
    especially for the most marginalized. I will also ensure that USAID
    continues to leverage its partnerships and global leadership with
    groups like the Global Partnership for Education, Education Cannot
    Wait, the LEGO Foundation, the Inter-agency Network for Education in
    Emergencies, the Partnership to End Violence, and UNICEF, among others,
    to ensure continued learning opportunities, especially for the most
    marginalized, including girls, refugees, and children with
    disabilities.

        Question. What more can USAID be doing to help build back school
    systems around the world so that they are capable of serving all
    students, both during and after the pandemic, and are more resilient in
    the face of future challenges?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support efforts to continue to build
    more resilient and equitable education systems and societies,
    especially for the most marginalized and those in vulnerable
    situations, by building emergency preparedness and response capacity,
    institutionalizing remedial and accelerated education, and engaging
    youth and higher education institutions as leaders. USAID has
    opportunities to leverage its experience and expertise in accessible
    and safe distance learning, non-formal and accelerated education,
    inclusive education, youth workforce development, and private sector
    engagement to scale. Institutionalizing these approaches within
    education systems to meet the diverse needs of all children and youth
    while also building resilience within education systems will help
    minimize disruptions to learning in the event of future emergencies.

    Conflicts of Interest
        Question. Do you commit to bring to the attention of the committee
    (and the USAID Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S. actions
    that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's business
    or financial interests, or the business or financial interests of any
    senior White House staff?
        I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
    regulations, and rules and to raise concerns that I may have through
    appropriate channels.

       Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any reason to
            suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
            controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any
            of the President's business or financial interests, or the
            interests of senior White House staff?

        Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
    regulations, and rules and to raise concerns that I may have through
    appropriate channels.

        Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
    any financial interests in any foreign country?

        Answer. My spouse's and my investment portfolio includes mutual
    funds that may hold interests in companies with an international
    presence, or directly in U.S. companies that have an international
    presence, but none of these holdings represent conflicts of interest
    with the position for which I have been nominated. I am committed to
    following all applicable ethics laws and regulations and remaining
    vigilant with regard to my ethics obligations. I have already committed
    to divest investments the USAID Designated Agency Ethics Official
    (DAEO) has identified as possible conflicts of interest. Additionally,
    the separate U.S. literary agents that represent my spouse and me, have
    international offices that negotiate publication or republication of
    our writings in various foreign countries. The DAEO has reviewed these
    business arrangements and has determined that they do not represent
    conflicts of interest, but has advised me that we will need to monitor
    and report any overseas re-publications that occur during my tenure in
    Government.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Samantha Power by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to supporting the Interim
    President of Venezuela Juan Guiad" and prioritize working with
    implementing partners in support of President Guaido's humanitarian
    efforts in Venezuela?

        Answer. The United States recognizes Juan Guaido as the interim
    president and the democratically-elected National Assembly as the only
    legitimate democratic institutions in Venezuela. If confirmed, I commit
    to working with the interim government and to support the people of
    Venezuela.

        Question. Will you commit to working with non-governmental
    organizations and civil society groups to restore democracy and a
    pathway to free, fair, and transparent elections in Venezuela and to
    keep my office informed of that progress?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to working with non-
    governmental organizations and civil society groups to restore
    democracy and a pathway to democratic elections in Venezuela. I look
    forward to consulting with you about how we might strengthen those
    efforts, given the devastating costs of Maduro's repression.

        Question. Do you commit to supporting the Interim President of
    Venezuela, Juan Guaido, and the National Assembly?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support to support Interim President
    Juan Guaido, the democratically elected National Assembly, and the
    people of Venezuela to determine their own future through free and fair
    elections.

        Question. If confirmed, what would your priorities be for Central
    America?

        Answer. If confirmed, my priorities in Central America will include
    expeditiously strengthening programs that seek to improve conditions in
    the region and tackle the major drivers of migration. While the
    specific drivers of irregular migration cannot be generalized across
    countries or even communities, they are generally tied to insecurity,
    lack of economic opportunity, and the effects of poor governance and
    corruption, and I will work with other U.S. Government agencies to
    build the political will of partner nations to address these drivers.
    COVID-19 has exacerbated these conditions, as have major natural
    disasters (including hurricanes) recently hitting the region.
        As you know, in recent years, USAID programs have been designed to
    combat crime and violence by reaching at-risk youth; addressed
    corruption and impunity; disrupted the activities of transnational
    criminal organizations; civil society; and provided vulnerable citizens
    with greater economic opportunity, social services, and protection. As
    USAID restarts and ramps up those programs and as USAID missions in the
    region seek new or expanded partnerships, the agency will draw on
    evidence of what works in order to help foster an environment where
    families can envision their futures in their home countries and
    communities. If confirmed, I will continue USAID's current approach of
    tailoring and adapting programs to the unique needs of each country and
    community. I will also continue the Agency's practice of using
    migration data to focus resources geographically in response to
    specific, local drivers of migration. USAID will work with a wide range
    of stakeholders from civil society and the private sector to increase
    the impact of our efforts. And I look forward to further consultations
    with Congress on how to further improve the effectiveness of these
    programs.

        Question. Regional coordination is essential to the effectiveness
    of the U.S. Strategy for Central America. Will you commit to working
    closely with our partners in this region?

        Answer. Yes, I will commit to working closely with our partners in
    the region. I understand that USAID works closely with multiple
    stakeholders in the region both in the public and private sectors as
    well as with civil society organizations and international non-
    governmental organizations.

        Question. How will USAID, under your leadership, work to address
    the drivers of violence, corruption, and migration in the Northern
    Triangle?

        Answer. The specific drivers of irregular migration cannot be
    generalized across communities or even countries. Accordingly, USAID
    tailors and adapts programs that address the root causes of irregular
    migration to the unique needs of each country and community; the
    extensive use of data is critical and is an integral part of these
    efforts. By tracking migration trends, the Agency is able to
    concentrate resources geographically in response to local drivers of
    migration.
        I understand that USAID is addressing the security, governance, and
    economic drivers of irregular migration to the United States from
    Central America in partnership with other U.S. Government agencies,
    including the development of a forthcoming strategy on addressing the
    root causes of irregular migration as mandated in Executive Order
    14010. Critical to the success of our efforts is generating political
    will on the part of governments in the region to address the reasons
    people choose to migrate. USAID combats crime and violence through its
    programming by reaching at-risk youth, addressing corruption and
    impunity, disrupting the activities of transnational criminal
    organizations, and providing vulnerable citizens with greater economic
    opportunity, social services, and protection. Through this work, USAID
    seeks to foster an environment where families can envision their
    futures in their home countries and communities. If confirmed, I will
    work to build and expand on this foundation. I look forward to
    deepening consultations with Congress on how to further improve the
    effectiveness of these programs.

        Question. Last year, in the FY 21 SFOPS conference report, $25
    million was allocated for programs in Guatemala, Honduras, and El
    Salvador to implement the national sexual gender-based violence (SGBV)
    prevention strategies in fiscal year 2021. The bill required, within
    120 days, and in consultation with the USAID Administrator, a report on
    the implementation of the national SGBV prevention strategies in such
    countries. Also included in the FY21 appropriations bill, were
    recommendations for the State Department to create programs in the
    Northern Triangle for programming and enhancing the capacity of police,
    judicial systems, and child protection systems to identify, investigate
    and prosecute cases of sexual violence. If confirmed, will you commit
    to briefing my staff on how USAID intends to implement this funding?

        Answer. I share your desire to prevent sexual and gender-based
    violence in Central America, which has some of the highest rates of GBV
    in the world. If confirmed, I commit to briefing you on how USAID
    intends to implement the funding appropriated in FY 21 and how the
    Agency currently works across the region supporting initiatives to
    reduce impunity for gender-based violence (GBV) cases. GBV was
    prioritized by President Biden in Executive Order 14010 which mandated
    a new strategy on the root causes of irregular migration from the
    Northern Triangle.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to supporting Cuba
    democracy programs as well as civil society and human rights defenders
    in Cuba?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, support for human rights will remain at
    the core of USAID's efforts in Cuba. Cuba is one of the most repressive
    countries in the world, and is ruled by a dictatorship that flagrantly
    abuses human rights, seeks to prevent its people from accessing even
    basic independent information, inhibits meaningful civil society
    activity--including free press--and criminalizes political dissent. As
    one of my first acts as U.S. Ambassador to the U.N., I raised the case
    of Oswaldo Pay  directly with the Cuban Foreign Minister pressing him
    to allow an independent investigation of the circumstances in which
    Paya had been killed, and I continued to advocate publicly in support
    of Pay 's family. During my time at the U.N., I repeatedly called out
    Cuba for its abhorrent treatment of civil society and human rights
    defenders like Jose Daniel Ferrer, Jose Antonio Torres, Julio Ferrer,
    and Antonio Rodiles. If confirmed, I will continue to speak out against
    Cuba's persecution of its citizens and human rights violations.
        The role of a vibrant civil society continues to be essential to
    Cuban democracy. I understand USAID has a portfolio in place to
    continue supporting a diverse sector of independent activists in Cuba
    who will push for democratic freedoms, including religious freedom. The
    Agency will also continue providing basic needs assistance to political
    prisoners and persecuted activists. NGOs are poised to continue
    defending the human rights of those who are abused and even jailed for
    their political beliefs.

        Question. Colombia has been directly impacted by the man-made
    crisis created by Nicol s Maduro and his brutal regime in Venezuela.
    Currently, Colombia hosts about 1.7 million Venezuelans, according to
    the U.N. High Commission for Refugees. How should we support Colombia
    in responding to the impacts it faces due to the Venezuelan crisis?

        Answer. USAID is addressing immediate humanitarian needs and
    supporting the long-term development challenges in Colombia resulting
    from the Venezuelan crisis. I understand that the USAID Mission in
    Colombia is providing more than $77 million for Venezuelans in health,
    education, governance, citizen security, human rights, and economic
    integration. Since 2018, USAID has also provided more than $298 million
    in humanitarian assistance supporting Venezuelan migrants, refugees,
    and host communities with food assistance, direct cash assistance, and
    health support. Colombia recently granted ten years of legal status to
    all Venezuelan refugees who have fled to the country, making it
    possible for Venezuelans to live and work openly. This is an important
    step for Colombia to harness the economic potential of the many
    Venezuelans it hosts and, if confirmed, I look forward to consulting
    with you on how USAID can support this effort.

        Question. In 2017, Colombia signed a Memorandum of Understanding
    with NATO and became the first NATO partner country in Latin America.
    Today, Colombia and the U.S. are a success story that have forged a
    bond through shared commitments in support of stability, the defense of
    human rights, respect for democracy and the rule of law, and the
    protection of citizens' safety and security throughout the Western
    Hemisphere. Do you view our partnership with Colombia as one of the
    strongest in the Western Hemisphere?

        Answer. The United States and Colombia enjoy a decades' long
    strategic partnership that is among the strongest in the region. If
    confirmed, respect for human rights, the rule of law, and democratic
    freedoms will be at the center of our relationship with Colombia.

        Question. Do you believe that Colombia's shared goals with the
    United States should be an example for younger democracies in the
    Western Hemisphere? How do we take that model and focus our efforts on
    other nations in the region?

        Answer. I agree that the U.S.-Colombia partnership has proven
    successful, and USAID's work with Colombia over the past decades on
    peace and stability has achieved a number of successes. The peace
    accords signed with the FARC in 2016 present a tremendous opportunity
    for Colombia to end a conflict that had raged for more than 50 years,
    and to end a continuous cycle of violence by transforming the long-
    neglected parts of the country prioritized in the accords.
        If confirmed, I will work with Colombia, and with Congress, to
    collectively find ways to make USAID's assistance even more supportive
    of Colombia's own efforts toward an enduring and inclusive peace. While
    taking into account the context of each country's unique set of
    circumstances, I agree that Colombia's advances provide important
    lessons that may be applicable elsewhere within the region. At the same
    time, as with other countries in the region, I will also speak up in
    support of human rights: since 2016, more than 400 Colombian human
    rights defenders have been killed, underscoring the importance of
    USAID's continued assistance in helping the country achieve the
    commitments and overall transformation envisioned by the peace accords.

        Question. USAID foreign assistance programs must continue to
    strengthen democratic institutions and bolster transparency and
    accountability to underpin democratic resilience, but they also need to
    provide targeted support to local stakeholders to understand CCP
    influence and counter those malign efforts. Such funding should be
    integrated into existing democracy programs at the country level, with
    support from international actors who understand these issues, to
    incorporate them into existing programs at the country level. If
    confirmed, how will you ensure USAID supports these efforts?

        Answer. U.S. competition with the People's Republic of China (PRC)
    is a defining challenge of the 21st century. The administration's
    approach is to provide an alternative vision to Beijing's--a vision
    that promotes democratic governance, transparency, and local ownership
    in our global development work. USAID will draw on America's
    comparative advantages in distinguishing the U.S. approach from the
    PRC's, by ensuring that good governance, sustainability and social and
    economic safeguards are built into projects we support. USAID will
    strengthen local capacity to ensure that development investments are
    both beneficial and sustainable. If confirmed, I will work with allies
    and partners to better leverage our collective resources and influence,
    and I will be an advocate for human rights, governance, environmental,
    social, and labor standards in order to promote investments that are
    sustainable for the long term.

        Question. How can USAID support administering some of the
    Countering Chinese Influence Fund?

        Answer. I would like to thank you and your colleagues for the
    Countering Chinese Influence Fund (CCIF) resources that were made
    available in the FY21 appropriations act. I understand that USAID is
    working with the Department of State on programming these funds, as
    well as others, to counter China's foreign policy strategy and
    influence in critical countries and regions. The approach is to offer
    alternatives to China's predatory development model and instead improve
    inclusive, democratic governance; advance rules-based economic
    competition and fair trade practices; strengthen our security
    partnerships to counter transnational crime and terrorism; combat
    digital authoritarianism and malicious cyber activities; and promote
    energy security and independence. If confirmed, I look forward to
    consulting with you on this and to further assessing how USAID can best
    support these efforts.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to pushing for greater
    humanitarian assistance and access for the Syrian people, while making
    sure that such aid does not fall into the hands of a corrupt and
    bloodthirsty Assad regime?

        Answer. Yes. USAID remains committed to ensuring that all
    assistance reaches those in need and does not benefit the Assad regime.
    Across Syria, USAID takes all possible steps to minimize the risk of
    diversion, whether to the Assad regime or to terrorist groups, by
    working through experienced and trusted U.N. partners, other
    international organizations, and non-governmental partners in Syria,
    including through the use of third-party monitoring. USAID has zero
    tolerance for fraud, waste, or abuse of American taxpayer resources and
    requires partners to have robust safeguards and risk mitigation systems
    in place to ensure that humanitarian assistance is reaching only those
    for whom it is intended.

        Question. Do you agree that long-term stabilization in Syria will
    not be achieved as long as Bashar al-Assad remains in power?

        Answer. Bashar al-Assad has perpetrated the most chilling, barbaric
    crimes imaginable against the Syrian people for the past decade.
    Despite political isolation, economic pressure, and weak control over
    much of Syrian territory, Assad clings to power with no indication that
    he is willing to bring an end to the war and the suffering of the
    Syrian people, and indeed with Assad's increasingly ruinous economic
    mismanagement exacerbating the horrific costs of conflict, repression,
    and mass atrocities for the Syrian people. Members of Congress spoke
    out clearly on this issue when they voted for the Caesar Civilian
    Protection Act in the last Congress imposing military, political, and
    accountability benchmarks for the Assad regime before it can receive
    sanctions relief. Countless brave Syrians have risked their lives to
    preserve evidence of Assad's war crimes, and Assad and his
    collaborators must be held accountable for their atrocities.

        Question. As an expert on genocide, do you agree that the Chinese
    Communist Party is committing genocide and crimes against humanity
    against Uyghurs and other its Muslim minorities in Xinjiang?

        Answer. Yes. I agree with President Biden and experts who have
    studied the facts that China is committing genocide in Xinjiang.
        I welcome Congress's bipartisan action on this issue, including the
    passage of the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act that holds perpetrators
    accountable for human rights violations and abuses against Uyghurs and
    other minorities in China. If confirmed, I will use my platform to draw
    attention to the horrors in Xinjiang and ensure that USAID actively
    engages with you, the committee and the interagency to determine any
    further steps that can be taken.

        Question. You have written extensively about the failure of past
    administrations to prevent and respond to genocide. You are now in a
    unique position to put your aspirations into action. We have seen what
    has happened to Iraq's Yazidi and Christian community at the hands of
    ISIS. We know about the atrocities and likely genocide committed
    against the Rohingya by Burmese military forces. Now, we are reading
    weekly reports about the ongoing genocide in Xinjiang against Uyghurs
    and other Muslim minorities by the Chinese Communist Party.

       Can you assure this committee that you will not only support, but
            also strengthen, USAID's commitment to victims of religious
            persecution?

        Answer. Yes. As you note, I have a longstanding commitment to human
    rights, and a profound awareness of the risks of atrocities, especially
    for religious minorities. As Ambassador to the U.N., I used my platform
    to elevate the voices of religious minorities. I called for the release
    of Meriam Ibrahim, a Sudanese woman sentenced to death for refusing to
    denounce her Christian faith, and for Sudan to repeal the laws that put
    her in jail in the first place. I was the first person to bring a young
    Yazidi woman named Nadia Murad to the U.N. Security Council, after her
    family had been almost completely wiped out by ISIS and she had been
    forced into sexual slavery. USAID has a history of helping the world's
    most vulnerable people, and it will continue to play a critical role in
    supporting communities persecuted or discriminated against because of
    their faith. If confirmed, I look forward to exploring with you, the
    Agency's regional bureaus and Center for Faith-Based and Neighborhood
    Partnerships office , and diverse faith communities, to mobilize
    resources and, as appropriate, to tailor our programs to support
    individuals being subjected to religious persecution.

        Question. If so, how do you plan to use your position to do so?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to stand up for victims of
    religious persecution, and I will review USAID's approach to ensure
    that our programs are most effectively supporting them, making
    adjustments as appropriate.

        Question. The past several months have been historic for Israel's
    relationships with regional Arab neighbors. The UAE, Bahrain, Morocco,
    and Sudan joined Egypt and Jordan in establishing diplomatic relations
    with Israel--paving the path to peace through recognition and
    engagement rather than isolation and boycotts of Israel. What role do
    you see for USAID in supporting these new relationships? Do you see
    opportunities for increased trilateral cooperation in the region?

        Answer. USAID has the opportunity to support these relationships
    through identifying opportunities for increased trilateral and
    multilateral cooperation, such as by leveraging the inherently
    collaborative power of science, technology and innovation in order to
    address common challenges. USAID supports cooperation between Israel
    and countries in the Middle East region through the Middle East
    Regional Cooperation (MERC) program, which has long supported programs
    between partners throughout the region. If confirmed, I look forward to
    building upon such efforts to further peace and normalization across
    the Middle East.

        Question. During your tenure as U.N. Ambassador, the United States
    abstained at the United Nations Security Council on a one-sided
    resolution that sought to impose solutions to final status issues on
    the parties. Seventy-nine senators subsequently backed a resolution
    objecting to the abstention. In hindsight, do you believe that vote
    advanced American interests or moved the peace process forward?

        Answer. During my time as Ambassador to the U.N., I worked
    tirelessly to combat bias against Israel and end Israel's unfair
    isolation at the United Nations. The U.S. Mission to the United Nations
    helped secure several notable firsts for Israel under my leadership,
    including bringing about recognition of Yom Kippur as a U.N. holiday;
    convening an unprecedented session on antisemitism in the U.N. General
    Assembly; spearheading Israel's full and equal participation across
    numerous U.N. bodies; and lobbying to ensure Israel's historic
    selection as chair of a powerful U.N. committee (the Sixth Committee,
    the main U.N. forum for addressing questions of international law).
        This context is important in addressing the Obama administration's
    vote on UNSCR 2334. President Obama instructed me to abstain on UNSCR
    2334 in order to try to preserve prospects for a two-state solution to
    the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He saw the vote as consistent with
    bipartisan policy, dating back almost 50 years at the time, of
    supporting two states and opposing unilateral measures by either side
    that could impede prospects for two states. The resolution included a
    condemnation of all acts of violence against civilians, including acts
    of terrorism and incitement, and it expressed concern about Israeli
    settlement activities, reaffirming the long-standing U.S. position on
    settlements.
        During my explanation of the U.S. vote, I denounced persistent
    anti-Israel bias at the U.N. and described our numerous efforts
    (including those mentioned above) ``to fight for Israel's right simply
    to be treated just like any other country.'' I also explained President
    Obama's posture on the resolution: ``It is because this forum too often
    continues to be biased against Israel; because there are important
    issues that are not sufficiently addressed in this resolution; and
    because the United States does not agree with every word in this text,
    that the United States did not vote in favor of the resolution. But it
    is because this resolution reflects the facts on the ground--and is
    consistent with U.S. policy across Republican and Democratic
    administration throughout the history of the State of Israel--that the
    United States did not veto it.''
        (The full explanation of vote, from December 23, 2016, is available
    here: https://web.archive.org/web/20161231232014/https://
    usun.state.gov/remarks/7621)
        If confirmed, I will work to advance President Biden's strong
    support for the U.S.-Israel relationship, as well as to enhance
    prospects for two states by working to responsibly restart humanitarian
    and development assistance in the West Bank and Gaza in accordance with
    all legal requirements, including the Taylor Force Act.

        Question. The Helms amendment states, ``No foreign assistance funds
    may be used to pay for the performance of abortion as a method of
    family planning or to motivate or coerce any person to practice
    abortions.'' If confirmed, can you guarantee there will be a strict
    adherence to the Helms amendment in the administration of U.S. foreign
    assistance?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will ensure that USAID fully abides by
    all U.S. laws, including the Helms Amendment.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Hon. Samantha Power by Senator Jeanne Shaheen

        Question. After enduring a decade of conflict, humanitarian needs
    in Syria are projected to onlyincrease. President Biden pledged to
    recommit the U.S. to lead on humanitarian issues including to pursue
    political solutions, protect vulnerable Syrians and facilitate the work
    of NGOs.

       What specific actions will USAID take under your direction to
            reassert U.S. humanitarian leadership and efforts in Syria?
            What tools are available to the U.S. to ensure continued
            humanitarian access into and within Syria?

        Answer. As U.S. Ambassador to the U.N., I worked tirelessly to hold
    the Assad regime and its backers accountable for their war crimes, and
    to provide humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people. Among these
    efforts, in 2014 I helped lead the U.N. Security Council to authorize
    U.N. agencies to deliver relief into Syria without explicit approval
    from the Syrian Government, allowing millions of people to receive
    assistance that the Assad regime had been blocking. Today, USAID's
    humanitarian assistance is reaching an estimated 4.8 million people per
    month inside Syria and 1.1 million Syrian refugees in the region. The
    United States is the largest donor of humanitarian assistance inside
    Syria and across the region, contributing close to $13 billion since
    the start of the conflict. If confirmed, I will continue to be a
    forceful advocate for delivering critically-needed humanitarian aid to
    the Syrian people, and ensure that the United States continues to play
    a leading role in protecting vulnerable civilians by advocating for
    unhindered humanitarian access, coordinating with other donors, and
    encouraging other donors to increase their support to the response. I
    will also work with Secretary of State Blinken and Ambassador Linda
    Thomas-Greenfield to ensure that the U.S. Government continues to
    advocate in the U.N. Security Council and on the international stage to
    improve the lives of the Syrian people, including through the
    reauthorization of the aforementioned U.N. cross-border assistance and
    to advance a long-overdue negotiated political settlement to end the
    Syrian conflict.

        Question. How can USAID play a role in bringing about a political
    solution in Syria? What tools are available to the U.S. through USAID
    to better support our allies in Northeastern Syria?

        Answer. While assistance will not solve the conflict in Syria, it
    is a vital component of the effort to create conditions for peace by
    saving lives, providing some measure of stability to vulnerable
    populations, and uniting partners and allies in support of the Syrian
    people. If confirmed, in addition to ensuring that as many Syrians as
    possible are able to receive critically-needed assistance, I will
    support administration-wide efforts to advance a negotiated political
    settlement, which is the only way to end this conflict. I will also
    explore USAID support for civil society actors who are documenting war
    crimes and pursuing accountability, a critical complement to pursuit of
    a stable peace. The Biden administration redoubled the U.S. commitment
    to our allies in northeast Syria by lifting the previous
    administration's freeze on stabilization funds. If confirmed, I will
    ensure not only that these critical programs continue, but that they
    complement the larger administration-wide efforts to advance a
    negotiated political settlement.

        Question. It is imperative for U.S. foreign assistance to aim to
    break down gender-related barriers to educational attainment in
    countries where there is persistent gender disparity. This is
    particularly important in secondary school when girls are the most
    likely to drop out. In many contexts, poverty and entrenched social and
    cultural norms can limit girls' access to quality learning
    opportunities.

       How can USAID better provide holistic support to ensure adolescents
            stay enrolled in and complete secondary school?

        Answer. USAID promotes a ``whole-of-girl'' approach, reducing
    gender-based violence and increasing the capability of all learners, of
    all gender identities, to realize their rights, determine their life
    outcomes, and make independent decisions. If confirmed, I commit that
    USAID will continue to break down gender-related barriers to education
    so that all learners, especially girls and the most marginalized, have
    access to safe, quality education from early childhood through
    adulthood, especially during adolescence, a crucial time in girls'
    lives. Part of this approach is recognizing that menstrual health and
    hygiene is an integral part of dignity and empowerment for adolescent
    girls, including their ability to attend and stay in school. USAID will
    also continue to prioritize the needs of the most marginalized and
    those in vulnerable situations, and address inequalities that have been
    exacerbated by COVID-19. Ensuring that we continue to make progress in
    this area is critically important not just for empowering young women,
    but for achieving lasting advances on behalf of society as a whole and
    creating conditions for a more equitable response to the fallout from
    the pandemic. For example, addressing gender inequality in education
    contributes to closing gender gaps in employment and wages, which have
    in turn been shown to reduce income inequality and lead to overall
    increases in GDP.

        Question. USAID's global health programs are critical to providing
    sexual and reproductive health care for women and girls. However,
    research has shown that a 10 percent decline in the use of
    contraceptives--such as due to the COVID-19 pandemic--could result in
    more than 48 million women with an unmet need for modern contraception
    and more than 15 million additional unintended pregnancies. If
    confirmed, I hope you will not only support international family
    planning as a priority for USAID, but also the partners on the ground
    who implement these programs.

       How will you work to expand and improve USAID's family planning and
            reproductive health programs?

        Answer. I believe that reproductive health care is essential to
    women's health and well-being and also positively impacts infant and
    child health. Now more than ever, as countries battle COVID-19 and the
    secondary effects from the pandemic, we must strengthen our efforts to
    reach those most vulnerable, including women who benefit from voluntary
    family planning and reproductive health (FP/RH) programs. The
    administration is committed to ensuring that foreign assistance
    programs prioritize women's health needs globally, including robust
    support for voluntary family planning and maternal health programs, and
    for preventing gender-based violence.

        Question. What needs to be done to increase access to sexual and
    reproductive health care amidst the COVID-19 pandemic?

        Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has adversely affected all global
    health efforts, including routine vaccination programs for children,
    voluntary family planning and reproductive health programs , women and
    children's access to basic health care, and the distribution of
    treatments to control neglected tropical diseases, as well as
    tuberculosis, malaria, and HIV/AIDS. If confirmed, I will work with
    USAID global health experts to ensure funding is prioritized to
    activities, including voluntary family planning and reproductive health
    activities, that will support regaining the progress lost during the
    pandemic.

        Question. Is there a way for the U.S. to better engage with
    partners and allies on the provision of family planning services? What
    would that look like?

        Answer. USAID is the largest bilateral donor for voluntary family
    planning and reproductive health assistance globally. Other donors,
    partner governments, and civil society actors have historically looked
    to USAID for leadership because of its strong reputation for technical
    excellence. The administration is committed to restoring U.S global
    health leadership, including as it relates to voluntary family planning
    and reproductive health, which will require effective partnerships to
    improve coordination and investments and strengthen linkages across
    diverse global health programs. If confirmed, I will look for ways that
    USAID can advance voluntary family planning and reproductive health
    programming with our partners and allies around the globe.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                 to Hon. Samantha Power by Senator Rob Portman

    Extremism and the Global Fragility Act
        Question. Despite the best efforts of both parties and their
    respective administrations, the threat from Salafi-Jihadi extremism
    persists to this day. The Global Fragility Act passed by Congress last
    year changed our approach to conflict-prone states that can be vectors
    of violent extremism, uncontrolled migration, and extreme poverty by
    dedicating $1.5 billion toward this space and establishing a new Bureau
    for Development, Democracy and Innovation at USAID.

       How will you effectively use this legislation to direct our
            approaches toward countering fragile states?

        Answer. this is a key priority. We need a comprehensive approach
    and more tools to prevent conflict and increase stability. If
    confirmed, I will consult with Congress on the implementation of the
    U.S. Strategy to Prevent Conflict and Promote Stability (the ``GFA
    strategy''). It is my understanding that the list of priority countries
    is currently being considered by the interagency, with USAID
    participation. After country selection, we will need to bring a range
    of U.S. policy tools to bear in implementing the GFA strategy and
    associated country and regional plans. If confirmed, I commit to
    consulting with you and Congress frequently to support the
    implementation of the Act with State and DOD.

    Latin America
        Question. I would like to talk about the importance of Latin
    America and the role of the United States in the economic and
    democratic development of this region.
        Last week I led a bipartisan CODEL to El Paso to see firsthand the
    crisis on the border. We are seeing people fleeing extreme poverty from
    the Northern Triangle countries-- Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala.
    I am very supportive of building a robust border protection system to
    physically protect our border, but I also understand the necessity to
    help these fragile countries address the root causes of illegal
    immigration such as extreme poverty and breakdown in security.
        The latest numbers are deeply concerning. 550 kids per day are
    coming into the United States, mostly from the Northern Triangle
    countries, which is five or six times more than in January, when there
    were less than 100 in terms of families. In terms of families, 1,500
    per day last week, as compared to 1,000 in February--on average, less
    than 100 in January. This is a 15 times increase when compared to
    previous data.

       Do you believe that that is an appropriate condition to us spending
            what President Biden has now suggested, which is another $4
            billion on top of the $3.6 billion that has been sent in the
            last five years?

        Answer. As you note, President Biden proposed a multi-year, $4
    billion comprehensive regional strategy to address the root causes of
    irregular migration. I agree that any funding needs to be accountable
    and channeled to evidence-based programming. Since the specific drivers
    of irregular migration cannot be generalized across communities or even
    countries, USAID tailors and adapts programs that address the root
    causes of irregular migration to the unique needs of each country and
    community; the extensive use of data is critical and is an integral
    part of these efforts. By tracking migration trends, the Agency is able
    to focus resources geographically in response to local drivers of
    migration.
        I gather that USAID is addressing the distinct and overlapping
    security, governance, and economic drivers of irregular migration to
    the United States from Central America in partnership with other U.S.
    Government agencies, including, as mandated in Executive Order 14010,
    by working with the State Department to develop a forthcoming strategy
    on addressing the root causes of irregular migration from the region.
    USAID seeks to combat crime and violence by reaching at-risk youth,
    addressing corruption and impunity, disrupting the activities of
    transnational criminal organizations, and providing vulnerable citizens
    with greater economic opportunity, social services, and protection.
    Through this work, USAID helps to foster an environment where families
    can envision their futures in their home countries and communities. If
    confirmed, I will work to build and expand on this foundation and look
    forward to consulting with you about how best to ensure these programs
    are tailored to optimize results.

        Question. Do you commit to work with Congress on asylum seekers to
    have them apply from their home country or a safe third country?

        Answer. Under President Obama, in my capacity as White House
    Coordinator for Iraqi Refugees while serving at the NSC, I saw the
    importance of the in-country processing efforts in Iraq that had
    initially been established in 2008, and as U.N. Ambassador, I supported
    President Obama's establishment of the Central American Minors (CAM)
    Refugee program, which President Biden has announced will continue
    under his administration. As you know, USAID is not involved in asylum
    policy or enforcement of border security, so if confirmed, I would
    defer to the Departments of Homeland Security and the State Department.

        Question. Do you commit to placing an emphasis on combating
    corruption, especially through the Millennium Challenge Corporation
    through programming in the northern triangle countries?

        Answer. Yes. Corruption can itself be a driver of migration and of
    course makes it more difficult to address a wide range of development
    challenges--from global health and food security, to economic
    development and fair trade, to maintaining strong alliances. If
    confirmed, I plan to renew USAID's focus on governance and anti-
    corruption programs in the Northern Triangle and, in my role on the
    Board of Directors at the MCC, I commit to placing an emphasis on
    combating corruption.

        Question. Do you commit to emphasizing an adherence to transparency
    and rule of law in Latin America and beyond?

        Answer. Yes, I commit to the importance of transparency and the
    rule of law in Latin America and beyond.

    Tropical Forest Conservation Act (TFCA)
        Question. The Tropical Forest Conservation Act (TFCA), which is a
    program I created during my time serving in the House, remains a top
    priority for me. This is a ``debt-for-nature'' swap program that offers
    eligible developing countries options to relieve or restructure
    concessional debt owed to the U.S. in exchange for supporting
    conservation activities for tropical forests and coral reefs. Through
    the TFCA program, approximately $233 million in appropriated funds from
    the U.S. Government have generated nearly $340 million through interest
    and leveraging from NGOs and private entities.
        To date, 20 agreements have been carried out with 14 different
    countries to save more than 67 million acres of tropical forest.
    Tropical forests are valuable tools for carbon storage. These TFCA
    agreements have led to the sequestration of more than 56 million metric
    tons of carbon dioxide--that's the equivalent of taking 11.8 million
    cars off the road--and without losing a single American job. In fact,
    this program has helped developing countries by improving their balance
    sheet through debt-for-nature swaps.
        TFCA was provided $15 million in appropriations for both fiscal
    years 2020 and 2021. USAID, in coordination with the Treasury
    Department and the State Department, is one of the key agencies
    responsible for carrying out TFCA agreements.

       If you are confirmed to be Administrator of USAID, will you commit
            to prioritizing additional TFCA deals using the funding that
            Congress has provided?

        Answer. Thank you for your leadership on this important issue,
    which I was grateful to have the chance to discuss with you. I
    certainly agree that this is win-win programming. I gather that USAID
    works closely with the State Department and Treasury in an effort to
    program TFCA agreements, including those addressing coral reef
    conservation. I understand that TFCA programs have generated
    substantial additional resources through capital gains from fund
    investments, cost-sharing by grant recipients, and co-financing with
    other donors. If confirmed, I commit to prioritizing additional deals
    with TFCA funding.

    Africa and Great Power Competition
        Question. China has focused heavily on Africa as a part of their
    Belt and Road Initiative. While China has provided much needed
    infrastructure spending and benefits to some countries on the
    continent, I am concerned about shifts in Chinese investment away from
    development initiatives toward projects that are more aligned with
    military purposes. At the same time, many countries have traded
    infrastructure and development for natural resource rights and
    burdensome debt obligations.

       How will you effectively lead USAID to counter China's influence in
            Africa? How can we do a better job of highlighting the benefits
            of working with America rather than the CCP?

        Answer. Competition with China is one of the defining challenges of
    the 21st century for the United States, and engaging with our African
    partners to pursue shared strategic interests in advancing security,
    protecting global health, fighting climate change, strengthening
    democracy, and spurring equitable economic growth must be a cornerstone
    of our global strategy to counter China. In this regard, U.S.-African
    trade and investment initiatives have a critical role to play in
    meeting this challenge head-on. In Africa, the United States offers a
    meaningful alternative to China's predatory economic approach, and we
    must continue to work to ensure that American companies can compete on
    an even playing field at the same time we promote local
    entrepreneurship and fair practices. Despite the massive amounts of
    money that Beijing has invested in Africa, people in many African
    nations are voicing growing concerns over China's lack of transparency,
    lending practices, poor environmental record, and failure to invest in
    relationships with local communities. In these and other areas, the
    United States has multiple comparative advantages that we must work
    across agencies to demonstrate. If confirmed, I look forward to
    consulting further with you and to working with other Departments and
    Agencies as well as the business community to help ensure that the U.S.
    is pursuing trade and investment initiatives from a position of
    strength. I also look forward to digging into the communications
    dimension of this challenge, because we need to be strategic about how
    we amplify the tenets of the U.S. approach and how we highlight for our
    local partners the ways in which U.S. investments are responsive to
    local needs and priorities.

        Question. China has also exported a number facial recognition and
    security software programs for law enforcement, the same systems that
    are being used to enable the genocide in Xingjian against the Uyghurs,
    to effectively ``coup-proof'' authoritarian regimes on the African
    continent.

       Do you see this as a threat for democracy promotion in Africa, and
            how can we help you to be successful in pushing back against
            this threat?

        Answer. Yes. China's use of facial recognition and security
    software programs for law enforcement are a threat to democracy and
    freedom of expression in Africa. Freedom has been declining globally
    for 15 consecutive years, and China and Russia are using their
    resources, influence, and technology to buttress autocrats and
    undermine and interfere with democratic institutions. In Africa, USAID
    supports efforts to uphold civil society efforts to advocate for
    fundamental rights, such as freedoms of expression, association, and
    peaceful assembly, and to hold credible, free, and fair elections. I
    appreciate your offer of support. If confirmed, I will continue to
    prioritize this critical work and look forward to working with you and
    your colleagues to devise new strategies for countering this growing
    threat.

                                   __________

               Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Hon. Samantha Power by Senator Tim Kaine

    Virginia Tech Innovation Lab
        Question. The Feed the Future Integrated Pest Management Innovation
    Lab (IPMIL), funded by USAID and managed by Virginia Tech, has been in
    operation since 1993. In that time, the program has generated nearly $2
    billion in economic benefits for developing countries, funded 500+
    graduate students, and collaborated with more than 100 institutions.
    Unfortunately, in a deviation from its historic review process for
    innovation labs, USAID has not renewed IPMIL for a full five-year
    contract since 2014; rather, it is now operating on its second one-year
    no-cost extension that is set to expire in November 2021. USAID's
    Bureau for Resilience and Food Security has also established a new
    Future Innovation Lab for Current and Emerging Threats to Crops (CETC),
    for which the agency is now soliciting proposals.
        Given the potential overlap between IPMIL and the CETC, I recently
    led a letter with Senate and House colleagues to Acting Administrator
    Steele in support of IPMIL, including seeking clarity on the status of
    the program at Virginia Tech moving forward. Should you be confirmed, I
    look forward to USAID's attention to the matter

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to looking into this matter and
    getting back to you.

    USAID Collaboration with Research Universities
        Question. USAID has a strong tradition of working with universities
    to utilize their expertise to help address some of the most challenging
    global development challenges. Feed the Future Innovation Labs are one
    part of that partnership and are critical in advancing the solutions
    needed to help reduce global hunger, poverty, and undernutrition. If
    confirmed, are there new programs and collaborations you envision with
    strong research universities like those in Virginia? Will you consider
    expanding innovation labs to help reach more countries?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would explore opportunities to deepen
    USAID's collaboration with research universities. USAID greatly values
    its partnership with the U.S. university community and the unparalleled
    research capacity that these institutions bring to the U.S.
    Government's global hunger and food security initiative, Feed the
    Future. The U.S. university-led Feed the Future Innovation Labs are
    central to leveraging American science and innovation to solve problems
    facing food-insecure regions, and they are doing so in ways that build
    local and national capacity in partner countries. I gather that the
    cutting-edge portfolio of Innovation Labs evolves as new challenges
    emerge and new research pathways open up for making progress in food
    security, strengthening climate resilience and accelerating improved
    nutrition, and if confirmed, I look forward to engaging in that process
    and discussing any new opportunities with you.

    New Partnership Initiative (NPI)

        Question. The New Partnerships Initiative (NPI) was established to
    diversify USAID's partner base by creating avenues for new and
    underutilized partners to work with USAID. Through NPI, the Agency
    promotes local leadership, seeks bold and innovative approaches to
    fostering self-reliance, and identifies new sources of funding to
    sustain partnership and scale impact. It is one of the only tools the
    agency has to effectively work with new partners.

       How will you work to ensure that mechanisms like the New
            Partnerships Initiative are maintained as effective tools in
            partnering with new, innovative, and locally established
            organizations?

        Answer. I recognize the longstanding challenge of enlisting new and
    non-traditional partners. It is my understanding that approximately 80
    percent of USAID funding went to just 75 organizations in 2017, and by
    2019 only 69 organizations were receiving the same share. The number of
    new partners has declined every year since 2011. Reducing the barriers
    to engaging with and accessing resources from USAID is important, and I
    strongly believe in diversifying the Agency's partnership base. Doing
    so will help to broaden the USAID's perspectives and approaches in
    order to address development and humanitarian challenges. If confirmed,
    I will ensure that USAID continues to build on and expand efforts to be
    more inclusive in partnering with a broader set of organizations to
    achieve our objectives, while ensuring that the Agency meets relevant
    requirements.

    Community Health Workers
        Question. Community health workers, the vast majority of whom are
    women, have been a critical part of the response to COVID-19 and other
    endemic diseases around the world. According to a recent report
    commissioned by Malaria No More and the United Nations Foundation,
    investments in community-based health programs help prevent 75 million
    malaria cases annually, reducing the burden on the health systems of
    low-income countries. Unfortunately, in many countries community health
    workers are not well supported or compensated.

       How can USAID support community health workers so that they have
            the resources they need?

        Answer. Community health workers (CHWs) have long been central to
    responding to basic health needs, confronting global health threats
    (including Ebola, Zika, malaria, and now of course COVID-19), and
    providing life-saving assistance in humanitarian emergencies. CHWs are
    an essential part of the global health workforce and often the only
    source of care for their communities. The COVID-19 pandemic has only
    exacerbated the need for CHWs, placing additional demands on these
    critical frontline workers and requiring communities to redirect
    resources to support COVID-19 response, when other health threats
    remain. USAID recommends that host country governments include CHWs in
    health systems as a professional cadre that are a critical part of a
    sustainable health workforce. If confirmed, I commit to continuing to
    advance programs that support and equip CHWs with the resources they
    need.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Samantha Power by Senator John Barrasso

        Question. The coronavirus worsened the existing global food crisis.
    An estimated 130 million more people were on the brink of starvation
    last year due to factors caused by the coronavirus pandemic. Many of
    these individuals are in countries already experiencing instability
    from locust infestations, military conflict, and extreme poverty.

       In what ways would you alter the previous planning and strategies
            for U.S. food security efforts in light of the coronavirus
            impacts?

        Answer. The pandemic has exacerbated food insecurity and
    malnutrition worldwide, with the most vulnerable bearing the brunt of
    its impact. The World Bank estimates that in 2020 as many as 124
    million people fell into poverty and hunger as a result, and expects
    this number to increase significantly this year to as much as 163
    million people. The nutrition impacts are equally devastating, putting
    millions more children at risk. In the face of COVID-19, the U.S.
    Government's Feed the Future initiative to end global hunger, is
    adapting its vital programming to mitigate and deal with the impacts on
    food systems and nutrition. Specifically, I understand that Feed the
    Future is leveraging its existing global portfolio to respond to the
    crisis in the following ways: (1) engaging governments on trade and
    inclusive economic growth policies; (2) bolstering small and medium
    sized enterprises throughout the food system and unlocking private
    sector funds to accelerate economic recovery, growth and employment;
    (3) transitioning households and communities off of assistance through
    economic inclusion models; and (4) supporting governments to create and
    strengthen their existing social protection systems, including shock-
    responsive safety nets and risk financing. It will be critical to
    further leverage Feed the Future as countries rebuild economically in
    the long wake of the pandemic, and I understand that USAID is currently
    looking at ways to do this.

        Question. For more than 50 years, USAID's global health programs
    have focused on saving lives and protecting vulnerable populations from
    disease. The United States works extensively with countries across the
    globe to strengthen public health systems. There are a finite amount of
    resources available to address the current global pandemic. Yet, the
    needs continue to expand.

       What is your strategy to ensure USAID is assisting those countries
            most in need due to the coronavirus pandemic?

        Question. What indicators or criteria will you rely upon to make
    decisions on how to best utilize U.S. resources to combat the
    coronavirus?

        Answer. I am committed to ensuring that USAID's COVID-19 work is
    needs-based and evidence-driven. If confirmed, I will work with the
    team at USAID to ensure that we prioritize resources based on rigorous
    needs-analysis and clear performance metrics. It is my understanding
    that USAID is developing a COVID-19 response plan, in coordination with
    interagency partners, to meet critical and immediate health and
    humanitarian needs such as vaccine readiness and acute food insecurity,
    but also to address the wide range of second-order impacts of the
    pandemic. If confirmed, I will support the development of this response
    plan and ensure USAID invests new COVID-19 resources in a way that best
    responds to the pandemic. I will also work with experts within USAID
    and across the inter-agency to apply epidemiologic indicators and other
    criteria to guide resource allocations, recognizing the complex and
    dynamic nature of the first- and second-order impacts of the pandemic.
    And across the board, I will prioritize transparency and accountability
    in decision-making, and use data and analysis to guide the use of
    funds.

        Question. In 1985, USAID created the Famine Early Warning Systems
    Network to provide objective, evidence based analysis to plan for and
    respond to acute food insecurity.

       Is this something that USAID can use as a model to work on an early
            warning system for global health pandemics?

        Answer. Yes, I believe that the Famine Early Warning Systems
    Network is a useful model to inform our efforts to improve early
    warning systems for infectious disease epidemics and pandemics, in
    terms of establishing a data-driven approach to predict outbreaks. The
    challenge will be to establish objective, evidence-based epidemiologic
    criteria for tiered risk classification systems, and to link relevant
    data to recognize threats early and take actions to prevent new
    outbreaks from becoming epidemics or pandemics. If confirmed, I pledge
    to work with other U.S. government departments and agencies, and the
    international community, to improve early warning systems for
    infectious disease epidemics and pandemics.

        Question. What role should USAID play in the U.S.'s global health
    security strategy to make us better prepared to combat any future
    global health pandemic?

        Answer. Ensuring global health security for the United States will
    require that all countries be capable of preventing, detecting, and
    responding effectively to health security risks and public health
    emergencies. USAID will work in partnership with other international
    organizations and public and private stakeholders to help implement the
    U.S.'s global health security strategy. If confirmed, I will ensure
    that USAID continues to work in close collaboration with the Centers
    for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the Department of State, and
    other interagency partners, to strengthen global health security across
    the globe to ensure we are positioned to prevent or respond to future
    pandemics.

        Question. In July 2019, USAID's Inspector General testified before
    Congress on the management challenges impacting USAID. One major
    management challenge identified was assessing and responding to the
    risk in providing humanitarian and stabilization assistance.
        Inspector General Ann Barr's testimony stated, ``Insufficient risk
    assessments not only leave USAID programs and services vulnerable to
    exploitation, but they also put USAID in the position of attempting to
    mitigate threats it does not understand. The adverse effects of poor
    planning, monitoring and evaluation were demonstrated in the fraud
    schemes that our agents uncovered in Iraq and Syria and across Africa,
    some of which involved diversions of USAID-funded commodities to
    terrorists.''

       How will you address the issues of insufficient risk assessments,
            monitoring and evaluations at USAID?

        Answer. It is important for USAID to act in the interest of the
    American people, and to provide foreign assistance and build
    partnerships where there is the greatest need, which is often in
    difficult situations. Risks that are inherent to operating in conflict
    settings and challenging environments can be mitigated, but never
    eliminated. Monitoring risk, and measuring and analyzing results-and
    adapting when programs fall short-is part of the day-to-day management
    of USAID's operations. Of course, there is always room for improvement
    and innovation. If confirmed, I look forward to pushing USAID even
    further on finding innovative ways to quickly gather information to
    adapt programs and better achieve results, while also ensuring proper
    vetting and accountability to U.S. taxpayers.

        Question. What steps will you take to strengthen current procedures
    aimed at preventing diversions of U.S. taxpayer resources going to
    terrorists?

        Answer. USAID conducts extensive screening to mitigate risk and
    safeguard U.S. foreign assistance from diversion to organizations or
    individuals posing a threat to national security. USAID has a robust
    system for partner vetting to mitigate the risk of funds supporting
    terrorist groups. I understand that since it began tracking these
    figures in 2015, USAID estimates that it has prevented more than $800
    million from supporting or benefitting people and entities that do not
    meet USAID vetting requirements. Further, USAID applicants are required
    to sign certifications and assurances stating that they have not
    knowingly provided material support or resources to terrorist groups or
    individuals/entities affiliated with terrorist groups. This risk
    mitigation has allowed USAID to continue to work in the highest-risk
    environments, and if confirmed, I look forward to working with the
    committee on this important priority.

        Question. Will you commit to doing a full audit of USAID funds and
    programs to ensure U.S. resources are not going to support terrorist
    groups and entities on the Specially Designated Nationals and Block
    Persons list?

        Answer. I am committed to ensuring that USAID funding does not fall
    into the wrong hands, whether it be terrorism, fraud, or waste. I
    understand that USAID has numerous safeguards, financial accountability
    mechanisms and an independent Office of Inspector General, whose work I
    am committed to supporting if I am confirmed.

        Question. During a Senate investigation into the World Vision's
    interactions with the Islamic Relief Agency (ISRA), redacted emails
    were uncovered implying that when you were the U.S. Ambassador to the
    United Nations you were involved in efforts to delist the ISRA from the
    Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons (SDN) list.
    Specifically, your office appears to have requested OFAC review the
    designation without a formal request from ISRA. The U.S. Treasury
    sanctioned ISRA for its support of terrorism including direct financial
    support to Usama bin Landen, Al Qaida, the Taliban, and Hamas.

       Why were you and your office involved with seeking a review of the
            ISRA's placement on the SDN list?

       What efforts did you and your office take to discourage the
            delisting of ISRA from the SDN list?

       Please describe all the efforts you and your office took while
            serving as U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations to advocate
            for or provide assistance in the delisting process for entities
            on the Specially Designated Nationals and Block Persons list.

       As Administrator of USAID, when would you consider it appropriate
            to assist entities in requesting a review of their placement on
            the SDN list outside the general Office of Foreign Assets
            Control (OFAC) parameters?

       Will you commit to providing this committee and the rest of
            Congress timely and substantive responses to oversight
            inquiries?

        Answer. As U.N. Ambassador, I was not involved in any effort to
    delist ISRA; nor did I do anything to ``assist'' this or any other
    entity on the SDN list. Indeed, the opposite is true. Under my
    leadership, as is documented in public records, the U.S. Mission to the
    United Nations (U.S.-U.N.) worked tirelessly to rebut ISRA's false
    claims that it had been wrongly designated on the Specially Designated
    Nationals and Blocked Persons list by the U.S. Government. During my
    tenure, U.S.-U.N. repeatedly raised questions about ISRA's status and
    funding in order to force the United Nations Committee on Non-
    Governmental Organizations to postpone the consideration of ISRA for
    accreditation.
        In support of these efforts to prevent the accreditation of ISRA by
    the United Nations Committee on Non-Governmental Organizations, U.S.-
    U.N. maintained the standard practice of regularly coordinating with
    the U.S. State and Treasury Departments to ensure U.S. diplomats at the
    U.N. had the most up-to-date information available.
        Please find records of some of U.S.-U.N.'s actions at the January
    2014, January 2015, and May 2015 sessions of the United Nations
    Committee on Non-Governmental Organizations:

       https://www.un.org/press/en/2014/ecosoc6593.doc.htm;
       https://www.un.org/press/en/2015/ecosoc6662.doc.htm;
       https://www.un.org/press/en/2015/ecosoc6694.doc.htm;

        As Ambassador, in addition to repudiating ISRA's efforts to
    rehabilitate itself, I often used my platform to draw attention to the
    crimes and dangerous activities of organizations on the Specially
    Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons list. If confirmed, I can
    assure you that I share the goal of ensuring that the U.S. Agency for
    International Development takes all appropriate measures to prevent
    misuse of its funding-whether for terrorism, corruption, or any other
    types of abuse. I further confirm my commitment to cooperate and
    provide Congress with timely and substantive responses to inquiries, if
    confirmed.

        Question. With a national debt over $28 trillion, it is more
    important than ever for the government to be good steward of taxpayer
    funds. USAID must design and implement programs in the most effective
    and efficient manner. Every agency needs to be carefully evaluated and
    streamlined to eliminate duplicative and wasteful spending.

       What reforms will you take to improve the effectiveness of U.S.
            international development assistance?

        Answer. I agree with the principle of aid effectiveness and that
    USAID's programs should encourage self-reliance and sustainability. My
    vision for USAID's role includes traditional development priorities. It
    also applies a broader lens that recognizes U.S. foreign assistance
    within core U.S. national security priorities, including advancing
    democracy and human rights, mitigating the effects of conflict, and
    promoting global health in a collaborative manner with civil society
    partners and governments. If confirmed, I commit to advancing sound,
    evidence-based development and humanitarian programming that continues
    to improve aid effectiveness, self-reliance, and sustainability.

        Question. What actions will you take, if any, to prevent fraud,
    waste and abuse at USAID?

        Answer. All USAID employees have a statutory duty and
    responsibility to promote accountability in the Agency's programs and
    activities. Every USAID employee is responsible for assisting the
    Office of Inspector General, by promptly reporting instances of waste,
    fraud, or abuse. Furthermore, I understand that USAID has a number of
    policies and requirements in place to prevent fraud throughout the
    solicitation, award, and management of our grants and contracts. I
    understand that when instances of fraud, waste, and abuse do occur, the
    Agency considers a variety of award remedies, such as disallowed costs,
    special award conditions, and/or award suspension or termination. In
    addition, implementing partners and individuals who have committed
    fraud, waste, abuse, or other serious misconduct are subject to a
    number of accountability actions, including exclusion from receiving
    future U.S. Government funds through USAID's suspension and debarment
    program.

        Question. What opportunities exist for streamlining, efficiencies
    and savings at USAID?

        Answer. I agree that streamlining, efficiencies, and savings of
    taxpayer dollars is a priority. If confirmed, I look forward to looking
    for opportunities and continuing this conversation with you.

        Question. A January Wall Street Journal article reported that you
    requested the ``unmasking'' of nearly 300 people in the last year of
    working for the Obama Administration as U.S. Ambassador to the United
    Nations. When U.S. intelligence agencies intercept the communications
    of private U.S. citizens, those individuals are ``masked'' to ensure
    their privacy is protected.

       How many U.S. citizens did you unmask during the time you worked as
            U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations?

       What criteria did you use in determining whether it was appropriate
            to request the unmasking of a U.S. citizen?

       Given the large number of reported requests for unmasking made in
            your name, do you plan to refine your criteria going forward to
            ensure Americans privacy is appropriately protected?

       How will you protect the privacy of U.S. citizens as USAID
            Administrator?

        Answer. Safeguarding classified information and protecting the
    privacy of US persons are serious responsibilities for anyone serving
    in a national security role within the US government. I have protected
    classified information and guarded the privacy of US persons throughout
    my career as a public servant, and I will continue to do so if I am
    confirmed as USAID Administrator.
        While serving as U.N. Ambassador and as a cabinet member advising
    the President on the full range of national security threats, I was a
    recipient of information prepared by intelligence professionals, which
    I used to do my job of protecting and defending the United States and
    advancing US national security interests. I did not discuss the
    contents of classified material with unauthorized personnel. On
    occasion, in order to understand the intelligence briefed to me, I
    asked questions about the individuals or entities referenced in
    intelligence. Any requests I made for identifying information were made
    solely for the purpose of understanding the intelligence in order to do
    my job. While I do not recall the specific number of such requests I
    made as U.N. Ambassador, the number attributed to me in press reports,
    including in the Wall Street Journal Editorial board opinion piece
    referenced here, is false. It is my understanding that the Office of
    the Director of National Intelligence is responsible for matters
    related to how intelligence professionals manage and record matters
    related to intelligence.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Samantha Powell by Senator Edward J. Markey

        Question. In the waning days of the Trump administration, USAID
    unveiled its 2020 Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment Policy.
    Unfortunately, the policy was drafted behind closed doors and erased
    key LGTBQI+ rights, and denied comprehensive sexual and reproductive
    rights to all people. Will you commit to reviewing the 2020 Gender
    Equality and Women's Empowerment Policy, and updating it to make sure
    it is rights-affirming and inclusive of all marginalized identities,
    including LGBTQI+ individuals?

        Answer. I understand that a review of the USAID Gender policy
    commenced March 2021. If confirmed, I will consult with you and other
    Members of the committee on the review. President Biden has been clear
    that he supports protections for LGTBQI+ people, as do I. If confirmed,
    I will ensure that USAID programs and policies contribute to these
    efforts, by advocating for LGTBQI+ rights and programs around the
    world.

        Question. What is your vision for elevating USAID's leadership
    within the executive branch to tackle the existential threat of climate
    change?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would commit to working closely with
    Special Presidential Envoy for Climate John Kerry and the National
    Security Council's climate and energy directorate. The Biden
    administration's top priorities are developing an ambitious U.S. target
    and working with countries around the world to raise their ambition
    alongside the United States. President Biden is inviting leaders from
    major economies to a Leaders' Summit on Climate to discuss climate
    impacts and-more importantly-what more can be done on a number of
    fronts moving forward climate action to keep a 1.5 degree Celsius
    warming trajectory in sight. Given that unsustainable land use accounts
    for one-quarter of global greenhouse emissions, USAID will work with
    countries and regions with globally important forests and carbon-rich
    landscapes to reduce deforestation and improve conservation, as well as
    reduce emissions from land use change in critical tropical ecosystems
    that serve as global carbon sinks.

        Question. We must support the developing world in the transition
    towards renewable energy, while also better forecasting climate-driven
    disasters to minimize human impacts before they occur. Will you commit
    to increasing climate change mitigation and adaptation programming as a
    part of a proactive and robust USAID climate strategy?

        Answer. Yes, I commit to increasing USAID's efforts to support
    reduced carbon emissions combating climate change, including climate
    change mitigation and adaptation programming. Addressing climate change
    will be a top priority for me, as it is for President Biden. If
    confirmed, I will expand the scale and urgency of USAID's programming,
    building on USAID's strong foundation of local partnerships to address
    climate change. I will ensure that USAID continues to be a leader in
    supporting countries to reduce carbon emissions and that USAID provides
    further support for early warning systems which help communities
    prepare for and mitigate the impacts of climatic events.

        Question. The coup in Burma has temporarily severed the democratic
    hopes for the Burmese people. The situation continues to devolve as the
    threat of civil war rises. As USAID Administrator, will you work to
    quickly increase and pivot U.S. assistance to strengthen civil society,
    protect the fundamental civil and political rights of the Burmese
    people, and lead the humanitarian community in contingency planning for
    increased humanitarian assistance levels?

        Answer. I condemn, in the strongest possible terms, the military
    coup in Burma and the junta's ongoing violent crackdown against
    peaceful demonstrators. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
    and empowering the brave local and civil society actors who are
    advocating for civil and political rights under extraordinarily
    difficult and dangerous circumstances. I support the action taken by
    USAID immediately after the coup to redirect $42.4 million from work
    that would have benefitted the Government to civil society and programs
    that directly benefit the people of Burma. Those programs focus on a
    range of objectives, such as improving health outcomes, strengthening
    the ability of civil society to guard democratic space, fostering food
    security, supporting independent media, and promoting peace and
    reconciliation in Burma's conflict-affected regions. If confirmed,
    USAID will also continue to provide critical life-saving humanitarian
    assistance to Rohingya and other vulnerable populations including in
    Rakhine, Chin, Kachin, and Shan states.

        Question. Recent reports and statements from Secretary Blinken
    indicate an ethnic cleansing likely occurred in western Tigray.
    Humanitarian and media access continues to be constrained in rural
    areas. Concerns are mounting regarding the instability in the run up to
    the June elections. How will you work with the interagency to increase
    access and transparency, pursue accountability for victims, and provide
    oversight and capacity building assistance in a surge to promote a free
    and fair election?

        Answer. The loss of life and mass displacement resulting from the
    conflict in Ethiopia's Tigray region is profoundly disturbing. The
    violence against civilians must end, and unimpeded humanitarian access
    to the region must be granted without further delay. Ultimately, what
    is required is a constructive political dialogue between the parties
    and accountability for the atrocities committed by all sides.
    Ethiopia's successful transition to a more democratic, inclusive, and
    prosperous society is critical to U.S. interests. The administration,
    with support from members of Congress and U.N. representatives, has
    undertaken numerous diplomatic efforts to end the violence and provide
    humanitarian access. As a result of these efforts, Prime Minister Abiy
    recommitted to unhindered humanitarian access to Tigray. I understand
    that USAID staff in Addis and in Washington continue to push for real
    progress on these important issues. To your question on accountability
    for victims, while Prime Minister Abiy has recently acknowledged human
    rights abuses and violations and committed to ensuring that those
    responsible are held accountable, it will be essential to hold him to
    these commitments. If confirmed, I will both ensure that USAID
    continues to work with the interagency on these critical issues and
    work with the Secretary to ensure we can find a way to provide
    humanitarian assistance to the Ethiopian people and support, as
    appropriate, the pursuit of accountability.

        Question. During the campaign, then-candidate Biden indicated that
    his top foreign policy priority would be ``rallying the free world to
    push back against rising authoritarianism'' and that ``human rights
    will be at the core of U.S. foreign policy.'' Will you commit to re-
    vamping the role of human rights programming as a central pillar of
    USAID's development mandate?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will seek to deepen Agency investments
    in democracy, human rights and governance. With freedom in its
    fifteenth straight year of decline, there is more that the United
    States and USAID need to do on all fronts to counter authoritarian
    trends, support civil society, promote independent media, and protect
    human rights defenders.

        Question. The U.N. has called gender-based violence (GBV) against
    women and girls a ``shadow pandemic'' during the COVID-19 crisis. Will
    you commit to utilizing newly appropriated COVID-19 funds in working to
    curb GBV and other secondary impacts of the pandemic?

        Answer. Yes. Preventing and responding to gender-based violence
    (GBV) is a critical component in the global response to COVID-19 and it
    is a priority for USAID. If confirmed, I will prioritize USAID's
    support for the prevention of and response to GBV that has emerged as a
    result of COVID-19. Various types of GBV become particularly pervasive
    during emergencies. As such, addressing GBV in emergencies is central
    to USAID's efforts, including our COVID-19 response. If confirmed, I
    will ensure that USAID programming continues to address GBV and that
    our programming prioritizes women and girls' health, psychological
    well-being, and safety. I understand that USAID is currently developing
    a COVID-19 Response Plan, a strategy that will seek to address second-
    order impacts of the pandemic, including increased rates of GBV, and
    improve protection and target the needs of the most vulnerable and
    marginalized families and individuals.

        Question. For the past 15 years USAID has promoted a ``One Health''
    approach, bringing togetherdisciplines such as medicine, veterinary
    medicine, public health, and ecosystem health to more effectively
    address emerging pandemic challenges. Tufts University is leading a new
    effort consistent with the ``One Health'' approach to analyze,
    communicate, and mitigate risks of zoonotic viral spillover in priority
    countries. Will you commit tostrengthening this type of USAID
    programming that ensures lasting reduction of the riskof viral zoonotic
    spillover and disease so we can avoid repeating the experience of
    COVID-19?

        Answer. COVID-19 is a grave reminder that biological threats-
    whether naturally emerging, accidental, or deliberate-pose a
    significant and potentially existential threat to humanity. USAID's
    partnership with countries throughout the world makes the Agency well-
    placed to prevent avoidable outbreaks, detect threats early, and
    respond rapidly when outbreaks occur. Preventing the next pandemic
    requires an approach that recognizes that the future well-being of
    humans, animals, and the environment are inextricably linked. History
    has shown us that we need to significantly increase resources for both
    risk reduction and the discovery of unknown viruses. To do this, we
    should focus on the discovery of new viruses and address current
    zoonotic diseases (e.g., Ebola viruses, coron aviruses) that pose the
    greatest risk of spilling from wildlife to humans. If confirmed, I
    commit to continuing this critical programming.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
              Submitted to Hon. Samantha Power by Senator Ted Cruz

    U.S. Foreign Assistance
        Question. On December 10, 2020, President Trump issued Executive
    Order (EO) 13964, ``Rebranding United States Foreign Assistance To
    Advance American Influence'' which required U.S. Government Departments
    and Agencies to use a single logo for all U.S. foreign assistance.

       Please assess the degree to which such moves to ensure consistency
            and clarity in our aid contribute to the development of
            American soft power in general?

        Answer. I am committed to branding and believe that branding sends
    a strong public diplomacy message, contributing to American soft power
    by conveying that our assistance is due to the generosity of the
    American people. Branding is also a critical element of a counter China
    strategy. Current branding regulations and policy continue to apply to
    USAID awards, and partners must continue to follow the branding
    requirements outlined in their assistance agreements.

    China
        Question. Please assess the degree to which such moves to ensure
    consistency and clarity in our aid contribute to the development of
    American soft power opposite Chinese development efforts?

        Answer. China's approach to ``development'' through One Belt, One
    Road (OBOR) raises deep concerns for me and many people in USAID's
    partner countries. Projects connected to OBOR have come under
    significant scrutiny on issues such as corruption; unsustainable debt;
    environmental degradation; construction contracts and jobs being
    awarded to Chinese firms over local enterprises; lack of transparency
    and local consultations; and even worries about the potential erosion
    of sovereignty due to the unfavorable terms attached to certain
    projects. USAID needs a far-reaching strategy that addresses the
    challenges of OBOR, and I believe that frustrations around the world
    with China's development practices provide an opportunity for the U.S.
        In addition to branding, the U.S. has a range of tools we can bring
    to bear including development aid, finance, and our innovative
    corporate sector. If confirmed, I will work aggressively to draw on
    America's comparative advantages in distinguishing the U.S. approach
    from the PRC's, by engaging directly with our partner countries and
    ensuring that good governance, sustainability, and social and economic
    safeguards are built into projects we support. If confirmed, I will
    look forward to working with my colleagues across many agencies to help
    ensure the U.S. is responding to Chinese development efforts from a
    position of strength.

        Question. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is committing genocide
    against the Uyghurs and other minorities in the Xinjiang Uygur
    Autonomous Region (XUAR) that is ongoing. The Biden administration had
    sent differing signals about the degree to which administration
    officials assessed that genocide is indeed ongoing, but on March 22,
    2021, Secretary Blinken correctly emphasized ``the P.R.C. continues to
    commit genocide and crimes against humanity.'' USAID had and has a
    significant role to play in countering the CCP's genocide, and the
    agency had initiated a number of programs and outreach in that space.
    Those programs included efforts to preserve the cultural heritage of
    the Uyghurs, which is being directly targeted by the CCP.

       Do you agree with the assessment that the Chinese Government is
            engaged in a genocide against the Uyghurs and other minorities
            in the XUAR that is ongoing?

        Answer. Yes. I agree with President Biden and experts who have
    studied the evidence that.China is committing genocide in Xinjiang.

        Question. What role do you see for USAID in countering that ongoing
    genocide, and more broadly the human rights atrocities being committed
    by the Chinese Communist Party?

        Answer. I welcome Congress's bipartisan action on this issue,
    including the passage of the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act that holds
    perpetrators accountable for human rights violations and abuses against
    Uyghurs and other minorities in China. If confirmed, I will use my
    platform to draw attention to the horrors in Xinjiang and ensure that
    USAID actively engages with you, the committee, and the interagency to
    determine any further steps that can be taken.

        Question. What is the status of programs aimed at preserving the
    cultural heritage of the Uyghurs within USAID?

        Answer. I gather that USAID is developing programs to preserve the
    cultural heritage and promote the human rights of Uyghurs and other
    ethnic and religious minorities in the Asia region. If confirmed, I
    will be eager to discuss these programs with you.

    International Religious Freedom
        Question. The Obama administration repeatedly failed to speak out
    on critical issues of religious liberty, including the plight of
    imprisoned Christians in Iran, Nigeria, North Korea, Venezuela, Cuba,
    and Mexico. The result was a vacuum of American leadership. USAID has a
    critical role to play in highlighting and countering such persecution,
    as well as the plight of dissidents more broadly. Advancing
    international religious freedom (IRF) is a major foreign policy
    priority of the United States with bipartisan support, and I strongly
    believe that the agency must maintain and deepen decisions and
    commitments made by the Trump administration in that context.

       The Trump administration allocated resources to IRF-related
            projects in Iraq, Nigeria, and elsewhere. If confirmed, do you
            intend to maintain these projects?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support international religious
    freedom programs at USAID. I have a longstanding commitment to human
    rights, and a profound awareness of the risks of persecution faced by
    religious minorities. While serving at the NSC in the Obama
    administration, I advocated on behalf of Coptic Christians in Egypt who
    were experiencing violent attacks, and I met with Iraqi Christians
    while visiting Iraq to show support for their community. As Ambassador
    to the U.N., I used my platform to elevate the voices of religious
    minorities. I called for the release of Meriam Ibrahim, a Sudanese
    woman sentenced to death for refusing to denounce her Christian faith,
    and called on Sudan to repeal the laws that put her in jail in the
    first place. I gave a young Yazidi woman named Nadia Murad her first
    major public platform, inviting her to speak before the U.N. Security
    Council, after her family had been almost completely wiped out by ISIS
    and she had been forced into sexual slavery. In addition, I worked with
    the State Department's Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious
    Freedom and others in the administration to seek recognition of ISIS's
    violence against the Yazidi people, Iraqi Christians, and Shiite
    Muslims as a genocide, which Secretary of State Kerry recognized in
    March of 2016. USAID has a history of helping the world's most
    vulnerable people, and it will continue to play a critical role in
    supporting communities persecuted or discriminated against because of
    their faith. If confirmed, I will review USAID's approach to ensure
    that our programs are most effectively supporting victims of religious
    persecution. Additionally, if confirmed, I look forward to exploring
    with you, the Agency's regional bureaus and Center for Faith-Based and
    Neighborhood Partnerships office, and diverse faith communities, how to
    mobilize resources and, as appropriate, tailor our programs to support
    individuals being subjected to religious persecution.

        Question. Until recently the agency held monthly sessions for
    USAID's cross-Agency Sector Council on Strategic Religious Engagement
    and International Religious Freedom. Have such sessions of the
    Strategic Religious Engagement and International Religious Freedom been
    frozen, and if so why?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to looking into USAID's cross-Agency
    Sector Council on Strategic and Religious Engagement and International
    Religious Freedom and whether it is still holding sessions. I look
    forward to discussing with you.

        Question. The Trump administration invested significantly in
    programs promoting IRF through USAID's Democracy, Human Rights and
    Governance (DRG) Center. What is the status of those programs?

        Answer. USAID continues to implement programming, including through
    the DRG Center, that supports religious minorities. USAID is deeply
    committed to supporting the world's most vulnerable people, including
    members of religious minorities. USAID will continue to play a critical
    role in supporting communities around the world that are persecuted
    and/or discriminated against because of their faith.

        Question. The Trump administration was considering support for a
    Yezidi Genocide Museum in Kocho. What is the status of that program? If
    it has been suspended or canceled, why?

        Answer. I am not familiar with these deliberations or this program.
    If confirmed, I commit to learning more about it and consulting with
    you on this issue.

        Question. The persecution of Christians in Nigeria has over the
    last decade emerged as a systematic problem that the U.S. and the
    global community have struggled to counter. Policy responses have been
    broadly inadequate, and have been hampered by disputes over the factors
    explaining the violence, including the degree to which the crisis is a
    function of farmer-herder clashes or religious extremism. In December
    2020, the Department of State designated Nigeria as a country of
    particular concern (CPC) in response to pervasive and egregious
    violations of religious freedom, and USAID in particular engaged
    Nigerian bishops as part of countering the persecution of Christians by
    Boko Haram.

       What is your assessment of the degree to which the persecution of
            Christians in Nigeria is a function of farmer-herder clashes
            vs. explanations that the persecution is driven by religious
            violence?

        Answer. Nigeria's deep structural problems have manifested in
    various violent conflicts which have escalated across the country. As I
    witnessed in my trip in 2016 to the Boko Haram-affected regions of
    Cameroon, Nigeria, and Chad, while these conflicts may have been
    originally rooted in resource competition, which includes farmer-herder
    clashes, they have evolved over time to include targeted attacks based
    on religion or ethnic identity. The violence is exacerbated by the
    proliferation of illicit weapons and a weak state security
    architecture.

        Question. Have USAID officials, including and especially those
    tasked with advancing IRF, engaged Nigeria's community of bishops since
    February 1, 2021?

        Answer. I gather that USAID works closely with the State Department
    at U.S. Embassy Abuja to advance religious freedom. For example, in
    March 2021, USAID supported the U.S. Ambassador's participation in a
    major gathering of Nigerian Christian leaders hosted by Cardinal John
    Onaiyekan. This meeting followed a July 2020 roundtable hosted by USAID
    with senior Christian clerics, including bishops. USAID regularly
    engages with religious leaders and faith-based organizations across
    multiple sectors of programming to respond to the impacts of Boko Haram
    in Northeast Nigeria. In mid-March 2021, USAID met with leaders from
    the Christian Association of Nigeria, the Heads of Church
    Denominations, and the Dialogue, Reconciliation, and Peace Center.

        Question. The Trump administration made a particular point of
    engaging churches and other faith organizations globally, and of
    increasing the amount of direct aid that is disbursed through local
    churches rather than international aid agencies. The move was driven by
    several considerations, including concerns about corruption that is
    endemic to many such agencies, e.g. on March 19, 2021, the Department
    of Justice announced that the International Rescue Committee had agreed
    to pay $6.9 million to settle allegations that it performed procurement
    fraud by engaging in collusive behavior and misconduct on programs
    funded by USAID. Critics of the policy have suggested that it entangles
    USAID in faith-based organizations in violation of USAID principles
    related to unbiased partnering and humanitarian principles.

       If confirmed, will you continue the Trump administration's policy
            of increasing the amount of direct aid disbursed through local
            churches? If not, why not?

        Answer. Faith-based organizations are often the most trusted and
    deeply embedded groups in local communities. These organizations often
    serve remote, difficult to access communities and provide important
    social services, strengthen civic space, and ensure inclusive
    development. As I understand it, USAID has a robust history of engaging
    faith organizations to advance Agency goals and priorities. The Code of
    Federal Regulations (22 CFR 205.1) clarifies that faith organizations
    may compete for federal assistance funding on the same basis as other
    organizations, and that all funding decisions are made on the basis of
    merit, not religious or secular affiliation. If confirmed, I will
    support USAID's strong engagement with faith-based organizations,
    whenever and wherever appropriate, by ensuring field staff are equipped
    with the requisite skills and resources to advance development and
    humanitarian assistance goals.

        Question. Do you believe that channeling aid through faith based
    organizations is in tension with USAID principles related to unbiased
    partnering or humanitarian principles? If so, please explain why.

        Answer. Faith-based organizations are often the most trusted and
    deeply embedded groups in local communities. These organizations often
    serve remote, difficult to access communities and provide important
    social services, strengthen civic space, and ensure inclusive
    development and principled humanitarian assistance.

        Question. Do you believe that channeling aid specifically through
    Nigerian Christian groups is in tension with USAID principles related
    to unbiased partnering and humanitarian principles? If so, please
    explain why.

        Answer. Faith-based and community organizations are eligible to
    participate in USAID programs on the same basis as any other
    organization without regard to their religious character or
    affiliation. USAID humanitarian assistance is delivered solely on the
    basis of need regardless of political, religious, or other affiliation,
    in accordance with U.S. law and policy, and does not discriminate
    against nor favor one group over another. Delivering humanitarian
    assistance to the most vulnerable people, including ethnic and
    religious minorities, is central to our work in Nigeria and a core
    value of USAID's humanitarian efforts worldwide. USAID takes
    significant steps to ensure our assistance reaches those who need it
    most and does not jeopardize their safety.

    Israel
        Question. In recent years Congress has passed a range of
    legislation limiting assistance to the Palestinian Authority (PA) and
    for activities that benefit the PA, e.g. the Taylor Force Act (TFA)
    (Title X of P.L. 115-141), which limits funding for activities that
    ``directly benefit'' the PA. TFA included certification language
    regarding a range of concerns related to PA policies and governance,
    including ``payments for acts of terrorism against Israeli citizens and
    United States citizens.'' Part of the policy rationale for TFA's
    restrictions is that money is fungible: any aid that directly benefits
    the PA indirectly supports the PA's payments for acts of terrorism.
    Officials in the Biden administration have recently suggested that
    regardless of restrictions imposed by Congress the administration
    intends to pursue projects and increase assistance that ``benefit[].
    ordinary Palestinians,'' implicitly in contrast to programs that would
    directly benefit the PA and therefore be noncompliant with TFA. Please
    describe your understanding of restrictions imposed by Congress on aid
    to the PA, especially your understanding of the distinction between aid
    that ``directly benefits'' the PA and other forms of aid.

       Can you commit that, if confirmed, you will ensure that USAID will
            not engage in projects or provide assistance for projects that
            directly benefit the PA?

       Can you commit that, if confirmed, you will ensure that USAID will
            not engage in projects or provide assistance for projects that
            are the same as, materially similar to, or successor projects
            to USAID projects and assistance that were suspended pursuant
            to TFA?

        Answer. President Biden publicly supported passage of the Taylor
    Force Act, and he has never hesitated to condemn terrorism or
    incitement by Palestinian actors. He has made clear that this will
    continue during his administration. I appreciate Congressional concerns
    regarding U.S. aid that may benefit the PA and I can assure you that,
    if confirmed, USAID will continue to ensure that any provision of aid
    strictly adheres to relevant U.S. laws governing the provision of
    assistance in the West Bank and Gaza, including the Taylor Force Act.
    To comply with various legislative restrictions, including the Prisoner
    Payment Restriction (Section 7041(k)(3) of the FY 2020 SFOAA) and
    Taylor Force Act ( P.L. 115-141), USAID conducts case specific analysis
    to ensure that USAID assistance is neither ``for'' nor ``directly
    benefiting'' the PA, consistent with the requirements and exceptions
    set forth in relevant statutes.''

        Question. The Obama-Biden administration's approach to the Israeli-
    Arab conflict was justified on the basis of a theory of regional
    relations in which the Israeli-Palestinian conflict prevented broader
    Israeli-Arab rapprochement. Among other decisions, that administration
    implemented discriminatory policies that distinguished between Jewish
    communities in places Israel controlled before and after 1967. That
    approach culminated in December 2016, when the Obama administration
    maneuvered the United Nations Security Council into passing UNSCR 2334,
    which among other things denied Israel's sovereignty over the Golan
    Heights and part of its capital Jerusalem, including the Jewish
    Quarter.
        The Trump administration systematically worked to hollow out and
    render UNSCR 2334 null and void. They did so, including by recognizing
    Israel's sovereignty over the Golan Heights, by recognizing Jerusalem
    as Israel's capital, by moving our embassy to Jerusalem, by seeking to
    end discriminatory approaches that distinguished legally and for the
    purposes of aid and trade between different Israeli communities, and by
    taking several other steps.

       Can you commit to ensuring that USAID's approach to Israel,
            including cooperative projects, will not distinguish or
            discriminate between Israeli communities in places Israel
            controlled before and after 1967? If not, why not?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to advance the administration's
    strong support for the U.S.-Israel relationship, as well as to enhance
    prospects for two states by working to responsibly restart humanitarian
    and development assistance in the West Bank and Gaza in compliance with
    all legal requirements, including the Taylor Force Act.

        Question. Do you believe that a) Israel has sovereignty over the
    Golan Heights?; b) Israel has sovereignty over Jerusalem, including the
    Old City of Jerusalem? c) Israel is in illegal occupation of any part
    of Jerusalem?; d) Israel is in illegal occupation of the Old City of
    Jerusalem?

        Answer. The administration's position is that our embassy will
    remain in Jerusalem, which we recognize as Israel's capital. The
    administration has made clear that the ultimate status of Jerusalem is
    a final status issue which will need to be resolved by the parties in
    the context of direct negotiations. I agree that the current Syrian
    regime and its Iranian allies poses a significant security risk to
    Israel and that the Golan Heights is critically important to Israel's
    security.

    Yemen
        Question. On January 10, 2021, the State Department designated
    Ansarallah, sometimes called the Houthis, and Abdul Malik al-Houthi,
    Abd al-Khaliq Badr al-Din al-Houthi, and Abdullah Yahya al Hakim, three
    leaders of Ansarallah, as Specially Designated Global Terrorists
    (SDGTs) pursuant to Executive Order 13224. On February 5 the Biden
    administration informed Congress of its intention to revoke those
    sanctions. The issue of aid was central to the public explanation of
    the decision: officials at the State Department have justified the
    delisting of what they described as the ``broad'' designation of
    Ansarallah on humanitarian grounds, e.g. that large parts of Yemen's
    population live under areas controlled by the group. Since then the
    Houthis have escalated their violence across the region, bombarding
    civilians in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. Yemen was already one of the worst
    humanitarian catastrophes in the world, in large part because the
    Houthis and their Iranian backers block aid, steal aid, and attack
    civilians.

       Please describe the role played by Iran and the Houthis in
            deepening the humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen.

        Answer. Iran's support for the Houthis-and the Houthis use of food
    as a weapon of war-during the long-running conflict in Yemen has
    contributed to the gravest humanitarian crisis in the world. Moreover,
    I agree that Iran's malign influence in the region, including in Yemen,
    Lebanon, Syria and Iraq, has clear destabilizing effects. Iran's
    support for terrorism and human rights abuses threatens U.S. forces and
    partners in the region in places like Iraq and Lebanon and hinders our
    ability to provide humanitarian assistance in places like Yemen and
    Syria. The U.S. Government continues to call on all parties to
    implement a comprehensive, nationwide ceasefire in Yemen. The crisis in
    Yemen will only be resolved when all parties to the conflict agree to a
    durable and peaceful resolution to the conflict.

        Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
    administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
    Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to deliver aid to
    Yemeni civilians in general.

        Answer. The Houthis are far from benign actors, and their actions
    contribute to prolonging the suffering of the Yemini people. However,
    the administration takes seriously the warnings from the U.N. and
    international humanitarian organizations that these designations could
    lead to a wide-scale famine. At the same time, the administration has
    been clear that it will not hesitate to apply pressure to push the
    Houthis to curb their abuses against the Yemeni people and to negotiate
    an end to the war. With the lifting of the terrorist sanctions, the
    U.S. can continue to provide humanitarian assistance to Yemen, and
    critical commercial trade, such as food and fuel, can flow freely.
    USAID has announced $336 million in FY 2021 humanitarian funding that
    implementing partners can now use to provide lifesaving assistance to
    more than 13 million Yemenis. As this assistance moves forward, USAID
    will continuously monitor the Houthis' interference and our partners'
    access to populations in need to determine if our assistance is able to
    reach those for whom it is intended.

        Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
    administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
    Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to deliver aid to
    Yemeni civilians in Marib.

        Answer. As referenced in the prior question, Houthi operations in
    Yemen exacerbate the already-catastrophic humanitarian situation in
    Yemen, and the Houthi leadership should be held accountable for their
    actions. However, while seeking to counter Houthi conduct, we must also
    consider the highly credible voices urging the United States not to
    make the country's humanitarian crisis worse or make it even harder to
    end Yemen's civil war. The Biden administration's action has enabled
    the U.S. to continue to provide humanitarian assistance to Yemenis,
    including to those affected by the recent escalation of conflict in
    Marib, and critical commercial trade, such as food and fuel, can
    resume.

    Classified Information
        Question. The Obama administration was broadly criticized,
    especially in the context of its Middle East policy, for co-mingling
    unclassified documents with classified documents. This practice
    requires that documents be placed in a secure location, unnecessarily
    limiting access to unclassified documents and stifling public debate.
    The Biden administration already seems to be repeating such practices:
    according to an exchange during the State Department press briefing on
    February 11, a notification describing the lifting of terrorism
    sanctions on Iran-controlled terrorists in Yemen was unnecessarily
    transmitted to a Congressional SCIF.

       Can you commit to ensuring that unclassified information is not
            unnecessarily comingled with classified information in
            notifications provided by the State Department to Congress? If
            not, why not?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working to ensure that
    information provided to Congress by USAID is in a format that
    facilitates its access by authorized personnel, while complying with
    Executive Order 13526, USAID's classification guide, and the executive
    branch rules on the handling and storage of classified information.

    U.S. Foreign Policy
        Question. U.S. foreign policy is a responsibility which cannot be
    delegated to foreign powers or international institutions. On the
    contrary, the weight of U.S. foreign policy comes in three parts from
    Congress: treaty ratification or rejection, domestic law that forms the
    basis for enforcing foreign policy positions, and the power over the
    purse.

       Do you agree that U.S. foreign policy is non-delegable to foreign
            powers, including international institutions, and that any
            enforcement of commitments made by the United States
            bilaterally or multilaterally must be authorized by Congress in
            the form of treaty ratification or domestic law?

        Answer. I agree that the U.S. Government is solely responsible for
    conducting foreign policy on behalf of the American people, and that
    this responsibility cannot be delegated outside the Government.
    Collaboration with other nations and private actors, including using
    platforms like international institutions, can be used to effectively
    implement U.S. foreign policy.

        Question. In a 2003 piece for the New Republic you wrote, ``And the
    American approach must cease its reliance on gratuitous unilateralism.
    We make rules and create international institutions precisely in order
    to bind states when their short-term interests would otherwise lead
    them toward defection. The United States is willing to bind itself to
    the World Trade Organization, because it knows it benefits more than
    any other country from free trade, but not to the ICC, because there is
    no good selfish reason to expose American citizens to external
    scrutiny. But the truth is that only U.S. resources and leadership can
    turn such institutions into forces for the international stability that
    is indispensable to U.S. security. Besides, giving up a pinch of
    sovereignty will not deprive the United States of the tremendous
    military and economic leverage it has at its disposal as a last
    resort.''

       Is it your view that the United States federal Government, through
            the resources of its taxpayers spent at international
            institutions, is responsible morally and legally for
            ``international stability?''

        Answer. The United States is not the world's policeman. It is a
    critically important global leader and catalyst, and it has often used
    its resources and foreign policy tools to promote stability,
    development, democracy, and human rights, as well as to alleviate
    suffering in humanitarian contexts. As the COVID-19 pandemic
    demonstrates, the welfare of Americans is often connected to the fate
    of people living elsewhere. As a result, to take but one example,
    investments in global health security are investments in the security,
    prosperity, and overall well-being of the American people. In addition,
    when the United States works with partners and allies and succeeds in
    exerting its influence at the United Nations and other global forums,
    we can be more effective in countering malign actors such as China,
    Russia and Iran-who would like nothing more than to undermine the
    democratic values, human rights norms, and rules of the international
    system that benefit the American people and contribute to global
    stability.

        Question. Additionally, is it your view that in joining
    multilateral institutions and international agreements outside the
    treaty ratification process and changes in domestic law by Congress,
    the United States only ``gives up a pinch of sovereignty?'' If yes, do
    you believe it is appropriate for the president to unilaterally cede
    sovereignty to a foreign power or international governing body?

        Answer. The President should always act to advance what is best for
    the American people. I believe that foreign policy should be conducted
    in accordance with U.S. law. I also believe that Congress has an
    important voice and should be consulted in foreign policy deliberations
    including with respect to international agreements and engagement with
    multilateral institutions.

        Question. You note in the same piece that the United States
    constitutes,''the very runaway state international law needs to
    contain.'' Please elaborate on this view, and please specifically
    address how this view reconciles with the oath you will take if
    confirmed to'' support and defend the Constitution of the United States
    against all enemies, foreign and domestic.''

        Answer. This quote from eighteen years ago does not represent my
    view of the United States. I should not have used that language,
    especially because the article itself is an extended and passionate
    call for America's moral leadership in the world.
        In 2009, before I became NSC Senior Director for Multilateral
    Affairs and Human Rights, I took the oath to ``support and defend the
    Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and
    domestic.'' It was one of the greatest honors of my life. I did so
    again in 2013 when I became U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. As a public
    servant, I have been a tireless advocate for American values around the
    world and a relentless defender of the United States at the U.N. and
    elsewhere, standing up to malign actors such as China, Russia,
    Venezuela, Iran, Syria, North Korea, and others who seek to undermine
    U.S. interests. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to
    determine how to be maximally effective in promoting and protecting the
    interests of the American people, drawing on the important tools that
    USAID can bring to bear to promote freedom and prosperity.

        Question. Religious liberty is a foundational American value
    enshrined in our First Amendment. USAID policy should respect and
    affirm life and religious liberty at all stages of the program cycle.
    This includes adherence to, at minimum, the Silijander and Helms
    amendments.

       If confirmed, do you commit to following these provisions of law in
            crafting and implementing USAID policies, procedures, and
            programs?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will follow the law and ensure compliance
    with all applicable laws and regulations, including the Helms and
    Siljander amendments.

    Food for Peace
        Question. Food aid delivered to people in need abroad under the
    Food for Peace program currently falls subject to a requirement that 50
    percent of the commodities are transported on U.S. built, flagged, and
    crewed vessels. Unfortunately, this requirement results in higher
    shipping costs, limited availability of vessels or vessels not
    appropriately outfitted for carrying food aid, and less food arriving
    to people in need due to food spoilage. A 2018 GAO report estimates
    that ``for each $40-million increase in shipping costs, food aid
    reaches one-million fewer recipients each year.''

       Is it your view that cargo preference requirements prevent vital
            aid from reaching intended recipients in a timely manner?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with Congress to
    make USAID's programming to combat rising food insecurity as effective
    and efficient as possible, and to build the resilience of vulnerable
    communities. Each of the food assistance modalities-U.S. in-kind food,
    locally and regionally procured food, and cash-based programming-
    complements the others in addressing food insecurity efficiently and
    effectively. At this time of unprecedented global humanitarian need,
    USAID's ability to reach hungry people and improve the efficiency of
    our programs is of the utmost importance.

        Question. Is it your view that USAID should be spending more of
    their resources allotted for Food for Peace on the aid products and
    commodities as opposed to transportation costs?

        Answer. As USAID responds to an increasing number of complex and
    protracted humanitarian crises, the costs of providing emergency food
    assistance have unfortunately grown to reflect increased security and
    logistical needs. In FY 2020, USAID shipped more than 1.4 million
    metric tons of U.S.-grown agricultural commodities using Food for Peace
    Title II resources. Volatility in shipping costs is just one complex
    element USAID faces in the management of the Food for Peace Title II
    account as it responds to increasing food insecurity worldwide.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Samantha Power by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. If you are confirmed, how will USAID contribute to
    efforts by the United States and our partner nations to counter the
    People's Republic of China's predatory and malign Belt and Road
    Initiative, including by bringing together governments, the private
    sector, and civil society to promote global infrastructure development.
    China's Belt and Road Initiative uses predatory financing, debt-trap
    diplomacy, bribery, corruption, and other means to promote
    infrastructure projects in developing nations, with the goals of
    creating new markets for China's ``national champion'' companies,
    capturing the loyalty of foreign government and business elites, and
    drawing developing nations-especially those in strategic locations or
    with strategically important resources-into Beijing's geopolitical
    orbit.

        Answer. Competition with China is one of the defining challenges of
    the 21st century for the United States. By advancing security,
    protecting global health, fighting climate change, strengthening
    democracy, and spurring equitable economic growth, USAID can play an
    integral role in helping the U.S. meet the challenges you have
    identified that are posed by the Belt and Road Initiative. The
    administration's approach is to provide an alternative vision to
    Beijing's--a vision that promotes democratic governance, transparency,
    and local ownership in our global development work. If confirmed, I
    will work aggressively to draw on America's comparative advantages in
    distinguishing the U.S. approach from the PRC's, by engaging directly
    with our partner countries and ensuring that good governance,
    sustainability, and social and economic safeguards are built into
    projects we support. USAID can strengthen local capacity to ensure that
    development investments are both beneficial and sustainable. If
    confirmed, I will work with allies and partners, including at the DFC
    and in the private sector, to better leverage our collective resources
    and influence, and I will be an advocate for the highest human rights,
    governance, environmental, social, and labor standards in order to
    promote investments that are sustainable for the long term.

        Question. If you are confirmed, how will USAID not only promote
    effective U.S. development assistance and humanitarian assistance, but
    also advance America's long-term competition with the Chinese Communist
    Party's broader malign influence and predatory efforts around the
    world?

        Answer. The People's Republic of China's (PRC) approach to
    development through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) raises deep
    concerns for me and many of USAID's partners. Projects connected to BRI
    have come under significant scrutiny on issues such as corruption;
    unsustainable debt; environmental degradation; preferencing of Chinese
    firms over local enterprises for construction contracts and jobs; lack
    of transparency and local consultations; and even worries about the
    potential erosion of sovereignty due to the unfavorable terms attached
    to certain projects. I share your conviction that USAID needs a far-
    reaching strategy that addresses the challenges posed by the BRI. There
    is no question that the frustrations many around the world have voiced
    with China's development practices provide an opportunity for the U.S.
    U.S. support for transparent, accountable, and inclusive governance
    gives us another advantage, especially in communities that have
    experienced repression and corruption. If confirmed, I will continue to
    promote human rights, democracy and transparency and I will ensure that
    USAID works with partners to better leverage our collective resources
    and influence for sustainable and beneficial development pursued in a
    spirit of cooperation and mutual respect.

        Question. If you are confirmed, how will you support and strengthen
    USAID's commitment to combat religious persecution, which is all the
    more important after the State Department's recent determination of the
    Chinse Communist Party's genocide and crimes against humanity with
    respect to Uyghurs and other Turkic Muslims in Xinjiang? You have
    written extensively about the failure of past U.S. presidential
    administration to prevent and respond to genocide.

        Answer. As you note, I have a longstanding commitment to human
    rights, and have seen firsthand how religious minorities are at risk of
    being targeted with atrocities. I also agree with you, President Biden,
    and experts who have studied the facts that China is committing
    genocide in Xinjiang.
        While serving in the Obama administration, I advocated on behalf of
    Coptic Christians in Egypt who were experiencing violent attacks and
    met with Iraqi Christians while visiting Iraq to show support for their
    community. As Ambassador to the U.N., I used my platform to elevate the
    voices of religious minorities, such as by pushing for the release of
    Meriam Ibrahim, a Sudanese woman sentenced to death for refusing to
    denounce her Christian faith. I also called for Sudan to repeal the
    laws that put her in jail in the first place. In addition, I worked
    with the State Department's Ambassador-at-Large for International
    Religious Freedom and others in the administration to seek recognition
    for ISIS's violence against the Yazidi people, Iraqi Christians, and
    Shiite Muslims as a genocide, which Secretary of State Kerry recognized
    in March of 2016. I gave a young Yazidi woman named Nadia Murad her
    first major public forum, inviting her to speak before the U.N.
    Security Council, after her family had been almost completely wiped out
    by ISIS and she had been forced into sexual slavery. USAID has a
    history of helping the world's most vulnerable people, and, if
    confirmed, I will invest in efforts to support communities persecuted
    or discriminated against because of their faith, and I will make it a
    priority to prevent and address ongoing violence and atrocities
    perpetrated against religious and ethnic minorities including Rohingya;
    Yezidis and Christians in Iraq, Syria and other parts of the Middle
    East; and Tigrayans.

        Question. Do you believe that the People's Republic of China should
    be classified as a ``developing country'' at the World Trade
    Organization? China-as the world's second largest economy-is still
    classified as a ``developing country'' at the World Trade Organization.

        Answer. No, I do not believe China should be classified as a
    ``developing country.'' Indeed, by any number of measures, China today
    is a global economic powerhouse. China is already the world's largest
    trading nation, having surpassed the United States in 2013, and its
    investments in research and development are second only to those of the
    United States-having increased by more than 15 percent a year on
    average over the past two decades. And in 2020, half of the top ten
    largest public companies in the world were Chinese companies. If
    confirmed, I will work with Congress and the administration to counter
    China's tactics whether in global forums or at the country and regional
    level, including in Africa, Asia and the Western Hemisphere.

        Question. What is your assessment of USAID's ``Clear Choice''
    strategy under the last presidential administration? If you are
    confirmed, do you commit to continuing and improving USAID's ``Clear
    Choice'' strategy? As DevEx-a media platform that tracks the
    international development efforts-reported in December 2020, your
    predecessor, USAID Administrator Mark Green ``spearheaded a broad
    agency strategy called `Clear Choice,' intended to denote that
    countries have a `clear choice' between the U.S. and China when they
    consider investment partnerships for infrastructure and other
    development initiatives.'' The ``Clear Choice'' strategy sought to
    better organize USAID's regional and functional efforts on development
    and humanitarian assistance while also meeting the China Challenge and
    countering China's malign influence, and better informing and
    coordinating with interagency partners in the U.S. Government.

        Answer. I applaud former Administrator Mark Green's efforts to
    proactively counter malign Chinese influence in international
    development. If confirmed, I will review and build on these efforts,
    and I will work with allies and partners to better leverage our
    collective resources and influence.

        Question. If you are confirmed, do you commit to modernize the
    concept of foreign assistance to include also the development and
    adoption of next-generation telecommunications and mobile technology in
    partner nations that receive U.S. foreign assistance?

        Answer. Digital tools hold immense potential to help people live
    freer and more prosperous lives. They also present significant risks to
    citizen privacy and data, freedom of the press, and individual
    expression. I gather that USAID's work in this area builds upon the
    Agency's twenty-five year legacy of bringing internet access points,
    strengthening national broadband strategies and universal service
    funds, and advancing multi-stakeholder models of internet governance to
    USAID partner countries around the world. Today, such efforts are more
    important than ever as the foundations of next-generation
    telecommunications technologies like 5G are developed and adopted by
    our partner countries to enable their citizens to participate in the
    digital economy and ultimately become more self-reliant. If confirmed,
    I will continue USAID's commitment to open, inclusive, secure and
    competitive communications infrastructure and mobile technology, as
    outlined in USAID's Digital Strategy.

        Question. If you are confirmed, how will USAID use foreign
    assistance to help ensure that partner nations-especially those that
    receive U.S. foreign assistance-reject or move away from next-
    generation telecommunications and mobile technology from Huawei or
    other untrusted China-based vendors?

        Answer. USAID is already addressing the challenges presented by
    untrusted vendors of mobile and next-generation telecommunications
    equipment. I understand that USAID provides developing countries with
    technical assistance to encourage reforms to related regulations and
    policies, including those that support secure networks, vendor
    diversity, and cybersecurity best practices. USAID programs also
    include work with civil society to bolster messaging for autonomy,
    security, and privacy in their telecoms sectors, and with the private
    sector to increase investment in and deployment of secure
    communications technologies. If confirmed, I will continue this
    commitment to next-generation telecommunications and mobile technology
    built upon trustworthy vendors.

        Question. If you are confirmed, do you commit to supporting the
    Abraham Funds or similar development initiatives with other countries
    in the Middle East in order to advance U.S. national security
    interests, support the Abraham Accords, and promote further peace and
    regional economic cooperation between Israel and Arab nations?

        Answer. President Biden rightly welcomed the Abraham Accords as an
    important contribution to peace in a divided region. If confirmed, I
    will join others in the Biden-Harris administration in efforts to build
    on these agreements to further strengthen cooperation between Israel
    and its neighbors and to encourage other Arab and Muslim countries to
    normalize relations with Israel. If confirmed, I will seek to take
    steps that advance the cause of peace, as well as Israel's integration
    in the region and the world-something that I was able to make great
    headway on at the United Nations, securing Israel's integration into
    important U.N. bodies from which it had been excluded, recognition of
    Yom Kippur as an official U.N. holiday, and the convening of the first-
    ever U.N. General Assembly session on antisemitism.

                                   __________

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                            THURSDAY, APRIL 15, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 11:12 a.m., in
    Room SD-106, Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert Menendez,
    chairman of the committee, presiding.
        Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
    Coons, Murphy, Kaine, Merkley, Booker, Schatz, Van Hollen,
    Risch, Johnson, Romney, Paul, Cruz, and Hagerty.

               OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

        The Chairman. Let me turn to--again to the second part of
    our business meeting or hearing. Before I do, I want to say
    that I understand the administration will be coming up next
    week to brief senators on the decision to withdraw from
    Afghanistan. This committee will also receive a classified
    briefing next Monday.
        The administration, in my view, was dealt a terrible hand
    by the last administration on Afghanistan, manifested in a
    withdrawal agreement, then negotiated away all of our leverage
    with the Taliban. President Biden was left only with bad
    options. Most Senators would agree that the war in Afghanistan
    has gone on too long and that we want to see our troops home.
    But as I have said before, how we draw down matters, as does
    the political arrangement left in our wake. I have many
    questions. How can the U.S. maintain the capability to conduct
    counterterrorism operations in the region without a military
    presence in Afghanistan? What will this decision portend for
    the women of Afghanistan? Without a U.S. military presence, how
    long does our intelligence community think the Afghan
    Government can survive in the face of punishing Taliban
    attacks? So I look forward to these conversations next week.
        Let me turn to our------
        Senator Risch. May I respond?
        The Chairman. Absolutely. The ranking member.

                   STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                        U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

        Senator Risch. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. First of
    all, I concur in the questions that you have. I do not concur
    in the initial statement about the prior administration. There
    is no good answer to this. There are just questions. I think
    that at this point we should look forward rather than
    backwards, and I think we should get answers to those questions
    and decide what--how we can assist in the path forward because
    that is the most important role we will play here. Thank you,
    Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Let me turn to our two nominees,
    Ambassador Nuland and Ms. Zeya. Congratulations on your
    nominations, and our thanks to both of you for your willingness
    to return to the State Department and distinguished careers in
    the Foreign Service. At this pivotal moment for our foreign
    policy for democracy and for the State Department, I am
    heartened that President Biden nominated both of you. You are
    experienced and accomplished diplomats, and you have both
    demonstrated the strength and commitment necessary to defend
    our values.
        The positions you have been nominated for--Undersecretary
    of State for Political Affairs, Undersecretary of State for
    Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights--are among the
    most important in the Department. Ms. Zeya, I understand that
    the distinguished Senator from Virginia is going to introduce
    you this morning, so I will turn to him at this time. Senator
    Kaine?
        Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and to members of the
    committee, it is a real honor for me to introduce a wonderful
    public servant, Uzra Zeya, the nominee for the post described
    by the chair. Virginia is one of the most connected States in
    the country to our military mission, but I am also proud that
    it is one of the most connected States to our diplomatic and
    development missions, with many diplomats and State Department
    staffers calling Virginia home.
        Ms. Zeya is a 20-year Virginia resident. She is a
    distinguished diplomat and nonprofit leader who has dedicated
    virtually her entire adult life to public service, the
    advancement of human rights, and U.S. national security. The
    duty to serve runs in her family. She is here with her husband,
    Tom, a United States Marine. Together, they have more than 60
    years of public service to the American public, which is just
    wonderful, and I love that we have got a diplomat and a
    military union in the household. That is a wonderful balance.
        Ms. Zeya served five presidents, three Republicans and two
    Democrats, with distinction for 28 years as a Foreign Service
    officer on four continents. She is fluent in Arabic, French,
    and Spanish. She was Acting Assistant Secretary of State for
    Human Rights, Democracy, and Labor. In that post, she led U.S.
    human rights dialogue with China, Egypt, and Bahrain, among
    others. She vigorously defended religious freedom around the
    globe and expanded public/private partnerships to advance LGBT
    equality and counter gender-based violence.
        She was charge d'affaires in Paris, and she led the U.S.
    response to, sadly, three major terror attacks in that city,
    took U.S.-French cooperation on counterterrorism and Russia to
    unprecedented levels, and elevated U.S. engagement against
    antisemitism and online hate. In India, she crafted a strategic
    partnership framework over a decade ago that still enjoys broad
    bipartisan support and today serves as the cornerstone of the
    U.S. Indo-Pacific engagement. She helped overcome India's
    longstanding aversion to external democracy promotion, and
    launched new bilateral initiatives to support gender equality
    in Afghanistan, and to support free and fair elections abroad.
    As a young human rights officer in Syria, she documented the
    brutality of the Assad regime and led U.S. outreach to Syria's
    minority, religious, and ethnic communities under siege. Since
    leaving the State Department, Ms. Zeya served for 2 years as
    CEO and president of the leading nonpartisan Peacebuilders
    Network where she worked to strengthen the evidence base for
    successful political transitions and support greater
    accountability for taxpayer-funded foreign assistance. She also
    drafted the Council on Foreign Relations report on revitalizing
    the State Department.
        Ms. Zeya is a trailblazer. She is the proud daughter of
    Indian-American immigrants. She would be the first Asian-
    American woman to serve as an undersecretary of state, and I
    believe she is very, very well prepared to take on this post,
    and we are proud to support this exemplary Virginian. Thank
    you, Mr. Chair.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Kaine, for the robust
    endorsement of Ms. Zeya. Let me conclude. The State Department
    faces unprecedented challenges from restoring America's place
    in the world to managing the health and economic crisis created
    by COVID-19, and China and Russia is at the top of the list of
    foreign policy crises confronting America today. As you know
    well, Ambassador Nuland, the United States needs to act now to
    stop a resurgent Russia with Putin once again threatening
    Ukraine, continuing his attacks on our democracy, and
    threatening his grip on the Russian people and those who dare
    to oppose him. I want to applaud the administration for the
    actions that were announced today. They are robust. It is a
    type of action I would have wanted to see, and I look forward
    to their continuing engagement.
        On China, we must both confront Chinese attempts to
    undermine democracy and human rights and compete with them
    economically. That is why I am pleased that Senator Risch and I
    have authored a bipartisan bill which will make the United
    States competitive with China, and provide us with a clear and
    coherent national security strategy on China. And while I look
    forward to a more in-depth discussion on Russia and China
    during our time for questions, I want to quickly highlight
    three additional policy areas: Iran, Turkey, and the Western
    Hemisphere.
        Although I did not support the JCPOA, I felt strongly that
    the Trump administration's decision to withdraw without a
    coordinated diplomatic strategy would embolden Iran and leave
    us less safe, and Iran's behaviors only validated my
    predictions. I recently led a bipartisan letter supporting a
    diplomatic path forward, but let me be clear. That path must go
    beyond the scope of the JCPOA. I expect that this
    administration will pursue what the President and Secretary
    themselves have endorsed, a stronger and longer agreement, and
    I will expect you to provide the committee with details of any
    agreement and on exactly what ``longer and stronger'' means.
    Iran, not surprisingly, is seeking to control the timetable for
    these discussions by taking provocative actions against vessels
    in the Arabian Gulf and U.S. military facilities in Iraq.
        In Turkey, President Erdogan got a free pass from the
    previous administration, and we are seeing the effects: the
    purchase of a Russian missile, systematic military aggression
    in Nagorno-Karabakh and Syria, bellicose actions against Greece
    and Cyprus. Long considered a NATO ally, Turkey seems to want
    to break with us instead of being our partner now. Now, I do
    not agree with Erdogan's choice, but we have to begin to
    reorient ourselves in the Eastern Mediterranean towards
    democracies that share our values and our security interests.
    The administration has an important opportunity here, and I
    hope they seize it.
        Finally, in our own hemisphere, we must strengthen our
    alliances and address forced migration. I am particularly
    concerned about the challenges Columbia, our top strategic
    partner in Latin America, currently faces, including the
    monumental task of implementing the 2016 Peace Accord, the
    violence related to drug trafficking, and the destabilizing
    influence of the Madura regime's crimes against humanity in
    Venezuela.
        And, Ms. Zeya, I cannot close the day without raising a
    crisis that goes to the core of American values and American
    leadership: the state of democracy around the world. We are in
    the midst of a 15-year democratic recession. From Nicaragua to
    Hungary, democracy is marching backwards. Even worse,
    authoritarians are using the COVID-19 pandemic as an excuse to
    steamroll free and fair elections, independent media, and other
    hallmarks of democracy, and they have assumed that their
    violations will be met with little resistance. It is time for
    the United States to step up and speak out on democracy, and I
    expect that both of you will help lead the charge to restore
    democracy throughout the world.
        At a time of unprecedented challenges around the world,
    America needs outstanding leadership at the State Department. I
    have no doubt that you are both up to that task, but I expect
    to hear from both of you today about how you plan to restore
    America's place in the world, repair democracy, and confront
    the immense challenges facing us.
        With that, I turn to the ranking member for his opening
    comments.
        Senator Risch. Thank you very much Mr. Chairman. We all
    know that undersecretaries of state serve an important role at
    the Department. They are responsible for day-to-day management
    of and policy coordination for their respective bureaus, and we
    want to thank both of you for your willingness to serve in
    those capacities.
        In the case of Ambassador Nuland's nomination to be
    undersecretary for political affairs, this role oversees all
    regional, bilateral, and multilateral policy issues for the
    Department. This is no small task obviously. While this
    position has a broad scope, there are a few specific areas of
    concern I would like to address today, the first of which, of
    course, is China. Next week, this committee will mark up the
    Strategic Competition Act. This legislation, introduced by
    Senator Menendez and myself, counters the Chinese Communist
    Party's malign influence globally, including by expanding the
    scope of the Committee on Foreign Investment and the United
    States' review of foreign money flowing into U.S. higher
    education institutions; advances concrete cooperation with
    allies and partners in technology, infrastructure, development,
    and defense; shines a light on China's predatory economic
    practices; pushes back on the Chinese Communist Party's
    influence at the U.N.; highlights China's growing nuclear
    missile capacities; and calls on President Biden to assure our
    extended deterrence to allies and engage China in arms control
    talks.
        These are just a few of the issues we face when it comes to
    strategic competition with China. The Biden administration's
    highest priority and ours here in Congress must be to
    prioritize resources and respond to the challenges posed by the
    Chinese Communist Party, as well as opportunities presented by
    expanded and concrete cooperation with allies and partners,
    especially in the Indo-Pacific region and in Europe.
        I want to take this opportunity once again to thank the
    chairman and the majority party for the negotiations we have
    had on the China bill. I think this has been a very positive
    step forward, and it is certainly bipartisan. And obviously, as
    with all these kinds of things, there are parts of it that I am
    not in love with, but, on the other hand, it is always a give
    and take proposition to get where we want to go. I specifically
    want to thank the staffs of both of the majority and the
    minority for the give and take that they have entered into and
    the many hours they have spent negotiating the details of the
    many pages. I hope we can move this forward. I am a little bit
    concerned about the overall idea of taking this and wrapping it
    with six other committees who have ideas along this line. I
    think these are always difficult enough, but the more of those
    you wrap together, the more difficult it will be. So whatever
    happens, I hope we are able to move this bill forward in a
    bipartisan fashion.
        Next, I would like to address the administration's ongoing
    desire to re-enter the failed JCPOA. Many of us on both sides
    in the Senate are closely following negotiations with the P5+1
    in Vienna. I concur with the chairman that this is difficult.
    This is not an easy proposition. And at the outset, many of us
    are deeply concerned with the administration's promises to
    lengthen and strengthen. Unfortunately, it sounds like a bumper
    sticker, and, like the chairman, I am interested in hearing
    what the details are. Unfortunately, to me, it is starting to
    look a lot more like a straight re-entry into the 2015 deal,
    which is not acceptable to me and I think not acceptable to
    most members of this committee on both sides of the aisle.
    Discussions with the parties have led me to conclude that, and
    I hope I am wrong on this.
        Negotiators have established working groups to address
    nuclear compliance and sanctions relief, but they have not
    established a working group on Iran's regional terrorism,
    something that a lot of us have repeatedly said must be
    addressed in any deal with Iran. Our national security
    interests on Iran must last longer than a single
    administration. If the administration chooses to continue on a
    path of straight re-entry into the nuclear deal, it will be
    short-lived. Either the next Republican administration will
    tear down the deal, or the nation most directly affected, who
    is remarkably always excluded from the deal, will take
    unilateral action, which will not end well. To avoid this
    outcome, the administration must seek bipartisan congressional
    support for any agreement with Iran. I am feeling that the
    administration is walking down a well-worn, partisan path that
    will repeat the mistakes of the original administration that
    entered into the deal. I hope I am wrong on all of this and all
    of us here who have a lot of experience in this will be
    listened to as we move forward.
        In Europe, Russia remains a pressing concern. Although
    Russia is amassing tens of thousands of troops on Ukraine's
    border as we speak, they have still been allowed to continue
    construction of the malign Nord Stream 2 pipeline. And,
    Ambassador Nuland, I appreciate your candid discussion with me
    in that regard. Actually, in front of this committee, Secretary
    Blinken testified that he sees the pipeline as a bad deal and
    has told us that he would like to see it stopped. Yet despite
    having the power to stop it, we have not seen real action, and
    I am very disappointed in this. He was personally handed, by
    myself and other members of this committee, a vetted list of
    people who need to be sanctioned.
        I am not happy with what has happened. They keep telling us
    that, well, they need to vet this and prepare a case so that
    when they put the sanctions on, they can be prepared to do it
    at Court. I have told them, no, you do not. You have probable
    cause on every one of those people that we have put in front of
    you, and you need to sanction them. Now, when you go to Court,
    you need lawyers that have a case well prepared, but there is
    probable cause on every one of these to be sanctioned that will
    shut down the pipeline.
        The committee drafted and pushed through legislation on a
    bipartisan basis to prevent the completion. We continue to be
    concerned by the administration's refusal to fully implement
    the law and sanction all parties--all parties--involved in the
    construction of the pipeline. It is past time that the
    administration take meaningful action on this issue.
        I would remind everyone, on day one of this administration,
    they stopped the XL pipeline, on day one. They have in hand
    direction from this Congress on a bipartisan basis to do the
    same thing on a Russian pipeline. If we are going to put
    American workers out of work, we ought to put the Russian
    workers out of work on the Nord Stream pipeline. Many on this
    committee bemoan the previous administration's posture on
    Russia. What is clear is that the Trump administration was
    tougher on them than the present Biden administration has been
    so far.
        Next, we have Ms. Zeya's nomination to be undersecretary of
    state for civilian security, democracy, and human rights. This
    position is tasked with a broad functional portfolio, which
    encompasses human rights, counterterrorism, refugees,
    migration, and trafficking in persons. We must continue to lead
    on the promotion of democracy, the rule of law, and respect for
    human rights around the world, not just because those
    democratic values form the core of our values as a Nation, but
    also because they lead to stronger partnerships with other
    nations. I know virtually every member of this committee agrees
    with me on that proposition.
        With regard to the rule of law, I share the
    administration's concern about the International Criminal
    Court's decision to investigate U.S. personnel in Afghanistan
    and Israeli actions in the Palestinian territories. It is
    completely unacceptable that the ICC has decided to pursue
    cases clearly outside of their jurisdiction. The Department
    must continue its efforts to protect our personnel from these
    politically-motivated efforts.
        Again, I thank you both for being here today and your
    willingness to serve, and your family's willingness to
    undertake the sacrifices necessary to do so. With that, thank
    you, Mr. Chair.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch. We will now turn to
    our two nominees. We ask you to summarize your statements in
    about 5 minutes or so, so we can have a conversation with you.
    Your full statements will be included in the record. We welcome
    your family members who may be with you either virtually or
    presently. We understand that it is a family affair. There are
    sacrifices that are made by all in this process, and we
    appreciate the willingness of your family members as well as
    yourselves to make the sacrifice. With that, let me turn to
    Ambassador Nuland.

    STATEMENT OF HON. VICTORIA NULAND, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE
            AN UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE (POLITICAL AFFAIRS)

        Ambassador Nuland. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking
    Member Risch, and the members of this committee for the
    opportunity to appear before you today. I also want to thank my
    husband, Bob Kagan, and my kids, Lanie and David, for their
    love and their wise counsel. Bob and David are with me today.
    Lanie is studying for her law exams.
        It is a huge honor to be nominated by President Biden and
    Secretary Blinken to serve as undersecretary of state for
    political affairs. If confirmed, I will rejoin the profession
    and the Department that I love, determined every day to
    strengthen America's capacity to protect our freedom, our
    security, and our prosperity. And I will support Secretary
    Blinken in his vision to re-energize American diplomacy, to
    strengthen our alliances and partnerships, and to build the
    closest possible collaboration with this committee and with
    both houses of Congress.
        Over 32 years in the Foreign Service, I have served five
    presidents and nine secretaries of state from both Republican
    and Democratic administrations. That experience taught me that
    America is at its strongest when our foreign policy enjoys
    broad bipartisan support both in Washington and at kitchen
    tables across America, and the move that you have made together
    on a bipartisan China bill is really important in that regard.
        The Chairman. Could I just ask you to turn--move your
    microphone closer to you? It is a little difficult.
        Ambassador Nuland. Is that better?
        The Chairman. Yes, thank you.
        Ambassador Nuland. Okay. My foreign service career was full
    of adventures, and challenges, and historic moments, from my
    first tour in Guangzhou, China in 1985, to watching the Soviet
    flag come down and the Russian flag go up over Red Square in
    1991, to being at NATO when it invoked Article 5, an attack on
    one is an attack on all, 20 years ago in solidarity after the
    Twin Towers fell. And, of course, I had the opportunity to work
    closely with many of you in this room, both when I was
    ambassadored in NATO in the Bush administration, and as
    assistant secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs in the
    Obama administration. I take pride that, together, we built
    strong bipartisan approaches to policy, and many members of
    this committee and the Senate contributed with their own travel
    and diplomacy.
        Today, our Nation faces a confluence of challenges as
    daunting as at any time in my professional life. China, under
    Xi Jinping, does not simply want to compete with us, it wants
    to dominate the international system and change its rules to
    benefit autocrats and undercut freedom around the world.
    Putin's Russia has deployed its fighters and weapons on almost
    every continent and accelerated its disinformation, election
    interference, and snuff campaigns against its opponents. Iran
    is again enriching uranium at 20 percent, while continuing to
    destabilize its neighborhood from Syria, to Yemen, to Lebanon,
    to Iraq. ISIS and Al-Qaeda are weakened, but they are not
    defeated, and too many of the world's citizens are suffering
    under corrupt and/or illegitimate leaders with blood on their
    hands. Add to this the urgent global challenges we share:
    restoring global health and security, tackling climate change,
    and building our democracies and economies back better with
    more equity and more justice.
        If confirmed as undersecretary of state for political
    affairs, my job will be threefold; first, to take on any
    negotiations or diplomatic assignments and management issues
    that the Secretary deems necessary; second, to oversee the work
    of the regional bureaus and the Bureau of International
    Organizations, ensuring that this orchestra of talent plays in
    harmony; and third, to maintain the closest coordination with
    fellow political directors around the world, especially in
    allied and partner capitals, to build communities of common
    action.
        If confirmed, I will also be the senior lifer in the State
    Department. The President and Secretary Blinken have pledged to
    respect and empower our great workforce and to have their
    backs. That was also a powerful motivator for me to return to
    service to help revitalize and modernize American diplomacy. We
    must give our foreign, and civil service, and local employees
    more professional opportunities, support, training, career
    flexibility, and better technology, while strengthening
    diversity at all levels of the Department.
        I am also animated every day by a firm belief that America
    is safer and stronger when we lead. As Secretary Blinken has
    said, the alternatives are far worse, a chaotic vacuum or a
    global takeover by the enemies of freedom. I also share
    President Biden's conviction that we are at a global inflection
    point. Democracy will and must prevail, but democracy does not
    happen by accident. We have to defend it, we have to fight for
    it, strengthen it, and renew it. If confirmed, it will be the
    honor of a lifetime to play my part in that effort.
        I look forward to your questions. Thank you.
        [The prepared statement of Ambassador Nuland follows:]

                   Prepared Statement of Hon. Victoria Nuland

        Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch and members of
    this committee for the opportunity to appear before you today.
        I also want to thank my husband, Bob Kagan and my kids, Leni and
    David, for their love, their wise counsel and the sacrifices they made
    as a foreign service family.
        It is a huge honor to be nominated by President Biden and Secretary
    Blinken to serve as Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs. If
    confirmed, I will rejoin the profession and the Department that I love,
    determined every day to strengthen America's capacity to protect our
    freedom, our security and our prosperity. And I will support Secretary
    Blinken in his vision to reenergize American diplomacy; strengthen our
    alliances and partnerships; and build the closest possible
    collaboration with this committee and both houses of Congress.
        Over thirty-two years in the Foreign Service, I served five
    Presidents and nine Secretaries of State from both Republican and
    Democratic administrations. That experience taught me that America is
    at its strongest when our foreign policy enjoys broad bipartisan
    support both in Washington and at kitchen tables across America.
    President Biden and his team have pledged to lead a foreign policy that
    represents and benefits the American people. This will require more
    listening, more consultation with each of you, and with American
    business, workers, and committed citizens across our country. If
    confirmed, I look forward to doing as much hard work at home as abroad.
        My foreign service career was full of adventures, challenges and
    historic moments:

       From my first tour in Guangzhou, China in 1985 when our
            relationship seemed to have so much promise;

       To watching the Soviet flag come down and the Russian flag go up
            over Red Square in 1991;

       To working on tough arms control problems and conflicts from Rwanda
            to Haiti to Bosnia and Kosovo;

       Too serving as Deputy Chief of Mission at NATO when our great
            Alliance invoked Article 5--an attack on one is an attack on
            all--in solidarity with the United States the day after the
            twin towers fell.

        And, of course, I had the opportunity to work closely with many of
    you when I was Ambassador to NATO in the Bush administration and
    Assistant Secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs in the Obama
    administration. Together, we built strong bipartisan approaches to
    policy, and many members of the Senate contributed with their own
    travel and diplomacy.
        Today, our nation faces a confluence of challenges as daunting as
    at any time in my professional life. China, under Xi Jinping, does not
    simply want to compete with us; it wants to dominate the international
    system and change its rules to benefit autocrats and undercut democracy
    and freedom around the world. Putin's Russia has deployed its fighters
    and weapons on almost every continent and accelerated its
    disinformation, election interference, and snuff campaigns against
    opponents. Iran is enriching uranium at 20 percent again, while
    continuing to destabilize its neighborhood from Syria to Yemen to
    Lebanon and Iraq. ISIS and AQ are weakened but not defeated. And too
    many of the world's citizens are suffering under corrupt and/or
    illegitimate leaders with blood on their hands. Add to this the urgent
    global challenges we share: restoring global health security, tackling
    climate change, and building our democracies and economies back better,
    with more equity and justice.
        If confirmed as Under Secretary of State, my job will be three-
    fold:

       First, to take on any negotiations, diplomatic assignments or
            management issues that the Secretary deems necessary;

       Second, to oversee the work of the regional bureaus and Bureau of
            International Organization Affairs, ensuring this orchestra of
            talent plays in harmony, not at cross purposes;

       And third, to maintain close coordination with fellow Political
            Directors around the world, especially in allied and partner
            capitals, to build communities of common action to meet today's
            challenges.

        If confirmed, I will also be the senior ``lifer'' in the State
    Department. The President and Secretary Blinken have pledged to respect
    and empower our great workforce, and to have their backs. That is a
    powerful motivator for me to return to service--to help revitalize and
    modernize American diplomacy. We must give our Foreign and Civil
    Service personnel and local employees more professional opportunities,
    support, training, career flexibility, and better technology while
    strengthening diversity at all levels of the Department. For years, the
    State Department scored the highest among government agencies for
    workforce satisfaction. I believe it can and will again.
        I am also animated every day by a firm belief that America is safer
    and stronger when we lead. As Secretary Blinken has said, the
    alternatives are far worse: a chaotic vacuum or a global take-over by
    the enemies of freedom. I share President Biden's conviction that we
    are at a global ``inflection point''--``democracy will and must prevail
    . but democracy doesn't happen by accident. We have to defend it, fight
    for it, strengthen it, renew it.''
        If confirmed, it will be the honor of a lifetime to play my part in
    that effort. I look forward to your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you. Ms. Zeya?

     STATEMENT OF UZRA ZEYA, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE AN UNDER
      SECRETARY OF STATE (CIVILIAN SECURITY, DEMOCRACY, AND HUMAN
                                RIGHTS)

        Ms. Zeya. Thank you. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking
    Member Risch, Senator Kaine for your kind words, and
    distinguished committee members. It is also the honor of my
    lifetime to be President Biden's nominee as undersecretary of
    state for civilian security, democracy, and human rights. I am
    deeply grateful to the President and Secretary Blinken for the
    confidence they have placed in me.
        I also want to thank those who made my journey here
    possible: my husband, Tom, for always having my back and his
    decades of service to our Nation as a U.S. Marine and civilian.
    I also want to thank our two children, Kiera and Lexi, who
    could not be here today, but whose idealism never ceases to
    inspire me. Ours is a family rooted in public service and the
    advancement of freedom. For my father-in-law, a World War II
    veteran who fought tyranny on the shores of Okinawa; to my
    grandfather, a freedom fighter in India's quest for
    independence; to my mother, whose own education was cut short
    by marriage at the age of 16, and invested all her brilliance
    in raising four independent-minded, opinionated daughters to
    seize opportunities never afforded to her. I thank my parents,
    brother, and sisters for their solidarity in joining virtually
    today.
        In today's disrupted world, the work of the State
    Department's ``J'' family of bureaus and offices has never been
    more important. Authoritarianism, violent antisemitism,
    islamophobia, and xenophobia are on the rise as the world
    enters the 15th year of a democratic recession. The Chinese
    Government is perpetrating genocide and crimes against humanity
    in Xinjiang, strangling autonomy in Hong Kong, and repressing
    Tibetans, Christians, and other religious and ethnic
    minorities. Global human displacement is at record levels while
    the scourge of human trafficking is ever present and while
    terrorists expand their lethal reach from Africa to South Asia.
        Recognizing the enormity and complexity of the task ahead,
    I would like to emphasize three core areas where, if confirmed,
    I would gladly partner with all of you to address. First, the
    United States needs to take on the China challenge from a
    position of strength, rooted in human rights and our democratic
    values. Having led U.S.-China human rights dialogues, I know
    the severe repression that has only grown more acute under the
    CCP. I have met with courageous Chinese human rights activists
    and their families, gave voice to their concerns at the United
    Nations, and demanded the release of Chinese prisoners of
    conscience who put their quest for liberty above their personal
    welfare. I am proud to have been banned on Weibo for denouncing
    systematic Chinese human rights abuses in Beijing in 2013. We
    also must continue to press China on synthetic opioids, which
    have killed far too many Americans.
        Second, we must defend and renew democracy at home in
    tandem with allies and partners. We are stronger when we work
    together to address not only China's human rights abuses and
    Russia's efforts to undermine Western democracies, but also
    rising corruption, disinformation, hate crimes, cyberthreats,
    and violent extremist movements. If confirmed, I will leverage
    decades of experience from Europe to South Asia, shoring up
    alliances in service of shared democratic values, and champion
    administration initiatives, such as the Quad Summit and the
    planned Democracy Summit. I am strongly committed to using
    tools developed by Congress, such as the Global Magnitsky Human
    Rights Accountability Act and the Uyghur Human Rights Policy
    Act to target human rights violators, human traffickers, and
    kleptocrats, and to encourage parallel action by allies and
    partners.
        Third, we need more integrated, inclusive, and effective
    foreign policies and programs that deliver for the American
    people. If confirmed, I would build on my experiences inside
    and outside government to ensure that our assistance and
    policies have measurable impact and help support reliable
    rights respecting burden-sharing partners for the United
    States. To this end, I will support meaningful implementation
    of key bipartisan legislation, such as the Global Fragility
    Act, the Child Soldiers Protection Act, and the Women, Peace,
    and Security Act. And with the devastating impact of COVID-19,
    we need to ensure that humanitarian assistance and diplomacy
    work in tandem towards promoting prevention, self-reliance, and
    durable solutions.
        And finally, with research showing that diverse
    organizations produce greater impact and innovation, I will
    gladly champion Secretary Blinken's effort to build a more
    diverse and inclusive State Department, especially with respect
    to the ``J'' family workforce.
        Thank you for the opportunity to be here and potentially
    return to public service. If confirmed, I will work intensively
    with all of the members of this committee on policies that seek
    to deliver greater peace, security, and prosperity for the
    American people. I welcome your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Zeya follows:]

                        Prepared Statement of Uzra Zeya

        Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
    distinguished Committee Members. It is the honor of my lifetime to be
    President Biden's nominee for Under Secretary of State for Civilian
    Security, Democracy, and Human Rights. I am deeply grateful to the
    President and Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have placed in
    me.
        I also want to thank those who made my journey here possible: my
    husband, Tom, for being here today and his decades of service to our
    Nation as a U.S. Marine and civilian. I also want to thank our two
    children, Kira and Lexi, who could not be here today but whose idealism
    never ceases to inspire me.
        Ours is a family rooted in public service and the advancement of
    freedom--from my father-in-law, a World War II veteran who battled
    tyranny at Okinawa; to my grandfather, a freedom fighter in India's
    quest for independence; to my mother, whose education was cut short by
    marriage at the age of 16, so she invested her brilliance in raising
    four independent-minded and opinionated daughters to seize
    opportunities never afforded her. I thank my parents, brother, and
    sisters for their solidarity in joining virtually today.
        In today's disrupted world, the work of the State Department's ``J
    family'' of bureaus and offices to advance civilian security,
    democracy, and human rights has never been more important.
    Authoritarianism, violent anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, and xenophobia
    are on the rise worldwide, with a global democratic recession entering
    its fifteenth year. The Chinese Government is perpetrating genocide and
    crimes against humanity in Xinjiang while strangling autonomy in Hong
    Kong and continuing to suppress Tibetans, Christians, and other
    religious and ethnic minorities. Global human displacement is at the
    highest levels ever recorded and the scourge of human slavery is ever
    present, while terrorists expand their lethal reach from Africa to
    South Asia.
        Recognizing the enormity and complexity of the task ahead, I'd like
    to emphasize three core areas where--if confirmed--I would partner with
    members of this committee to address:

        First, the United States needs to take on the China challenge--what
    Secretary Blinken has called our greatest geostrategic test--from a
    position of strength, anchored in America's support for human rights
    and democratic values. Having led U.S.-China human rights dialogues, I
    know the severe repression of human rights in China that has grown even
    more acute. I met with courageous Chinese human rights activists and
    their family members, gave voice to their concerns at the United
    Nations, and demanded the release of Chinese prisoners of conscience
    who put their quest for liberty above their personal welfare. I am
    proud to have been banned on Weibo--a state-controlled social media
    platform--for denouncing systematic Chinese human rights abuses in
    2013. We also must continue to press China on synthetic opioids, which
    have killed too many Americans.

        Second, we must defend and renew democracy at home and abroad, in
    tandem with allies, the ``force multipliers'' for our national
    security. We are stronger when we work together with democratic allies
    and partners to address not only China's human rights abuses and
    Russia's malign efforts to undermine Western democracies, but also
    rising corruption, disinformation, hate crimes, cyber threats, and
    violent extremist movements. If confirmed, I will leverage decades of
    experience, from Europe to South Asia, shoring up alliances and
    partnerships in service of shared, democratic values, and champion
    Biden-Harris administration efforts to empower democratic partnerships,
    such as the Quad Summit and the planned Democracy Summit. I am strongly
    committed to using tools developed by Congress, such as the Global
    Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act and the Uyghur Human Rights
    Policy Act, to target human rights violators, human traffickers, and
    kleptocrats--and to encourage parallel actions by allies and partners.

        Third, we need more integrated, inclusive, and effective foreign
    policies and programs that deliver for the American people. If
    confirmed, I would build upon my experiences inside and outside
    government, most recently as CEO of a non- partisan global
    peacebuilders' network. We must be careful stewards of taxpayer dollars
    while ensuring our policies and assistance have a measurable impact and
    help support reliable, rights-respecting, burden-sharing partners for
    the United States. In consultation with Congress, we must also exercise
    greater leadership to implement bipartisan legislation such as the
    Global Fragility Act, the Child Soldiers Prevention Act, and the Women,
    Peace, and Security Act. And with the impact of COVID-19, we need to
    ensure that humanitarian assistance and diplomacy work in tandem
    towards promoting prevention, self-reliance, and durable solutions.

        Finally, research shows diverse organizations produce more
    impactful and innovative results. If confirmed, I will champion a more
    diverse and inclusive State Department, especially with respect to the
    talented, 1,000-plus J family workforce.

        Thank you for the opportunity to be here today. If confirmed, I
    will work with members of this committee on policies that seek to
    deliver greater peace, security, and prosperity for the American
    people. I look forward to your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you very much to both of you, and we
    will start a round of 5 minutes questioning.
        Ambassador Nuland, I appreciate your leadership over the
    years in countering Kremlin malign influence. I do not think
    they were very happy to hear of your nomination, which is a
    good thing, but a lot has changed since you were in government.
    Thanks to Congress, we have the CAATSA law, which forced the
    last administration to take some sanctions measures. However,
    the last administration also ignored key mandatory provisions
    in CAATSA and did little to galvanize our friends in Europe to
    counter Russian aggression in all of its forms. So what
    specific new measures would you recommend the Biden
    administration take to build cohesion among our European allies
    to show a united front against Kremlin aggression?
        Ambassador Nuland. Thank you, Chairman, and thank you for
    your leadership on this issue. I am going to guess you are
    right about Kremlin's attitude to today's proceedings. I think
    we made a very important step today with the strong package of
    sanctions and measures that the President announced, including,
    very importantly, constraining Russia's access to our financial
    markets, to hold them to account for the SolarWinds attack, and
    other things. I think you have also seen that the
    administration has already been working hard to align with
    allies and partners when it moves on Russia. For example, the
    sanctions that were imposed after Navalny's arrest in February
    were matched in Europe and in other parts of the world.
        I agree with you completely that the U.S. can confront
    Russia alone, but that is not the smart policy, and we are far
    stronger when we do it together. I was very pleased to see
    Chancellor Merkel, for example, issue a parallel, very strong
    warning to President Putin with regard to his aggression in and
    around Ukraine and the buildup of forces. That is the kind of
    thing we need to do, and we need to continue to build sanctions
    packages together so that the costs are borne born equally, and
    we highlight what Russia is doing collectively.
        The Chairman. Can we count on you to robustly implement the
    CAATSA law?
        Ambassador Nuland. Absolutely, as well as Global Magnitsky,
    Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Let me turn to China, which we
    collectively agree is probably biggest strategic challenge
    whether it is the broader Indo-Pacific region, getting that
    right, which I think is the way in which we ultimately face the
    China challenge correctly, or the previous administration,
    which I welcomed the Trump administration's clarification of
    our legal position on China's unlawful claims in the South
    China Sea. How do you intend to be part of implementing a new
    approach that we know that such claims are not self-enforcing?
    It is critical that we make a legal position of reality, not
    just rhetoric in the South China Sea, among other things. How
    do you see your role in that regard?
        Ambassador Nuland. Well, Mr. Chairman, I agree with you,
    and, as I said in the opening, China is not just competing with
    us. It wants to change the rules of the global system. This is
    the challenge of our time, and having strong bipartisan
    consensus, not just in this committee, but across the Congress
    and across the country, makes us stronger. So does investing in
    our strength at home. But as you have said, and as we talked
    about with regard to Russia, doing this in tandem and
    addressing all of China's issues in tandem with our allies and
    partners is absolutely essential.
        So we have to build a coalition of allies and partners to
    combat unfair trade practices, to the aggressive security
    policies of China in the South China Sea and in the Taiwan
    Straits, the cybersecurity, disinformation, all of these
    things, and protect against a PRC takeover of international
    organizations. I am particularly gratified to see more
    countries joining us, as you said, in the South China Sea with
    freedom of navigation patrols, et cetera, and we need to take
    this new quad and build on it, and get Europe and other parts
    of the world more involved.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Ambassador Nuland. If confirmed, obviously every bureau
    that I will oversee will have to play a very strong role in our
    China policy, and I would be responsible for weaving that into
    everything that we do.
        The Chairman. Thank you very much. Ms. Zeya, let me ask you
    one last question. The previous administration, in my view,
    deprioritized human rights and weakened U.S. credibility on
    this important value. From abdicating our role in the Human
    Rights Council to failing to call out dictators' human rights
    abuses, the previous administration disregarded one of the most
    critical pillars, I view, of U.S. foreign policy. Can you speak
    to the importance of U.S. leadership on human rights in terms
    of our values and interests, and will you make it a priority to
    ensure that we are working to hold both our allies and our
    adversaries to the same standards on human rights?
        Ms. Zeya. Thank you, Senator, for your leadership on
    bipartisan human rights issues as seen in the Strategic
    Competition Act, and I think it is a very pertinent question. I
    would commend the administration's approach to reasserting U.S.
    leadership on human rights by reclaiming an American seat at
    the table. I think the U.S. decision to rejoin the recent Human
    Rights Council session and to seek reelection to the Human
    Rights Council reflects its commitment to make the aspiration
    of centering human rights and democratic values in our foreign
    policy a reality.
        I would say that they are doing this eyes wide open,
    recognizing many of the endemic flaws within the Human Rights
    Council itself, starting with the fact that you have almost a
    who is who of the world's worst human rights violators as
    members of that grouping. But I think even within the session
    that just took place where the U.S. was an observer, we are
    seeing the positive impact of American engagement and
    leadership.
        And, you know, one of the very important issues that I
    would continue to focus on is working to eliminate pervasive
    anti-Israel bias in the U.N. At the just concluded Human Rights
    Council session, they were able to reduce the number of agenda
    items for Article 7. You know, the only country in the world is
    Israel in having a specific agenda inclusion in that fashion.
    And also work with like-minded partners on issues like Sri
    Lanka, Belarus, Iran, on so many of the core concerns of this
    committee, and I would work to expand and sustain that
    leadership.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Risch?
        Senator Risch. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. First of
    all, Ms. Nuland, I want to talk about the JCPOA for a moment.
    Look, all of us have been through this exasperating exercise
    now for many, many, many years. Can you give me your thoughts
    on how we can get together on this, the administration and
    Congress? I mean, words alone cannot explain to you how
    frustrated we were in dealing with the negotiators the last
    time as they dealt with Iran. Totally ignored everything we
    asked them to do, and then came back and wanted us to agree to
    what they had agreed to. How are we going to work through this?
    Help me out here.
        Ambassador Nuland. Senator Risch, I agree with you 100
    percent that whatever agreements we reach with Iran need to be
    supported in a bipartisan fashion, not only on this committee,
    but across the Congress and across America, and, you know, that
    will ensure that they are binding across administrations and
    for the long term. So we have to do our job and consult at
    every phase, and hear your ideas and incorporate them, and use
    your expertise and the expertise that we have on this committee
    and throughout the Congress.
        We also have to get on with the job because as we sit here,
    Iran is now enriching again at 20 percent. It is deploying IR2
    centrifuges again. Its breakout time has shortened. So, you
    know, first job, get them back in the box, and then together
    define what ``longer and stronger'' means, and work together as
    we go through these negotiations.
        You know, I think you know from our time together working
    on Ukraine, we built that policy together, and it was enduring
    because of that. And if confirmed, I would pledge to be here as
    often as we need to be to ensure that we all support what is
    going--what is happening.
        Senator Risch. Well, I appreciate that. One of the things
    that strikes me, and I have just become so disgusted with this
    over the years. I have listened very carefully to the nation
    that is most directly affected by what happens with Iran's
    nuclear ambitions, and they are very clear that it does not
    matter what kind of an agreement you make, they are going to
    take care of themselves. And so, look, however we go forward in
    this, they have got to be brought into the fold here to come
    along because they do not believe they are bound by this. They
    believe that their existence depends on Iran not having a
    nuclear weapon, and they are going to see that they do not,
    regardless of what the agreement says. So this is an issue that
    really has to be addressed.
        And the question I keep asking the administration is, what
    happens when you get the call, because that is going to be the
    question. What do we do when we get the call? And so I think
    that is something that is obviously appropriate for a closed
    session, but somebody has got to answer that question.
        In any event, let's talk for just a minute. Well, my time
    is running out. Let me, again, express my frustration on the
    U.N. Human Rights Council. I understand all the criticism that
    was given to the last administration for getting up and walking
    out of the Council. Frankly, I was not as shocked as a lot of
    people were. I do not know how you sit at a table with--Ms.
    Zeya, as you indicated, you are sitting around a table with the
    who is who of human rights violators on the planet, and how do
    you talk to these people? How do you say to them, you guys got
    to behave yourself even a little bit more, and they are telling
    us mind your own business, you know, we will handle our things
    internally. How do you handle that?
        Ms. Zeya. Senator, I share your concern and even
    frustration over that issue, but I think it is a question of
    tactics where U.S. disengagement from the multilateral system
    leaves a vacuum that others are very gladly there to fill,
    starting with China, but also Russia and other countries allied
    to basically entirely distort the framework of universal human
    rights, arguments of sovereignty, to reject any notion of
    international scrutiny or accountability for human rights
    violations.
        So I think the United States needs to be there, but I think
    the critical element as well, as I cited, is really leveraging
    our alliances and partnerships, something that China and Russia
    do not have and does not compare, as a force multiplier to
    basically integrate universal human rights and our democratic
    values to make bodies like the Human Rights Council much more
    effective, and upholding the mission that they were set out to
    pursue.
        Senator Risch. Well, thank you. That is really good
    description of what they do and their malign activities, but I
    think the general statement that we want to make things better,
    as you talked about it, getting them to move forward on this, I
    wish you well. I really, really do. But, boy, I will tell you,
    watching what they have done and how they defend it, I am sure
    not optimistic in that regard. But I wish you well, and we will
    support you every way we can. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Senator Cardin?
        Senator Cardin. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, and let me
    thank both Ambassador Nuland and Ms. Zeya for your public
    service, your incredible record to our country, and your
    willingness to continue. And I also want to express my thanks
    to your family for putting up with public service. It is not
    always easy, so thank you both.
        You both have mentioned that our foreign policy mission
    must be defined by our values, and I agree completely with
    that. I have listened to President Biden express that on
    several occasions as well as Secretary of State Blinken. Both
    of you mentioned Global Magnitsky, and I am pleased that you
    underscored the importance of that particular statute that was
    passed by Congress and incorporated in an executive order by
    the President. You might be aware that there is a limitation on
    that, a sunset clause, and there is legislation to remove that
    sunset clause. And I take it we will have your support for
    making clear that that statute needs to be made permanent by
    Congress.
        Ms. Zeya. Yes, Senator. Absolutely.
        Ambassador Nuland. Absolutely.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you. I got both of your answers.
    Thanks. Appreciate that. And, Ambassador Nuland, I want to just
    underscore your point about President Biden's action taken
    against Russia. It was not only a decisive action, as it was.
    It was very clear on its findings, which was refreshing to see
    the President of United States be very clear about Russia's
    accountability under Mr. Putin in regards to incursions on
    borders of other countries, in regards to the treatment of Mr.
    Navalny, in regards to interference in our cybersecurity, all
    those. It was a very clear finding, so that was refreshing to
    see. So knowing your record, it looks like the President is
    following in your footsteps about being very direct about
    issues, and we appreciate that very much.
        I also want to underscore the point that both of you made,
    that we have to engage our allies. If we are going to be
    effective in our foreign policy objectives, it is not only
    having bipartisan support here in Congress. It is having the
    support of like-minded countries, and that requires effort, and
    we have done that in regards to the sanctions under Global
    Magnitsky. We have gotten more and more countries to go along
    with us, but I think we need to do more of those, that type of
    outreach.
        Ms. Zeya, I want to just mention one area that is under
    your portfolio, and that is trafficking in persons. We have a
    pretty clear statute on trafficking in persons. It is pretty
    objective findings as to what tier a country would find itself.
    But we have had problems under previous administrations where
    political considerations interfered with the objective findings
    of countries because of other bilateral considerations. Do we
    have your commitment that you will maintain the integrity of
    the TIP reports so that it is based solely on the facts and not
    interfered with by other politics?
        Ms. Zeya. Yes, Senator. Absolutely.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you. And I use that as an example
    because there is legislation that I hope will move in this
    Congress that will use that model for dealing with anti-
    corruption activities in countries. All countries have problems
    with trafficking. All countries have problems with corruption.
    Many of the issues that you have talked to, the root problem is
    corruption. Mr. Putin does what he does because he gets a lot
    of money. Oligarchs support his operations, his corruption, and
    we need to increase the capacity in our country missions to
    evaluate the corruption situations as we did with trafficking,
    and then evaluate and use that for foreign policy
    considerations, and that legislation does exactly that. So can
    I have both of your commitments to work with us on passing
    legislation that would use the trafficking model to deal with
    corruption so that we have capacity in each of our mission
    countries to deal with corruption in those countries?
        Ms. Zeya. Yes, Senator. I confirm to consult with you and
    would certainly support the elevation of U.S. anti-corruption
    efforts, and view corruption as both a violation of human
    rights, a means to sustain autocracy, as well as an inherent
    danger to democracies.
        Ambassador Nuland. Senator, same from me. Corruption is a
    country killer. It is also a tool of malign outside actors. I
    think we have got to do a better job of pulling together the
    tools of government to help countries attack corruption, so
    combining the efforts of the State Department, intelligence
    services, Treasury, Justice into a fusion, and we can do that
    off the embassy platforms, but we also have to train and
    educate and support our officers out in the field better. And
    if confirmed, I look forward to working with you on these
    issues.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you. My last point--it is not a
    question--is that, dealing with diversity in the State
    Department is a very high priority, and I know both of you have
    mentioned that. Recognize that you have support in the Senate
    to advance diversity within the Department of State. We have--
    it is a challenge because we are looking for senior positions
    as well as entry positions, and I hope that you will work with
    us on a strategy as to how we can improve the record of
    diversity within the State Department.
        Ms. Zeya. Yes, I will.
        Ambassador Nuland. Absolutely.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cardin, and I think you
    have spoken to the ranking member as well. We look forward in
    the near future to have your legislation on corruption, which I
    understand is bipartisan, for a markup soon.
        I am going to see if we have some of our colleagues
    virtually. Senator Paul?
        [No response.]
        The Chairman. All right. Senator Cruz?
        [No response.]
        The Chairman. Senator Hagerty?
        [No response.]
        The Chairman. Okay. Then as we wait for them to get
    connected, let me turn to Senator Shaheen.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
    congratulations to both of you on your nominations. And thank
    you both for your willingness to come back into the State
    Department and continue your public service, which has been
    admirable on both counts.
        Ambassador Nuland, I have expressed disappointment in the
    President's decision to set the September deadline in
    Afghanistan to remove all of our troops. Given that we have a
    very limited time there, is there anything that we should be
    looking for in terms of benchmarks that we should try and reach
    before that September deadline?
        Ambassador Nuland. Thank you, Senator, and thank you for
    your long commitment to Afghanistan, and particularly to the
    women of Afghanistan. As you mentioned, when we prepare for the
    U.S. redeployment of forces, that puts an emphasis even more
    strongly on the diplomatic aspects of our work and on the
    embassy as the platform for that. So we have really got to bear
    down on this peace process and on bolstering civilian, and
    economic, and humanitarian assistance programs, and
    particularly those that protect the gains that have been made,
    and the gains of women and human rights, Afghan people. We have
    got to, as the President has pledged to do, expand and expedite
    special immigrant visas for those Afghans who helped us. We
    have got to ensure that, as we find a new place to stage our
    counterterrorism efforts, that we are successful in the
    diplomacy to establish that, but also in their ability to
    deploy as needed. I think we also have to look at our embassy
    platform, particularly when we do not have military security
    around it.
        So I would expect we are going to be coming back to this
    committee and to the Congress as a whole for more support, and
    particularly also to get you involved in the diplomacy. I know
    that has been something you have been willing to do in the
    past, so watch this space. Thanks.
        Senator Shaheen. And can you expand a little bit on post-
    withdrawal strategy with respect to how we can continue to
    support the gains that women and girls have made in
    Afghanistan?
        Ambassador Nuland. Well, Senator, I want to be careful here
    because I obviously------
        Senator Shaheen. Assuming you have been confirmed.
        Ambassador Nuland. Yes. Yeah. I was not part of the
    deliberations, but, as you know, we have very robust support
    programs, assistance programs, and civilian training programs
    for women and girls both in Afghanistan and outside. I think we
    need to ensure that our allies and partners are also
    contributing to that effort. And we have to hold the Afghan
    Government and the Taliban to account for their commitments in
    this regard, and it needs to be a fundamental measure of
    whether Afghanistan is making progress or retaining the gains
    or sliding backwards.
        Senator Shaheen. Ms. Zeya, I appreciate your mentioning the
    Women Peace and Security Act in your opening remarks. I think
    it is a very important tool that we have, and I was
    disappointed that it was not used by the previous
    administration in Afghanistan as they were negotiating with the
    Taliban. But can you talk about how you will work with the
    Office of Global Women's Issues, if you are confirmed, to
    ensure that the ``J'' family is aligned with the gender
    concerns of GWI and the GPC?
        Ms. Zeya. Absolutely, Senator, and I want to thank you for
    your leadership on building bipartisan consensus for, you know,
    greater women's empowerment and ultimately achieving women,
    peace, and security goals. And I think the Afghanistan example
    is critical, as you discussed with Ambassador Nuland. I would
    say, from my own perspective, I think it is very important with
    this decision for the U.S. to continue to strongly support
    increased women's participation in the peace process. As you
    are well aware, women's participation in peace processes, most
    of which fail, you know, by record of history, makes them 35
    percent more likely to last 15 years or more. This is critical,
    I think, at the inflection point we find ourselves.
        It is also critical to take an integrated approach in the
    State Department. I think since the GWI Office was created,
    and, you know, it has been a bipartisan effort with important
    progress made, it is really critical to recognize this is not
    the work of one office. So if confirmed, I would certainly seek
    to further integrate gender equality across the full spectrum
    of ``J'' family activity, obviously on democracy and human
    rights, but also on issues like counterterrorism, counter-
    narcotics, and, quite obviously, trafficking in persons. So
    this work is too important, it is too enormous for anyone
    office to accomplish alone, and I certainly would seek to
    leverage the talent and expertise in the ``J'' family to make
    WPS goals a reality. And I think we have a critical task ahead
    of us in Afghanistan to make that possible.
        Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you both very much. If you are
    confirmed, and I assume you will be, I look forward to working
    with you.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. Thank you for
    your leadership on global women's issues. With that, I
    understand now that Senator Hagerty is with us virtually?
        [No response.]
        The Chairman. Senator Hagerty?
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much. I have a question for
    Ms. Zeya, please. Ms. Zeya, this is a matter of deep concern to
    me. It is a serious problem in my home State of Tennessee.
    December 1st, 2018, President Xi promised then-President Trump
    to halt the export of fentanyl and all of the ingredients used
    to make fentanyl. Since that promise was made, we have had over
    100,000 American lives lost to synthetic opioids, directly
    traceable to CCP-produced fentanyl. If I think about it,
    America has done a great job, in the current administration and
    the administration that preceded it, in dealing with the COVID-
    19 situation, but there is no vaccine for the addiction to
    fentanyl that we are experiencing at the hands of communist
    China. Can you tell me what your plan is to address this and to
    hold President Xi to his promise made in December of 2018?
        Ms. Zeya. Thank you, Senator, for raising a critically-
    important issue, and I just want to express my own concern for
    the welfare of your constituents, and this was one of the
    reasons I raised this point in my opening remarks. And as you
    recounted, I think there was progress made under the previous
    administration where China agreed to implement controls and
    schedule fentanyl analogs, but sadly, what happened is we saw
    transnational criminal organizations adapt and basically shift
    to using precursor chemicals from China, negating the gains
    from the previous effort, which was the result of considerable
    U.S. diplomacy and negotiation. So I absolutely believe that
    the Chinese Government can and must do more to hold its
    citizens and companies accountable that are supplying these
    precursors to transnational criminal organizations in Mexico
    and elsewhere.
        I think the United States needs to take a whole-of-
    government approach where the State Department, our embassy in
    Beijing, plays a very important role, but we also need to work
    with the Department of Homeland Security, DEA, and DOJ, to take
    on the Chinese Government's willful ignorance on this issue and
    to really prioritize saving the lives. As you mentioned, the
    record numbers of American losses due to opioid-related
    overdoses is unacceptable, and this is something I would intend
    to prioritize if confirmed.
        Senator Hagerty. I appreciate your prioritization of that,
    and I would also underscore the fact that our border has become
    far more porous at Mexico, and that is where this fentanyl is
    coming in and being produced in mass quantities. I was just
    back in my home State of Tennessee talking with sheriffs, with
    mayors, and what they have told me is something I think is
    probably being experienced across America. There has been a
    huge uptick in the number of overdoses since the borders
    collapsed after the 20th of January. So this situation has
    become even more critical at this point, and very much
    appreciate your attention to it.
        Ms. Zeya. Thank you, Senator, for sharing that information,
    and I will certainly work to prioritize that in the work of the
    International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Bureau, and I know
    this remains a significant priority in terms of our counter-
    narcotics engagement with Mexico.
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Ms. Zeya. Thank you, Mr.
    Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Next is Senator Kaine, and there
    is a vote that is ongoing. It is the intention of the chair to
    work through the vote, so I would urge members to possibly vote
    and return. The order I have in order of appearance is--and,
    course, we will flip back and forth to the extent that there
    are members on the other side who are available. It is Senator
    Kaine, Senator Merkley. I do not know if they will be here, but
    Senator Schatz, Senator Van Hollen, Senator Coons, Senator
    Booker, and Senator Murphy. That is the order I have. With
    that, Senator Kaine?
        Senator Kaine. Great to see both of you, and
    congratulations on your nominations. Ambassador Nuland,
    briefly, I am about to reintroduce a bill that this committee
    acted on last year but that never saw action on the floor that
    would clarify that no President can withdraw unilaterally from
    NATO without congressional action. NATO is a Senate-affirmed
    treaty. I view this as a statement of congressional
    prerogative, but also just simply an effort to demonstrate to
    our NATO allies that congressional support for the alliance's
    near 75 years is still very, very strong. You have a lot of
    experience with our NATO allies. Would they see that statement
    of strong intent from Congress in a positive light?
        Ambassador Nuland. Thanks, Senator Kaine. When you
    introduced it last year, you could hear the huzzahs on the
    other side of the Atlantic. I think there was quite a lot of
    concern. And, you know, I also think that it is really
    interesting that over the last 3 years, public opinion polling
    on the United States with regard to NATO has gone up to record
    levels over the last 20 years. You know, Americans want to work
    with allies and partners, so I think you are reflecting the
    bipartisan commitment to our great alliance as well across the
    country. So I commend you.
        Senator Kaine. Thank you. And when that bill was acted on
    by the committee last year, just to specify, it was a very
    bipartisan vote. It was bipartisan in introduction. The version
    that we will introduce, again, is very bipartisan. Ms. Zeya,
    thank you for the conversation that we had the other day. One
    of the issues I would like to ask you about is the issue of the
    refugee cap. The past administration dramatically scaled back
    U.S. acceptance of refugees, and the Biden administration sort
    of in its campaign and earlier today said we wanted to kind of
    return more to the norm where the U.S. was accepting refugees
    who go through a careful vetting process because our Nation has
    been such a haven for those seeking refuge from circumstances
    that are just nearly unspeakable. Tell me, is it your
    understanding that it is still the administration's intent to
    revert back to a norm on refugee admission? Some of us are a
    little bit discouraged at the timing and pacing of that, but
    please let us know what the administration's plans are, to your
    knowledge.
        Ms. Zeya. Thank you, Senator. I can assure you that I
    strongly support President Biden's public commitment to raise
    the ceiling for refugee admissions to 125,000 for fiscal year
    2022. Now, as a nominee I am not privy to policy discussions
    that are under way, but I know that the President is committed
    to regrowing this program and doing it in the most effective,
    orderly, and humane way possible. So if confirmed, I will do
    everything in my power to make this a reality.
        Senator Kaine. My surmise is that when the past
    administration cut the program down so dramatically in terms of
    the admissions, they may have also reassigned staff who were
    working on vetting and other issues. And so I do not think we
    want to just go back to the number without having the staff to
    make sure the program is run well, so I think we would all
    understand if it takes a while to get back to the norm. But
    should you be confirmed, we would really love your reporting to
    us about the progress toward that, recognizing it is not just a
    State Department issue, but multiple agencies work on this, and
    we would love to be in dialogue with you about that going
    forward.
        Human rights questions, I cannot think of anybody whose
    background is better suited than yours to dealing with these
    tough human rights issues. And one of the things that, you
    know, I have often found on this committee in dealing with
    human rights issues is, it is one thing to raise them against
    adversaries, you know, what is happening with the Uyghurs in
    China, what is happening with Hong Kong pro-democracy
    activists, and we need to be muscular in raising this with
    adversaries, but it is one of the most difficult sets of human
    rights issues when you are dealing with allies. And, you know,
    whether it is a--we have had an alliance with Saudi Arabia, we
    have an alliance with Egypt, but we run into significant human
    rights challenges with them.
        And when you raise human rights issues with an ally, one of
    the stock responses we used to hear from the past
    administration, but not just them, from others, is, well, if
    you push us too hard on human rights, of course, we will just
    buy our arms or do our, you know, diplomatic activities with
    Russia or others. Just talk about how we balance aggressive
    promotion of our human rights values with this sort of oft-
    repeated threat that, well, if you push us, we will deal with
    countries that are not interested in human rights.
        Ms. Zeya. Thank you, Senator, for raising, you know, what
    is a challenging and a critically-important issue, this issue
    of consistency with respect to centering human rights and
    democratic values in our foreign policy. And in this case, the
    way I see it, the administration is absolutely committed to
    democratic renewal at home and abroad. And what this means is
    it is important, as we seek to shore up our alliances and
    partnerships, for us to hold one another accountable. And
    ultimately, I think we have seen how a selective U.S. approach
    to human rights, one that only targets U.S. competitors or
    adversaries, ultimately undermines U.S. credibility and
    leadership. So I can pledge to you, if confirmed, I would work
    very closely with Ambassador Nuland, with counterparts in
    regional bureaus, our 270 missions in the field, to strike the
    right balance and to make sure that we are truly centering
    human rights and democratic values in our foreign policy.
        I think that the initiative of the Democracy Summit, which
    the President is committed to, is a very important one where we
    can help carry a concrete agenda forward on issues like
    corruption, countering rising authoritarianism, and really
    defending human rights at home and abroad.
        Senator Kaine. Thank you much. I am over my time. Thank
    you, Mr. Chair.
        The Chairman. Thank you. I just want to echo Senator
    Kaine's concern about the presidential declaration on refugees.
    There is a difference between refugee resettlement and the
    question of those who seek asylum at our border. They are
    fundamentally different, and they should not be conflated, and
    I do hope and I believe the President is committed to that, but
    the sooner he signs the declaration, the greater the
    crystallization of that commitment will be realized. So thank
    you.
        I am not sure if there are any members presently waiting
    virtually. If you are, please speak up at this time.
        [No response.]
        The Chairman. I am not hearing any. I do understand that
    Senator Coons is coming back and there is another member on his
    way. So let me take advantage of the time to ask one or two
    questions that I had intended to wait to the end.
        Ambassador, Azerbaijan's attack on the Armenian people last
    fall with Turkey's full support was, in my view, an unspeakable
    tragedy. The absence of top-level United States diplomacy
    throughout the war was inexcusable, and we have to prevent it
    from repeating in the future. I also believe the U.S. must
    press Azerbaijan to release the prisoner of war numbers that it
    has, which it is refusing to release them, in violation of
    international law, and to ensure that the Armenians displaced
    from their homes in Nagorno-Karabakh get the assistance they
    need. So if you are confirmed, will you commit to advocating
    for robust humanitarian assistance, including de-mining funds,
    to help the Armenians in the South Caucasus who have been
    displaced from their homes or otherwise affected by
    Azerbaijan's attack? And secondly, what can we do to revitalize
    the OSCE Minsk Group and create a more sustainable peace
    process?
        Ambassador Nuland. Absolutely. Mr. Chairman, I think you
    know that I have worked on Armenia, Azerbaijan, Nagorno-
    Karabakh issues for some 25 years, and the way things went down
    last year was absolutely tragic for so many in the region. So
    as you say, we have to get prisoners released. We have to get
    humanitarian support back in. We have to ensure the sovereignty
    and territorial integrity of Armenia and that it can make its
    own decisions, and we have to talk to our ally, Turkey.
        You know, the Secretary has spoken about needing to be
    clear eyed regarding trends in Turkey. I think we have got a
    lot of work to do there in our bilateral relationship to make
    clear our concerns about not only what Turkey is doing outside
    its country, but also what it is doing inside its country. So I
    think we have got to get back into the business of strong
    support for the Caucasus countries, being active
    diplomatically, getting high-level leadership there, showing
    support, et cetera, and using all of our economic and
    humanitarian tools.
        The Chairman. And I hope we will be a strong advocate for
    getting POWs back. I mean, it is just in violation of
    international law.
        Ambassador Nuland. Absolutely.
        The Chairman. With that, let me turn to Senator Cruz.
        Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Welcome to both the
    nominees. Congratulations on your nominations. I have enjoyed
    conversations with both of you in my office.
        Ms. Nuland, I want to turn to a topic that is not going to
    surprise you, and it is a topic we have discussed at great
    length, and that is Putin's Nord Stream 2 pipeline. I have deep
    concerns that the Biden administration is on the verge of
    squandering what was an enormous bipartisan victory won by this
    committee, by Congress, and the previous administration last
    year. Nord Stream 2 was 90 percent complete when Congress
    passed bipartisan sanctions that I authored, along with Senator
    Shaheen, that stopped the pipeline in its tracks, immediately
    stopped the pipeline for a year.
        Russia has begun again building the pipeline. It did so in
    the weeks following Joe Biden's election, and it did so because
    Russia believes the Biden administration is not going to follow
    the law, that they are not going to enforce the bipartisan
    sanctions that have passed now both houses of Congress with the
    chairman's support, with the support of virtually every member
    of this committee, passed twice now, sanctions targeting Nord
    Stream 2. And yet there are voices within the Biden
    administration that I think are arguing not to enforce the law
    and enforce the sanctions.
        Ms. Nuland, in your judgment, can you assess the damage to
    American national security and to the energy security of our
    European allies if the Nord Stream 2 pipeline is completed?
        Ambassador Nuland. Senator Cruz, thank you for your
    leadership on this issue. We did have a robust conversation
    about this, and we also worked on the energy security together
    when I was in the European assistant secretary job. Look, this
    is not just a bad deal for Germany and Europe. It violates
    their own climate policy, their energy policy to go greener. It
    deepens their dependence on Russia just at a time when Moscow
    is rearming around and inside Ukraine and when they are letting
    Navalny wither in prison. So I want to thank you for the tools
    you, and this committee, and this Congress have given us. I
    think we need to use all the tools at our disposal to stop this
    pipeline before it is finished. We need to press the German
    Government to do the same.
        As I said earlier, I was very pleased to see a strong
    statement from Chancellor Merkel warning President Putin about
    his arming in Ukraine. Nothing would send a stronger signal to
    him than the cancellation of this pipeline, and I think we have
    got to make that point. And if confirmed, it will be a top
    early priority of mine.
        Senator Cruz. So if you are confirmed, what steps would you
    anticipate taking to stop the completion of Nord Stream 2?
        Ambassador Nuland. I understand there are sanctions
    packages in development, some of them based on information that
    has been provided and circulated from the Congress. I think we
    have to accelerate the sanctions packages. I also think we have
    to be much clearer and stronger with our German allies that
    this is a matter of bipartisan concern across the United
    States, and it is taking Germany in the wrong direction in
    terms of its relationship with Russia. And all of us together
    now need to stand up to an increasingly aggressive Putin. So
    lots to do.
        Senator Cruz. So I very much agree with you. I also think
    time is of the essence. The Russians are trying to jam through
    and finish this pipeline before the administration takes
    action. As you know, I have tried to work with the
    administration, using both carrot and stick, to prompt the
    administration to comply with the law and use the tools that
    are available. I appreciated Secretary of State Blinken putting
    out a strong statement on Nord Stream 2. And, as you know,
    because you were in the room when we negotiated that agreement
    in my office, that in exchange for that statement, I lifted two
    holds that I had placed on nominees from this administration. I
    very much hope to lift other holds as well, but the agreement
    that we worked out was designed to be incremental and staged,
    and in order for the next set of holds to be lifted, we need to
    see sanctions on the entities responsible for Nord Stream 2.
        And the Biden State Department has indicated that those
    would be forthcoming, but they have not been, and I will say
    there are reports of ongoing resistance within the
    administration to doing so. If that resistance manifests in
    delays that will turn into an unequivocal win for Putin, a loss
    for Europe, and a loss for America. And so let me urge the
    administration to honor the commitments that it has made,
    follow the law, and issue the sanctions that are mandatory
    under law. We can stop this pipeline. We have stopped this
    pipeline, and it is only the signals of weakness and a
    willingness to disregard the law that have enticed Russia into
    returning once again to building the pipeline. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you. I understand Senator Van Hollen is
    online with us virtually.
        Senator Van Hollen. Yes, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, and let
    me thank both of our witnesses here today. Ambassador Nuland,
    let me start with you. I was pleased to see President Biden
    impose sanctions yesterday and today on Russia given Putin's
    continuing aggression, given their cyberattacks on the United
    States, including on our democracy and in working to interfere
    in our elections. And, of course, we see increased aggressive
    activity in eastern Ukraine from Putin.
        Meanwhile, the chairman mentioned in his opening statement
    a number of actions being taken by one of our allies, Turkey.
    Under President Erdogan, Turkey has purchased the advanced air
    defense system, the S400, from Russia. Turkey has violated the
    airspace of another NATO ally, Greece, and invaded the
    territorial waters of Cyprus. Under Erdogan, they have attacked
    our Syrian Kurdish allies who were critical to our fight
    against ISIS, additional measures taken in Armenia, so this
    does not sound like a faithful NATO ally to me. Can you talk
    about how you and the administration propose to deal with the
    challenges we are facing now under President Erdogan's Turkey?
        Ambassador Nuland. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen. I agree
    with you that this is a very challenging allied relationship
    that is going to require a whole lot more work. As I said to
    the chairman, I agree with the Secretary. We have got to be
    clear eyed and firm about it. It makes zero sense to me that a
    NATO ally is buying new Russian weapons systems. It is also a
    matter of bipartisan concern across the United States. We need
    to continue to press Turkey on this issue, as well as all of
    the other issues that we have together, and we have got to--you
    know, including democracy and human rights inside the country,
    freedom of the press. We have got to get on the same page
    together with regard to Syria and Libya, and, as we talked
    about earlier, Nagorno-Karabakh.
        And, more broadly, I think we have got to start a
    conversation in NATO about backsliding on our values among
    allies. The United State is far from perfect itself as we all
    know, but it is very important that we all recommit at that
    table to the things that make us strongest, and, particularly,
    in the context of a rise of autocracy and illiberalism across
    the world. NATO allies have to stand for freedom, democracy,
    and governments that serve their people. So if confirmed, I
    look forward to rolling up sleeves, getting back to Ankara, and
    having these conversations.
        Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you. I was also pleased to
    see the Biden administration, first of all, reaffirm our
    ironclad commitment to the security of Israel and, you know,
    deepen those ties even further. And also I was pleased to see
    them reaffirm what had been longtime bipartisan support for a
    two-state solution between Israel and the Palestinians. There
    are a lot of people who think it is too late for a two-state
    solution given the changes on the ground in the territories and
    other factors. Do you believe it is too late, and, if not, what
    needs to be done to ensure that we preserve the option of a
    viable two-state solution?
        Ambassador Nuland. Thanks, Senator. It remains profoundly
    in U.S. national interests to support a two-state solution. As
    you know, Senator, it is going to require willing and ready
    partners on both sides in the Israeli context where, again, in
    a government formation period in the Palestinian Authority,
    there needs to be will as well. And in the meantime, we need to
    ensure that both Israel and the PA refrain from any unilateral
    steps that could exacerbate tensions and make it harder to get
    to a two-state solution.
        I think the United States has got to remain a steady
    partner and continue to say to both Israel and the Palestinian
    Authority that this is the best path for peace, so. I think
    that is where we have got to go. And I think it is important
    that the National Security Council is running almost weekly
    sessions with Israeli counterparts, particularly in this period
    of transition in Israel, to keep us connected not only on these
    issues, but on Iran and other vital issues in the region.
        Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. Mr. Chairman, I know
    I have run out of time. I will submit my questions for our
    other witness, and congratulations to both of you on your
    nominations.
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen. Chairman
    Menendez has gone to the floor to vote. As you both, as
    seasoned public servants, know, the schedule of the Senate is
    not entirely predictable, so for those watching and may be
    surprised that I just popped in--Senator Coons--I am sitting in
    for a few moments for the chairman as he goes to vote.
        Thank you so much, Ambassador Nuland, Ms. Zeya, for your
    willingness to serve our Nation again and for the support and
    love that your family and your circle of supporters have
    offered throughout your decades of service. I look forward to
    working with both of you to address the many foreign policy
    challenges facing our country, how to build a bipartisan China
    strategy, something I am really encouraged about progress being
    made here by Chairman Menendez and Ranking Member Risch and
    their staff. There is bipartisan legislation being introduced
    that will be marked up next week. I am very excited about that
    and look forward to joining as a sponsor and supporting their
    work on that; the work to address Iran's nuclear program and
    other threats regionally from the Islamic Republic, efforts to
    support stability in the Middle East while avoiding additional
    long-term entanglements, efforts to push back on and contain
    the malign influence of the Russian Government. There are so
    many challenges, I could take all of 5 minutes in summarizing
    them, and I hope we will get to work closely together on
    prioritizing human rights, defending democracy, revitalizing
    the State Department, confronting shortcomings in workforce
    diversity, and others.
        Let me just ask both of you, if I could, about the Global
    Fragility Act. Ms. Zeya you were kind enough to reference it in
    your opening remarks. This is a tool provided by Congress on a
    bipartisan basis, I helped co-author, to address the root
    causes of extremism and violence in fragile countries. Will you
    commit to reviewing it, and to promptly selecting the priority
    countries for the Global Fragility Act, and submitting a
    revised strategy that takes into account the post-COVID
    context?
        Ms. Zeya. Yes, absolutely, Senator.
        Ambassador Nuland. I think one of the fun things here, if
    we are both confirmed, is that we would work on these issues
    together because it will obviously cross the remits of both of
    our jobs, so looking forward to it.
        Senator Coons. It is my hope and expectation we will use
    this tool to balance assistance around security, democracy,
    human rights, and to make sure that between diplomacy
    development and defense, we have got the order right.
        The Moscow Bureau of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty is
    under intense pressure, really under siege by the Kremlin, just
    one of many recent examples of an authoritarian crackdown on
    press freedoms around the world. How would you support, if
    confirmed our RFE/RL's efforts to ensure that Russian citizens
    have access to unbiased news about their own country, and what
    actions would you take to support free press around the world?
    If I might, Ms. Zeya.
        Ms. Zeya. Senator, I think it is critical for, you know,
    for the United States to take a whole-of-government approach on
    these issues. So certainly, if confirmed, I would work closely
    with the undersecretary for public diplomacy as well as USAGM
    on this critical closing space for civil society and free
    expression in Russia that is critical to holding the Putin
    Government accountable for their widespread violations of human
    rights. So I would look to work with partners in government as
    well as the mission in the field to elevate this issue and act
    accordingly.
        Senator Coons. Thank you. Ambassador Nuland on press
    freedom broadly?
        Ambassador Nuland. Yeah, just to pile on, Senator, and
    thank you for raising RFE/RL. I agree with you that they are at
    a critical moment here. Really interestingly, I think one of
    the reasons the Kremlin is cracking down is because
    listenership and viewership at RFE/RL has gone up exponentially
    over the last recent years, and not just in Russia, but also in
    Belarus and other parts of the world where press is
    constrained. So one of the things that Moscow understands is
    reciprocity. If confirmed, I would be interested in looking at
    whether we are being reciprocally constraining with regard to
    RT Sputnik and other Russian Government organs. Press freedom
    is an absolutely essential human right and part of good
    governance around the world.
        I would just lay down a marker here that I am also
    concerned about press freedom in the NATO space. We have a
    number of allies backsliding here, and it is very important
    that we keep that front of agenda. And we also have a number of
    American companies that, you know, broadcast freely in these
    countries, and their ability to do that is being constrained by
    government. So a lot of work to do.
        Senator Coons. I introduced a bipartisan Libya
    Stabilization Act in the last Congress and recently
    reintroduced it. This would support a diplomatic resolution to
    the ongoing grinding conflict in Libya, a country where there
    are 280,000 IDPs and 570,000 refugees. What additional action
    should we be taking to ensure that elections actually take
    place in December of this year and to enable the Government to
    be successful, and would movement by this committee on a bill
    like the Libya Stabilization Act be constructive? Ambassador
    Nuland, if you might.
        Ambassador Nuland. Absolutely. We have a sliver of light
    now in Libya with these elections, agreed, and we have got to
    ensure that they are free, fair, that they are internationally
    observed. This is a place where, again, working with allies and
    partners, Europeans obviously, but countries in the--in the
    region to support Libya as it goes forward with all of this, we
    may need more resources to do that. I, you know, if confirmed,
    look forward to opening up the hood and seeing what we are
    already doing and working with allies and partners to ensure
    that the Libyan people feel that support and get this chance
    that they have suffered so much for.
        Senator Coons. Any additional comments before I turn to my
    colleague, Senator Murphy?
        Ms. Zeya. Senator, I would just add on Libya, endorsing
    Ambassador Nuland's comments, I think we should also leverage
    all tools available, including U.N. and U.S. Government
    sanctions, to bring an end to foreign military intervention,
    hold violators of human rights accountable, and ultimately
    support the goal of a sovereign, stable unified Libya.
        Senator Coons. Wonderful. Thank you both. Let me now turn
    to my colleague, Senator Murphy of Connecticut.
        Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Coons. Welcome
    to you both. Thank you for your willingness to serve once
    again. Ms. Zeya, I look forward to building a working
    relationship with you. To Ambassador Nuland, I am glad to have
    you back as a partner. I will tell you, your candor and your
    reputation for candor, we appreciate it here on the Foreign
    Relations Committee. We often get a lot of spin from
    administration officials on both sides of the aisle, but I
    think you are well respected here on both sides of the aisle
    because of your ability and willingness to talk to us about
    facts on the ground as they are, not as we wish. So great to
    see you again.
        Speaking of facts on the ground, I wanted to bring us back
    to the negotiations over Iran's nuclear program, and just note
    a statement from the Saudi foreign ministry dated yesterday or
    today in which an official there said we can begin with a
    nuclear deal and move on to another format that we will discuss
    all these other issues in a positive manner. Some folks took
    note of that statement, but it, frankly, likely acknowledges
    two realities: one, that our partners in the Gulf would like to
    be at the table when we discuss broader regional security
    concerns, in particular, Iran's support for terrorist
    organizations or their ballistic missile program, but also,
    that it is much more likely to have that conversation
    constructively if we get back into the JCPOA and get back on
    the same page with the P5+1.
        And so I wanted to ask you whether you think that the
    likelihood of getting a comprehensive agreement, where we
    litigate all of our disputes with Iran, is more likely today
    than it was in 2013, 2014, and 2015, when we were negotiating
    the JCPOA.
        Ambassador Nuland. Senator Murphy, it is great to see you.
    Although I am a citizen in Senator Kaine's region at the
    moment, I grew up in Connecticut, so Connecticut strong. Look,
    on Iran, I think we have got to pursue all of these problems in
    tandem. Whether that is a question of a comprehensive
    agreement, I think there are many players in many different
    pieces of this. What is most urgent today is that Iran is
    breaking out again of its nuclear box. It is enriching at 20
    percent. It is using these advanced centrifuges. We have got to
    get them back in the box on the nuclear front. But at the same
    time, we can and should be countering their malign regional
    influence by being stronger diplomatically in Syria.
        I have concerns that the diplomatic table, the future of
    Syria's political structure, et cetera, is being run by Russia
    and Iran, and the United States needs to be more active there.
    We need to support Lebanon more strongly against malign Iranian
    influence, and I was glad to see the undersecretary for
    political affairs, David Hale, smake a trip to Lebanon. You
    have worked a lot on the Yemen issue.
        So I believe we can be working on Iran's malign influence
    at the same time that we are having these conversations about
    the nuclear problem, and, frankly, the players are different in
    some of those things. And we have also got a build the basis
    for people to understand better than they do now what Iran is
    doing on the missile front. So walk and chew gum would be my
    answer to your question.
        Senator Murphy. Yeah, so I agree that our goal should be to
    walk and chew gum at the same time. Do you think we have to be
    driven by realities on the ground? And I, for instance, do not
    believe that we are going to be able to make progress in Yemen
    while we are still outside of the JCPOA. I think while we are
    still engaged in maximum pressure, the Iranians are likely to
    use every opportunity they can find to provoke. And so I do
    think that there is some argument to sequence here, and I will
    continue to make that argument on this committee.
        In the remaining time I have left, I just wanted to turn to
    the subject that you and I have spent a lot of time working on
    together, and that is Ukraine. Obviously, you know, we have
    taken strong steps today to send a strong message to the
    Russians about the message we need to send regarding the array
    of Russian forces on the border. But it has always been, I
    think, our belief that while Russia wants to use that front in
    order to put pressure on the Ukrainian Government, their
    longer-term plan is not likely a full military takeover of
    Ukraine, but to try to politically and economically weaken that
    country to the point where they ultimately just make the
    decision to install pro-Russian or a Russia-friendly government
    again.
        And so I would just ask this question. It is still
    incredibly important for us to view this as a multi-systemic
    effort that, while we have to have a military answer and
    support Ukraine in a military way, we also have to be equally
    focused on supporting their economy, supporting their political
    reform agenda, because that is maybe the most likely mechanism
    for Russia to eventually get a state of affairs that aligns
    with their interests.
        Ambassador Nuland. I absolutely agree completely, and, you
    know, your leadership on Ukraine was essential the last time I
    was in government, and the fact that you continue to support
    Ukraine is important. The number one thing Ukraine needs to be
    a strong, stable, sovereign state is to tackle endemic
    corruption. The United States has put a huge amount of effort
    into that, but corruption is also a tool that the Kremlin uses
    to corrode Ukraine from the inside and by governments, et
    cetera. So it is in all of our interests to continue to work on
    those issues.
        And the Zelensky Government has taken some important steps
    in recent weeks, but there is a lot more to be done. And we
    also need to get--support them and getting back into alignment
    with the IMF and all of those things that you have worked on.
    And the strong support from the Congress for Ukraine has been
    important, but they need to take the steps to walk the walk.
        Senator Murphy. Thank you. Thank you to you both. Thank
    you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you. My understanding is there are no
    members seeking recognition on either side of the aisle, and
    with that, thanks to both nominees for their time today.
        The record will remain open until the close of business on
    Friday, April the 16th. I would urge the nominees to answer
    questions expeditiously in order for their nominations to be
    able to move forward to a business meeting.
        The Chairman. And with that, the committee is adjourned.

        [Whereupon, at 12:47 p.m., the committee was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Hon. Victoria Nuland by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. Too often, regional bureaus have sidelined DRL and other
    essential functional bureaus. If confirmed, how will you ensure better
    consultation and coordination between DRL, other functional bureaus,
    and the regional bureaus you will lead as P?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will emphasize to the regional bureaus
    under my supervision, as well as to the functional bureaus, that the
    President's vision of placing human rights and democracy at the heart
    of the foreign policy of the United States necessitates full inclusion
    of DRL in the Department's policy-making processes. I intend, if
    confirmed, to work with the Under Secretary for Civilian Security and
    Human Rights, and with DRL's leadership, to ensure full policy
    coordination among regional bureaus and across the Department.

        Question. What actions will you take, including with our partners,
    to address the global forced migration crisis? How specifically will
    you work to address the root causes of displacement such as new and
    unresolved conflicts; support populations on the move and those
    enduring lengthy displacement; and seek innovative solutions to assist
    low-income countries who host the majority of refugees and displaced
    people around the world?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will pursue comprehensive strategies for
    addressing the root causes of migration, including climate change, help
    rebuild the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program, and stand up for
    democratic values and human rights. I will also encourage stronger
    partnerships between humanitarian and development actors, including
    multilateral development banks, in situations of protracted
    displacement and fragility, conflict, and violence.

        Question. Do you think we are doing enough to counter threats to
    democracy right now? What more should the United States be doing, and
    how will you elevate the importance of democracy promotion efforts and
    a democracy-centered foreign policy within the State Department and
    abroad given the President and Secretary of State's public commitment
    to these goals?

        Answer. As President Biden said, ``The United States will stand up
    for democracy wherever it is under attack.'' We know well from our own
    experience that sustaining democracy requires hard work, careful
    stewardship, and constant vigilance. If confirmed, I intend to support
    the Biden Harris administration's commitment to putting the promotion
    and protection of democracy at the center of U.S. foreign policy. This
    means working to bolster to democratic resilience at home and abroad,
    and holding ourselves, our allies, and our partners accountable to
    promote, respect, and defend human rights and fundamental freedoms.

        Question. What shifts must be made in our foreign policy to ensure
    we are working to hold our allies and adversaries to the same standard
    on human rights? How will you prioritize this parity in expectations on
    upholding human rights?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the tradition of seeking to
    report the facts on human rights fully and objectively on every country
    in the Department's Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, using
    the standards found in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights. I
    also intend to raise human rights issues with allies and adversaries
    alike, regardless of the other interests we may have in our
    relationships with other countries.

        Question. How will you engage with international counterparts to
    pursue effective accountability measures to address violations and
    abuses of human rights around the world? What role do you believe
    multilateral bodies like the United Nations have in this endeavor?

        Answer. The United States is committed to ensuring that the United
    Nations promotes respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and
    holds those countries with the worst human rights records to account.
    The United States supports U.N. investigatory mechanisms designed to
    enhance accountability for human rights violations and to end impunity.
    If confirmed, I will consider all possible tools and actions to promote
    accountability for those responsible for human rights violations and
    abuses.

        Question. We must be clear-eyed about the nature of President
    Erdogan's Turkey. Turkey is among the top jailers of journalists and
    lawyers in the world, which is unbelievable for a member of an alliance
    founded on democratic values. In addition to its many domestic abuses,
    Turkey's aggression throughout the region and its refusal to give up
    the S-400 underscore the fact that Turkey is not a reliable NATO ally.
    How the U.S. decides to define its relationship with Turkey is
    critically important to security in the region and our ability to
    support democratic values abroad. Is there any circumstance under which
    the U.S. should reconstitute the F35 program with Turkey if it does not
    get rid of its S-400 system?

        Answer. President Biden has promised to call out Turkish behavior
    that is inconsistent with its commitments as a NATO Ally. Turkey's
    acquisition of the Russian-made S-400 was incompatible with NATO
    principles, Turkey's commitments to NATO, and its participation in the
    F-35 program, and thus resulted in Turkey's suspension and pending
    removal from the global F-35 Joint Strike Fighter partnership. If
    confirmed, I will continue to press Turkey to abandon the S-400 system,
    and I would not support reconstitution of the F-35 program so long as
    Turkey retains the Russian system.

        Question. What is your position on the Cyprus question, in advance
    of 5+1 talks next month?

        Answer. I continue to support a Cypriot-led comprehensive
    settlement to reunify the island as a bizonal, bicommunal federation,
    something which would benefit all Cypriots as well as the wider region.
    The United States has welcomed and should stand ready to assist the
    U.N. Secretary-General's initiative to convene an informal 5+UN meeting
    in Geneva. Consistent with the October 2020 U.N. Security Council
    Presidential Statement, I am deeply concerned by the Turkish Cypriots'
    unilateral decision, with the support of Turkey, to reopen Varosha. If
    confirmed, I will urge a reversal of this decision.

        Question. Do you commit to the full implementation the Eastern
    Mediterranean Security and Energy Partnership Act?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress and
    colleagues in the interagency to support robust ties between the United
    States and Greece, Israel, and Cyprus, as envisioned in the
    legislation. The U.S.-Greece security relationship remains vital to our
    interests in the Eastern Mediterranean and has grown significantly as
    bilateral ties have improved, beginning in the Obama-Biden
    administration. If confirmed, I will work to continue to deepen ties
    between the United States and Greece and the United States and Cyprus.

        Question. Do you commit to consult with, not simply notify, this
    committee as it relates to U.S. policy on Turkey?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing close
    consultations with the Senate Foreign Relations committee regarding
    U.S. policy toward Turkey.

        Question. Last year's NDAA included provisions which would require
    the Department to be more forthcoming with Congress on the peace
    process. The Department was required to provide a certification in
    January to confirm that the Senate has been provided with all relevant
    documents associated with the February 29th agreement. We have yet to
    receive this certification. Will you commit to providing this
    information to Congress upon your confirmation?

        Answer. Yes, I understand that the Department is preparing to
    provide a response regarding section 1217(b) of the William M. (Mac)
    Thornberry National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2021
    (P.L. 116-283) to Congress. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring
    that the Department provides this response and other required
    notifications, reports, and certifications promptly.

        Question. The law also requires regular consultation with Congress
    on the peace process. Do you commit to consult with, not simply notify,
    this committee as it relates to U.S. policy on Afghanistan?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to consult fully with theon
    U.S. policy toward Afghanistan.

        Question. The continued spread of COVID-19 in Latin America and the
    Caribbean is deeply concerning. Despite initial vaccination campaigns
    in the region, cases are on the rise and many health systems are
    overwhelmed. The current situation in Brazil is alarming and
    unrestrained spread only raises risks for new variants. What steps will
    you take to ensure vaccine access for nations in the Western
    Hemisphere, as well as other developing nations? What other vaccine-
    related initiatives will you prioritize?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the U.S. commitment to leading
    the global response to the COVID-19 pandemic, including through
    supporting global vaccine distribution via COVAX. Latin America and the
    Caribbean are suffering a disproportionate share of global COVID-19
    cases and deaths, posing a threat to the United States given our strong
    economic ties. However, the President's first priority must be to take
    care of the American people, and given the unpredictability of this
    virus, we must be prepared for a variety of scenarios. As the United
    States moves toward having enough vaccine here at home, I will support
    efforts to pursue options for sharing doses abroad, if confirmed. I
    will also support efforts to work with partners to expand the global
    manufacturing of safe and effective COVID-19 vaccines, and their needed
    supplies, to increase worldwide capacity and availability.

        Question. As Colombia works to implement its 2016 peace accord, it
    is facing an uptick in violence against civil society leaders by
    irregular armed actors and drug traffickers, including criminal groups
    that receive safe haven inside Venezuela. Additionally, there are
    concerns about the role of Russia in the region, including its presence
    in Venezuela and its disinformation efforts targeting Colombia. What
    steps will you take to strengthen U.S.-Colombia relations and ensure
    that the United States helps our Colombian partners consolidate the
    gains of peace?

        Answer. Colombia is a vital strategic partner that shares our
    democratic values. If confirmed, I will support the efforts the
    Colombian Government and people as they continue to work towards a just
    and lasting peace and a prosperous future. Through diplomatic
    engagement and foreign assistance, the United States must work with
    Colombia to promote sustainable peace and reconciliation by expanding
    security, state presence, access to justice, and licit economic
    opportunities throughout the country. If confirmed, I will support
    efforts to work together with the Colombia Government to combat
    narcotics trafficking and transnational crime, coordinate a regional
    response to the political and humanitarian crisis in Venezuela, and
    promote and protect human rights.

        Question. President Biden has outlined his strategy for a COVID-19
    response, and has committed to making vaccines more widely available
    here in the United States. Part of what we need to do to safeguard
    American lives is ensure that other countries-especially poor
    countries-can do the same. As I've said before, COVID-19 didn't start
    here, but it came here. Americans are not safe until the world is safe.
    What do you see as the most important actions the United States can
    take to lead international efforts to end the COVID-19 pandemic for
    once and for all?

        Answer. To keep U.S. citizens safe, build back the economy, and
    curb the emergence of variants, the United States is committed to
    leading the global response to the COVID-19 pandemic, and strengthening
    global health security and pandemic preparedness to prevent future
    biological threats. I will support those efforts if confirmed. Under
    President Biden's direction, the United State has already taken
    significant steps, including: re-engaging with the WHO; committing to
    provide the most funding--$4 billion to COVAX--of any country to
    accelerate the pace and ambition of global vaccination efforts; and
    collaborating with our Quad partners (Japan, India, and Australia) to
    expand the manufacture and supply of safe and effective COVID-19
    vaccines.

        Question. If confirmed, what will be your role in achieving that
    goal?

        Answer. President Biden and Secretary Blinken have committed to a
    whole-of-government response to COVID-19 and building longer term
    global health security. If confirmed, I will work with all the regional
    bureaus under my supervision, our functional bureaus, the U.S.
    interagency and the international community--including the private
    sector, civil society, and other partners--to help bring the COVID 19
    pandemic to an end and build back better preparedness to prevent,
    detect, and respond to public health threats both at home and abroad,
    including through initiatives such as the Global Health Security Agenda
    (GHSA).

        Question. The situation in Ethiopia is alarming. Not only is there
    conflict in Tigray, ongoing tensions in other parts of the country have
    the potential to cause sustained violent conflict and political space
    continues to close. The administration has taken a robust multilateral
    approach to resolving the Tigray crisis, working through the U.N. and
    with our African partners to achieve results, which I applaud. It also
    sent a strong, positive signal of its engagement by dispatching Senator
    Chris Coons to Addis Ababa. However there is much more to be done to
    put Ethiopia's democratic transition back on track. 3. Can Ethiopia
    hold credible elections in June under the current circumstances?

        Answer. I share Secretary Blinken's concern that a number of
    factors could undermine inclusive, free, fair, and credible national
    and regional elections, including: continued violence, harassment and
    detention of opposition figures, human rights abuses and violations,
    growing insecurity, more than 2 million internally displaced,
    interference with media freedom, and regional and local government
    interference in political processes. If confirmed, I will pursue
    sustained engagement to press the Government of Ethiopia to move
    towards inclusive political dialogue, to ensure a free political
    environment, and to address ongoing inter-ethnic tensions across the
    country to help mitigate these risks.

        Question. If confirmed, what will you do to encourage the Abiy
    administration to take meaningful action to open political space, and
    engage with all political stakeholders?

        Answer. The United States strongly supports democratization in
    Ethiopia. Political space for all Ethiopians is critical for advancing
    this process and building strong, inclusive institutions. If confirmed,
    I will work with the newly appointed Special Envoy for the Horn of
    Africa and the Bureau of African Affairs to press the Ethiopian
    Government to ensure freedoms of assembly and expression, political
    participation, access to information, including through the internet,
    and political resolution of inter-ethnic conflict across the country.
    If confirmed, I will continue to underscore to the Government of
    Ethiopia the need for broad and inclusive dialogue and for opposition
    parties and civil society to be able to participate freely in the
    political process and organize and work without the fear of harassment
    or intimidation.

        Question. What will you do to help resolve the Tigray crisis should
    Russia and China continue to block U.N. Security Council efforts to
    address this urgent matter, or the African Union fail to take a more
    prominent leadership role?

        Answer. If confirmed, I plan to work closely with U.S. Ambassador
    to the U.N. Linda Thomas Greenfield and the newly appointed Special
    Envoy for the Horn of Africa to use every opportunity to address the
    crisis across U.N. agencies. The U.N. plays a vital role in delivering
    humanitarian assistance and in protecting refugees in Ethiopia. As
    conflict in Ethiopia poses a threat to the broader region, if
    confirmed, I will work with the African members of the Security Council
    in New York and the African Union to push for an end to fighting and
    press for a political settlement, protection of civilians, withdrawal
    of Eritrean forces, immediate unhindered humanitarian access,
    restoration of all communications to the region, independent
    investigations into reported human rights violations, abuses, and
    atrocities, and accountability for those responsible. I will also work
    closely with the Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa to build a broad
    coalition of likeminded countries willing to work together to achieve
    these objectives and to take the necessary steps to hold all parties
    accountable to their commitments and their international obligations.

        Question. The administration's recent suspension of drone strikes
    outside select war zones has significant implications for the situation
    in Somalia, where AMISOM and Somali operations against Al Shabaab have
    long depended on the support of US drones. The current election crisis
    in the country, which has been made significantly worse by parliament's
    ill-conceived attempt to extend the term of President Farmajo, and an
    earlier withdrawal of US troops under the Trump administration, are
    additional complicating factors. What is your view on how best to
    achieve a breakthrough both in the struggle against Al Shabaab, and on
    the broader democratization and stabilization of Somalia?

        Answer. A holistic approach is needed to ensure sustainable gains
    in countering terrorist violence, achieving stability, and building
    adequate governance. Such an approach will require not only continued
    international support to counter al-Shabaab but also robust support to
    build the capacity of Somali security institutions, promote sustainable
    development, and improve governance. Engagement with all Somali
    stakeholders and international partners, including the U.N. and AU, on
    a pathway forward for Somalia is required. With respect to the current
    political crisis, it is vital for the peace, stability, prosperity, and
    governance of Somalia that the Federal Government and Federal Member
    States reach a consensus on a way forward for the electoral process
    without delay.

        Question. Recent flawed elections in Uganda require a robust USG
    response that advances of democracy, governance, and human rights in
    this important African country. I was pleased to see the
    administration's recent announcement of visa restrictions on Ugandan
    persons engaged in undermining democracy. But Uganda's status as a
    security partner in East Africa has complicated the willingness of past
    administration's to apply meaningful pressure on Kampala for its
    shortcomings in this area. How can the USG better prioritize democracy
    and governance in its relationship with Uganda, and ensure that our
    regional security interests do not crowd out or trump these essential
    priorities?

        Answer. Uganda's positive contributions to regional stability,
    particularly as the largest troop contributing country to AMISOM and as
    Africa's largest host of refugees do not give the Government of Uganda
    a free pass regarding the importance of respecting human rights,
    democracy, and good governance. If confirmed, I intend to support the
    Department's efforts to ensure that U.S. policy appropriately reflects
    the centrality of strong democratic institutions and respect for human
    rights in our partnership with Uganda.

        Question. The Central African Republic (CAR) faces ongoing violence
    and a humanitarian crisis in the wake of elections that suffered from
    low participation, and were fraught with irregularities. The U.S.
    supported an increase to the United Nations peacekeeping force but
    stability remains elusive, complicated by CAR government-aligned
    Russian and Rwandan military involvement and an anti-government
    coalition of militia groups representing roughly two-thirds of the
    country that are committed to the overthrow of President Touadera. What
    steps should the U.S. take to reduce tensions, encourage inclusive
    political dialogue, build a participatory democracy, and help put the
    country on a path toward sustainable peace?

        Answer. The United States has been a steadfast supporter of the
    democratic will of all Central Africans and their efforts to build
    resilient, responsive, and representative democracy. This is the best
    way to move the country towards peace and away from its repeated
    crises. If confirmed, I will support efforts to continue working with
    our partners to encourage an inclusive dialogue between all legitimate
    actors in the country with the support of neighbors, regional
    organizations, and the United Nations. If confirmed, I will work with
    partners and allies to ensure countries providing assistance, military
    or otherwise, do so in a transparent and coordinated way, and
    consistent with the U.N. arms embargo.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Hon. Victoria Nuland by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. There are several vacant ambassadorial posts in Sub-
    Saharan Africa without a named nominee to be considered by the Foreign
    Relations Committee, including such high-priority posts as Sudan,
    Kenya, and South Africa. Many other posts will become vacant in the
    coming year with little evidence that candidates are in the pipeline
    for consideration. As Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs,
    if confirmed, are you committed to working with the White House to
    ensure that Ambassadorial positions in Sub-Saharan Africa are filled by
    qualified, experienced nominees in a timely manner?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I am committed to working with the White
    House to ensure that ambassadorial positions in Sub-Saharan Africa are
    filled by qualified, experienced nominees in a timely manner.

        Question. Under your leadership as Under Secretary of State for
    Political Affairs, if confirmed, what actions will you pursue to ensure
    that hard to fill posts in Sub-Saharan Africa are sufficiently and
    consistently staffed?

        Answer. I recognize that State's Bureau of African Affairs (AF) is
    chronically understaffed, both in terms of positions and vacancies. If
    confirmed, I will review our staffing levels around the world to ensure
    that staffing is aligned with our most pressing interests. I will
    explore enhancing incentives to serve at hardship posts, including
    those in Africa, and will look for other ways to ensure that our
    vacancies are filled. I am committed to an inclusive workplace and will
    support AF's efforts as they work to implement management reforms for
    recruitment, hiring, and retention.

        Question. With 49 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, there are myriad
    opportunities and challenges to the security, economic, health and
    humanitarian interests of the United States. The U.S. Government is
    presently engaged on a variety of fronts. The White House and Secretary
    Blinken have repeatedly stated that ``Africa is a priority for the
    Biden administration''. In the early days of your tenure as Under
    Secretary of State for Political Affairs, if confirmed, how will you
    make clear inside the Department, across the administration and
    externally, that Africa is a priority for the Biden administration?

        Answer. If confirmed, I intend to support the Secretary's efforts
    to engage African countries early and often as partners in pursuing our
    shared interests and values--from security, global health, climate
    change, freedom and democracy, and mutual prosperity. If confirmed, I
    intend to participate in the interagency policy process as the Biden-
    Harris administration develops a whole-of-government Africa strategy
    and consider additional banner initiatives to signal the critical
    importance of this region. I believe active, consistent engagement of
    senior officials in Africa will be critical to advance U.S. interests
    on the continent and a signal of our commitment.

        Question. How will you ensure the United States respects and values
    our African partners, while also representing our values and interests,
    particularly as it relates to respect for the rule of law, protecting
    human rights, and advancing democracy?

        Answer. I believe we must continue to build partnerships in Africa,
    investing in civil society and strengthening democratic institutions.
    If confirmed, I look forward to implementing the Secretary's plan to
    engage African countries early and often as partners in pursuing our
    shared interests and values--from security, global health, climate
    change, freedom and democracy, and mutual prosperity. Senior-level
    engagement on a consistent basis will be a signal of our commitment.

        Question. Sub-Saharan Africa is experiencing a massive ``youth
    bulge.'' While programs like the Young African Leaders Initiative and
    its Mandela Washington Fellowship are vital, what can the United States
    do to expand its reach and effectively engage with Africa's enormous
    youth population?

        Answer. Empowering youth is at the heart of the longstanding U.S.-
    Africa partnership. If confirmed, I will direct Department of State
    resources to expand youth engagement initiatives. In addition to the
    Mandela Washington Fellowship, I intend to leverage YALI's USAID-run
    Regional Leadership Centers, the online YALI Network, and other public
    diplomacy and Department programs, including U.S. youth exchange
    programs like the Pan-Africa Youth Leadership Program, to help identify
    and dedicate resources for youth and alumni engagement to empower youth
    leaders in their communities, particularly around issues of
    entrepreneurship, civic engagement, democracy, governance, and respect
    for human rights.

        Question. What are your views on the role trade and investment
    could and should play in building stronger ties between the United
    States and the African continent? How should U.S.-African trade and
    investment initiatives factor into the U.S. global strategy to counter
    China, particularly in Africa?

        Answer. Strengthening and expanding U.S.-Africa trade and
    investment is critical to our primary objective of building stronger
    ties between the United States and the African continent. Stronger
    trade and investment ties with the United States also offers Africa an
    alternative to the PRC. If confirmed, I will engage in our commercial
    and economic diplomacy and use the tools of the DFC, USAID, MCC and
    Treasury. I will also work with the U.S. private sector, African
    governments, and international financial institutions to increase trade
    and investment in Africa and promote U.S. business.

        Question. One vital area of Prosper Africa that requires greater
    emphasis is improving the enabling environment within African partner
    countries to better attract U.S. business investment. Improvements in
    anti-corruption initiatives, human rights, the rule of law, and overall
    good governance would create better conditions for U.S. investment
    conditions. Such enhancements would also counterbalance efforts by
    Chinese firms and the Chinese Communist Party to undermine free-market
    competition in African markets to their advantage. How can the U.S.
    Government most effectively support efforts to improve the enabling
    environment for competitive foreign investment by U.S. firms in Africa?
    What types of partnerships work best, and how can the United States
    best incentivize reforms and other actions necessary to foster economic
    opportunity and expand two-way trade and investment with the African
    continent?

        Answer. A conducive business climate is essential to building
    sustainable economies. If confirmed, I will deploy the full set of
    diplomatic and development tools to promote enabling environments in
    our African partners that foster robust economic growth and respect for
    human rights and democracy. For example, the Prosper Africa Initiative
    will help clear impediments to economic growth in Africa, create new
    export and investment opportunities for U.S. companies, and increase
    prosperity at home. If confirmed, I will work to provide a meaningful
    alternative to the People's Republic of China's (PRC) economic
    approach, and I will help build countries' resilience in order to
    respond to PRC economic coercion.

        Question. What should be guiding principles for increasing two-way
    trade and investment between the United States and Africa in light of
    the presence of China, Russia and other malign actors that often
    operate within several of these countries by their own rules?

        Answer. The President is particularly focused on rebuilding the
    middle class at home by creating new and better jobs, raising wages,
    and strengthening communities. Increasing two-way trade and investment
    is critical to building stronger ties between the United States and
    Africa, and it will benefit the American middle class. The competition
    with China, Russia, and other malign actors is one of the central
    challenges that will define the 21st century. If confirmed, I will
    advance the Department's efforts to ensure that American companies can
    compete on an even playing field in Africa, which will allow them to
    provide an attractive alternative based on entrepreneurship and free-
    market principles, and which will be of benefit to African economies.

        Question. How can the Department better leverage the Bureau of
    African Affairs and encourage better coordination with the Bureau of
    Near East Affairs on Red Sea Corridor issues?

        Answer. A comprehensive and coordinated interagency approach to the
    Greater Horn of Africa and the Red Sea corridor better serves U.S.
    national security interests. To this end, Secretary Blinken has
    appointed a special envoy for the Horn of Africa. If confirmed, I will
    ensure close coordination between the Bureau of African Affairs and the
    Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, the new special envoy for the Horn of
    Africa, and the special envoy for South Sudan and Sudan on Red Sea
    Corridor issues, and ask senior leadership to identify and implement
    mechanisms for further coordination.

        Question. President Biden has proposed a $4 billion plan for
    Central America. Please describe specifically how this plan will build
    off of the successes and failures of the U.S. Strategy for Engagement
    for Central America, and the importance of garnering sustained
    political will from the individual governments.

        Answer. As I understand it, the Root Causes Strategy seeks to build
    on the lessons learned from the U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central
    Americas. Place-based strategies, including targeted security and
    economic programs, helped Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador reduce
    violence and increase job growth prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. The
    Root Causes Strategy seeks to use similar tools and reforms to increase
    transparency, combat corruption, and create conditions conducive to
    economic growth a top priority, and to use data to support decisions
    and technology to increase efficacy. If confirmed, I would work to
    support a strategy to engage the governments, civil society, and
    private sectors of countries throughout the region as partners in this
    endeavor to address the factors that cause people to leave their homes.
    If confirmed, I will work with these countries, including by bolstering
    civil society, to build the necessary political will to undertake tough
    reforms. I am under no illusions that will be easy. It will require a
    consistent, committed effort from the United States and our partners.

        Question. There have been more than a dozen failed attempts at
    negotiating with Maduro in Venezuela. They have occurred in an
    environment of engagement favored by the Obama administration, and
    under the pressure of punitive measures implemented by the Trump
    administration. Describe the conditions that would need to be met for
    the administration to engage in negotiations with the Maduro regime in
    Venezuela.

        Answer. Only good faith negotiations among Venezuelans can
    establish the conditions required for free and fair elections. That is
    the best framework for a political resolution to the political,
    economic, migratory, and health crises afflicting Venezuela. This was
    the clearly stated sense of Congress when it passed the bipartisan
    VERDAD Act in 2019, co-sponsored by nearly twenty Democrats and
    Republicans, and it remains true today. As the Act states, ``direct,
    credible negotiations led by the Interim President of Venezuela and
    members of Venezuela's democratically elected National
    Assembly.represent the best opportunity to reach a solution to the
    Venezuelan crisis.'' The Venezuelan democratic opposition to Nicol s
    Maduro has assembled a broad alliance for free and fair elections and
    has made clear its willingness to establish the conditions for such
    elections through negotiations, while also relying on coordinated
    domestic and international pressure to bring Maduro to the negotiating
    table. If confirmed, I will work with Venezuelan and international
    partners to press Maduro to commit to participate in credible
    negotiations with the Venezuelan opposition. If confirmed, I will also
    work with international partners to press for respect for human rights,
    restoration of democratic norms, and the delivery of humanitarian
    assistance in Venezuela.

        Question. What is your assessment of what it would take to achieve
    those conditions?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would support diplomatic engagement in
    order to advance a negotiated, peaceful solution to Venezuela's
    political, economic, and humanitarian crises, an approach consistent
    with the VERDAD Act of 2019. Venezuelans themselves must meet this
    challenge. Past negotiations have fallen short because Nicol s Maduro
    and his supporter used negotiations as a tactic to distract the
    international community and to centralize power. Negotiations can
    promote a peaceful transition toward free and fair elections if the
    international community is united in pressuring Maduro to engage in
    good faith and Venezuela's democratic forces remain united. Credible
    negotiations must incorporate the views and reflect the interests of
    Venezuelan civil society. They need to produce elections that comply
    with international standards of freedom, fairness, and transparency and
    allow Venezuelans to restore their democracy and the rule of law. To
    create the conditions for such a process, Maduro must free political
    prisoners and allow for the delivery of humanitarian aid. At the same
    time, the President has made clear that the United States will continue
    to pursue regime supporters involved in criminal activity and
    violations of human rights.
        If confirmed, I would work with partners inside Venezuela and
    internationally to pressure Maduro and those who support him to commit
    to a serious process.

        Question. Nicaragua is scheduled to hold general elections in
    November. In October 2020, the Organization of American States adopted
    a resolution [AG/RES.2962 (L-O/20)] calling for the restoration of
    democratic institutions and respect for human rights in Nicaragua
    through free and fair elections. The Ortega regime responded by
    approving three statutes with the apparent aim of quashing dissent in
    Nicaragua ahead of the November 2021 elections. If confirmed, do you
    commit to prioritizing and maintaining policies and programs to create
    acceptable conditions for free and fair elections in Nicaragua?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to prioritizing and maintaining
    policies and programs to create acceptable conditions for free and fair
    elections in Nicaragua. I will support the continued use of the
    economic and diplomatic tools at our disposal, including targeted
    sanctions, bilateral and multilateral engagement, and support for
    democratic processes, to advance free and fair elections. It is not too
    late for the Ortega regime to make the meaningful reforms by the May
    OAS deadline, and the United States continues to urge them to do so.

        Question. Please describe the long-term implications for Nicaragua
    and the region if Ortega fraudulently extends his time in office.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will press for meaningful electoral reforms
    by the May OAS deadline toward free and fair elections in November. I
    understand that the Department is working multilaterally, in
    coordination with the European Union, Canada, and the UK, as well as
    our partners in the OAS, to use the tools at our disposal to create the
    conditions for free and fair elections in November. If Ortega chooses a
    non-democratic path, and if confirmed, I will join the Department's
    efforts to work with those partners to hold accountable those
    responsible and encourage a return to democracy.

        Question. Despite reassurances from Secretary Blinken acknowledging
    the importance of the Abraham Accords, there are concerns that
    encouraging additional normalization agreements between Muslim majority
    countries and Israel isn't a priority for the Biden administration.
    Specifically, Senator Risch is concerned with the staffing, resourcing,
    and messaging the Biden administration has dedicated to this issue thus
    far. On the staffing front, the previous administration had an
    empowered agent in the White House to pursue normalization agreements.
    This has been pushed back down to the State Department, where it
    currently falls under the purview of the Deputy Assistant Secretary
    (DAS) for Israel Palestinian Affairs (IPA). On messaging, we've seen
    more out of the Department on restarting assistance to the Palestinians
    than on additional normalization agreements. The Biden admin's interim
    strategic guidance makes no mention of normalization in its section on
    the Middle East. Can you share your thoughts on the Abraham Accords and
    where it, as well as other prospective normalization agreements, rank
    among your policy priorities?

        Answer. President Biden and Secretary Blinken have welcomed the
    recent normalization agreements between Israel and countries in the
    Arab and Muslim world. The Department is leading the U.S. Government's
    efforts, working with the National Security Council and the U.S.
    Government interagency to deepen existing agreements and urge other
    countries to normalize relations with Israel. If confirmed, fostering
    peace in the Middle East will remain a top priority and I will look for
    opportunities to build on the Abraham Accords and expand cooperation
    among countries in the region.

        Question. Apart from the Abraham Accords, Senator Risch's top
    priority in the Middle East is Iran policy. He led a letter to
    President Biden, along with other national security Ranking Members
    that outlined his position. We've engaged in extensive Iran discussions
    with Sec Blinken, Wendy Sherman, and have just started consultations
    with Rob Malley. How would you define this administration's strategic
    aims with Iran? Where does regional activity fall in our strategic
    aims? How does engagement with allies and partners fit in to this wider
    strategy with respect to Iran?

        Answer. The President is committed to ensuring Iran never acquires
    a nuclear weapon and believes diplomacy, in coordination with our
    allies and regional partners, is the best path to achieve that goal.
    The administration has fundamental problems with Iran's actions across
    a series of issues, including its support for terrorism, its ballistic
    missile program, its destabilizing actions throughout the region, and
    its abhorrent practice of using wrongfully detained U.S. citizens and
    foreign nationals as political tools. If confirmed, I will support the
    Biden-Harris administration's continuing commitment to addressing these
    challenges using the various tools at its disposal, including
    sanctions, and working in close coordination with our allies and
    partners.

        Question. The administration has said that regional terrorism and
    ballistic missiles will be addressed in follow-on agreements. Do you
    think this is possible? Assuming we grant financial relief as a part of
    a nuclear negotiation, what leverage would the US have in terms of
    securing follow-on agreements?

        Answer. President Biden has committed to try to achieve a mutual
    return to compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
    (JCPOA), and then use that as a platform to lengthen and strengthen the
    constraints on Iran's nuclear program, regional support for terrorism,
    and other issues of concern. If confirmed, I will work to achieve this
    vision. If confirmed, I would ensure the framework of U.S. sanctions on
    Iran remains robust. Many layers of that sanctions architecture would
    remain in place, even in the event of a U.S. return to the JCPOA. This
    includes the primary U.S. embargo on Iran and many other U.S. sanctions
    on Iran. If confirmed, I would work with allies and partners, and use
    other avenues to place pressure on Iran to address these critical
    issues.

        Question. President Obama argued in favor of granting sanctions
    relief, stressing ``.our best analysts expect the bulk of this revenue
    to go into spending that improves the economy and benefits the lives of
    the Iranian people'' and that ``Even a repressive regime like Iran's
    cannot completely ignore those expectations.'' Yet, we now know that a
    majority of the sanctions relief went to Iran's defense industry and
    proxies. We actually saw an increase in Iran's malign regional
    activities since the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was
    signed in 2015. Do you still believe Iran prioritized the needs of its
    people over its defense industry and proxies?

        Answer. I do not believe that Iran has prioritized the needs of its
    people, as evidenced by its abysmal human rights record. The U.S.
    Government maintains a range of tools to counter Iran's destabilizing
    activities in the region and support for proxy organizations. If
    confirmed, I will support continuing U.S. efforts to maintain and,
    where available, impose sanctions on Iranian entities and individuals
    providing support to designated terrorist groups in the region. I will
    also support action by the Biden-Harris administration, in coordination
    with our allies and partners, to both deter and counter Iran's
    destabilizing activities and to vigorously pursue talks on these
    critical issues. If confirmed, I am committed to consulting closely
    with Congress on the path forward.

        Question. Russia and China are increasingly encroaching in the
    Middle East in ways that are contrary to US interests--we see joint
    R&D, basing, and a growing cooperation with US partners and allies in
    the region. Russia's continues to use its support for Bashar al Assad
    in Syria as a platform to further its influence in the region, while
    China is trying to make deeper inroads into the Gulf and Israel and
    thereby advance its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The Biden
    administration has advertised its commitment to de-prioritizing the
    Middle East North Africa region, in favor of a greater presence in the
    Indo-Pacific and Europe. Yet Great power competition has historically
    taken place outside the Indo-Pacific and Europe regions, favoring
    combat in weak and failed states. The moves made by the Biden
    administration is occurring against backdrop of recalibrating
    relationship with Saudi Arabia, de-emphasis on Abraham Accords, and
    renewed focus on Palestinian issues. How do we compete with Russia and
    China in the Middle East? How do we remain the partner of choice and
    strike right balance between human rights and the national interest?

        Answer. There is no question that the People's Republic of China's
    (PRC) and Russia's coercive behavior threatens our collective security,
    and that these countries are actively working to undercut the rules of
    the international system and the values we and our allies share. If
    confirmed, I will press our Middle East partners to be clear-eyed about
    the risk of doing business with Russia and the PRC, highlighting that
    partnerships with the United States bring tangible benefits to the
    people of the region, while protecting human rights. The U,S. also
    should support investment and economic growth in the region in a
    transparent manner that respects workers, strengthens labor rights, and
    serves as a counter to authoritarian business models.

        Question. Lebanon is moving quickly towards financial collapse.
    Despite the August 4 port explosion, political elites lack the will to
    execute necessary reforms and unlock IMF, World Bank funds that will
    save the country from collapse. According to many, Lebanese political
    players are interpreting US outreach to Iran as a precursor to
    sanctions relief and an excuse not to implement reforms. Can you
    outline your thoughts on appropriate Lebanon policy? What role do
    sanctions play in that policy?

        Answer. Lebanon needs to execute significant reforms in cooperation
    with the IMF to address its economic challenges. Lebanon can never be
    truly stable and will never prosper if corruption remains rampant, and
    Hezbollah continues to operate with impunity. If confirmed, I would
    seek to use all available tools to push Lebanese officials to implement
    the reforms necessary to root out corruption and terrorism and unlock
    critical support from international financial institutions.

        Question. Secretary Blinken has been vocal on the importance of
    renewing and maintains cross-border humanitarian assistance, which we
    agree with, but when discussing Syria policy or strategy, we return to
    the same mantra of UNSCR 2254, progress on which remains stalled. What
    changes would you propose for Syria policy? How can the administration
    accelerate progress under UNSCR 2254?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will join the Biden-Harris administration
    in continuing to engage diplomatically to press for an end to the
    Syrian people's suffering and to encourage all possible efforts to
    advance the legitimate political track in keeping with UNSCR 2254, and
    will advocate for accountability for the most serious crimes committed
    against the Syrian people, including war crimes and crimes against
    humanity. The United States seeks a nationwide ceasefire, unhindered
    aid access through all possible routes, the release of those
    arbitrarily detained, and free and fair elections under U.N. auspices.
    If confirmed, I will support the use of a variety of tools to ensure
    the Assad regime and its supporters do not profit from the conflict or
    any post-conflict reconstruction, and will consult closely with our
    partners and allies on the best way forward in Syria.

        Question. What role does the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act
    play in US policy? Do you feel it can be used as an effective tool to
    containing Russian influence in Syria, and preventing US partners and
    allies from normalizing relations with Bashar al Assad?

        Answer. The Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act is an important
    tool to limit the ability of Assad and his enablers to profit from the
    ongoing conflict and post-conflict reconstruction. If confirmed, I will
    use it and all available tools to stop those responsible for grave
    human rights abuses against the Syrian people, and will coordinate with
    our allies and partners on policies toward Syria, including in
    preventing normalizing relations with Assad, in order to push for
    meaningful progress on our shared political objectives.

        Question. In light of the rocket attack on Erbil by an Iranian
    proxy group in February, and the continuing presence of ISIS forces in
    remote areas of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, what steps is the Biden
    administration prepared to take to reaffirm America's commitment to the
    territorial integrity and safety of the Kurdistan Regional Government?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the United States' top
    priorities of ensuring the enduring defeat of ISIS and increasing the
    capacity of the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF), including Peshmerga
    forces. I understand that the administration is in constant contact
    with Kurdistan Regional Government leaders to address security
    concerns, and the United States provides assistance to support the
    continued development and professionalization of the ISF, increasing
    their ability to respond to threats and conduct counter-terrorism
    operations, as well as defend Iraq--its people and borders--while
    upholding the rule of law. If confirmed, I will support U.S. continued
    efforts with Iraq on our shared vision of a secure, stable, democratic,
    and prosperous Iraq that can stand on its own and defend its autonomy
    against malign regional influence.

        Question. In light of the threats posed to the Kurdish people of
    Syria by ISIS, the Assad Government, Assad's backers in Moscow and
    Tehran, and the Government of Turkey, what are the Biden
    administration's policies on the U.S.-Syrian Kurd security and
    diplomatic relationship, and the appropriate Kurdish role in Syria's
    political roadmap under UNSCR 2254?

        Answer. Stability in Syria and the greater region can only be
    achieved through a political process that represents the will of all
    Syrians. The Syrian Democratic Forces remain a capable and committed
    military partner in the fight against ISIS. The United States also
    supports the ongoing Intra Kurdish Dialogue and looks forward to its
    continued progress. The dialogue complements renewed U.S. efforts to
    stabilize areas of northeast Syria liberated from ISIS and to promote
    greater transparency and inclusivity in local governance, and if
    confirmed I will work to support it.

        Question. In your opinion, does the Treaty for the Prohibition of
    Nuclear Weapons threaten the integrity of U.S. alliances, especially
    regarding extended deterrence commitments?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration does not believe that
    progress toward nuclear disarmament can be decoupled from the
    prevailing security threats in today's world. If confirmed, I will
    support the administration's view that the Treaty on the Prohibition of
    Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) is incompatible with U.S. extended deterrence
    relationships that are still necessary for international peace and
    security, and may reinforce divisions that hinder the international
    community's ability to work together to address pressing proliferation
    and security challenges. U.S. allies covered by extended nuclear
    deterrence--which includes all NATO Allies, plus Australia, Japan, and
    the Republic of Korea--share the administration's view that the TPNW is
    incompatible with our extended nuclear deterrence arrangements.

        Question. In December 2020, NATO re-affirmed the Allie's
    longstanding position that, ``as long as nuclear weapons exist, NATO
    will remain a nuclear alliance.'' In your view, do you believe that
    this principle requires the United States to deploy nuclear weapons in
    NATO countries?

        Answer. The United States is fully committed to its Article 5
    obligations. If confirmed, I will strongly support U.S. continued
    coordination with Allies in support of NATO's deterrence and defense
    posture, including U.S. nuclear weapons forward-deployed in Europe.

        Question. How can we get NATO allies to invest more in their own
    defense?

        Answer. This is an issue I have spared no effort on since my days
    as NATO Ambassador, and if confirmed, one I will continue to pursue
    vigorously. At the 2014 Wales Summit, Allies agreed to increase their
    defense spending for the mutual benefit of the Alliance. If confirmed,
    I will work to ensure Allies continue to share the responsibility of
    our collective security against new and existing threats and appeal to
    them to do more. If confirmed, I will also ensure that the burden-
    sharing conversation at NATO also focuses on capabilities, readiness,
    and force generation. I look forward to consulting with NATO Allies, as
    well as with Congress, on the best strategy to ensure NATO has the
    capabilities, readiness, and forces it requires to maintain a credible
    defense and deterrence posture, as well as fulfill NATO missions and
    operations.

        Question. Why does Japan spend only about 1 percent of its GDP on
    defense? Given increasing threats from China, is this acceptable and
    sustainable? If confirmed, how would you approach discussions regarding
    defense spending with the Japanese Government?

        Answer. Japan has become one of our strongest allies in maintaining
    peace and security in the Indo-Pacific region and around the world. The
    Government of Japan has increased its defense budget every year since
    2012. The U.S. Japan Alliance advances our shared vision for a free and
    open Indo-Pacific and beyond. If confirmed, I will work with Japan to
    bolster its national defense capabilities to further strengthen the
    alliance and regional security.

        Question. Taiwan is set to increase its defense spending to about
    2.4 percent of GDP for this year. However, some senior U.S. defense
    officials have indicated that is still an insufficient amount for
    Taiwan to be able to ensure resilient defense in the face of an
    increasing Chinese threat. Do you agree with those concerns? If
    confirmed, how would you approach discussions regarding defense
    spending with the Taiwanese Government?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to maintaining the U.S. rock-solid
    commitment to Taiwan. The United States will continue to make available
    to Taiwan the defense articles and services necessary to enable Taiwan
    to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability, consistent with the
    Taiwan Relations Act and our ``one China'' policy. At the same time,
    Taiwan needs to maintain robust defense budgets. The United States sold
    nearly $30 billion worth of arms to Taiwan since 2009, but arms sales
    alone cannot ensure Taiwan's ability to defend itself. Our expanding
    security cooperation seeks to encourage Taiwan to prioritize cost-
    effective, mobile, resilient, and asymmetric capabilities, including an
    effective civil defense force for defense in depth.

        Question. How can we resolve the current impasse with Turkey over
    the S-400?

        Answer. One of President Biden's top priorities with respect to
    Turkey is urging it not to retain the S-400 and to refrain from
    additional Russian arms purchases. If confirmed, I will support efforts
    to persuade Turkey to forego the S-400. The CAATSA sanctions announced
    in December 2020 impose real costs on Turkey for acquiring the S-400
    and advance our global efforts to deter and disrupt purchases of
    Russian weaponry, which bring Russia revenue, access, and influence.
    Turkey's suspension and pending removal from the F-35 partnership
    represents an additional significant cost. If confirmed, I look forward
    to working with Congress to review the impact of the sanctions imposed
    in response to the S-400 acquisition and to determine whether
    additional measures are required or warranted.

        Question. What is your understanding of how China has expanded and
    modernized its nuclear forces?

        Answer. I understand that during this decade, the People's Republic
    of China (PRC) is likely to more than double the size of its nuclear
    stockpile. This rapid expansion includes new delivery systems as
    Beijing works to establish a nuclear triad, which will include a long-
    range stealth bomber, new road-mobile ICBMs, multiple-warhead silo-
    based ICBMs, and a growing fleet of ballistic missile submarines. The
    PRC also appears to be working on hypersonic-glide vehicles, air-
    launched ballistic missiles, and low-yield nuclear weapons that will
    fit into this nuclear triad. The PRC is also making additional advances
    towards developing a launch-on-warning posture.

        Question. In your view, do these capabilities pose an increasing
    threat to the United States and its allies?

        Answer. Yes. The People's Republic of China's (PRC) ongoing rapid
    expansion of its nuclear arsenal presages a more dangerous future, with
    a considerably larger number of sophisticated nuclear delivery systems
    able to reach the United States and our allies and partners than in the
    past. This larger nuclear arsenal will buttress a broader PRC military
    build-up and its increasingly assertive and threatening behavior to
    U.S. allies and partners.

        Question. How can we bring China to the negotiating table for arms
    control?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support U.S. efforts to pursue arms
    control to reduce the dangers from the People's Republic of China's
    (PRC) growing nuclear arsenal. To date, the PRC has failed to
    meaningfully engage on these issues. If confirmed, I will support
    efforts to work with U.S. allies and partners to press Beijing to
    engage meaningfully with the United States on arms control to reduce
    global nuclear risks.

        Question. Do you believe that China's professed no first use policy
    is credible?

        Answer. There is ambiguity over the conditions under which Beijing
    would act outside of its professed no first use policy. Some People's
    Liberation Army (PLA) officers have written publicly of the need to
    spell out conditions under which China might need to use nuclear
    weapons first. There has been no indication that national leaders are
    willing to attach such nuances and caveats publicly. However, ongoing
    PRC advances in their nuclear arsenal, from an exploration of low-yield
    warheads to the development of a launch on warning posture, raise
    questions regarding PRC intent and undermine their claims to seek a
    minimum nuclear deterrent backed by a no-first use policy.

        Question. Until now, analysts have estimated that the growth of the
    Chinese arsenal would be constrained by the lack of fissile material.
    However, recent reports indicate that Chinese plans to reprocess
    plutonium will greatly increase its stocks of weapons-grade material.
    Do you see this as threatening to the U.S. and its allies? Why do you
    believe China is pursuing these activities?

        Answer. Yes, this would be threatening to the United States and its
    allies. China's ongoing rapid expansion of its nuclear arsenal presages
    a more dangerous future, with a considerably larger number of
    sophisticated nuclear delivery systems able to reach the United States
    and our allies and partners than in the past. Precisely because Beijing
    is the least transparent member of the P5 nuclear weapon states,
    accurate assessments of its nuclear trajectory and intentions are
    difficult. I would defer to the intelligence community for specific
    assessments. In general, the United States has a longstanding position
    that seeks to limit the further development of sensitive fuel cycle
    technologies, including enrichment and reprocessing, beyond those
    facilities already in existence.

        Question. What is your understanding of how Russia has expanded and
    modernized its nuclear forces?

        Answer. Russia's strategic forces are undergoing a comprehensive
    modernization in their force structure, operations, and planning. If
    confirmed, I will support the Biden-Harris administration's intention
    to engage Russia in comprehensive negotiations that address the full
    range of systems that threaten international security, including
    Russian novel strategic systems and non-strategic nuclear weapons.

        Question. In your view, do these capabilities pose an increasing
    threat to the United States and its allies?

        Answer. The United States monitors Russian nuclear policy,
    strategy, doctrine, and current and projected nuclear forces. If
    confirmed, I would work to sustain a safe, secure, and effective
    strategic deterrent and ensure that our extended deterrence commitment
    to our allies remains strong and credible. If confirmed I would also
    support efforts to use the time provided by the five-year extension of
    the New START Treaty to pursue with Russia, in consultation with
    Congress and U.S. allies and partners, arms control measures that
    address all Russian nuclear weapons, including novel strategic systems
    and nonstrategic nuclear weapons.

        Question. After the United State ratified the New START Treaty,
    Russia refused to engage in follow-on negotiations regarding its non-
    strategic nuclear weapons, and other arms control issues. The United
    States recently agreed to a five-year extension to the New START
    Treaty. Given Russia's refusal to negotiate in the latter years of the
    Obama administration, do you expect Russia to behave differently this
    time, and to be willing to engage in arms control negotiations in the
    next few years? Why or why not?

        Answer. President Biden and President Putin have agreed to explore
    strategic stability discussions on a range of arms control and emerging
    security issues. The administration is in the process of establishing
    the terms of these discussions and, if confirmed, I commit to
    consulting with Congress and allies on the path forward. While Russian
    intentions regarding possible negotiations remain unclear, the United
    States must enter any talks on future arms control from a position of
    strength.

        Question. How should we account for Russian non-strategic nuclear
    weapons and exotic delivery systems in future arms control agreements?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support an approach in which the
    United States uses the time provided by a five-year extension of the
    New START Treaty to pursue with Russia, in consultation with Congress
    and U.S. allies and partners, arms control that addresses all Russian
    nuclear weapons, including novel strategic systems and nonstrategic
    nuclear weapons.

        Question. Would Russia view a U.S. no first use or sole purpose
    policy as credible? Would such a policy affect the confidence of U.S.
    allies in extended deterrence?

        Answer. President Biden is committed to maintaining a strong,
    credible deterrent to defend the United States and our allies, while
    also taking steps to reduce the role of nuclear weapons. The Biden-
    Harris administration is undertaking a review of nuclear policy that
    will certainly include declaratory policy and, if confirmed, I will
    ensure we consult with Congress and our allies on any policies or
    actions in this area.

        Question. The Countering America's Adversaries through Sanctions
    Act (CAATSA) and other U.S. legislation and policy tools have failed to
    deter Russia from attacking our democratic systems, especially through
    means of cyberattacks. How can we deter Russia from conducting
    cyberattacks?

        Answer. Russia is a full-scope cyber actor that will remain a major
    threat to U.S. Government, military, diplomatic, commercial, and
    critical infrastructure networks. If confirmed, I will support efforts
    to combat Russian cyber threats through a whole-of-government approach
    that leverages the full range of U.S. Government capabilities--
    diplomatic, economic, law enforcement, intelligence, and military. If
    confirmed, I will work with the Department to communicate to the
    Russian Government when its behavior is unacceptable, coordinate with
    interagency partners to impose costs in response to destabilizing
    activity, and build international coalitions to actively deter malign
    Russian activities--including those carried out through cyberspace.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you balance the International
    Organizations bureau within the Political Affairs family regarding
    decision-making?

        Answer. The Bureau of International Organization Affairs (IO) is
    the State Department's gateway to advancing U.S. foreign policy
    priorities across the multilateral system. The IO Bureau was an
    invaluable partner when I served as Assistant Secretary for European
    and Eurasian Affairs, and if confirmed, I will rely heavily on the IO
    Bureau's U.N. system and international organizations expertise to
    advance U.S. interests and address global challenges. IO is also
    central to our efforts to protect international organizations from
    Chinese domination and efforts to flood the staff with their nationals.

        Question. There is growing concern about the aggressive efforts of
    the Chinese Communist Party to stack U.N. agencies with Chinese
    nationals and secure leadership positions in order to exert undue
    influence in International Organizations. Do you share this concern?

        Answer. I do. The PRC engages in conduct to reshape the
    international system to accommodate and more closely align with its
    ideology. Its actions undermine the foundations of the international
    system that has provided peace and stability since the end of World War
    II. At the U.N., the PRC drives an authoritarian agenda that stands in
    opposition to the values of the United States and the U.N. itself,
    including on human rights, labor rights, transparency, and poor
    economic practices. If confirmed, I will work to stop the PRC's efforts
    to harm international organizations and their transparency, efficiency,
    and influence.

        Question. Do you believe the United States should craft a
    comprehensive strategy to ensure the open and transparent processes for
    the selection and promotion of Directors, Secretary Generals, and
    Director Generals of all international organizations, including the
    U.N. and its specialized bodies?

        Answer. I believe in the independence and integrity of the U.N. and
    other international organizations, including specialized agencies, and
    agree with the importance of having qualified, independent candidates
    in key positions. If confirmed, I will prioritize robust strategies
    that include working with our allies and partners to select or elect
    qualified, independent candidates that support democratic values
    through a transparent and fair process.

        Question. What do you believe is the most appropriate level of
    funding to the United Nations? Should the U.S. leverage our
    contributions to promote necessary reform within U.N. specialized
    bodies and committees?

        Answer. The most appropriate funding level for the U.N. is the one
    that enables the U.N. to fulfill its mission effectively and
    efficiently, as determined by the U.N. General Assembly in accordance
    with its established procedures. If confirmed, I will work with the
    U.S. Mission to the United Nations and the other IO missions to U.N.
    organizations to promote reforms that ensure that the U.N. and U.N.
    specialized agencies are transparent, accountable, and well-managed.

        Question. The United States has accrued peacekeeping arrears due to
    incongruence between U.S. law and U.N. assessment levels. How will you
    advocate for the lowering of U.S. peacekeeping assessments to 25
    percent during the scales of assessment negotiations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Mission to the
    United Nations and the Bureau of International Organization Affairs on
    a strategy to advance U.S. interests in reaching agreement in the U.N.
    General Assembly to lower the U.S. peacekeeping assessment rate,
    thereby reducing or eliminating future peacekeeping arrears.

        Question. Do you support paying the backlog of U.S. arrears,
    including the pre-Helms-Biden agreement arrears, or will you honor the
    bipartisan agreement negotiated in the current President's name?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will consult closely with Congress on the
    issue of whether to pay the ``contested'' arrears that are subject to
    the Helms-Biden agreement. As indicated in the President's FY 2022
    budget request, the Department is seeking funds and authority from
    Congress to enable payment of peacekeeping arrears that accrued over
    the past four years. These arrears are not subject to the Helms-Biden
    agreement.

        Question. Given the potential conflict with U.S. policy that U.N.
    membership would cause, what actions would the Biden administration
    take if the Palestinian Authority submitted a new application for
    membership to the U.N. or attempt to accede to any new U.N. body?

        Answer. I believe that efforts by the Palestinians to join
    international entities are premature and counterproductive. There are
    no shortcuts to Palestinian statehood outside direct negotiations
    between the parties, a process I would support, if confirmed.

        Question. Do you support establishing an office of U.N. Integrity
    within the Political Affairs family to counter malign influence within
    the U.N. system and to promote free and fair elections within the U.N.
    system?

        Answer. The IO bureau has taken steps in recent years to strengthen
    its capacities to counter malign influence and I would support building
    on those efforts, if confirmed. I look forward to working with Congress
    to ensure the State Department is organized and resourced effectively
    to strengthen the U.N. system and ensure the transparency,
    effectiveness, and integrity of multilateral institutions. If
    confirmed, I will work with partners and allies to elect qualified and
    independent candidates to lead the U.N. and other international
    organizations bodies, including highly specialized agencies.

        Question. In 2014, your phone call with then-Ambassador to Ukraine
    Geoff Pyatt was leaked, and, among other things, it revealed less than
    flattering opinions about the European Union. At the time, how did you
    address this comment with your European Union colleagues?

        Answer. I made immediate contact with senior partners in the EU and
    key Allied capitals to make clear that this phone call was leaked by
    the Russians to try to drive wedges between us, and that my comments in
    no way reflected my larger view of the EU, but reflected only a short
    term, tactical frustration that the EU had chosen not to send an envoy
    to help negotiate a transitional Ukrainian Government. In fact, I was
    seeking more EU collaboration on Ukraine. I also apologized for the
    crude language I used. I went on from that incident to have very
    productive and collaborative relations with EU diplomats and Allied
    partners for the next three years on Ukraine, energy security, Russia
    relations, the Balkans, Cyprus settlement talks and a host of other
    issues.

        Question. Do you believe this statement will present issues in your
    job as Under Secretary and impede your ability to work well with the
    political directors of European Foreign Ministries? How will you
    fulfill President Biden's intent to strengthen our relationship with
    our allies, including the European Union as a bloc?

        Answer. As noted, I went on from that incident to have very
    productive and collaborative relations with the EU and Allied partners
    on a wide variety of issues. If confirmed, I look forward to building
    on that experience to support the President and Secretary's efforts to
    repair, revitalize, and raise the level of ambition in the U.S.
    relationship with the European Union. U.S.-EU cooperation will be
    critical to our ability to control the pandemic, fight climate change,
    address the challenge posed by China, secure a digital future that
    favors free societies, and manage other global issues. If confirmed, I
    will work closely with my EU and other European counterparts to deepen
    cooperation on these issues on the basis of our shared values.

        Question. Which nations do you believe the U.S. should work most
    closely with to counter China's growing malign influence and actions
    around the world? Which countries do you see as most aligned with U.S.
    goals and values vis-a-vis China?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will put alliances and partnerships at the
    center of our foreign policy to advance shared norms and values that
    underpin peace and security and compete with the People's Republic of
    China (PRC) from a position of strength. This includes working closely
    with our Indo-Pacific and NATO and EU Allies, within groupings like the
    Quad and the G7, and with other likeminded partners to preserve our
    democracies, protect the integrity of the U.N. system, strengthen our
    vital security partnerships, and secure the technologies of the future.

        Question. What are your views on the recently agreed EU-China
    Comprehensive Agreement on Investment? Should the U.S. be engaging with
    the European Parliament to stop its ratification?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to early consultations with
    our EU and European partners on shared concerns about China, including
    those related to trade and investment. Ultimately, the onus will be on
    China to show that its pledges on forced labor, state-owned
    enterprises, and subsidies in its new agreement with the EU are not
    just cheap talk, and the Chinese Government will need to follow
    through. If confirmed, I will seek to engage with European
    counterparts, including members of the European Parliament, on how to
    advance our shared economic interests and counter China's aggressive
    and coercive actions, as well as on China's failures to uphold its past
    international commitments.

        Question. Many European countries have pledged to keep unsafe
    telecoms companies out of their networks. What do you view as the next
    priority areas for cooperation between the U.S. and EU?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support continued collaboration with
    European Allies and partners to build a vibrant and diverse supply
    chain of trustworthy telecommunications equipment and services. This
    includes support for open, interoperable approaches like Open RAN
    (radio access network) technologies that promise to increase vendor
    diversity and market competition and have the potential to lower costs
    and improve security. The United States encourages others to join us in
    our support of trustworthy vendor diversity, open networks, and
    transparent standards. National measures must be crafted to fully
    exclude untrustworthy and high-risk suppliers, regardless of national
    origin, from providing equipment and software in 5G networks.

        Question. To what extent do you believe that there is an emerging
    Russia-China axis? Some suggest that the U.S. should try to drive
    wedges between the two nations to destroy any emerging axis. Do you
    agree with that analysis?

        Answer. I believe the alignment between Russia and China on many
    issues amplifies the challenges that both countries pose to the United
    States. China and Russia cooperate in certain areas, touting their
    relationship as a ``comprehensive strategic partnership,'' but remain
    competitors in others. Beijing and Moscow share the same goal of
    undermining U.S. leadership and reshaping the international rules-based
    order, particularly in the defense, democracy, and human rights realms.
    They complement these efforts with their military capabilities,
    technological innovation, and disinformation campaigns. If confirmed, I
    will ensure the United States is vigilant in imposing costs on coercive
    and reckless behavior that undermines the rules-based order.

        Question. In an article last year in Foreign Affairs, you said the
    U.S. should ``resist Putin's attempts to cut off his population from
    the outside world and speak directly to the Russian people.'' As
    Putin's tightens the screws on his people, not least through the
    ``foreign agents'' law, independent media is being suppressed, and RFE/
    RL is on the brink of withdrawing from the country altogether. How do
    you propose we resist Putin's attempts to cut off his population from
    the outside world? What actions do you believe the U.S. should take?

        Answer. The United States is committed to maintaining ties with the
    Russian people despite the Russian Government's efforts to increase
    government control over its population using new and existing
    legislation and regulations adopted under the guise of regulating
    ``foreign influence.'' If confirmed, I will ensure the United States
    continues to promote the courageous work of Russia's independent media,
    civil society organizations, and democratic elements of the society and
    call out the Russian Government for abusing the fundamental freedoms of
    the Russian people and will join with partners and allies to amplify
    that message. If confirmed, I will work to enhance people-to-people
    ties, seek ways to ensure continued communication with the Russian
    people, and draw attention to Russia's increasing repression.

        Question. In the same article, you wrote ``U.S. and allied
    sanctions, although initially painful, have grown leaky or impotent
    with overuse and no longer impress the Kremlin'' and the ``U.S. and
    European leaders should be clearer about their conditions for rolling
    back or removing sanctions.'' What do you believe the role of sanctions
    should be in the creation and execution of U.S. foreign policy?

        Answer. Sanctions remain an important tool in our broader arsenal
    of instruments for countering Russian malign behavior and signaling to
    Russian leaders that their actions will have costs, as most recently
    demonstrated by the President's April 15 executive order. If confirmed,
    I will work with allies and partners to enhance coordination and
    amplify the effect of U.S. sanctions actions, as well as the imposition
    of new sanctions if warranted.

        Question. With respect to Russia, how do you believe the sanctions
    imposed on that country since 2014 have affected the Russia's economy
    and foreign policy decision making?

        Answer. U.S. and allied sanctions impose costs on Russia for its
    destabilizing activities. Russia might well have sought to take even
    more territory in Ukraine and elsewhere had tough sectoral sanctions
    not been imposed. Economically, sanctions have sharply curtailed new
    foreign investment in Russia. Moscow now has few opportunities to
    achieve sustained growth absent significant structural reforms to
    improve competitiveness and the business environment, which the Kremlin
    shows little willingness to undertake. The economic role of the state
    has steadily expanded, growing from roughly 35 percent of GDP in 2000
    to 60-70 percent today. This is detrimental to Russia's long-term
    interests and growth.

        Question. Given the wide range of Russian malign behavior, how can
    the U.S. (including Congress) and Europe do a better job of being
    clearer about the policy aims of sanctions and any conditions needed
    for rolling back or removing sanctions with respect to Russia?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to consulting with Allies and
    Partners, as well as with Congress, to examine all options for how to
    calibrate sanctions actions to best meet U.S. and allied policy aims.

        Question. Do you believe that the imposition of more sanctions on
    Russia would accomplish U.S. policy goals? What are other measures
    besides economic sanctions that could be effective tools with respect
    to U.S. foreign policy vis-a-vis Russia?

        Answer. I do, if they are properly targeted and maintained. I see
    value to using other tools as well including multilateral visa bans and
    international pressure campaigns. If confirmed, I will support the
    Biden-Harris administration's commitment to using all available tools,
    including but not limited to sanctions, to stop Russian malign
    influence, and will also continue to seek ways to engage the Russian
    people.

        Question. What outreach to every day Russians do you intend to do
    as Under Secretary for Political Affairs?

        Answer. As the Russian Government increases its suppression of
    freedom of expression and peaceful assembly in Russia, it is even more
    critical for us to engage with everyday Russians through public
    statements, broadcast and digital media, and the remaining educational
    and people-to-people programs that the Kremlin still allows. And even
    as we focus on responding to the Russian Government's aggression, as
    the President has stated, ``the Russian people, like the American
    people, are invested in a peaceful and secure future for our world.''
    We need to nurture these inclinations, and Mission Russia has been able
    to adopt a wide range of new virtual tools and hybrid engagements for
    this purpose. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing and finding
    new ways to expand our outreach to the Russian people.

        Question. As Assistant Secretary of State for Europe and Eurasian
    Affairs between 2013 and 2017, you were responsible for U.S. policy on
    Turkey during the 2016 coup attempt and as Turkey descended into the
    authoritarianism under President Erdogan we see today. What did you and
    the State Department do in those years to try to prevent Turkey from
    purchasing the S-400 missile defense system from Russia?

        Answer. As Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian
    Affairs, I oversaw the successful effort in coordination with our NATO
    Allies to convince the Government of Turkey to overturn its 2013
    decision to move forward with a Chinese air defense system. I
    consistently and repeatedly pushed for Turkey to choose a NATO-
    interoperable air defense system, emphasizing that PATRIOT would be the
    best choice for Turkey. I also worked within the U.S. interagency to
    address Turkey's concerns about the PATRIOT. More broadly, I
    successfully pushed other NATO Allies to reduce their dependence on
    legacy Russian military equipment and procure NATO interoperable
    military equipment.

        Question. Is there anything you think the U.S. should have done
    differently in the aftermath of the 2016 coup attempt?

        Answer. Following the devastating July 2016 coup attempt in Turkey
    in which more than 250 people lost their lives, the United States
    promptly condemned the coup and extended its heartfelt sympathy to the
    Turkish people. Since then, we have supported Turkey's efforts to bring
    perpetrators of the attempted coup to justice in evidence-based
    prosecutions. However, I am concerned by the significant expansion of
    scope of the prosecution for attempted coup-related activities to
    include opposition politicians, the media, and others whose views
    differ from the Government's.

        Question. How should the U.S., the European Union, and NATO deal
    with an increasingly authoritarian Turkey whose decisions are
    problematic for its people, its allies, and its larger neighborhood?

        Answer. I share the concerns about the Turkish Government's curbs
    on freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly that erode
    the foundations of a democratic society. It is in our shared interest
    to keep Turkey anchored to the Transatlantic community. If confirmed, I
    commit to press Turkey to do more to bolster the rule of law, protect
    human rights, support fundamental freedoms, uphold the rules-based
    international order, and stand united with the Transatlantic community
    in addressing global challenges from Iran, Russia, and China.

        Question. Do you believe that the U.S. should try to drive a wedge
    between Russia and Turkey?

        Answer. Russia attempts to interfere in domestic processes and
    drive wedges between the United States and its Allies, including
    Turkey, using manipulative energy tactics, weapons sales, corrupt
    business deals, and disinformation. Turkish-Russian relations are
    transactional and frequently divided by strategic rivalries. For
    example, Russia and Turkey are often on the opposite side of regional
    conflicts (e.g., Syria and Libya). At the same time, Turkey is heavily
    dependent upon Russian energy supplies and Russian tourists,
    construction sector projects, and Russian agricultural purchases are
    important for the Turkish economy. If confirmed, I will work to prevent
    Russian influence from weakening a key NATO Ally.

        Question. Recently, Senator Menendez and I re-introduced the
    Ukraine Security Partnership Act, which aims to support Ukraine in its
    fight against Russian-backed separatists in the east and push the
    country to continue necessary reforms of its military and defense
    sectors. In the bill, we propose placing of conditions on Foreign
    Military Financing and International Military Education and Training
    (IMET). With your experience working on Ukraine policy, what is your
    view on Ukraine's historical response to conditionality? Do you believe
    that increasing conditionality on a portion of military support for the
    country would provide incentive for further reforms?

        Answer. Reform conditionality on security assistance to Ukraine has
    been an important driver of positive change in the armed forces,
    including in ensuring U.S. support is properly used. If confirmed, I
    will work with Congress to provide robust security assistance to
    Ukraine, including lethal defensive weapons, and to support continued
    reforms in Ukraine. The Department will oversee the execution of $115
    million in FMF, $3 million in IMET, and $6 million in Nonproliferation,
    Anti-terrorism, Demining, and Related Programs (NADR) funds that
    Congress appropriated for FY 2021. If confirmed, I will also coordinate
    with the Department of Defense in the execution of $275 million that
    Congress appropriated for the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative
    (USAI) in FY 2021, including certifying that Ukraine has taken
    substantial actions to make defense reforms before the final tranche of
    $150 million in USAI funding is released. I will continue to urge the
    implementation of defense reforms, for which Ukraine has made moderate
    strides. If confirmed, I also look forward to consulting with Congress
    as we engage the Ukrainian Government on these issues to ensure we have
    the right mix of incentives for Ukraine to continue its reforms.

        Question. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy was
    overwhelmingly elected in 2019 on an anti-corruption platform. After a
    few promising reforms, Zelenskyy and his government have stalled and
    even backslidden on democratic and market-based economic reforms. The
    U.S. gives a huge amount of money to support Ukraine's transition, yet
    much of the country remains under the influence of oligarchs. What do
    you see as the current priorities for reform in Ukraine, and what
    pressure or leverage can the U.S. use to ensure Ukraine continues down
    its previously positive path?

        Answer. Ukraine needs to make more progress in combatting
    corruption, institutionalizing rule of law, deepening economic reforms,
    and strengthening democratic institutions. If confirmed, I will work
    with Ukraine to hold accountable corrupt actors who stand in the way of
    reforms or try to undermine the country's sovereignty and territorial
    integrity.

        Question. As Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian
    Affairs, you had responsibility for Europe during years of upheaval in
    the region: the 2014 Ukraine Revolution of Dignity, the 2014 the 2015
    European migration crisis, the Russian meddling in the 2016
    presidential election, and the 2016 coup attempt in Turkey, to name a
    few. Looking back from today, what would you do differently? What
    should the U.S. have done differently?

        Answer. I am proud that the U.S. provided crucial political,
    economic, and security support to Ukraine during my tenure as Assistant
    Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs, in close
    collaboration with the EU, NATO, and our democratic allies around the
    world. I regret that the U.S. was not a direct participant in the
    Normandy negotiations to implement the Minsk agreements because we
    might have been able to push the process faster and more effectively.
    As I testified before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence in
    2017 and 2018, I also believe we should have done more in 2016 to
    expose and deter Russian election interference in the U.S.

        Question. What do you believe you and the U.S. got it right?

        Answer. The U.S. provided crucial political, security, and economic
    support to Ukraine, coordinated closely with Allies and conditioned our
    assistance on meaningful reform. We assembled a global coalition to
    censure and sanction Russia for its invasion of Ukraine. We also
    strengthened deterrence along NATO's Eastern border with Russia,
    reversed the flow of gas in Europe to help Ukraine when Russia tried to
    cut it off, collaborated with the EU to bring new non-Russian energy
    sources to Europe, and provided intensive support to the U.N.-
    facilitated Cyprus peace talks. We also worked intensively in the
    Balkans to support good governance and reform, and called out those
    NATO Allies that were backsliding on their democratic commitments.

        Question. There were reports that you supported arming Ukraine with
    lethal weaponry during your time as Assistant Secretary, a position at
    odds with key officials in the Obama administration. Do you remain
    willing to disagree, when appropriate, with the administration to
    ensure the best policies are put into place?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will remain committed, as I always have
    been, to providing my best counsel in the formulation of administration
    policy, even if that input is at odds with others. Once the President
    and Secretary have decided on a policy, I will faithfully implement it
    to the best of my ability. If confirmed, I would look forward to
    working with Congress to continue providing the assistance that Ukraine
    requires to defend itself against Russia's aggression, including lethal
    weapons, based on a U.S. and Ukrainian assessment of Ukraine's defense
    requirements. This includes the provision of defensive lethal
    assistance that has already expanded beyond Javelin missiles, such as
    armed Mark VI patrol boats this year, for instance.

        Question. In the number three spot in the State Department, how do
    you propose the U.S. reinvigorates the Minsk process and the Normandy
    Format to pressure Putin to withdraw from Eastern Ukraine? Though not a
    member of the Normandy Format, what can the U.S. do to support Ukraine
    and end the war that is in its 7th year?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to vigorously oppose Russia's
    occupation and attempted annexation of Crimea and support diplomatic
    efforts to end the conflict in eastern Ukraine. Sanctions on Russia
    will remain in place until Russia ends its occupation of Crimea and
    aggression in eastern Ukraine. I will continue to support the Minsk
    agreements as the framework for a diplomatic resolution to the Russia-
    instigated conflict in eastern Ukraine and, in coordination with our
    allies and partners, will seek opportunities to leverage U.S.
    engagement on Ukraine-Russia conflict diplomacy.

        Question. Do you view the sanctions in the Protecting Europe's
    Energy Security Act (PEESA), as amended, as a mandatory or
    discretionary authority?

        Answer. PEESA is U.S. law, and if confirmed, I will uphold the law.
    PEESA, as amended, is an important tool to stop the Nord Stream 2
    pipeline and ensure that Europe has a reliable, diversified energy
    supply that enhances rather than undermines its collective security. I
    understand that the Department continues to assess all potential
    targets involved in the construction of Nord Stream 2, to identify
    persons that engaged in conduct that meets the specific terms of the
    statute and is considering designations.

        Question. Do you believe that it is possible to prevent the
    completion of Nord Stream 2, or is it inevitable?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with allies and
    partners to prevent the completion of the pipeline and to ensure that
    Europe has a reliable, diversified energy supply that enhances, rather
    than undermines, its collective security. The administration has made
    clear that Nord Stream 2 is a geopolitical, Russian malign influence
    project that is a threat to Europe's energy security. If confirmed, I
    will ensure the Department continues work to bring an end to the
    project.

        Question. Do you believe it would be appropriate for the
    administration to negotiate a deal with Germany (or any foreign power)
    involving the waiving of mandatory sanctions absent prior consultations
    with Congress?

        Answer. In the spirit of our Transatlantic partnership, the
    administration is prepared to listen to the concerns of our Allies.
    That said, to the best of my knowledge, there is no such deal. If
    confirmed, I will consult early and often with Congress on all
    sanctions matters. The Department looks forward to continuing to
    consult with Congress on this matter and others, and if confirmed I
    would look forward to doing the same.

        Question. Do you believe that the State Department should implement
    the Protecting Europe's Energy Security Act (PEESA), as amended,
    consistent with congressional intent to stop the completion of the
    pipeline? Do you commit to ensuring that the State Department adopts an
    interpretation of PEESA, as amended, consistent with Congress' intent
    that the sanctions target a broad range of pipe-laying activities,
    support services, insurance and certification activities, and other
    conduct that supports or facilitates the construction of the pipeline?

        Answer. PEESA is U.S. law, and if confirmed, I will uphold the law.
    The administration is thankful for the tools that Congress has provided
    to ensure that Europe has a reliable, diversified energy supply that
    enhances rather than undermines its collective security. Furthermore,
    the Department continues to work to bring an end to the pipeline, which
    it views as a threat to European energy security and as a tool of
    Russian coercion. If confirmed, I will work with the Department to
    continue to assess and evaluate evidence available to determine the
    applicability of PEESA, as amended.

        Question. The five post-Soviet Central Asian republics, Kazakhstan,
    Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, or C5, have been
    an afterthought in much of U.S. foreign policy. However, the region
    sits between Russia and China and has often proven eager for U.S.
    involvement and investment. Former Secretary Pompeo visited Kazakhstan
    and Uzbekistan in 2020, and USAID has recently expanded its presence in
    the region. Over the past few years, the coordination between the
    United States and EU on development programs in Central Asia has
    markedly strengthened and both partners have published Central Asia
    engagement strategies. Will you commit to ensuring that Central Asia is
    a priority region for engagement by the State Department and to
    continuing to coordinate the U.S.'s Central Asia engagement with the
    EU?

        Answer. Changes in Central Asia in the last several years have
    created both new opportunities and new challenges. If confirmed, I will
    work with the SCA bureau to continue to advance the U.S. Central Asia
    Strategy by providing strong support for the independence and
    territorial integrity of the Central Asia countries, encouraging
    regional cooperation and connectivity, working to reduce terrorist
    threats, and promoting the rule of law and respect for human rights. If
    confirmed, I would look forward to working with Congress to sustain
    U.S. diplomatic support and engagement in the region, including the
    continued routine contact between EU and U.S. officials overseeing
    engagement with Central Asia.

        Question. In your opinion, what are the immediate priority areas in
    which the U.S. should engage these nations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the U.S. Central Asia
    Strategy, which lays out six priority policy objectives, including
    support for the independence and territorial integrity of the Central
    Asia countries, reduction of terrorism, support for stability in
    Afghanistan, encouraging regional cooperation and connectivity,
    promoting rule of law reform and respect for human rights, and
    furthering regional development. If confirmed, I would look forward to
    working with Congress to sustain U.S. diplomatic support for these
    priorities and engagement in the region

        Question. 1Do you believe that the U.S. should continue to look at
    the Central Asian nations through an Afghanistan-centric, ``War on
    Terror'' lens?

        Answer. While promoting regional security will remain critical, the
    U.S. Central Asia Strategy lays out several priorities beyond
    preventing terrorism. If confirmed, I will support these priorities,
    including support for the independence and territorial integrity of the
    Central Asia countries, regional cooperation and connectivity,
    promoting rule of law reform and respect for human rights, and
    fostering economic opportunities for U.S. businesses in the region. If
    confirmed, I would look forward to working with Congress to sustain
    U.S. diplomatic support for these priorities and engagement in the
    region.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Victoria Nuland by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

        Question. The Saudi regime's human rights abuses are well-
    documented, and while Crown Prince Mohamed bin Salman has tried to
    present himself as a ``modernizer,'' his social reforms have been
    accompanied by vast crackdowns on independent voices. He has imprisoned
    women's rights activists, journalists, and academics, and of course
    most infamously, our own intelligence services have assessed him to be
    behind the brutal murder of Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi
    in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. The administration is to be
    applauded for taking the important steps of releasing the Office of the
    Director of National Intelligence (DNI) report confirming MBS's
    complicity in the Khashoggi murder, adopting the ``Khashoggi Ban,'' and
    applying sanctions to 76 Saudis behind Khashoggi's murder. But MBS was
    not among those, and continues to face no direct consequences for his
    role. If confirmed, what steps would you take to hold Crown Prince
    Mohammed bin Salman accountable?

        Answer. I agree that the Saudi Government must be held accountable
    for the brutal murder of Jamal Khashoggi, and I support the steps the
    Biden-Harris administration has taken to elevate the role of human
    rights within the relationship, address past behavior, and deter future
    abuses. As you note, the administration followed the law and submitted
    an unclassified report to Congress on the murder of Jamal Khashoggi;
    imposed Global Magnitsky sanctions on a former senior Saudi official
    and the group whose members were involved in the killing, which
    includes members of the Presidential Guard close to the Crown Prince;
    and took action pursuant to a new visa restriction policy against 76
    Saudi individuals believed to have been engaged in threatening
    dissidents overseas, including but not limited to the Khashoggi
    killing. The Department has committed to report on any such
    extraterritorial activities by any government in its annual Country
    Reports on Human Rights Practices. If confirmed, I will push to ensure
    that human rights concerns remain a central element of our bilateral
    conversations, and that we obey all aspects of U.S. law in this regard.

        Question. Since the fraudulent election last August, freedom of
    expression has been under attack in Belarus. The U.S. has sanctioned
    some entities and individuals over their roles in the election and the
    subsequent crackdowns on protesters; yet, the question remains what
    more the U.S. Government should do to signal its support for the
    Belarusian people. If confirmed, what measures would you support to
    hold the Lukashenko regime accountable and support the people of
    Belarus in their fight for a democratic future?

        Answer. I condemn the Lukashenko regime for its violent and
    repressive tactics against the Belarusian people peacefully protesting
    for the right to choose their own leaders. If confirmed, I will call
    for the release of all political prisoners, new elections, and a
    national dialogue inclusive of the opposition and civil society. I will
    support coordinated actions with our allies on sanctions and visa bans
    against individuals and entities involved in human rights abuses and
    other efforts to undermine democracy. I am committed to finding ways to
    bolster assistance to support brave Belarusians advocating for
    democratic change and standing up for human rights and fundamental
    freedoms.

        Question. I applaud the Biden administration's new sanctions
    designations against the Russian Federation for its malign activities
    on American soil that undermine U.S. national security. I urge the
    administration to now follow through with congressionally mandated
    sanctions against Putin's Nord Stream 2 pipeline. This pipeline, if
    completed, would further undermine U.S. national security by increasing
    the Kremlin's influence in Europe, exacerbating divisions within
    Europe, and stripping Ukraine of its only source of leverage over
    greater Russian military activity at a time when Putin is substantially
    increasing his military capabilities along Ukraine's Eastern border.
    The Protecting Europe's Energy Security Act (PEESA) and the Protecting
    Europe's Energy Security Clarification Act (PEESCA) impose mandatory
    sanctions on all entities involved in pipe-laying activities for Nord
    Stream 2. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring the imposition of
    sanctions as required under PEESA and PEESCA?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will advocate using to all available tools
    to stop the completion of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. I understand that
    the Department is actively examining entities involved in potentially
    sanctionable activity and will designate additional persons as
    appropriate. If confirmed, I will use all tools, to include these
    authorities as appropriate, to counter Russian malign influence and to
    work with allies and partners to support Transatlantic energy security
    goals.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Victoria Nuland by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. How would you characterize the nature of the Chinese
    Communist Party? Do you believe their worldview and value system are
    compatible with our own?

        Answer. The Chinese Communist Party is illiberal, authoritarian,
    and increasingly aggressive. I believe the Chinese leadership seeks not
    just to compete with the U.S. but to change the global rules of road to
    favor autocracy. As such, we are in a fundamental struggle with China,
    and it will be the challenge of our generation to defend and advance
    democracy, liberalism, universal human rights, and freedom in the face
    of Chinese ambitions.

        Question. Is there any doubt in your mind that the goal of the
    Chinese Communist Party is to become the world's predominant political,
    military, and economic power, and for the United States to decline in
    relation to it?

        Answer. I have no doubt that is China and the CCP's goal.

        Question. Do you believe that the U.S. Government's past approach
    towards the PRC was effective at meeting this challenge?

        Answer. The strategic environment has changed significantly in
    recent years, as has China itself. While there was once a broad
    consensus that economic liberalization in China would lead to political
    liberalization, the opposite has happened. China has grown more
    authoritarian at home and more aggressive abroad. The Chinese Communist
    Party is illiberal, authoritarian, and intends for China to become a
    dominant world power. Beijing is working across the spectrum to compete
    with and challenge the United States. This necessitates a new, tougher
    U.S. approach, working with allies and partners.

        Question. Do you believe that the CCP can be trusted to uphold its
    commitments? How do you think the United States' approach to diplomacy
    with China should change because of its long record of broken promises
    to the international community?

        Answer. Beijing has a long track record of failing to honor its
    international obligations, including in Hong Kong and around the world.
    As such, the United States must judge Beijing by its actions, not its
    words, and work with allies and partners to impose costs on China when
    it violates international norms and agreements.

        Question. In 2018, during a Senate Intelligence Committee hearing,
    you said that Beijing is adapting and improving on Russia's methodology
    and is now running disinformation campaigns and influence operations in
    Taiwan, Australia and other neighboring countries. Do you believe China
    is doing the same in the U.S.?

        Answer. Yes.

        Question. Given this broad consensus around Confucius Institutes
    and their role in supporting CCP propaganda, how do you believe the
    United States should counter Chinese influence operations through
    programs such as their Confucius Institutes?

        Answer. A clear understanding of the organizations and entities
    that China uses to attempt to influence U.S. policy is important. If
    confirmed, I commit to review these policies to ensure organizations
    are properly designated and inform relevant stakeholders within the
    United States, including state and local governments, universities, and
    business associations, as appropriate.

        Question. If confirmed, how will the State Department under your
    leadership push for transparency and accountability to ensure we learn
    what caused the COVID-19 pandemic and how to prevent the next pandemic?
    Do you commit to follow up on the Department's January 2021 disclosure
    of new information on activities at the Wuhan Institute of Virology,
    and share with Congress-and with the public as appropriate-further
    details on those disclosures, including the names of the researchers
    who fell sick in the fall of 2019 and the nature of the research they
    were conducting at the time?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to pursuing transparency and
    accountability as we seek to determine the origins of the COVID-19
    pandemic, assess the shortcomings of the global response, and support
    necessary reforms to prevent future pandemics. I will continue to urge
    the WHO to ensure the second phase of the study in China is timely,
    transparent, expert-led, and free from interference. We do not know and
    cannot know the full origins of the virus and its spread until we have
    full transparency from the PRC.

        Question. Do you concur with Secretary Pompeo's and Secretary
    Blinken's determination that genocide and crimes against humanity are
    currently being committed by the CCP against Uyghurs and other Turkic
    and Muslim communities in Xinjiang? If so, what are the appropriate
    tools for holding the CCP and its officials accountable for its
    atrocities?

        Answer. I agree with the Secretary of State's determination that
    the Government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) is committing
    genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs, who are
    predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious
    minority groups in Xinjiang. These atrocities shock the conscience and
    must be met with serious consequences. If confirmed, I will support
    using all appropriate tools, including those provided for in the Uyghur
    Human Rights Policy Act, to pressure the PRC to end these atrocities
    and to promote justice and accountability for the victims.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that human rights
    concerns are integrated into every senior bilateral engagement with the
    PRC, and that specific prisoner cases are raised at the highest levels,
    both publicly and privately?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that human rights concerns are
    at the forefront of our China policy, and I will commit to integrate
    our human rights concerns into senior bilateral engagements with PRC
    counterparts. I recognize that advocacy on behalf of individuals who
    have been abused by PRC authorities should be a critical component of
    the U.S. Government's approach, and I will engage both publicly and
    privately to urge the PRC authorities to release unjustly detained
    individuals unconditionally, consistent with their international human
    rights commitments.

        Question. Do you see the link between China's pervasive, egregious
    human rights abuses and its failure on so many other fronts to be a
    responsible global actor?

        Answer. Yes. I am clear-eyed about China's failure to uphold key
    past commitments, including on human rights, and ongoing abuses. I will
    keep these failures in mind as I deal with my PRC counterparts. If
    confirmed, I will work closely with our allies and partners to address
    these challenges from a position of strength, re-engage in
    international institutions, and push back against attempts to rewrite
    the rules and procedures of the international system.

        Question. If confirmed, will you ensure that the State Department
    maintains a high degree of pressure on Beijing for its violations of
    Hong Kong's long-cherished autonomy, and prioritizes this key issue
    above all other competing interests in Hong Kong?

        Answer. Yes. The United States must clearly address Beijing's
    assault on freedom, democracy, and autonomy in Hong Kong, in violation
    of its international obligations and commitments. If confirmed, I will
    work with partners and allies to strengthen a coordinated approach to
    the crackdown.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to strengthening the U.S.-
    Taiwan relationship, including support for the Taiwan Travel Act and
    supporting and encouraging senior U.S officials to travel to Taiwan,
    and senior Taiwanese officials to travel to D.C. to meet their
    respective counterparts?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to maintaining and strengthening our
    rock-solid commitment to Taiwan. We must deepen our ties with Taiwan--a
    leading democracy and a critical economic and security partner, as
    guided by the Taiwan Relations Act, the three Joint Communiques, and
    the Six Assurances provided to Taipei. Consistent with the ``one
    China'' policy, I understand that the Biden-Harris administration is
    looking for opportunities for visits between Washington and Taipei that
    advance our unofficial relationship and enable substantive exchanges on
    issues of mutual concern.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to a regular and robust
    arms sales process with Taiwan that does not fluctuate in accordance
    with U.S.-China relations?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will ensure that the United States
    continues to maintain its commitment under the 1979 Taiwan Relations
    Act to maintain Taiwan's defensive capabilities.

        Question. Japan's Deputy Foreign Minister recently called Taiwan
    the ``red line'' of the Indo-Pacific region and expressed Japan's hope
    that President Biden would come to Taiwan's defense if the PRC attacks
    it. How would you work together with your counterpart in Tokyo to
    enhance Taiwan's defense and prevent PRC aggression against it?

        Answer. The United States and Japan share concerns over Chinese
    activities that are inconsistent with the international rules-based
    order, including the use of economic and other forms of coercion, and
    we oppose any unilateral attempts to change the status quo in the East
    China Sea. Given Taiwan's strategic location in the East China Sea, its
    security is closely linked to Japan's. If confirmed, I will work with
    Japan to promote peace and stability in the region, including in the
    Taiwan Strait, and help create an environment in which Taiwan and the
    PRC can reach a peaceful resolution of their differences, consistent
    with the wishes of the people of Taiwan.

        Question. Do you believe we should have a bilateral Free Trade
    Agreement (FTA) with Taiwan? If confirmed, will you work with Secretary
    Blinken to urge USTR to prioritize the launch of trade talks with
    Taiwan?

        Answer. I support strengthening the U.S.-Taiwan economic and trade
    relationship as part of a broader effort to strengthen the U.S.
    geostrategic position, diversify global supply chains, and benefit U.S.
    industry.

        Question. Mongolia sits between two authoritarian states, the PRC
    and Russia, both of which have taken aggressive action against
    neighboring countries. Mongolia also plays an important role in Tibetan
    Buddhism. If confirmed, will you commit to strengthen U.S. relations
    with Mongolia and shore up its sovereignty if it comes under pressure
    from its revisionist neighbors? If President Biden follows through with
    his campaign promise to assembly a summit of democracies, will you
    ensure that Mongolia is invited to participate?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with my counterparts in
    Ulaanbaatar and will also push back against the attacks of the Chinese
    Government on Mongolian language and culture, as well as Tibetan
    Buddhism. I understand planning for the Summit for Democracy remains in
    the early stages, and the invitation list is yet to be determined. I
    understand participating countries will be expected to deliver on both
    domestic and international commitments that advance democracy, fight
    corruption, and protect human rights.

        Question. If confirmed, what actions will you take to ensure the
    U.S. promotes free speech in Russia, including by protecting the
    remaining outlets that count as free and independent press in Russia?

        Answer. I am deeply concerned by Russia's intensifying crackdown on
    freedom of expression, including for members of the media. A prime
    example of the Russian Government's campaign against independent media
    is the use of its ``foreign agent'' law to harass and inhibit the work
    of USAGM-funded entities in Russia. Another example is the Russian
    Government's targeting for repression of those who are seeking
    transparency and accountability from their government. Russia's recent
    legislative changes further restrict the freedom of expression for
    members of the media, the political opposition, and civil society. If
    confirmed, I will press the Russian Government to end its repression of
    independent media, raise the plight of embattled journalists and
    outlets in multilateral fora, call out the climate of impunity for
    violent attacks against journalists, and defend freedom of expression
    in Russia.

        Question. The Biden administration's new Russia sanctions,
    announced on April 15, did not include any sanctions against the
    Kremlin's most malign geopolitical project, Nord Stream 2. These
    sanctions are statutorily required under the Protecting Europe's Energy
    Security Act (PEESA) and the Protecting Europe's Energy Security
    Clarification Act (PEESCA). Will you commit, if confirmed, to using
    your position to ensure full implementation of the law including
    sanctions to prevent the completion of Nord Stream 2? Do you believe
    this is in the interest of the security of the United States and our
    allies and partners?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will use all available tools to stop the
    Nord Stream 2 pipeline from being completed. I understand that the
    Department continues to examine entities involved in potentially
    sanctionable activity, is considering designations, and has made it
    clear that companies risk sanctions if they are involved in the
    project.

        Question. Do you agree that Iran is the world's leading exporter
    and supporter of terrorism?

        Answer. Iran remains the foremost state sponsor of terrorism. Its
    support for terrorism threatens international security, our forces,
    diplomatic personnel, and partners in the region and elsewhere. If
    confirmed, I will support the Biden-Harris administration's continuing
    commitment to counter any Iranian threat to U.S. personnel and
    interests, and will respond to any such threat using all appropriate
    means.

        Question. The Biden administration is making clear its intention to
    return to the fundamentally flawed JCPOA. Do you support the lifting of
    sanctions, including terrorism-related sanctions, against Iran in an
    effort to return to the JCPOA?

        Answer. The framework of U.S. sanctions remains robust, and there
    are many aspects of our sanctions architecture that would remain in
    place even in the event of a U.S. return to the JCPOA. I understand
    that the Biden-Harris administration intends to continue to use its
    considerable leverage--including sanctions that would remain in place,
    the threat of sanctions re-imposition, and other joint action with our
    allies and partners--to protect U.S. interests. In the meantime, I
    understand the administration's intention is to maintain and
    potentially impose new sanctions on Iranian entities providing
    financial and material support to designated terrorist groups in the
    region. If confirmed, I am committed to consulting closely with
    Congress on the path forward.

        Question. Secretary Blinken in his confirmation hearing was asked
    if it was in America's national security interests to lift terrorism
    sanctions against Iran, including sanctions on the IRGC, Central Bank
    of Iran and the National Iranian Oil Company. He answered that it was
    not in America's interest to lift these sanctions and that he backed
    ``the toughest possible sanctions to deal with Iranian support for
    terrorism.'' Do you agree with Secretary Blinken?

        Answer. Yes, I agree with Secretary Blinken. The U.S. Government
    maintains a range of tools to combat Iran's support for terrorism, and
    if confirmed, I support continuing to use these tools to counter Iran's
    destabilizing activities.

        Question. Do you acknowledge that there are gaps in the JCPOA that
    must be addressed to truly stop Iran from ever acquiring a nuclear
    weapon?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will support the Biden-Harris
    administration's unshakable commitment to preventing Iran from
    acquiring a nuclear weapon. The administration's intention is to build
    on the JCPOA with respect to its constraints on and transparency into
    Iran's nuclear program and to address other issues of concern.

        Question. Do you believe that for any Iran policy to be
    sustainable, it needs to have bipartisan support?

        Answer. Yes. A bipartisan approach to Iran is the strongest way to
    safeguard U.S. interests for the long term.

        Question. Do you believe that Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard
    Corps (IRGC) is a terrorist organization?

        Answer. Yes. Iran is the foremost state sponsor of terrorism and
    facilitates a wide range of terrorist activity. Iran's support for
    terrorism threatens U.S. forces, diplomatic personnel, and our partners
    in the region and elsewhere. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps
    (IRGC) is designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization in accordance
    with section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) and as a
    Specially Designated Global Terrorist under Executive Order 13224.

        Question. Do you believe that a credible option to use military
    force is an important component of U.S. policy to prevent Iran from
    obtaining nuclear weapons and to deter Iran's regional ambitions?

        Answer. Yes.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Victoria Nuland by Senator Rob Portman

        Question. As you know, I am the Co-Chair of the Ukraine Caucus
    along with Senator Dick Durbin. I am very concerned with the recent
    buildup of Russian forces on the eastern border of Ukraine and on the
    Crimean Peninsula as well as the recent rise in attacks on the Line of
    Contact that has resulted in the death of over 20 brave Ukrainian
    soldiers. Russia's diplomatic, information, military, and economic
    aggression throughout Eastern Europe is a stark reminder of the danger
    revisionist powers pose to the free world. Recent escalations and
    displays of military strength in the Arctic, the basing of Russian
    troops in Belarus, and the constant drumbeat of misinformation threaten
    America's national security. Russia's actions constitute a very
    different vision, where international relations are singularly focused
    on Russian interests, where its neighbors play a subservient role to
    Putin's wishes and desires. These actions by Russia are regressive and
    incompatible with the aspirations of freedom loving people everywhere.
    Senator Durbin and I recently led a letter with our fellow members of
    the Caucus to President Biden expressing our appreciation for his
    support to Ukraine and encouraging him to provide critical material
    support in the near and long term to help Ukraine protect from this
    unwarranted, unprovoked aggression. Over the past 7 years, we have made
    great strides in our support of Ukraine. I personally feel this is
    important because not only does this serve as a direct check against
    the Russians, but also sends a strong signal to our European allies
    that we will stand and support those nations that seek freedom and
    democracy. We have done a great deal in Congress, to include:

       Over $1.6 billion in military aid through the Ukraine Security
            Assistance Initiative Fund and over $3 billion in aid overall.

       Provided Island Class patrol boats and anti-ship missiles to defend
            their coast

       Lethal and non-lethal assistance to include medical support for
            wounded Ukrainian soldiers.

       In this recent NDAA, one of my initiatives was included to have a
            Department of State and Defense report to identify capability
            gaps in the Ukrainian military and develop a strategy to
            address the shortfalls.

        Can I get your commitment to work with me and my Senate Colleagues
    to find ways to continue our support for Ukraine and other eastern
    European countries as they work to become democratic countries aligned
    with our Western ideals?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will support Ukraine's chosen Euro-
    Atlantic path, including by pushing for progress on rule of law and
    economic reforms that strengthen Ukraine's democratic institutions and
    lead to a brighter future for all Ukrainians. I will bring the same
    commitment to reform to relations with other eastern European
    countries, such as Moldova.

        Question. Last year, Ukraine received Enhanced Opportunity Partner
    status from NATO. Ukraine has also been working hard to make much
    needed military organization and security sector reforms to meet NATO
    standards. From your perspective, do you see pathway to NATO membership
    for Ukraine, and how would that impact the security environment in
    Eastern Europe?

        Answer. NATO's Open Door Policy has long served to promote
    democratic values and common security across Europe, and that door
    should remain open to Ukraine. In the 2008 Bucharest Summit
    Declaration, Allies agreed that Georgia and Ukraine would become NATO
    members, and in 2019 Ukraine was granted Enhanced Opportunities Partner
    status. Ukraine is now working to implement its Annual National Program
    (ANP), which is NATO's primary tool for guiding aspirants' reforms
    towards Euro-Atlantic standards. If confirmed, I will support Ukraine's
    chosen Euro-Atlantic path, including by pushing for progress on rule of
    law, economic, and security sector reforms.

        Question. Since 2014 Congress has made very strong statements in
    regards to sanctioning Russia for their invasion of Crimea and backing
    separatists in the Donbas. While I am supportive of diplomatic efforts
    to solve the Donbas issue through the Minsk Process, I do not want to
    do so at the cost of Ukrainian sovereignty or acknowledging the Russian
    annexation of Crimea as legitimate-which of course, it is not. What are
    your thoughts on how to best support the peace process and what do you
    see as a viable way ahead to solve this very complex issue?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to vigorously oppose Russia's
    occupation and attempted annexation of Crimea and support diplomatic
    efforts to end the conflict in eastern Ukraine. Sanctions on Russia
    should remain in place until Russia ends its occupation of Crimea and
    aggression in eastern Ukraine. I will continue to support the Minsk
    agreements as the framework for a diplomatic resolution to the Russia-
    instigated conflict in eastern Ukraine and, in coordination with our
    Allies and partners, seek opportunities to use U.S. leverage to see
    Minsk implemented.

        Question. Regarding Crimea, do you share my views on the
    illegitimacy of the Russian claims on what is Ukrainian land? Do you
    anticipate keeping the sanctions in place?

        Answer. Let me be perfectly clear: Crimea is Ukraine. If confirmed,
    I will continue to oppose vigorously Russia's occupation and attempted
    annexation of Crimea and support diplomatic efforts to end the conflict
    in eastern Ukraine. Sanctions on Russia must remain in place until
    Russia ends its occupation of Crimea and aggression in eastern Ukraine.
    Successive administrations have been clear that the United States will
    never recognize Russia's attempted annexation. Russia must end its
    occupation of Crimea and return the Crimean peninsula to Ukraine.

        Question. Combatting corruption has been a central tenant of the
    Ukrainian Government after the Revolution of Dignity. In opinion polls
    of the Ukrainian public, respondents consistently rank corruption as
    top concern along with Russia. However, after the March 2020 government
    reshuffling, the future of anti-corruption measures have been
    uncertain. How can the United States utilize the tools of the State
    Department and interagency to assist Ukraine in tackling corruption?

        Answer. I am committed to strengthening our bilateral relationship
    with Ukraine. If confirmed, I will pursue tight interagency
    coordination to support Ukraine's chosen Euro-Atlantic path, including
    by pushing for progress on rule of law, corruption and economic reforms
    that strengthen Ukraine's institutions and lead to a brighter future
    for all Ukrainians. If confirmed, I will continue working with Ukraine
    to hold accountable those who stand in the way of reforms or try to
    undermine the country's sovereignty and territorial integrity.
    Advancing reforms, particularly anticorruption efforts, is just as
    important for Ukraine's future as opposing Russia's aggression.

        Question.  Senator Chris Murphy and I have worked very closely over
    the last 4 years to strengthen the Global Engagement Center and through
    our efforts have gotten increased funding and personnel for the Center.
    Senator Murphy and I recently sent a letter to Secretary Blinken asking
    that he increase the funding for the GEC to at least $138 million. The
    GEC budget was flatlined last year at $60 million and I am concerned
    that the Department will not request robust funding this year. I hope
    that when you are confirmed you will see the value of the GEC and fund
    it properly to accomplish its critical mission of pushing back against
    Russian and Chinese disinformation. We have done too much work on a
    bipartisan basis to allow the GEC to not reach its full potential.
    Secretary Blinken kept the former director Lea Gabrielle on for a
    month, and I really appreciated that. Now there has been a gap in
    leadership at the GEC and I hope that when confirmed you will work the
    Secretary to bring on a new director quickly. I feel that the
    disinformation efforts led by China, Russia, and Iran are a very
    dangerous threat to the freedom and democracy of our allies and we
    should do all we can to support and help them.

       Can I get your commitment to work with Senator Murphy and me to
            continue strengthening the capabilities of the GEC as well as
            increased funding?

        Answer. Yes, you have my commitment, if confirmed, to work with you
    and your colleagues, as well as the Under Secretary for Public
    Diplomacy and Public Affairs, to continue strengthening the Global
    Engagement Center (GEC) and our full range of public diplomacy
    programs. The GEC's efforts are an important part of the work we must
    undertake with allies and partners to counter disinformation, define an
    affirmative and democratic global information space, and ultimately
    sustain an information environment in which audiences around the world
    can freely access, contribute to, make informed judgments about, and
    trust transparent and truthful communication.

        Question. Recently, the ICC's Pre-Trial Chamber ruled that the
    Office of the Prosecutor could proceed with an illegitimate
    investigation into alleged crimes occurring in the West Bank, Gaza, and
    East Jerusalem. As you are aware, both the United States nor Israel are
    signatories to the Rome Statute, and the ICC is ignoring its mandate
    that stipulates it only initiate a case where there is the absence of a
    robust legal and justice system. Neither the United States nor Israel
    fit this criteria, yet the ICC has decided to proceed with this
    politically motivated investigation anyway. Senator Cardin and I wrote
    a letter to Secretary Blinken signed by over 30 Senators commending him
    on coming out against this statement by the ICC and encouraging him to
    do everything he can to push back against this effort. We have also
    authored language together that was included in the Trade Promotion
    Authority (TPA) law of 2015, which leverages ongoing trade negotiations
    to discourage prospective U.S. trade partners from engaging in economic
    discrimination against Israel. Governments that call upon their own
    companies to participate in a political boycott of Israel run afoul of
    clear guidelines in the law.

       On the ICC issue and BDS in general--will you work with me and
            Congress to push back against efforts to marginalize and
            discriminate against Israel?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work with Congress to push back
    against efforts to marginalize and discriminate against Israel,
    including the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanction (BDS) campaign, which
    unfairly singles out Israel. While the Biden-Harris administration will
    respect First Amendment rights, I understand that it will not hesitate
    to voice disapproval of the BDS campaign or to fight efforts to
    delegitimize Israel on the world stage. If confirmed, I will also
    support the administration's continued objection to the International
    Criminal Court's efforts to assert jurisdiction over Israeli personnel.

        Question.  For the last six years, I was the Chairman of the
    Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. During that time, I worked in
    a bipartisan way to uncover the ways China exerts its influence here in
    the United States. We held several hearings issued bipartisan reports
    that documented how China stifles speech and academic freedom on
    college campus through its Confucius Institutes, and how it uses talent
    recruitment programs (like the Thousand Talents Plan) to steal our
    taxpayer funded research and Intellectual Property. Based on those
    findings, we proposed legislative fixes to these issues and I look
    forward to working with you on them. Last Congress, I introduced the
    Safeguarding American Innovation Act alongside Senator Carper and group
    of 19 bipartisan senators (including Chairman Risch) to combat the
    theft of American taxpayer funded research and intellectual property.
    Recently, both FBI Director Wray and Attorney General Barr have spoken
    about this threat, with the FBI opening a new China-related
    investigation every 10 hours with around 2,500 open counterintelligence
    investigations across the country. This legislation is designed to get
    the federal government's house in order to respond to the threat of
    China's talent recruitment programs. It also ensures that individuals
    are held accountable for failing to disclose their foreign ties on
    federal grant applications. Reforms the State Department's vetting
    process for issuing visas to foreign researchers, and requires more
    safeguards on sensitive research from our research institutions. One
    particular section of the legislation would grant the State Department
    a new authority to deny visas to individuals we know are coming to the
    United States to steal our research and IP through loopholes in our
    export control laws. This an authority that career attorneys at the
    Department have requested across multiple administrations. And we
    worked closely with those same career attorneys at the State Department
    to craft the language in our legislation, including with safeguards to
    ensure that the new authority is not abused.

       Do you agree that government sponsored theft of US intellectual
            property and technology by the CCP is a serious problem that
            needs to be addressed?

        Answer. Yes. Theft of U.S. intellectual property (IP) from sources
    within China, including state sponsored entities, spans the entire
    spectrum of IP, and costs U.S. companies hundreds of millions of
    dollars a year. If confirmed, I will work with our interagency partners
    and allies to ensure we are taking the most effective steps to combat
    all forms of IP theft from the PRC.

        Question.  I understand that as of last week the administration has
    entered indirect negotiations with Iran to discuss a return to the 2015
    JCPOA. Last month I signed a letter with the other GOP ranking members
    of national security committees outlining our shared vision for a
    return to new negotiations. While I understand the need to prioritize
    the nuclear aspect of the Iranian threat to the region, Iran's support
    for terror proxies must be addressed in these negotiations. Their
    support for Hezbollah, Shia-backed militias in Iraq, and the Houthi
    rebels in Yemen are destabilizing the region with innocent civilians
    paying the highest price. As we witnessed with the previous JCPOA, the
    money earned through sanctions relief went not to the Iranian people
    but directly to support terrorism beyond Iran's borders.

       What is your assessment of the threat posed by Iranian backed proxy
            networks, and how will you balance that assessment with the
            need to contain Iran's nuclear program and their conventional
            ballistic missile program?

        Answer. Iran's development and proliferation of ballistic missiles,
    as well as its support for violent proxies and groups across the
    region, pose a threat to international security, and remain significant
    challenges. If confirmed, I commit to work on all aspects of the Iran
    threat, including its nuclear program, its missile program, and its
    support for extremist groups across the region.

        Question.  The Abraham Accords were an historic achievement that
    will lead to a new era of peace and prosperity between Israel and its
    neighbors. Last month, I introduced legislation with Senator's Booker,
    Cardin, Young, Risch, and Kaine that would strengthen and expand these
    normalization agreements. This legislation requires the Department of
    State to develop a comprehensive strategy to expand these agreements,
    as well as require the State to report on Arab countries anti-
    normalization laws which punish community and people to people
    engagement with Israelis

       Do I have your commitment to expand and strengthen the Abraham
            Accords while using all tools at your disposal to push back on
            the barriers that still prevent the normalization of Israel in
            the region?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work to urge other countries to
    normalize relations with Israel and support other opportunities to
    expand cooperation among countries in the region.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Victoria Nuland by Senator Todd Young

        Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take or oversee to
    enhance the level of our diplomacy in Afghanistan and to help ensure
    that basic human rights--such as the ability of girls to go to school--
    are preserved?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the U.S. stays actively
    engaged in supporting the peace process, economic development, and
    promoting human rights, women's rights, and girls' education in
    Afghanistan, consistent with U.S. policy and values. The results of
    U.S. investment in the social and economic development of Afghanistan
    over the past 20 years have been significant, particularly with regards
    to access to education. In 2001, fewer than 900,000 children--almost
    all boys--were in school. Today, more than 9.2 million children--40
    percent of them girls--are in school. Through robust diplomacy and
    coordinated assistance, I will work to see these gains further advanced
    and strengthened.

        Question. Pakistan, India, and Iran have different views on what
    the future of Afghanistan should look like. How should the U.S. engage
    with those in the region on the path forward for Afghanistan?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to put the full weight of our
    government behind diplomatic efforts to reach a peace agreement between
    the Afghan Government and the Taliban. All of Afghanistan's neighbors
    share an interest in a peaceful and stable Afghanistan that can serve
    as an effective partner in combating terrorism, criminal networks, and
    narcotics trafficking. I would welcome diplomatic efforts by all
    countries to encourage the negotiating parties to accelerate the peace
    process though meaningful negotiations. I would also welcome the U.N.
    playing a constructive role as a convener and facilitator of
    discussions. Additionally, I recognize that peace, regional
    connectivity, and economic growth and development are mutually
    supportive and indispensable to each other. If confirmed, I will
    encourage regional and international partners to commit to greater
    cooperation with Afghanistan in support of regional security and
    economic growth.

        Question. India has moved closer to the United States and the Quad
    in recent years and away from their traditional ``non-alignment
    posture.'' They have adopted something they've termed ``strategic
    autonomy.'' This is clearly a nuanced shift but a shift nonetheless. As
    the only Quad member that shares a land border with China, and as a
    place where fighting between China and India has occurred, they are
    undoubtedly an important partner. How will you help the U.S. to pursue
    closer relations with India?

        Answer. The United States and India share a comprehensive global
    strategic partnership. The recent Quad leaders' summit marked a new
    milestone for our collaboration to address a range of security,
    economic and governance challenges across the Indo-Pacific. Our two
    nations also enjoy a robust defense and security partnership as
    evidenced by Defense Secretary Austin's recent visit. If confirmed, I
    will strive to work with my Indian counterparts to further strengthen
    our partnership, including our defense and economic cooperation, COVID-
    19 response, and climate change.

        Question. On February 11th Secretary Blinken revoked the Foreign
    Terrorist Organization and Specially Designated Global Terrorist
    designations of the Houthis, while retaining the designations of five
    Houthi individuals as Specially Designated Nationals. I supported this
    call because of what that designation would have meant for the
    humanitarian situation on the ground as it would have likely led to a
    famine and further devastated those on the ground. However, despite
    these steps, fighting in Yemen has intensified, and Houthi forces have
    been emboldened and have advanced on the city of Marib, the last
    northern city controlled by the internationally-recognized Republic of
    Yemen Government. I am glad to have a trusted hand with Tim Lenderking
    serving as Special Envoy but the situation seems increasingly grim.
    Should the United States do more to counter Iranian weapons smuggling
    to the Houthis and protect Saudi territory from Houthi missile strikes?
    If so, how?

        Answer. I understand that the Department has been working closely
    with interagency partners to disrupt the Iranian threat network and the
    smuggling that occurs over land and via sea routes. It is also
    essential that the U.S. continues to support the Republic of Yemen
    Government (ROYG) Coast Guard and Border Guard with non-lethal training
    so they can police their own borders. The Export Control and Related
    Border Security program builds the capacity of the ROYG to interdict
    the illicit transfers of arms and mitigate Iran's malign influence. If
    confirmed, I would support continued work with Saudi Arabia to bolster
    its defenses against various Houthi capabilities. These efforts will
    prevent the Houthis from gaining access to further advanced
    capabilities, and also encourage all parties to reach a ceasefire
    agreement and subsequently end the war.

        Question. What potential incentives can the international community
    provide the warring parties to reach an immediate cease-fire?

        Answer. A ceasefire is just one step in an overall peace process.
    For a ceasefire to be durable, the warring parties must believe it is
    in their interest. Toward that end, internationally facilitated
    incentives should include: a roadmap to an inclusive resolution of the
    conflict that addresses political grievances, accountability for human
    rights violations, future reconstruction assistance, and the removal of
    economic restrictions in support of engagement in negotiations. I
    understand that Special Envoy Lenderking continues to work in support
    of U.N. Special Envoy Griffiths' efforts and with the Republic of Yemen
    Government and Saudi Arabia, with the support of the Sultanate of Oman,
    and with our European partners, to align these incentives and bring
    about an end to the conflict. However, I also understand that the
    Houthis appear intent on continuing their offensive on the city Marib
    and have been resistant to negotiating the terms of a durable
    ceasefire. We need more pressure from the international community, to
    include the U.N., our European partners, and Oman, to encourage the
    Houthis to engage constructively with the U.N. and other parties if we
    hope to end the conflict. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting
    those efforts.

        Question. How can the United States influence local actors to
    create an agreed-upon political framework that maintains national unity
    while addressing regional concerns?

        Answer. The United States must remain committed to a unified,
    stable Yemen that contributes to wider regional security and economic
    cooperation. As the conflict continues, the country becomes
    increasingly fragmented, and local stakeholders will expect to maintain
    their new-found autonomy in a post-conflict setting. The buy-in of
    these local stakeholders will be critical for any future political
    settlement, and ultimately the long-term stability of Yemen. The future
    of the Yemeni state is for Yemenis to determine. I understand that
    Special Envoy Lenderking is working in lockstep with U.N. Special Envoy
    Griffiths to achieve a ceasefire so we can transition to an intra-
    Yemeni political process that is representative and can be sustained
    over the long-term.

        Question. There have been reports regarding the appointment of a
    special envoy for Nord Stream 2. Presumably, such a position would
    coordinate with U.S. partners and allies the imposition of additional,
    mandatory sanctions on the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, as required under
    the Protecting Europe's Energy Security Act (PEESA) and the Protecting
    Europe's Energy Security Clarification Act (PEESCA). It would not be,
    in my view, to negotiate a deal that allows the Russian pipeline to be
    completed. If confirmed, would you support the appointment of a special
    envoy to ensure full implementation of U.S. sanctions laws and make
    sure Nord Stream 2 is never finished?

        Answer. Should the U.S. decide to appoint a Special Envoy for Nord
    Stream 2, I believe that person's task should be to coordinate and
    advance increased U.S. pressure consistent with U.S. law to stop the
    pipeline before it is finished, and to work with European allies toward
    the same goal.

        Question. The Biden administration's new Russia sanctions,
    announced on April 15, did not include any sanctions against the
    Kremlin's malign geopolitical project, Nord Stream 2. These sanctions
    are statutorily required under the Protecting Europe's Energy Security
    Act (PEESA) and the Protecting Europe's Energy Security Clarification
    Act (PEESCA). In your view, why did the Biden administration fail to
    sanction Nord Stream 2?

        Answer. Without being inside the Biden-Harris administration, I
    can't speak to why certain decisions were or were not made. I
    understand that the Department continues to actively examine entities
    involved in potentially sanctionable activity and will designate
    additional persons as appropriate. If confirmed, I commit to use all
    available tools to try to stop the pipeline before it is completed.

        Question. If confirmed, how would you work with the administration
    to implement U.S. sanctions laws on the Kremlin's Nord Stream 2
    pipeline?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to use all available tools,
    including bipartisan legislation passed in the NDAA, to try to stop the
    pipeline before it is completed, and to engage with key European
    partners and allies to seek their support in that goal.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Hon. Victoria Nuland by Senator Ted Cruz

        Question. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is committing a
    genocide against the Uyghurs and other minorities in the Xinjiang Uygur
    Autonomous Region (XUAR) that is ongoing. The Biden administration had
    sent differing signals about the degree to which administration
    officials assessed that genocide is indeed ongoing, but on March 22,
    Secretary Blinken correctly emphasized ``the P.R.C. continues to commit
    genocide and crimes against humanity.'' Do you agree with the
    assessment that the Chinese Government is engaged in a genocide against
    the Uyghurs and other minorities in the XUAR that is ongoing?

        Answer. I agree with the Secretary of State's determination that
    the Government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) is committing
    genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs, who are
    predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious
    minority groups in Xinjiang. These crimes include imprisonment,
    torture, enforced sterilization, and persecution, including through
    forced labor and draconian restrictions on the freedoms of religion or
    belief, expression, and movement. These atrocities shock the conscience
    and must be met with serious consequences.

        Question. What role do you see for the State Department in
    countering that ongoing genocide, and more broadly the human rights
    atrocities being committed by the Chinese Communist Party?

        Answer. I share your deep concern about the ongoing genocide and
    crimes against humanity against Uyghurs, who are predominantly Muslim,
    and members of other ethnic and religious groups in Xinjiang. I
    understand the Department has reinvigorated cooperation with partners
    and allies and has imposed a number of measures to address these
    atrocities. If confirmed, I will support ongoing efforts to broaden
    this international coalition and call for an independent and unhindered
    investigation. I also will support using all appropriate tools,
    including those provided for in the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act, to
    pressure the PRC to end these atrocities and to promote accountability
    for those responsible and justice for victims.

        Question. The Obama-Biden administration's approach to the Israeli-
    Arab conflict was justified on the basis of a theory of regional
    relations in which the Israeli-Palestinian conflict prevented broader
    Israeli-Arab rapprochement. Among other decisions, that administration
    implemented discriminatory policies that distinguished between Jewish
    communities in places Israel controlled before and after 1967. That
    approach culminated in December 2016, when the Obama administration
    maneuvered the United Nations Security Council into passing UNSCR 2334,
    which among other things denied Israel's sovereignty over the Golan
    Heights and part of its capital Jerusalem, including the Jewish
    Quarter. The Trump administration systematically worked to hollow out
    and render UNSCR 2334 null and void. They did so, including by
    recognizing Israel's sovereignty over the Golan Heights, by recognizing
    Jerusalem as Israel's capital, by moving our embassy to Jerusalem, by
    seeking to end discriminatory approaches that distinguished legally and
    for the purposes of aid and trade between different Israeli
    communities, and by taking several other steps. Do you believe that
    Israel has sovereignty over the Golan Heights?

        Answer. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan Heights,
    Israel's security must remain paramount. As long as Bashar al-Assad is
    in control of Syria, it would be irresponsible to urge Israel to part
    with the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides
    Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next door.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over
    Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?

        Answer. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel, and at the same time,
    it is central to the national visions of both Israelis and
    Palestinians. I support the USG's longstanding position that Jerusalem
    is a final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations
    between Israel and the Palestinians. As such, all issues related to
    Jerusalem must be handled with care and sensitivity.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
    any part of Jerusalem?

        Answer. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel, and at the same time,
    it is central to the national visions of both Israelis and
    Palestinians. I support the USG's longstanding position that Jerusalem
    is a final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations
    between Israel and the Palestinians. As such, all issues related to
    Jerusalem must be handled with care and sensitivity.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
    the Old City of Jerusalem?

        Answer. Jerusalem is the capital of Israel, and at the same time,
    it is central to the national visions of both Israelis and
    Palestinians. I support the USG's longstanding position that Jerusalem
    is a final status issue to be resolved through direct negotiations
    between Israel and the Palestinians. As such, all issues related to
    Jerusalem must be handled with care and sensitivity.

        Question. On January 10, 2021, the State Department designated
    Ansarallah, sometimes called the Houthis, and Abdul Malik al-Houthi,
    Abd al-Khaliq Badr al-Din al-Houthi, and Abdullah Yahya al Hakim, three
    leaders of Ansarallah, as Specially Designated Global Terrorists
    (SDGTs) pursuant to Executive Order 13224. On February 5, the Biden
    administration informed Congress of its intention to revoke those
    sanctions. The issue of humanitarianism was central to the public
    explanation of the decision: officials at the State Department have
    justified the delisting of what they described as the ``broad''
    designation of Ansarallah on humanitarian grounds, e.g. that large
    parts of Yemen's population live under areas controlled by the group.
    Since then, the Houthis have escalated their violence across the
    region, bombarding civilians in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. Yemen was
    already one of the worst humanitarian catastrophes in the world, in
    large part because the Houthis and their Iranian backers block aid,
    steal aid, and attack civilians. Please describe the role played by
    Iran and the Houthis in deepening the humanitarian catastrophe in
    Yemen.

        Answer. Iran continues to provide the Houthis with training,
    equipment, and monetary support, which assists them in promoting
    regional instability; threatening our partners, especially Saudi
    Arabia; and disrupting international shipping through the Bab Al
    Mandeb. Further, the Houthis use this support to threaten Yemeni
    civilians, especially at this time in the city of Marib. The Houthis
    also impede humanitarian access in the areas they control. If
    confirmed, I am committed to working with our interagency partners to
    counter Iran's destabilizing activities, and with our partners on the
    ground to improve humanitarian access and facilitate the provision of
    critical commodities and humanitarian aid to Yemeni civilians.

        Question.  Please assess the degree to which the Biden
    administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
    Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
    humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in general.

        Answer. As I understand, the revocations were aimed at ensuring
    that U.S. policies would not impede assistance to those already
    suffering what has been called the world's worst humanitarian crisis.
    The Biden-Harris administration heeded concerns from the United
    Nations, humanitarian groups, and bipartisan members of Congress, among
    others, that the designations could have had a devastating impact on
    Yemenis' access to basic commodities like food and fuel, which could
    increase the risk of famine. The short time that passed between the
    designations and the revocations limited the impact the designations
    could have had on humanitarian assistance and commercial imports,
    including food and other essential supplies.

        Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
    administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
    Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
    humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in Marib.

        Answer. As I understand, the revocations were aimed at ensuring
    that U.S. policies would not impede assistance to those already
    suffering what has been called the world's worst humanitarian crisis.
    This has been especially critical in Marib, where the escalation of
    hostilities has caused additional needs and secondary displacement. The
    lifting of sanctions has allowed for the delivery of life-saving food,
    emergency shelter, water, sanitation and hygiene, and essential non
    food items, such as blankets and water containers.

        Question. The Obama administration was broadly criticized,
    especially in the context of its Middle East policy, for co-mingling
    unclassified documents with classified documents. This practice
    requires that documents be placed in a secure location, unnecessarily
    limiting access to unclassified documents and stifling public debate.
    The Biden administration already seems to be repeating such practices:
    according to an exchange during the State Department press briefing on
    February 11, a notification describing the lifting of terrorism
    sanctions on Iran-controlled terrorists in Yemen was unnecessarily
    transmitted to a Congressional SCIF. Can you commit to ensuring that
    unclassified information is not unnecessarily comingled with classified
    information in notifications provided by the State Department to
    Congress? If not, why not?

        Answer. I am committed to working to ensure that information
    provided to Congress is, to the fullest extent possible, in a format
    that facilitates its access by authorized personnel, while complying
    with Executive Order 13526, the Department of State classification
    guide, and the executive branch rules on the handling and storage of
    classified information.

        Question. The Obama administration was broadly criticized for
    inaction in response to Iranian human rights atrocities, and critics
    have suggested that those issues were subsumed beneath the
    administration's commitment to securing a nuclear deal. The Biden
    administration, which is rushing to secure another nuclear deal with
    Iran, has already come under similar criticism. Please describe your
    assessment of the scope and nature of Iran's human rights record.

        Answer. The Iranian Government severely restricts the rights to
    peaceful assembly, freedom of association, freedom of religion or
    belief, and freedom of expression. If confirmed, I will be vocal about
    Iran's human rights violations and abuses, which include arbitrary or
    unlawful detention of numerous individuals, some of whom have faced
    torture and/or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment,
    and execution after unfair trials. If confirmed, I intend to work with
    my colleagues to consider all appropriate tools to promote
    accountability for those responsible for human rights violations and
    abuses.

        Question. Please describe the degree to which you believe that
    Iranian human rights concerns should be highlighted vs. considerations
    related to nuclear negotiations or securing nuclear-related
    concessions.

        Answer. I believe we can and must work to ensure Iran never obtains
    a nuclear weapon, at the same time we continue to pressure Iran
    regarding its gross human rights violations and abuses, and use all
    tools at our disposal to promote accountability for those responsible.

        Question. Do you believe that imposing new human rights sanctions
    against Iran, or enforcing existing ones, would violate the Joint
    Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) or a successor agreement?

        Answer. The Iranian Government denies Iranians their human rights,
    including through severe restrictions on the rights to peaceful
    assembly, freedom of association, freedom of religion or belief, and
    freedom of expression. I support continuing to maintain and impose
    sanctions on Iranian entities perpetrating human rights violations and
    abuse.

        Question. Russia and Germany appear to have assessed that the Biden
    administration will not respond forcefully to their effort to complete
    the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. Can you please describe your assessment of
    the damage to American national security and to the energy security of
    our European allies, if Nord Stream 2 was completed?

        Answer. The Nord Stream 2 pipeline deepens Europe's energy
    dependence on Russia, threatening European energy security and the
    security of Ukraine and Central and Eastern European NATO and EU
    countries, while dividing the continent. It enriches the Kremlin and
    President Putin's allies at a time when Russia is amassing forces in
    and around Ukraine and continuing its cyber and disinformation
    campaigns in the U.S. and globally, among other malign activities.

        Question. Could you please describe what steps you would take, if
    you're confirmed, to ensure that Nord Stream 2 is stopped?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly with allies and
    partners, using all the tools at our disposal, including legislation
    you have authored, to prevent the completion of the pipeline and to
    ensure that Europe has a reliable, diversified energy supply that
    enhances rather than undermines its collective security.

        Question. There have been public reports that the State Department
    is considering the appointment of an envoy to specifically oversee the
    State Department's efforts around Nord Stream 2. Additional reports
    suggest that foreign diplomats have expressed hope that the envoy will
    work for a deal with the Russians or Germans to allow the pipeline to
    be completed, or at least serve as a short-term substitute for
    sanctions. The State Department should absolutely spare no effort or
    resource in blocking Nord Stream 2, and an envoy position would help
    mobilize action in that regard--but the envoy must be someone who
    ensures and oversees the immediate application of congressionally
    mandated sanctions and makes sure Nord Stream 2 is never completed.
    Appointing an envoy who negotiated terms for completing Nord Stream 2
    would be an absolutely unacceptable outcome. This envoy must not be a
    substitute for sanctions: it must be someone who immediately delivers
    them. Do you intend to seek the appointment of an envoy who would work
    on Nord Stream 2 specifically?

        Answer. I understand the Biden-Harris administration is considering
    appointing an envoy to work on Nord Stream 2 and other issues.
    Particularly until a new Assistant Secretary of State for European and
    Eurasian Affairs is confirmed, I believe an envoy could help give focus
    and energy to the interagency effort to stop the pipeline, and to
    diplomacy with key countries.

        Question. What responsibilities would such an envoy have?

        Answer. I have not been privy to any formal position description if
    it exists. If named, the envoy, I presume, would work inside the U.S.
    Government to accelerate and sharpen policy and sanctions options and
    diplomatically to stop the pipeline, using all available tools,
    including the legislation you authored.

        Question. What role do you envision such an envoy playing?

        Answer. Particularly until a new Assistant Secretary of State for
    European and Eurasian Affairs is confirmed, I believe an envoy could
    help give focus and energy to the interagency effort to stop the
    pipeline, and to diplomacy with key countries.

        Question. The administration regards rejoining the Joint
    Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) or signing a successor agreement a
    top priority. The JCPOA was classified by the Obama administration as
    merely ``political commitments'' rather than an executive agreement or
    a treaty. In your hearing you noted the importance of securing
    ``bipartisan support [for rejoining the JCPOA or singing a successor
    agreement] so an agreement is binding.'' Is it your understanding that
    any form of international agreement between the United States and
    foreign nations does not hold any legally binding commitment unless
    Congress ratifies the agreement as a treaty and passes legislation
    implementing those commitments?

        Answer. I share President Biden's conviction that a bipartisan
    approach to Iran is the strongest way to safeguard U.S. interests for
    the long term. The JCPOA was negotiated as a non-binding arrangement in
    2015. Numerous other important international arrangements have been
    done in this way. With respect to international agreements, the Supreme
    Court has long held that not all such agreements require approval as
    treaties pursuant to the procedures set out in Article II of the
    Constitution, and the Congress has recognized this through the
    enactment of the Case-Zablocki Act, which establishes procedures
    regarding oversight of legally binding international agreements other
    than treaties.

        Question. Can you commit that, if the administration plans to
    rejoin the JCPOA or signs any successor agreement, such agreement will
    be submitted by the administration to Congress for ratification as a
    treaty?

        Answer. I understand that President Biden has pledged to work
    closely with Congress, and this includes briefing on any plans
    regarding his administration's future course of action on Iran. The
    JCPOA was negotiated as a non-binding arrangement in 2015. If
    confirmed, I will ensure the Department carefully considers the facts
    and circumstances of any U.S. return to the JCPOA to determine the
    implications under INARA and would also assess the appropriate form of
    any future agreement. The Biden-Harris administration has committed to
    ensuring that the requirements of INARA are satisfied.

        Question. The administration continues to emphasize working and
    coordinating with ``allies and partners,'' especially in the context of
    multilateral forums and in addressing major security challenges of our
    time such as the rise of authoritarian China and the threat of a
    nuclear Iran. In your view, do the alliances and partnerships of the
    United States with other nations always produce a net-positive benefit
    to U.S. foreign policy and homeland defense priorities?

        Answer. I believe that alliances and partnerships serve as a force-
    multiplier for the United States in advancing its foreign policy and
    homeland defense priorities. While we must always maintain our
    prerogative to operate unilaterally if it is in our national interest,
    working with allies and partners to address shared challenges often
    achieves the best outcomes for the United States. Some of the most
    significant threats we face today--from the COVID-19 pandemic to
    climate change--cannot be solved by one country alone. Our ability to
    shape the behaviors of China, Iran, or others with whom we have serious
    concerns will only be strengthened with likeminded partners by our
    side.

        Question.  In situations where our allies and partners take a
    differing or less stringent approach to a major foreign policy or
    homeland defense priority, in your view is it appropriate for the
    United States to exercise unilateral leadership? In your response,
    please address the example of differing postures toward China between
    the United States and the European Union.

        Answer. The United States should work with its Allies and partners
    whenever it can but should always reserve the right to act unilaterally
    if and when necessary. While European views on China have evolved, the
    U.S. remains more cautious about the challenges and threats China poses
    to our security, economic interests and global norms and standards. If
    confirmed, I look forward to continuing to discuss China with Europeans
    both at NATO and in the U.S.-EU China Dialogue to align positions more
    closely.

        Question. Do you believe burden sharing in both monetary costs and
    international commitments between the U.S. and our allies and partners
    must be addressed before re-engaging or forming new multilateral
    treaties or forums?

        Answer. I believe in appropriate burden-sharing with allies and
    partners in all shared endeavors and international commitments. The
    U.S. should have full knowledge of the monetary and other consequences
    before entering into any international commitments, whether through a
    treaty or other means. If confirmed, I will work with Congress to
    ensure that the implications of any such commitments are well
    understood by both branches of the Government.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Victoria Nuland by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. Do you agree with the State Department's determination
    that CCP-controlled China is committing genocide and crimes against
    humanity with respect to Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang? Secretary of State
    Antony Blinken has sustained former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo's
    determination that CCP-controlled China is engaging in genocide and
    crimes against humanity with respect to Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang. The
    United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada have stated the
    evidence--including from satellite imagery, and eyewitness testimony,
    as well as the Chinese Government's own documents--is overwhelming.
    China's extensive program of repression includes severe restrictions on
    religious freedoms, the used of forced labor, mass detention in
    internment camps, forced sterilization, and the destruction of Uyghur
    heritage.

        Answer. I agree with the Secretary of State's determination that
    the Government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) is committing
    genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs, who are
    predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious
    minority groups in Xinjiang. These crimes include imprisonment,
    torture, enforced sterilization, and persecution, including through
    forced labor and draconian restrictions on the freedoms of religion or
    belief, expression, and movement. These atrocities shock the conscience
    and must be met with serious consequences.

        Question. In your view, should U.S.-based corporations remain
    silent on the issue of genocide and crimes against humanity in CCP-
    controlled China?

        Answer. No. Uyghurs have suffered unspeakable oppression at the
    hands of China's authoritarian government. The People's Republic of
    China is engaged in gross human rights violations that shock the
    conscience and must be met with serious consequences. The United States
    must speak out consistently and jointly with allies and partners,
    impose costs and sanctions on those responsible, and help those
    persecuted find safe haven in the United States and other countries. I
    have been heartened by bipartisan Congressional action on Xinjiang and,
    if confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress on this crucial
    issue.

        Question. If you are confirmed, how will you support the State
    Department's efforts to compel U.S.-based corporations that conduct
    substantial business in China to pitch in to immediately stop genocide
    and crimes against humanity in CCP-controlled China?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support ongoing efforts by the U.S.
    Department of State, along with the U.S. Department of the Treasury,
    the U.S. Department of Commerce, and the U.S. Department of Homeland
    Security to caution businesses about the risks of supply chain links to
    entities that engage in human rights abuses, including forced labor, in
    the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (Xinjiang) and elsewhere in
    China. I will also support sanctions imposed on people and
    organizations complicit in genocide and crimes against humanity against
    Uyghurs, who are predominantly Muslim, in Xinjiang. I am heartened by
    bipartisan Congressional action on Xinjiang and, if confirmed, I look
    forward to working with Congress on this crucial issue.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
               Submitted to Uzra Zeya by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. How will the State Department invest more resources into
    protecting fundamental human rights? How will the State Department help
    protect civic space around the world to ensure local human rights
    activists, peacebuilders, and humanitarians, particularly women and
    youth, have the space and resources to prevent violence and promote
    sustainable peace?

        Answer. If confirmed, I intend to consult closely with Department,
    interagency, and Congressional colleagues to ensure we have systems in
    place that provide flexibility to reallocate resources as needed. I
    will also work with bureaus and offices that administer democracy
    programs to capitalize on emerging opportunities, including by pivoting
    quickly to support programs tailored for these situations. In all
    cases, I will work to ensure U.S. efforts empower democratic reformers
    and activists on the ground. In addition, I intend to work bilaterally
    and multilaterally with U.S. allies and partners to increase mutually
    reinforcing efforts and burden-sharing in these areas.

        Question. How will you increase support for members of civil
    society that champion the full inclusion of disabled persons and
    expansion of disability rights?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support timely appointment of a Senior
    Advisor or Special Envoy for International Disability Rights and
    prioritize disability-inclusive programming that recognizes persons
    with disabilities among the beneficiaries, supports projects to address
    gaps in their inclusion, and bolsters the work done by civil society to
    advance the rights of disabled persons. I also will support the full
    inclusion of persons with disabilities through Department of State
    training, data collection, programming, and communication about
    disability rights. An empowered and knowledgeable workforce can best
    support members of civil society championing the full inclusion of
    disabled persons and expansion of disability rights.

        Question. How will the Biden administration right-size and
    rebalance what many experts believe are over-militarized interventions
    to address violent extremism? What steps can you take in this role to
    restore a more balanced approach to prevention and countering violent
    extremism?

        Answer. Military forces and kinetic tools have played an important
    role in U.S. and international counterterrorism efforts, but it is
    clear that balanced, sustainable, whole-of-government and whole-of-
    society approaches are needed to sustainably defeat terrorism and
    prevent terrorist radicalization and recruitment. If confirmed, I will
    promote civilian-led counterterrorism approaches that address
    underlying grievances that fuel violent extremism and reduce the need
    for military interventions. I will also work to ensure that U.S.
    countering violent extremism (CVE) programs--especially prevention
    work--are prioritized and adequately resourced, and that all U.S.
    counterterrorism efforts advance the rule of law and respect for human
    rights.

        Question. The J Under Secretary and the bureaus he or she oversees
    can find themselves disadvantaged when working with the regional
    bureaus during the policy-making process. Do you agree that this is a
    challenge and, if so, how would you empower the bureaus under you?

        Answer. I agree that siloing between regional and functional
    bureaus is a long-standing challenge for State Department policymaking.
    If confirmed, I would leverage my 27-plus years of service in four
    regional and three functional bureaus to elevate and achieve better
    integration of J family issues in the full spectrum of U.S.
    policymaking, including through improved coordination within the State
    Department, the interagency, and with the 270-plus U.S. diplomatic
    missions worldwide. I would elevate the voice and expertise of J family
    bureaus and office by taking a burden-sharing approach with regional
    and other functional bureaus on addressing challenges that know no
    borders--from corruption and narcotics to rising autocracy and
    extremism worldwide.

        Question. What steps would you take to attract more individuals -
    particularly from the Foreign Service - to work in the J family
    bureaus?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will create an inclusive environment that
    is welcoming to all employees--both foreign and civil service--and of
    all races, ethnicities, and backgrounds, because diverse teams make
    strong teams. I will work collaboratively with the new Chief Diversity
    and Inclusion Officer and the Bureau of Global Talent Management to
    ensure that J family bureaus and offices are appropriately staffed and
    attractive to all applicants. I also will focus on retention and
    advancing a more meaningful professional development and advancement
    path for all J family team members. This includes increasing training
    opportunities for all and advocacy for J family Foreign Service
    Officers in the DCM and Chief of Mission selection processes.

        Question. Given President Biden and Secretary Blinken's strong
    emphasis on re-centering human rights and democracy in U.S. foreign
    policy, do you believe any changes should be made to the Democracy,
    Human Rights, and Labor bureau to ensure that it can effectively play a
    much larger role in U.S. foreign policy than it has in the past?

        Answer. Democracy and human rights are under increasing threat
    globally from democratic backsliding and growing authoritarianism.
    Responding effectively to these challenges requires more than any one
    bureau or agency acting alone; it requires a whole-of-government
    approach. If confirmed, I intend to empower the Bureau of Democracy,
    Human Rights, and Labor while also working with partners across the
    Department, other U.S. agencies, and Congress to bolster democratic
    resilience and promote, protect, and defend human rights and
    fundamental freedoms.

        Question. How do you think the U.S. arms transfer process should
    change to better incorporate human rights and civilian harm concerns,
    and what changes would you advocate for as Under Secretary?

        Answer. The President and Secretary Blinken have said human rights
    must be at the center of our foreign policy, including arms transfers
    and other security assistance. If confirmed, I will work to ensure
    human rights remains key to reviews of potential Foreign Military Sales
    and State Department-licensed Direct Commercial Sales. If confirmed, I
    will encourage the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor's
    continued participation in arms transfer deliberations. I understand
    the administration has been clear that the United States will insist on
    adherence to agreements on the use of U.S.-origin defense equipment,
    compliance with international law, including the law of armed conflict,
    and respect for human rights, and it will consider appropriate
    consequences when violations occur.

        Question. Do you agree that the U.S. Government should refrain from
    exporting arms to fragile states or countries at risk of atrocities?

        Answer. I understand that, consistent with the Conventional Arms
    Transfer (CAT) Policy, all arms transfers are subject to comprehensive
    case-by-case considerations of U.S. interests - including any risk the
    transfer may contribute to human rights abuses, including acts of
    gender-based violence, violence against children, violations of
    international law, including the law of armed conflict, terrorism, mass
    atrocities, or transnational organized crime. If confirmed, I will work
    to ensure human rights remains a key focus of CAT policy documents and
    discussions, and I will promote measures for the mitigation of harm to
    civilians.

        Question. What specific actions will the State Department take
    under your direction to reassert U.S. peacebuilding and humanitarian
    leadership and intervention in Syria?

        Answer. I fully expect the United States will continue to be a
    leader in the Syria humanitarian response. On March 29, Secretary
    Blinken called on the UN Security Council to reauthorize all three
    international border crossings for humanitarian assistance. If
    confirmed, I will support efforts to increase multilateral diplomatic
    engagement at the Security Council and will be in close consultations
    with our allies, in addition to Russia and China, at the UN to find a
    formula that keeps humanitarian aid flowing. I understand the
    administration supports the UN-facilitated, Syrian-led process laid out
    within the parameters of UNSCR 2254. If confirmed, I will use a variety
    of tools to push for a sustainable end to the conflict to end the
    Syrian people's suffering and to bring stability, accountability, and
    security to the Syrian people.

        Question. How specifically will the United States ensure continued
    principled humanitarian access into and within Syria?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with partners across the U.S.
    Government to use a range of tools, including diplomacy, advocacy,
    multilateral and bilateral engagement with other donors, information-
    sharing, and financial support, to promote the delivery of humanitarian
    assistance to those most in need across Syria, whether in areas
    controlled by the Syrian Government or elsewhere. If confirmed, I
    intend to do everything I can to realize Secretary Blinken's call to
    the UN Security Council on March 29 to reauthorize all three border
    crossings for humanitarian assistance and to urge the international
    community to allow humanitarian agencies to use the safest, quickest
    pathway to reach civilians in need.

        Question. Since the passage of the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002, all
    but one of the special coordinators for Tibetan issues have been an
    individual who served as Undersecretary for Civilian Security,
    Democracy and Human Rights. If you are designated as the US Special
    Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, will you commit to promoting
    substantive dialogue without pre-conditions between the Dalai Lama and
    the Chinese Government that leads to a negotiated agreement on Tibet,
    as mandated by the Tibetan Policy and Support Act of 2020?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed and designated as Special Coordinator for
    Tibetan Issues, I will work intensively with U.S. allies and partners
    to press Beijing to return to direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama or
    his representatives, without preconditions, to achieve meaningful
    autonomy for Tibetans.

        Question. The Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh continues to
    face significant challenges following last fall's attack by Azerbaijan.
    The Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM) has provided
    some funding to address this humanitarian situation, but I believe a
    lot more needs to be done. If confirmed, what will be your plan of
    action for providing needed assistance to Armenians from Nagorno-
    Karabakh, including those displaced to Armenia, in both the short and
    long term?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure continued support to address
    the humanitarian situation of persons displaced by the Nagorno-Karabakh
    conflict. I understand the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and
    Migration closely monitors and assesses the situation on the ground
    with the support of relevant embassies and humanitarian organizations.
    I understand the administration is deeply committed to working on
    lasting solutions for all those displaced by the Nagorno-Karabakh
    conflict, including persons now in Armenia. If confirmed, I will
    support the administration's efforts to seek short-term and long-term
    solutions to alleviate the humanitarian consequences of the conflict.

        Question. What do you view as PRM's role in responding to the
    situation versus the role of other U.S. Government agencies and
    offices, such as USAID?

        Answer. Pursuant to the legislative authorities of each, I
    understand the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM) has
    lead responsibility for providing humanitarian assistance, protection,
    and solutions for refugees, asylum seekers, migrants in situations of
    vulnerability, and stateless persons, while USAID's Bureau of
    Humanitarian Assistance (BHA) leads in response to natural and man-made
    disasters, for internally displaced persons, and providing emergency
    food assistance to refugees. If confirmed, I intend to ensure
    complementary efforts that utilize the strengths of the humanitarian
    expertise of both PRM at State and USAID/BHA.

        Question. The United States continues to suffer the devastating
    impact of our nation's opioid epidemic, with over 90,000 deaths in
    2020, a large portion of which are caused by fentanyl overdoses. China
    continues to be the largest source of illicit fentanyl and fentanyl
    precursors. How will you prioritize combatting the illicit fentanyl
    trade and what diplomatic tools will you use to ensure that countries
    around the world, including China, take steps to place greater controls
    on fentanyl and fentanyl precursors?

        Answer. Transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) manufacture the
    vast majority of the illicit fentanyl driving the opioid crisis using
    People's Republic of China (PRC)-sourced chemicals, and traffic the
    fentanyl into the United States via the southwest border. If confirmed,
    I intend to continue and strengthen the Department's diplomatic efforts
    to press the PRC to better regulate its chemical industry to prevent
    chemical diversion, including through targeted engagement on this issue
    in the UN Commission on Narcotic Drugs. I also intend to continue
    efforts to work with Mexico to bring justice to TCOs that contribute to
    the deaths of thousands of Americans Mexicans each year.

        Question. Last year, a United Nations fact-finding mission cited
    evidence of a systematic campaign of extrajudicial killings, forced
    disappearances, and torture in Venezuela since 2014. According to the
    report, the Maduro regime's human rights abuses and torture constitute
    crimes against humanity. How will you use the tools available to you,
    including oversight for the various bureaus that have equities in this
    issue, to ensure accountability for and prevent further crimes against
    humanity in Venezuela?

        Answer. Human rights conditions in Venezuela are horrendous. I
    understand the United States is committed to supporting justice and
    accountability measures and programs with our allies and partners that
    strengthen democratic institutions, transparency, rule of law,
    inclusion, economic empowerment, and access to information. The United
    States has employed sanctions and imposed visa restrictions on
    Venezuelan officials and their family members believed to be
    responsible for undermining democratic governance, perpetrating human
    rights abuses, or engaging in corrupt practices. If confirmed, I will
    continue to support efforts to hold the Maduro regime accountable.

        Question. How will you support efforts to mobilize international
    attention to this issue?

        Answer. The Department should continue to regularly engage the
    international community to raise awareness of human rights violations
    and abuses in Venezuela and to urge allies and partners to condemn the
    Maduro regime's human rights record, hold human rights abusers
    accountable, and call for the peaceful return to democracy and the rule
    of law. The Department should continue to encourage international
    bodies, in accordance with their respective mandates, to investigate
    crimes committed by the regime and its enablers. If confirmed, I will
    promote increased efforts to mobilize the international community to
    hold the Maduro regime accountable.

        Question. The European movement to ban ritual slaughter by
    mandating stunning prior to slaughter threatens the existence of
    religiously observant national Jewish and Muslim communities in Europe.
    Bans such as those passed in Belgium in 2018 and 2019 make no exception
    for religious purposes. Most recently, in December 2020, the European
    Court of Justice dismissed appeals by Jewish and Muslim groups, setting
    a precedent that may open the door to more such laws. This ruling and
    the laws it upholds are an infringement on religious freedom and
    endanger communities sustained by adherence to halal and kosher legal
    traditions. How will you work to encourage individual European
    countries to refrain from such legislation and support religious
    pluralism in Europe?

        Answer. Religious freedom extends to the observance and practice of
    religion or beliefs, including dietary regulations. Slaughter in
    accordance with religious beliefs is a fundamental practice for members
    of certain religious groups, including Jews and Muslims. If confirmed,
    I intend to work with the Governments of Belgium, other European
    countries, and elsewhere, as well as Jewish, Muslim, and other groups,
    to ensure laws, such as those intended to protect animal welfare, do
    not have an undue negative impact on religious freedom.

        Question. Atrocities are being perpetrated by armed actors
    throughout Ethiopia's Tigray region, including extra-judicial
    executions, sexual violence, forced displacement, and starvation
    crimes. Other Ethiopian communities outside of Tigray have also been
    the target of serious human rights abuses in recent months and years.
    The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and the Office of the High
    Commissioner for Human Rights are set to begin a joint investigation;
    however it is unclear what level of access and cooperation the
    organizations will be given to conduct their inquiry. How can the U.S.
    best ensure that there is accountability for atrocities and other grave
    human rights abuses across Ethiopia?

        Answer. I understand the United States will support the work of a
    joint investigation mechanism by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission
    and the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights as a first
    step in the accountability process. I understand the Special Envoy for
    the Horn of Africa will monitor this process closely and work with
    international partners to press to ensure that the Ethiopian Government
    provides the promised access necessary for these investigations to
    proceed and respects their independence. If confirmed, I will work with
    international partners and organizations, including the UN and AU, to
    press for credible, independent, and transparent investigations into
    human rights violations and abuses. These investigations are critical
    for long-term transitional justice efforts, including criminal
    accountability, which are also necessary for reconciliation.

        Question. Samia Suluhu Hassan has recently assumed the Tanzanian
    presidency and there is considerable hope she will turn the page on the
    repressive policies of her predecessor, John Magufuli. However, it
    remains to be seen whether the new President will pursue a concrete
    package of much needed political reforms. How can the U.S. best
    encourage the new administration to urgently improve Tanzania's
    political climate?

        Answer. Although I am encouraged by President Hassan's first steps,
    including reinstating licenses for previously suspended media outlets,
    the new Tanzanian leadership is still in its early days and much
    remains to be seen. I understand the U.S. ambassador to Tanzania has
    already met with representatives of the new administration and has
    raised ongoing U.S. human rights concerns. If confirmed, I will support
    further engagement with the new Tanzanian Government at the highest
    levels, to both communicate our expectation of improvement on democracy
    and human rights markers and to explore how the United States can best
    support strengthening democratic institutions and preventing further
    democratic backsliding.

        Question. Sudan has made significant progress over the last year in
    moving its political transition forward. Yet deep challenges remain,
    including persistent violence in Darfur and the still shaky political
    arrangements between the civilian and military components of the
    transitional government. What action should the U.S. take to better
    support a civilian-led, democratic transition in Sudan?

        Answer. Sudan's civilian-led transitional government has made
    important progress in implementing economic and political reforms,
    improving human rights protections, and creating a pathway for ending
    conflict in Darfur and other areas in Sudan. However, more needs to be
    done to facilitate a transition to democracy as established under
    Sudan's Constitutional Declaration, to implement the Juba Peace
    Agreement, to establish peace accords with other armed groups, and to
    address the root causes of conflict. If confirmed, I will work with the
    Africa bureau, the Special Envoy for Sudan and South Sudan, and J
    family bureaus and offices to develop comprehensive strategies to
    address these issues and support a peaceful democratic transition.

        Question. The United States has recently taken actions to address
    the insurgency in northern Mozambique including terrorist designations
    of ISIS-Mozambique and its leader, the deployment of a Special Forces
    training mission, and publicly-acknowledged consideration of an
    antiterrorism assistance program for the Mozambican police. These
    actions seem to suggest a security-focused approach to
    counterterrorism, but I believe that a successful counterterrorism
    strategy must appropriately balance diplomacy, development, and
    defense. If confirmed, will you pursue a ``3 D's'' approach to
    counterterrorism in Mozambique?

        Answer. Yes. A successful response to the threat from ISIS-
    Mozambique must include more than a focus on security. If confirmed, I
    will support a strategy that focuses equally on development, diplomacy,
    and security, along with strategic communications, in coordination with
    regional partners and D-ISIS coalition members.

        Question. The interim government in Mali has announced that a
    referendum on a new constitution will take place on October 31 of this
    year, followed by general elections in February of 2022. What role
    should the U.S. play in helping ensure a restoration of democracy in
    Mali?

        Answer. I believe the United States should continue its support for
    regional efforts, including those by the Economic Community for West
    African States (ECOWAS), to broker a restoration of democracy in Mali.
    The ECOWAS-led effort to push for a civilian-led transition led to the
    establishment of a transitional government, the recent announcement of
    the constitutional referendum, and the scheduled series of elections.
    If confirmed, I will continue the United States' role of coordinating
    assistance and support with our African and other international
    partners to continue these positive developments.

        Question. What actions will you take if confirmed to support a
    civilian-led transition in Mali?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the ECOWAS-brokered transition
    effort, including by encouraging the transitional government to
    maintain its course toward a return to constitutional rule. I
    understand that due to the manner in which the security services
    overthrew the last democratically elected government, the United States
    restricts most bilateral assistance that benefits the Government of
    Mali except for certain specified categories including humanitarian
    needs and election support. I understand assistance can resume only
    once a democratically elected government is in place and, if confirmed,
    I will coordinate actions by other donor and partner states in support
    of timely democratic elections.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
                Submitted to Uzra Zeya by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. How will you work to ensure efficient communication and
    facilitation among bureaus within the J family, the department, and in
    the interagency?

        Answer. Today's challenges are too complex for any one agency,
    bureau, or individual to undertake alone. Similar to the U.S.
    Government's efforts on the global stage, the Department's efforts are
    strengthened when done in partnership with others. If confirmed, I will
    work tirelessly to facilitate cooperation and ensure efficient
    communication, not only among the J family of bureaus and offices but
    across the Department, the interagency, and our branches of government.
    These efforts will build on my 27-plus years of public service and
    longstanding efforts to strengthen the Department by empowering staff,
    incentivizing innovation, and promoting a workforce that is diverse in
    both its personnel and perspectives.

        Question. If confirmed, you will be in a position historically
    dual-hatted as the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues. How will you
    engage with the Tibetan community? Will you commit to hosting the
    Tibetan administration representative at the State Department?

        Answer. If confirmed and designated as the Special Coordinator for
    Tibetan Issues, and consistent with the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002, I
    will maintain close contact with Tibetan religious, cultural, and
    political leaders, including by seeking to travel regularly to Tibetan
    areas of the People's Republic of China and to Tibetan refugee
    settlements in India and Nepal. This engagement will include hosting
    the Representative to North America of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and
    the Central Tibetan Administration at the Department of State.

        Question. The Atrocity Prevention Task Force is a key tool to
    understanding and targeting crises around the globe before they become
    atrocities. This task force lacks structure and a clear mandate. How
    will you bolster the efforts already in place to ensure this task force
    can fully mobilize?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support a whole-of-government approach
    to prevent, mitigate, and respond to atrocities in line with the Elie
    Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act of 2018. I understand
    there is collaboration across the J family and interagency to support a
    White House review of the structure, process, and interagency
    coordination of the Atrocity Early Warning Task Force. I understand
    that effort includes examining how best to integrate atrocity
    prevention across related administration priorities, including the
    Global Fragility Act and the Women, Peace, and Security Act. If
    confirmed, I will support these efforts and work closely with
    interagency partners, Congress, and civil society to improve U.S.
    atrocity prevention.

        Question. The administration has announced a resumption of funding
    to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in
    the Near East (UNRWA) without securing any reforms. What reforms will
    you seek to ensure that UNRWA's textbooks and materials will not be
    anti-Semitic? How many UNRWA beneficiaries have citizenship in another
    country where they reside?

        Answer. I understand the Department has urged reforms in UNRWA and
    received commitments from the Agency prior to announcing the funding
    resumption. U.S. resumption of aid allows the Department to ensure
    UNRWA upholds the highest level of neutrality and a commitment to
    tolerance in educational materials; if confirmed, I will prioritize
    further progress in this area.
        A significant majority of the 2.2 million registered Palestinian
    refugees in Jordan hold citizenship. Not all Palestinian refugees seek
    access to UNRWA services.

        Question. How will you ensure there is not overlap between the work
    of the State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
    and USAID's Bureau of Democracy, Development and Innovations?

        Answer. President Biden has made clear in his Interim National
    Security Strategic Guidance that revitalizing democracy is a priority
    for U.S. foreign policy. If confirmed, I will work with the Bureau of
    Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (DRL) and USAID's Bureau of
    Democracy, Development and Innovations (DDI) to ensure their close
    coordination continues in support of this objective. The bureaus have
    complementary approaches to strengthen democratic institutions,
    including empowering and protecting local voices and strengthening
    government bodies. Using a complementary, holistic framework consistent
    with best practices reinforces prospects for success.

        Question. Over the last 15 years, we have seen democratic
    backsliding around the world from countries in every hemisphere. Where
    is the democracy promotion tool-kit failing? How can we improve our
    democracy promotion efforts?

        Answer. I share your concerns about the 15-year global trend of
    democratic backsliding. The United States must continue to respond and
    adapt to growing authoritarianism and new challenges such as the rise
    of surveillance tools and the use of COVID by some governments to
    justify repression. If confirmed, I will utilize all of the diplomatic
    and programmatic tools available to address these trends, in close
    partnership with other U.S. agencies, Congress, and like-minded
    international partners. If confirmed, I also intend to ensure that U.S.
    efforts to promote democracy are driven by data to improve
    effectiveness, measurability and impact.

        Question. Secretary Blinken has announced that the U.S. will be
    seeking a seat at the U.N. Human Rights Council for next year without
    securing reforms to the deeply flawed body. He has also indicated that
    the reforms the U.S. would seek are the same as the previous
    administration 1) Agenda Item 7 (Israel Bias) and 2) membership reform.
    What steps will you take to ensure that true reform is achieved? And if
    true reform is not achieved, what will the United States do?

        Answer. I am committed to seeking reforms of the Human Rights
    Council, particularly with respect to the Council's disproportionate
    focus on Israel and to its membership. When the United States plays an
    active and constructive role on the Council, it can better advocate to
    protect Israel from unfair bias on the Council. This year, there has
    been a reduction in the number of resolutions targeting Israel under
    Agenda Item 7. I believe the United States can also better engage, in
    consultation with its partners, to keep some of the countries with the
    worst human rights records off the Council and encourage countries with
    better records to run for seats. If confirmed, I will ensure the United
    States continues to prioritize needed reforms as part of our re-
    engagement with the Council.

        Question. Earlier this month, the State Department released its
    annual Human Rights Report, press reporting indicates that the
    Department decided to delete paragraphs which listed out abuses,
    including murder of Iranian citizens. If confirmed, would you work to
    ensure that instances like this do not occur in the Human Rights
    report? Do you believe this occurred because of administration's plan
    to re-open negotiations with Iran?

        Answer. The most recent State Department Country Report on Human
    Rights Practices for Iran lays out in detail-based on credible sources-
    Iran's abysmal human rights record. It includes numerous reports of
    unlawful or arbitrary killings; forced disappearance and torture by
    government agents; life-threatening prison conditions; hundreds of
    political prisoners and detainees; serious problems with independence
    of the judiciary, particularly the revolutionary courts; and severe
    restrictions on free expression, the press, and the internet. If
    confirmed, I will not pull any punches in calling out Iran's human
    rights violations and abuses and will consider all appropriate tools to
    promote accountability for those responsible for these actions.

        Question. The administration has announced that it will host a
    Summit of Democracies. Can you please provide more details on this
    proposed summit? What will be the definition of democracy will be used?

        Answer. I understand the administration is currently formulating
    its vision for the Summit of Democracy, which is intended to advance
    concrete commitments on pressing challenges to established and emerging
    democracies, including corruption, rising autocracy, and defending
    human rights at home and abroad. If confirmed, I promise to consult
    with the committee as details become available, including on
    definitional issues. I also commit to work with the committee to make
    the Summit as results-oriented as possible.

        Question. We have multiple allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific
    region with poor human rights records, but who we also cooperate with
    on economic and security issues that are important to the United
    States. Some of the allies, like the Philippines, are crucial to
    overarching U.S. strategy in the Indo-Pacific. In your view, what are
    the most effective ways to address human rights issues with countries
    that fall into this category?

        Answer. I understand the United States promotes a free, open, and
    rules-based Indo-Pacific region. Upholding U.S. values, including
    promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, is a
    key pillar of U.S. foreign policy and an enormous contributor to
    security, prosperity, and stability as well as U.S. influence across
    the Indo-Pacific region. If confirmed, I will utilize the full range of
    diplomatic tools to strengthen bilateral and multilateral
    relationships, to promote our values, to candidly address human
    security challenges with allies and partners, to support accountable
    government institutions, to strengthen local civil society capacity to
    hold their governments accountable, and to counter malign authoritarian
    influence.

        Question. Nicaragua is scheduled to hold general elections in
    November. In October 2020, the Organization of American States adopted
    a resolution [AG/RES.2962 (L-O-20)] calling for the restoration of
    democratic institutions and respect for human rights in Nicaragua
    through free and fair elections. The Ortega regime responded by
    approving three statutes with the apparent aim of quashing dissent in
    Nicaragua ahead of the November 2021 elections. If confirmed, do you
    commit to prioritizing programs and policies that support the efforts
    of democratic actors in Nicaragua to be a credible challenger to Ortega
    ahead of the November 2021 elections.

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to prioritizing and maintaining U.S.
    efforts to create conditions for free and fair elections in Nicaragua.
    The United States should continue to use the economic and diplomatic
    tools at its disposal, including targeted sanctions and bilateral and
    multilateral engagement, to support the democratic opposition and
    advance free and fair elections. It is not too late for the Ortega
    regime to make the meaningful reforms required before the May
    Organization of American States deadline.

        Question. How can the United States best reconcile its defense
    commitments to allies and partners, including through arms sales, with
    its need to adhere to U.S. values?

        Answer. As President Biden has said, America's values--defending
    freedom, championing opportunity, upholding universal rights,
    respecting the rule of law, and treating every person with dignity--are
    the grounding wire of our foreign policy and our abiding advantage
    globally. U.S. diplomacy must be rooted in those values, and our
    defense commitments, including arms sales, are no exception. If
    confirmed, I will work to ensure we are mindful of both our values and
    our interests as we engage allies and partners, and that our partners
    respect their commitments to the United States in turn.

        Question. The Trump administration began initiatives to mitigate
    civilian casualties caused by the actions of U.S.-supported partner
    forces. How can we best build off of these efforts?

        Answer. Human rights and civilian harm concerns should continue to
    be a critical consideration for every U.S. arms transfer review. The
    President and Secretary Blinken have said that human rights must be at
    the center of our foreign policy, and that includes policy regarding
    arms transfers and other security assistance.
        If confirmed, I will build upon U.S. efforts to assist partners to
    mitigate risks of civilian casualties and ensure our partner forces are
    taking steps to comply with international law, including the law of
    armed conflict, and protect human rights. If confirmed, as programs are
    re-examined, I intend to make sure they promote these policies with our
    security partners.

        Question. Across Sub-Saharan Africa, democratic gains are under
    threat as long-serving rulers manipulate constitutional and electoral
    processes to remain in power while stifling dissent and limiting
    opposition parties and candidates' activities. In 2020 alone, several
    African ruling parties and incumbent leaders applied authoritarian
    tactics that manipulated democratic processes and frameworks, including
    in Cameroon, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zimbabwe. If confirmed as Under
    Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy and Human Rights,
    will reinforcing democratic institutions and norms in Africa be a
    priority? What is your perspective on balancing competing U.S.
    priorities in the areas of security, democracy, and human rights in
    Sub-Saharan Africa, especially when some of our top security partners--
    including Uganda, Ethiopia, Nigeria, and Mali--periodically or
    consistently engage in undemocratic practices? In your view, which
    should take priority in Africa?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize encouraging governments
    across Africa to support democratic processes, strengthen democratic
    institutions, and respect the rights to freedom of expression,
    association, and peaceful assembly. I will also work to ensure that
    respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms is a pillar of U.S.
    foreign policy and that the United States takes a holistic approach to
    security challenges, ensuring that U.S. security and governance
    approaches are mutually reinforcing.

        Question. In the last two years, Sudan and Ethiopia have embarked
    upon unexpected democratic transitions. While the United States was,
    and continues to be, eager to support these transitions, rapidly
    mobilizing adequate resources has been a challenge in both cases. If
    confirmed, how would you support the Department to respond to rapid
    democratic transitions and opportunities that emerge unexpected?

        Answer. Democratic breakthroughs present an excellent opportunity
    for the U.S. Government to help consolidate democratic progress. Doing
    so often requires marshaling resources quickly to put in place
    effective programming. If confirmed, I intend to work closely with
    Department and USAID counterparts to ensure we have systems in place
    that provide flexibility to reallocate resources as needed. I will also
    work with embassies in the field and bureaus and offices that
    administer democracy programs to capitalize on these opportunities,
    including by pivoting quickly to support programs tailored for these
    situations. In all cases, I will work to ensure U.S. efforts empower
    democratic reformers and activists on the ground.

        Question. In Africa, USAID maintains a large democracy and
    governance portfolio. In recent years, it has been the policy of the
    Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (DRL) to limit programming
    to countries in Africa without an active USAID presence. Do you agree
    with this approach? What benefits could be seen from complimentary
    efforts by USAID, DRL and other State Department bureaus?

        Answer. I understand the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and
    Labor (DRL) is currently active in over 90 countries in the world,
    including many where there is a USAID presence. I believe that DRL's
    focus on empowering local activists and grassroots organizations to
    hold their government accountable complements USAID's work to build
    more effective government institutions. If confirmed, I will support
    DRL's efforts to coordinate closely with U.S. embassies, USAID, and
    other programming entities to maximize their collective impact.

        Question. Since Georgian Dream's 2012 electoral win, democracy and
    governance in the Caucasian country has steadily declined. The
    political situation came to a head after the October 2020 parliamentary
    election culminated in an opposition boycott of parliament and a
    breakdown of negotiations between the major parties. What more can be
    done to steer Georgians of all political parties back on a democratic
    trajectory? Does U.S. assistance to Georgia need to be conditioned on
    political progress? What would incentivize the major political parties
    to come to the negotiating table and compromise? Do you believe the
    U.S. should consider targeted sanctions on individuals or entities that
    are exacerbating or prolonging the crisis?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will call on both sides to deescalate the
    situation, engage in constructive dialogue, and make compromises to
    allow Georgia to move forward. I believe U.S. assistance is integral to
    advancing democratic reforms, boosting economic growth, and helping
    Georgia resist Russian aggression. I understand the United States also
    assists Georgian civil society and independent media to raise public
    awareness and advocate for positive change. Any proposed conditionality
    should be approached with this in mind. I believe it is important that
    Georgia continues to make progress on institutionalizing democratic
    values. If progress continues to wane in these areas, and if confirmed,
    I would consider the deployment of additional tools to address these
    issues and would seek consultation with Congress.

        Question. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy was
    overwhelmingly elected in 2019 on an anti-corruption platform. After a
    few promising reforms, Zelenskyy and his government have stalled and
    even backslidden on democratic and market-based economic reforms. What
    do you see as the current priorities for reform in Ukraine, and what
    pressure or leverage can the U.S. use to ensure Ukraine continues down
    its previously positive path? While Ukraine's democracy and electoral
    process is fairly robust and free, the country continues to struggle
    with entrenched corruption. What further steps can the U.S. take,
    either through its aid programs or political influence, to help propel
    forward Ukraine's fight against corruption in all areas of its society?
    How can we work better with European nations and the EU to leverage our
    collective support for Ukraine into real reforms? How well do you
    believe State and USAID coordinate their activities in Ukraine? What
    would you change to better utilize scarce resources in such a needy
    country?

        Answer. I am committed to revitalizing our bilateral relationship
    with Ukraine. If confirmed, I will support Ukraine's chosen Euro-
    Atlantic path, including by pushing for progress on rule of law, anti-
    corruption, and economic reforms that strengthen Ukraine's institutions
    and lead to a brighter future for all Ukrainians, in coordination with
    Allies and partners, including the EU. State and USAID are very well
    coordinated in Ukraine thanks to Assistance to Europe, Eurasia, and
    Central Asia (AEECA) appropriations and the role of the Coordinator of
    U.S. Assistance to Europe and Eurasia. If confirmed, I will promote
    accountability for those who try to undermine Ukraine's sovereignty and
    territorial and institutional integrity. I believe advancing reforms is
    just as important for Ukraine's future as opposing Russia's aggression.

        Question. Several high-profile scandals have exposed the Western
    financial system's difficulty in preventing corruption. In the FY21
    NDAA, the U.S. Congress updated its anti-money laundering laws to shift
    the burden of disclosure from the banks to the corporations and
    beneficial owners. And the EU has been working on a rule-of-law
    mechanism to link EU funds to good governance, as well as cracking down
    on ``golden visas.'' This corruption hurts both the citizens of the
    countries where the money was stolen and where it is stored. European
    countries have found themselves at both ends of this corruption cycle.
    How will the Biden administration collaborate with our democratic
    allies to tackle corruption in our interconnected financial systems,
    and what concrete actions will you take? How will State collaborate
    with the interagency on this goal? With the Treasury Department? How
    important is it that the United States and its European allies take
    steps to make our own systems less friendly to kleptocracy and less
    penetrable by dirty money?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support enhanced coordination with our
    partners to apply diplomatic pressure, bilaterally and through key
    multi-stakeholder fora, to prevent and combat corruption, building upon
    recent Congressional legislation. I will prioritize foreign assistance
    to strengthen governments' and civil society's capacity to do so as
    well. If confirmed, I intend to work with the Department of the
    Treasury and our other partners to utilize tools, such as the Global
    Magnitsky sanctions program and visa restrictions, to protect our
    financial systems and prevent kleptocrats from using their ill-gotten
    gains in the United States. It is critical that the United States and
    European allies work in tandem to curb corruption's destabilizing
    impact.

        Question. Several members of the EU's eastern bloc have experienced
    a rise in corruption, a decline in rule of law, and a strain on
    democratic institutions. Free and independent media in Poland, Hungary,
    Romania, and Bulgaria, to name a few, has been reduced and persecuted.
    Ruling parties have consolidated power in important industries and in
    the government. The EU has begun the process of implementing rule-of-
    law conditionality to the disbursement of EU funding as a means to
    combat this trend. Does the United States have a role to play in EU and
    EU member states' anti-corruption efforts? If yes, what is that role?

        Answer. I am concerned about the rise of corruption and attacks on
    the rule of law, media, and democratic institutions in a number of
    European states. I firmly support democratic values, including the rule
    of law and media freedom, and, if confirmed, will work to advance these
    values in multilateral fora to include the U.N. Convention against
    Corruption's Conference of States Parties and the G20 Anticorruption
    Group. These shared values underpin the United States' relationship
    with the EU and, I understand, are a topic of frank discussions with
    member state governments. If confirmed, I intend to use all tools at
    our disposal to address corruption within Eastern Europe and will
    encourage our EU partners to establish similar tools.

        Question. The Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons
    (J/TIP) authors one of the most important diplomatic tools we have each
    year, the Trafficking in Persons Report, which countless bodies rely on
    for crucial information, including Congress. Yet, this report is
    criticized for undue influence from regional bureaus or other parts of
    the department. What steps will you take, if confirmed, to ensure that
    the information and tier rankings in the TIP report accurately reflect
    anti-trafficking efforts and the real situations on the ground in-
    country?

        Answer. The United States has always been a global leader in the
    fight against human trafficking. The Trafficking in Persons (TIP)
    report is one of the most important diplomatic tools and information
    sources on this issue. If confirmed, I will strive to ensure the TIP
    Report is as objective and accurate as possible, and that tier rankings
    are based solely on each country's efforts to combat trafficking, as
    required by the Trafficking Victims Protection Act.

        Question. The Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act
    (TVPRA) mandates that foreign assistance restrictions placed on
    countries receiving a ``Tier 3'' ranking can be waived. The previous
    administration used this tool, but the rollout was messy due to lack of
    guidance on what exactly non-trade, non-humanitarian assistance was.
    Will you continue to recommend to the Secretary that these Tier 3
    restrictions be used for appropriate countries? Will you commit to
    working with Congress on clarifying the scope of non-trade, non-
    humanitarian assistance?

        Answer. I understand the Department considers Tier 3 restrictions
    and waivers carefully every year. This review informs the Secretary's
    recommendations to the President, whom the TVPA requires to impose or
    waive restrictions. If confirmed, I will seek to ensure that the State
    Department's recommendations to the President on restrictions and
    waivers are grounded by the facts on the ground in each country and an
    assessment of what would most effectively lead to improvements in those
    countries. I will welcome consultation with Congress on how to apply
    the trade-related exception.

        Question. The International Criminal Court has open investigations
    in Afghanistan and the West Bank and Gaza. How will GCJ plan to engage
    with this court on these two cases? Do you agree that both cases are
    squarely outside of the court's jurisdiction?

        Answer. I strongly agree with the administration's objection to
    attempts by the International Criminal Court (ICC) to assert
    jurisdiction over U.S. and Israeli personnel. The United States and
    Israel are not States Parties, and the Palestinians do not qualify as a
    sovereign State. If confirmed, I will work to address U.S. concerns
    about these cases through engagement with all stakeholders in the ICC
    process. The Office of Global Criminal Justice provides critical
    subject-matter expertise, advising the Secretary and other senior
    leaders formulating U.S. policy on accountability for war crimes,
    crimes against humanity, and genocide. If confirmed, I intend to ensure
    engagement with the Court on these cases is part of an administration-
    wide strategy.

        Question. Secretary Blinken has agreed to examine a genocide
    determination for the Rohingya. Do you agree with this examination and
    how would you execute it?

        Answer. I am appalled by the Burmese military's reign of terror
    against Rohingya and members of other ethnic and religious minority
    groups, as well as those related to the devastating military coup. If
    confirmed, I will support the Secretary in any review process, and
    ensure the Department remains focused on promoting accountability for
    those responsible for abuses, seeking justice for victims, advocating
    for unhindered humanitarian access, supporting the return to Burma's
    democratic transition, and promoting reforms that will help prevent the
    recurrence of atrocities and other human rights violations and abuses
    across Burma.

        Question. How will this administration engage with the office of
    Global Criminal Justice? Given crises like the Rohingya and Syria,
    engagement from you, if confirmed, alongside GCJ is important to
    curbing the atrocities being committed against some of the most
    vulnerable populations.

        Answer. The Office of Global Criminal Justice (GCJ) provides policy
    advice and technical expertise to the Secretary of State and the Under
    Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy and Human Rights on
    preventing, mitigating, and responding to atrocities, including war
    crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. The office also plays a
    central role in coordinating U.S. policy to promote transitional
    justice and accountability, which is vital to atrocity prevention and
    prospects for lasting peace and stability. If confirmed, I will ensure
    GCJ's expertise is incorporated into U.S. policy formulation on these
    issues as part of the administration's efforts to promote respect for
    human rights and the rule of law.

        Question. The CCP is actively committing genocide against the
    Uyghurs and other ethnic Muslims in Xinjiang. However, the IOC has
    given it the prestige of holding the Winter 2022 Olympics and
    Paralympics. Do you support China hosting the Winter Games in 2022?
    What other alternatives would you propose?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support extensive U.S. engagement and
    coordination with allies and partners to deny the CCP the ability to
    use the 2022 Winter Olympic Games to obscure China's abysmal human
    rights record. This would include outreach to the U.S. Olympic and
    Paralympic Committee, Olympics sponsors, and equipment and apparel
    suppliers to raise awareness of and promote accountability for the PRC
    Government's atrocities and human rights abuses, including genocide and
    crimes against humanity in Xinjiang, as well as forced labor. I will
    also consult closely with allies and partners to define our common
    concerns and establish a shared approach to the PRC in advance of and
    during the 2022 Winter Olympics.

        Question. Can you please explain the mandate and operations of the
    Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations? How does it add value
    to the work of the Department? How does CSO's work differ from or
    overlap with USAID's Office of Transitions Initiative?

        Answer. I understand the mission of the Bureau of Conflict and
    Stabilization Operations (CSO) is to anticipate, prevent, and respond
    to conflicts that undermine U.S. national interests. CSO's work differs
    from USAID/OTI in that, as part of the State Department, CSO plays a
    vital role in enhancing the Department's strategies, policies, and
    programs on conflict prevention and stabilization. Top CSO priorities
    include implementation of the Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities
    Prevention Act of 2018 and the Global Fragility Act of 2019, which
    builds upon the 2018 Stabilization Assistance Review and the Women,
    Peace, and Security agenda. If confirmed, I welcome Congressional
    consultation on CSO's mandate and operations.

        Question. The Global Fragility Act (GFA) required the formulation
    of a whole-of-government strategy to identify and address the drivers
    of violence and conflict in fragile states and regions. Under the
    previous administration, a broadly accepted strategy was released.
    Unfortunately, the process for selecting the target countries and
    regions in which the strategy would be tested was fraught with
    challenges. Moreover, pilot initiatives brought to light how competing
    interests--namely between the Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization
    Operations and U.S. Embassies and USAID Missions--and a lack of
    appropriate consultation with the field could undermine the future
    success of GFA initiatives. The Biden administration will now be
    charged with relaunching the GFA country and region selection process
    and implementation plans in a manner that reflects these critical
    lessons learned. If confirmed, how will you approach the GFA selection
    process for target countries and regions? What, if anything, within the
    country/region diagnostic and selection process needs to be changed?
    Should the Sahel and the Northern Triangle automatically be included as
    priority regions given the national security interests at stake, or
    would you recommend reserving judgement and allowing selection to be
    strictly guided by the data?

        Answer. It is my understanding that the White House is leading a
    renewal of the GFA country and region selection process to evaluate
    previous recommendations and consider others, followed by Congressional
    consultation and final approval by the President. I understand the
    review takes into account the impact on fragility of COVID-19, the
    global economic crisis, gender inequality, and climate change. I also
    understand the selection process is based on objective criteria
    outlined in the GFA, including assessed levels and risks of fragility,
    violent conflict, atrocities, gender inequality, and resilience;
    political will and capacity; opportunity for impact; as well as U.S.
    national security and economic interests. If confirmed, I will support
    these efforts.

        Question. There are also concerns about an apparent lack of senior-
    level buy-in from the Department of Defense, poor coordination between
    the Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations (CSO) and other key
    functional bureaus within the Department of State (such as
    Counterterrorism and Political Military Affairs), and poor
    communication with U.S. Embassies and Missions in the field. If
    confirmed, how would you work across departments and agencies to
    implement the GFA? How will Embassy and Mission priorities be reflected
    in selection and implementation plans? Should GFA implementation
    continue to be run out of CSO, or should leadership be elevated to a
    higher level, as Congress intended?

        Answer. Successful GFA implementation will require fundamental
    changes in the way the U.S. Government works on issues of fragility and
    conflict, integrating more closely the work among functional and
    regional bureaus, different agencies, the field, and Washington. If
    confirmed, I will work closely with the Under Secretary for Political
    Affairs to ensure strong partnerships with embassies and missions. I
    believe elevated senior staff buy-in and CSO's expertise and
    coordination role are critical to effective implementation of the GFA,
    which will require ongoing learning, monitoring, and adaptive
    management to inform policy and programming decisions.

        Question. A criticism of the previous administration was its focus
    on international religious freedom issues. How will you, if confirmed,
    ensure this administration does not overcorrect on IRF issues and
    therefore ignore the serious concerns of religious freedom issues
    globally?

        Answer. I am committed to promoting and defending religious
    freedom, which has long been a key U.S. foreign policy objective I was
    proud to advance in my prior role as Acting Assistant Secretary of
    State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. If confirmed, I will look
    to leverage the tools of U.S. diplomacy and foreign assistance to
    advance this universal right, ensuring that efforts to promote respect
    for religious freedom are fully integrated into broader policies that
    promote freedom and dignity for all people.

        Question. How will you work to empower the office of the Special
    Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism?

        Answer. I am deeply committed to combatting anti-Semitism at home
    and abroad and share the concerns of Congress about rising anti-
    Semitism around the world. If confirmed, I will work closely with the
    Special Envoy to reinforce her or his efforts, elevate the fight
    against global anti-Semitism in our engagements with foreign
    interlocutors, and ensure the office of the Special Envoy has the staff
    and resources it needs to execute its mission effectively.

        Question. The Office of Global Women's Issues continue to be a
    separate office within the S bureau. Under the last administration,
    there was an effort to align this office within the J family. Will this
    continue to be an S office, or do you, if confirmed, plan to continue
    re-alignment of S/GWI under the J family? What steps will you take to
    integrate global women issue initiatives throughout the J family and
    the interagency, especially on projects like Women, Peace, and
    Security, and Women's Global Development and Prosperity Fund (WGDP)?

        Answer. I am committed to supporting President Biden's goal of
    advancing gender equality and the full empowerment of women and girls
    around the world. The Secretary's Office of Global Women's Issues (S/
    GWI) plays a pivotal coordination role in ensuring the Department is
    bringing the full diplomatic toolbox to bear in support of gender
    equality goals, including through robust collaboration with J family
    bureaus and offices. If confirmed, I look forward to exploring how the
    J family can enhance coordination with S/GWI and mobilize its unique
    resources to support women and girls as part of a comprehensive U.S.
    Government gender equality strategy.

        Question. The 2020 DEA report on fentanyl flows to the United
    States identifies the People's Republic of China as the primary source
    of fentanyl and fentanyl-related substances trafficked to the United
    States, increasingly through Mexico. Mexican transnational criminal
    organizations are producing increased quantities of fentanyl and
    cartels, such as the Sinaloa and the New Generation Jalisco Cartel, are
    the primary trafficking groups responsible for smuggling fentanyl into
    the United States from Mexico. If confirmed, what specific actions
    would you take to ensure the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
    Enforcement Affairs programs are focusing on meaningfully reducing the
    flow of fentanyl and other synthetic opioids to the United States?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Bureau of International
    Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs to stop fentanyl trafficking by:
    reducing diversion and illicit production of synthetic drugs;
    strengthening the capacity of our partners to detect, interdict, and
    share information on synthetic drug threats; building capacity to
    target illicit online sales; shrinking the drug market by reducing
    global drug demand; and enhancing partnerships with governments,
    industry, and international organizations. If confirmed, I will work
    with partners such as Mexico to reduce production and improve
    interdiction, and I will continue U.S. efforts to press the People's
    Republic of China to better regulate its chemical industry and
    synthetic opioid precursors.

        Question. On March 1st, the Government Accountability Office (GAO)
    issued a report with specific recommendations for the Bureau of
    International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) to strengthen
    risk management for programs under the Merida Initiative (GAO-21-335).
    If confirmed, do you commit to ensure INL takes swift action to
    implement the recommendations in this report?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure the Bureau of International
    Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) swiftly implements
    Government Accountability Office (GAO) recommendations to strengthen
    risk management for programs under the Merida Initiative. I understand
    the Department concurred with GAO's important recommendations, and, for
    programs under the Merida Initiative, INL is in the process of
    completing an anti-fraud risk assessment; developing and implementing
    an anti-fraud strategy; developing and implementing a mandatory fraud
    awareness training program for staff; and re-evaluating practices for
    local vetting of non-security personnel.

        Question. Please describe your understanding of the relationship
    between the Government of Cuba, the U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist
    Organization Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional (ELN), and the Maduro
    regime in Venezuela.

        Answer. I am deeply concerned by the actions of the Government of
    Cuba, from its treatment of its own people, to its connection to and
    substantial support for the brutal Maduro regime. I understand members
    of the Colombian-origin National Liberation Army (ELN), including
    senior leadership, traveled to Cuba in 2018 for now-defunct peace
    negotiations with the Government of Colombia. When negotiations failed,
    Cuba continued to provide safe haven to ELN leadership. In January
    2019, ELN claimed responsibility for a deadly bombing in Colombia.
    Citing peace protocols signed before the ELN negotiators traveled to
    Cuba, Cuba has refused to extradite ELN leaders to Colombia. With
    respect to Venezuela, Maduro and his associates use criminal activities
    to help maintain their hold on power, fostering a permissive
    environment for known terrorist groups, including the ELN and its
    sympathizers.
        If confirmed, I will commit to closely reviewing the status of ELN
    leadership in Cuba and consulting with Congress as the Biden-Harris
    administration reviews U.S. policy toward Cuba.

        Question. There are around 10,000 ISIS fighters at various
    detention facilities, including 2,000 foreign fighters (FTF) that U.S.
    Central Command (CENTCOM) characterizes as ``hardcore foreign terrorist
    fighters.'' Internally Displace Camps (IDP) in Syria, like al Hol, have
    become areas of systemic ISIS indoctrination of IDPs and refugees. The
    process of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) of
    former combatants plays a critical role in transitions from war to
    peace. Yet, countries around the world with foreign terrorist fighters
    have failed to make any progress to date. How does the Biden
    administration plan to address this problem?

        Answer. I understand the Department urges countries of origin to
    repatriate their foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) and associated
    family members from detention facilities and camps in northeast Syria,
    and to rehabilitate, reintegrate and prosecute those individuals as
    appropriate. I understand the Department does this through intensive
    diplomatic engagement, including through the Global Coalition to defeat
    ISIS, by helping to repatriate individuals whose countries of origin
    are willing to accept them, and helping develop rehabilitation and
    reintegration protocols and programs. If confirmed, I will urge FTF
    repatriation and leverage multilateral platforms in those efforts to
    prevent ISIS from reconstituting capability in Syria and Iraq.

        Question. 10 USC 127e authority allows the Secretary of Defense,
    with the concurrence of the relevant Chief of Mission, to expend up to
    $100 million each year to support foreign forces, irregular forces,
    groups, or individuals engaged in supporting or facilitating authorized
    ongoing military operations by United States special operations forces
    to combat terrorism. Despite the important counterterrorism (CT)
    collaboration between Department of Defense (DoD) and State Department,
    the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC) and the House Foreign
    Affairs Committee (HFAC) lack visibility into this space.
    Traditionally, SFRC and HFAC have not been afforded any insight into
    127e programs and what our Chiefs of Mission are concurring with. Do we
    have your commitment to return to this committee and brief on areas of
    DoD and State CT cooperation, particularly the integration between 10
    USC 127e and Anti-Terrorism Assistance (ATA) programs?

        Answer. I understand the Department of State works closely with the
    Department of Defense on a broad range of counterterrorism issues,
    including in the Department of Defense's activities under its Title 10,
    Section 127e authorities. I recognize that Congress has an important
    oversight role to play in the U.S. Government's counterterrorism
    efforts, and if confirmed, I will be committed to engaging with
    Congress to discuss these and other counterterrorism lines of effort.

        Question. The previous administration disbanded the Defense
    Department's Defeat- ISIS Task Force, leading its then director
    Christopher Maier to resign in November 2020. Former President Trump
    similarly moved State Department's Special Envoy to the Global
    Coalition to Defeat ISIS under the Bureau of Counterterrorism, with
    Acting John Godfrey serving as that special envoy. Is this the right
    staffing and organizational structure to prevent an ISIS resurgence?

        Answer. I understand that achieving the enduring defeat of ISIS
    remains a central priority of the administration. I do not believe the
    dual-hatting of the CT Coordinator and Special Envoy reflects a
    diminution of the position of the Special Envoy for the Global
    Coalition to Defeat ISIS. It instead reflects the evolving nature of
    the ISIS threat to encompass areas outside Iraq and Syria, and a desire
    to situate the enduring D-ISIS mission within the established CT Bureau
    architecture. Doing so enables effective leverage of CT Bureau's
    civilian counterterrorism capacity-building assets and closer
    coordinate with other bureaus. If confirmed, I will ensure that both
    roles are prioritized and sustainably resourced.

        Question. The Biden administration has launched a review of the
    February 29 agreement with the Taliban, including the CT assurances and
    posture issues associated with it. This is an issue with obvious and
    important CT ramifications given the origins of this war and the
    terrorist threats that endure. What role do you anticipate your bureau
    playing in this review? How do you plan on ensuring U.S. CT interests
    in Afghanistan are addressed?

        Answer. I understand the Department of State, including the Bureau
    of Counterterrorism, is a part of the interagency effort to monitor and
    disrupt significant terrorist threats not only in Afghanistan but
    anywhere else they might arise. If confirmed, my focus will be to
    ensure our counterterrorism efforts maintain consistent pressure on
    terrorist groups to deny them the time, space, and resources they need
    to conduct complex, international attacks, including against the U.S.
    homeland.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
              Submitted to Uzra Zeya by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

        Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
    your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
    impact of your actions?

        Answer. My most meaningful achievements in promoting human rights
    and democracy involve expanding coalitions to advance universal human
    rights, countering malign influence, and elevating protection for human
    rights defenders worldwide. In prior State Department leadership roles,
    I expanded the first public-private partnership (PPP) for LGBT equality
    to include private sector stakeholders, launched the first global PPP
    against gender-based violence, and created new regional platforms to
    protect journalists under siege. I helped persuade France to cancel a
    multi-billion dollar defense sale to Russia in the wake of the Crimea
    invasion, and successfully countered Russian disinformation efforts to
    interfere with France's 2017 election. I persuaded India to launch its
    first-ever third-country democracy promotion efforts with the United
    States, including programs to generate self-employment opportunities
    for Afghan women and build other nations' capacity to conduct free and
    fair elections.

        Question. The Hong Kong National Security Law, which mainland
    Chinese authorities have imposed on Hong Kong, has already begun to
    fundamentally transform the space for democracy and human rights in the
    city. In your view, what steps should the U.S. Government take to help
    defend the space for press freedom, free expression, and democracy in
    Hong Kong?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will stand united with our allies and
    partners against the PRC's assault on Hong Kong's freedoms and its
    blatant disregard for its international obligations and commitments. I
    will use all available diplomatic tools at the U.S. Government's
    disposal, including sanctions, visa restrictions, and other measures,
    to promote accountability for the egregious actions of authorities in
    Hong Kong and Beijing, and I will urge our allies and partners to do
    the same. If confirmed, I will also help those who have been persecuted
    by the Hong Kong and Beijing authorities find safe haven in the United
    States and other countries.

        Question. Since the February 1 coup by the Burmese military, the
    space for free expression and association has dramatically constricted
    as the junta attempts to suppress a sustained and countrywide civil
    disobedience movement against its rule. More than 700 civilians have
    been killed, and several thousand are currently detained. The
    solidarity already shown by the U.S. Government to the protestors is
    encouraging, but what further specific steps do you envision that this
    administration can take to ensure maximum support for human rights
    activists, journalists, and prominent voices of conscience at risk, and
    to urge the military to peacefully return power to the duly-elected
    government as soon as possible?

        Answer. The United States, under the Biden-Harris administration,
    has condemned in the strongest possible terms and taken actions against
    those responsible for the military coup in Burma, the horrific violence
    against protesters, and the ongoing, unjust detentions of State
    Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and other
    democratically-elected leaders as well as more than 3,000 civil society
    actors from across ethnic and religious groups. If confirmed, I will
    use all available U.S. diplomatic tools, including sanctions, visa
    restrictions, and other measures, to promote accountability and build
    global coalitions to support the Burmese people's efforts to
    reestablish and safeguard their path to democracy.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
                 Submitted to Uzra Zeya by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. You were listed in the acknowledgements section of a 1990
    book titled ``Stealth PACs: How Israel's American Lobby Took control of
    U.S. Middle East Policy,'' published by your employer at the time, the
    American Educational Trust. Can you confirm today that you do not share
    the anti-Israel claims in this book or of the American Educational
    Trust? Do you believe pro-Israel Americans, and pro-Israel members of
    Congress, have dual loyalties?

        Answer. I categorically reject the anti-Israel claims in this book
    and espoused by the American Educational Trust. Further, I had nothing
    to do with the content of the book. My entry-level employment at the
    American Educational Trust ended some 31 years ago, I have had no
    contact with the organization since then, and I reject the
    organization's positions with respect to Israel. I deplore any
    suggestion that American Jews or members of Congress who advocate for a
    strong U.S.-Israel relationship have dual loyalties or are disloyal to
    the United States.

        Question. The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs routinely
    publishes a list of members of Congress who receive donations from pro-
    Israel Americans. Do you believe there is something untoward about pro-
    Israel Americans engaging in the political process?

        Answer. I strongly support the right of every American, including
    those who strongly support the U.S.-Israel alliance, to engage in the
    U.S. political process, and see nothing untoward in this activity. As I
    noted, my entry-level employment at the American Educational Trust
    ended some 31 years ago, I have had no contact with the organization
    since then, and I categorically reject the organization's positions
    with respect to Israel. I strongly support the Biden administration's
    commitment to renewing democracy abroad and at home, and believe the
    latter is underpinned by the rights of every American to fully exercise
    their constitutional rights, including freedom of expression, freedom
    of association, freedom of religion, freedom to petition one's
    government, and equal protection under the law.

        Question. What is your view of the U.S.-Israel relationship?

        Answer. I support the United States' unwavering and ironclad
    commitment to Israel's security. If confirmed, I will support the
    administration in working to further strengthen all aspects of the
    U.S.-Israel alliance, including with respect to countering Iranian
    state-sponsored terrorism, increasing international solidarity against
    Hezbollah and other Iran-supported foreign terrorist organizations,
    expanding global coalitions against anti-Semitism, building upon
    Israel's normalization agreements with key Arab Governments, and
    eliminating anti-Israel bias in the U.N. system, including the U.N.
    Human Rights Council and the International Criminal Court.

        Question. Do you agree that U.S. policy in the region is best
    advanced when working closely with our ally Israel?

        Answer. Yes. President Biden has been one of Israel's strongest
    supporters over the last fifty years. I understand the U.S.-Israel
    alliance is deeply personal to him and, indeed, he's met and worked
    closely with every Israeli Prime Minister since Golda Meir. I
    understand the President believes the ties between our two countries,
    rooted in strategic interests and shared values, should transcend
    domestic politics. In this vein, I understand the administration will
    not only further strengthen the U.S.-Israel alliance, but also ensure
    that it enjoys bipartisan backing. If confirmed, I will support the
    administration's goals to work closely with Israel, to include building
    on normalization agreements to strengthen cooperation between Israel
    and its neighbors.

        Question. Do you fully support Israel's right to defend itself from
    terrorist attacks, including taking pre-emptive action to disrupt
    weapons shipments from Iran to its terrorist proxies?

        Answer. Israel has the right to defend itself from terrorist
    attacks, and I understand the Biden-Harris administration's commitment
    to Israel's security to be a cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy. I
    support the administration's policy to continue U.S. security
    assistance to Israel and uphold Israel's Qualitative Military Edge,
    which is critical to ensuring Israel has the means to defend itself. If
    confirmed, I will support action, in coordination with our allies and
    partners, to deter and counter Iran's destabilizing activities. If
    confirmed, I will strongly support the administration's goals regarding
    Israel's security.

        Question. Do you support full funding for United States security
    assistance to Israel as laid out in the current 10-year MOU? Do you
    support the position of President Biden that conditioning aid to Israel
    is wrong?

        Answer. I understand President Biden's commitment to Israel's
    security is ironclad. The President played an important role in helping
    to negotiate the 2016 Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on security
    assistance, among the largest aid packages in U.S. history. If
    confirmed, I will support the administration's pledge to preserve the
    terms of the MOU without reservation.

        Question. What is your view of the Iranian regime and the country's
    human rights record?

        Answer. The Iranian Government has the dubious distinction of being
    the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism, a destabilizing force
    in the region, and a longtime and systematic human rights violator.
    Iran severely restricts the rights to peaceful assembly, freedom of
    association, freedom of religion or belief, and freedom of expression.
    If confirmed, I will call out Iran's human rights violations and
    abuses, which include arbitrary or unlawful detention of numerous
    individuals, some of whom have faced torture and/or cruel, inhuman, or
    degrading treatment or punishment, and execution after unfair trials. I
    also will work with my colleagues to consider all appropriate tools to
    promote accountability for human rights violators.

        Question. Are you committed to robust human rights programming in
    Iran, regardless of how such programming may impact nuclear
    negotiations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support robust human rights programs
    in Iran. The Iranian Government denies Iranians the ability to exercise
    their human rights, including through severe restrictions on the rights
    to peaceful assembly, freedom of association, freedom of religion or
    belief, and freedom of expression. If confirmed, I will support all
    appropriate diplomatic tools to support the Iranian people so their
    voices are heard and they can hold their government accountable for its
    actions.

        Question. Since the passage of the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002, all
    but one of the U.S. Special Coordinators for Tibetan Issues have
    concurrently held your position. If you are designated the Special
    Coordinator, will you commit to promoting substantive dialogue without
    pre-conditions between the Dalai Lama and the Chinese Government that
    leads to a negotiated agreement on Tibet, as mandated by the Tibetan
    Policy and Support Act of 2020?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed and designated as Special Coordinator for
    Tibetan Issues, I will work with our allies and partners to press
    Beijing to return to direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his
    representatives, without preconditions, to achieve meaningful autonomy
    for Tibetans.

        Question. If Beijing continues to refuse to engage in dialogue, as
    it has done since 2010, will you insist that our dialogue with Beijing
    on some issues of importance to them be linked to their resumption of
    dialogue with the Tibetans?

        Answer. If confirmed and designated as the Special Coordinator for
    Tibetan Issues, I will work with our allies and partners to press
    Beijing to return to direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his
    representatives to achieve meaningful autonomy. I will also call upon
    Beijing to respect the human rights of Tibetans and to preserve Tibet's
    environment as well as to respect its distinct cultural, linguistic,
    and religious traditions.

        Question. If confirmed, will you stand firm in communicating to
    Beijing the United States position that we will not under any
    circumstances accept a Chinese-controlled process to select the Dalai
    Lama's successor? If the Chinese authorities attempt to force a
    politically chosen successor on the Tibetan people, will you commit to
    imposing serious sanctions in response?

        Answer. The PRC Government must have no role in the succession
    process of the Dalai Lama. PRC authorities' interference in the
    succession of the Panchen Lama 26 years ago, including disappearing the
    Panchen Lama as a child and attempting to replace him with a PRC
    Government-chosen successor, remains an outrageous abuse of religious
    freedom that I denounced as Acting Assistant Secretary of State for
    Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. If confirmed, I am committed to
    promoting respect for Tibetans' religious freedom and to taking all
    appropriate measures to promote accountability for PRC Government
    officials who attempt to interfere in the Dalai Lama's succession,
    consistent with the Tibetan Policy and Support Act of 2020.

        Question. Do you believe that the CCP is committing cultural
    genocide, also known as cultural erasure, against the Tibetans, whose
    civilization is distinct from that of China and boasts its own rich
    language, literature, religious tradition, and culture? Will you commit
    to undertaking programmatic and policy initiatives that will protect
    Tibetan culture and language in Tibet and in exile?

        Answer. The Chinese Government has been relentless in seeking to
    suppress the distinct cultural, linguistic, and religious traditions of
    Tibetans. If confirmed, I will call on Beijing to end these policies
    and will explore every opportunity, including through policy and
    program initiatives, to help Tibetans preserve their traditions. This
    will include working with allies and partners to press Beijing to
    return to direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his representatives,
    without preconditions, to achieve meaningful autonomy for Tibetans.

        Question. Will you commit to regularly raise the case of the
    Panchen Lama and press for his release? Will you ensure that no U.S.
    official meets with, or provides a public platform, for the individual
    that Beijing appointed in his place?

        Answer. Yes. I am saddened that Gedhun Choekyi Nyima--the Panchen
    Lama--remains disappeared since his 1995 forced disappearance by PRC
    authorities, separated from his community and denied his rightful place
    as a prominent Tibetan Buddhist leader. If confirmed, I am committed to
    supporting Tibetans' religious freedom, including their ability to
    select, educate, and venerate their religious leaders, like the Dalai
    Lama and the Panchen Lama, according to their own beliefs and without
    government interference. I will also call on the PRC Government to
    publicize verifiable proof of the Tibetan-selected Panchen Lama's
    whereabouts and wellbeing and allow him to speak for himself.

        Question. If confirmed, can you commit that the Biden
    administration will not provide aid to the PA if Palestinian officials
    have not ceased payments to those convicted of terrorist acts according
    to U.S. law?

        Answer. I understand that the administration has been clear that
    all U.S. assistance for the Palestinians, including the recently
    announced assistance, will be provided consistent with U.S. law.

        Question. UNRWA currently only discloses contracts over $100,000 in
    its quarterly filings. However, the Annual Statistical Report on U.N.
    Procurement states that U.N. agencies must disclose all contracts over
    $30,000. Will you hold UNRWA accountable for disclosing all contracts
    over $30,000?

        Answer. I understand UNRWA discloses all of its awards, including
    those above the $30,000 threshold, to the United Nations Office for
    Procurement Services which then reports them together with all other
    U.N. agencies in the Annual Statistical Report on U.N. Procurement,
    published on the U.N. Global Market website (UNGM.org). If confirmed, I
    will seek to ensure UNRWA continues to abide by all relevant U.N.
    policies and regulations.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to supporting Cuba
    democracy programs?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that support for
    democracy and human rights is at the core of our efforts to empower the
    Cuban people to determine their own future. The recently released 2020
    Human Rights Report notes the significant human rights abuses
    perpetrated by Cuban Government officials. If confirmed, I will ensure
    the U.S. Government continues its steadfast support for and engagement
    with Cuban human rights defenders, activists, and civil society members
    to bolster their important work. I also will promote human rights,
    fundamental freedoms, and democracy, and will facilitate the free flow
    of information to the Cuban people.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you support Cuba's democracy,
    civil society and human rights defenders in Cuba?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure the U.S. Government continues
    its steadfast support for and engagement with Cuban human rights
    defenders, activists, and civil society members to bolster their
    important work. I also will promote human rights, fundamental freedoms,
    and democracy, and will facilitate the free flow of information to the
    Cuban people. I will also denounce the Cuban Government's abuses and
    push for democratic reform. If confirmed, I will consult with Congress
    about Cuba policy.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
                 Submitted to Uzra Zeya by Senator Rob Portman

        Question. North Korea is a topic of personal significance to me.
    Last year I gave a speech on the Senate floor to honor Otto Warmbier on
    the third anniversary of his passing, and I remain in contact with Fred
    and Cindy--Otto's parents who are constituents. How will this
    administration approach the challenge of North Korea from a national
    security and human rights perspective?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to placing human rights at the
    center of our foreign policy, including with North Korea, and working
    with like-minded partners to call out human rights abuses. I am deeply
    concerned by North Korea's deplorable human rights abuses, including
    its network of political prison and labor camps, use of forced labor,
    and severe restrictions of religious freedom, and horrific treatment of
    unjustly detained Americans like Mr. Warmbier. If confirmed, I will
    prioritize addressing North Korea's egregious human rights record and
    promoting respect for human rights in the closed country. I will also
    prioritize increased coordination with our allies and partners and will
    use all diplomatic tools at the U.S. Government's disposal to promote
    accountability for those responsible for the unspeakable abuses that
    occur in the country.

        Question. I am deeply concerned regarding the ongoing reports of
    atrocities and human rights abuses occurring in the ongoing civil war
    in Ethiopia. As you are aware, civil wars are a unique threat, as this
    type of conflict often destabilizes neighboring states, attracts
    foreign fighters as well as third party proxy support for sides in the
    conflict. How can we ensure that Ethiopia's fragile transition toward
    democracy can continue given the current circumstances, and how can the
    United States ensure accountability for crimes occurring not just in
    the Tigray region, but all of Ethiopia?

        Answer. The President and the Secretary of State have made clear
    that securing a ceasefire and supporting a political dialogue to defuse
    the political crisis in Ethiopia, including in Tigray, is an urgent
    priority, and I understand they plan to appoint a special envoy to lead
    a robust diplomatic effort to advance these goals. If confirmed, I will
    work closely with the special envoy in this regard. In addition, I will
    support the work of a joint investigation mechanism by the Ethiopian
    Human Rights Commission and the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner
    for Human Rights as a first step in the accountability process.
    Credible, independent, and transparent investigations into human rights
    violations and abuses are critical for long-term justice,
    accountability, and reconciliation.

        Question. Yesterday, President Biden announced his intention to
    withdraw all troops from Afghanistan by the 20th anniversary of the
    September 11th attacks. While the American people are understandably
    weary after two decades of war, any move to draw down our military
    presence in Afghanistan should be based on conditions on the ground,
    not in accordance with an arbitrary date. The Taliban have not upheld
    their commitments during the peace negotiations process. Before any
    withdrawal, we must ensure that the Taliban respects the legitimate
    governing authority of Afghanistan and see a de-association from
    extremist groups such as Al 'Qaeda and ISIS. We cannot repeat the
    mistakes of the past, such as the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq
    in 2011. That decision lead to more military intervention from the
    United States, not less, while giving rise to new extremist groups that
    filled the vacuum of instability. Do you share in my concern that a
    complete withdrawal of all U.S. forces in September without any sign
    that the Taliban is prepared to become a responsible partner in
    governing? What are the chances that Afghanistan becomes a failed state
    and a haven for terrorists who could once again strike the United
    States Homeland?

        Answer. I support the administration's decision to complete a full
    military withdrawal by September 11, and to focus on diplomatic efforts
    to facilitate a negotiated settlement between the Taliban and the
    Afghan Government. If confirmed, I will work to ensure we remain
    vigilant to the terrorist threat and that U.S. humanitarian assistance
    preserves gains for Afghan women and civil society and mitigates
    prospects for state failure. I understand the administration will work
    with Afghan partners and Allies to counter any reemergence of a
    terrorist threat and to hold the Taliban to its commitment to ensure al
    Qaeda does not threaten the United States, our interests, or our
    allies.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
                   Submitted to Uzra Zeya by Senator Ted Cruz

        Question. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is committing a
    genocide against the Uyghurs and other minorities in the Xinjiang Uygur
    Autonomous Region (XUAR) that is ongoing. The Biden administration had
    sent differing signals about the degree to which administration
    officials assessed that genocide is indeed ongoing, but on March 22,
    Secretary Blinken correctly emphasized ``the P.R.C. continues to commit
    genocide and crimes against humanity.'' Do you agree with the
    assessment that the Chinese Government is engaged in a genocide against
    the Uyghurs and other minorities in the XUAR that is ongoing?

        Answer. I agree with the Secretary of State's determination that
    the Government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) is committing
    genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghurs, who are
    predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious
    minority groups in Xinjiang. These crimes include imprisonment,
    torture, enforced sterilization, and persecution, including through
    forced labor and draconian restrictions on the freedoms of religion or
    belief, expression, and movement. These atrocities shock the conscience
    and must be met with serious consequences.

        Question. What role do you see for the State Department in
    countering that ongoing genocide, and more broadly the human rights
    atrocities being committed by the Chinese Communist Party?

        Answer. I share your deep concern about the ongoing genocide and
    crimes against humanity against Uyghurs, who are predominantly Muslim,
    and members of other ethnic and religious groups in Xinjiang. I
    understand the Department has reinvigorated cooperation with partners
    and allies and has imposed a number of measures to address these
    atrocities. If confirmed, I will support ongoing efforts to broaden
    this international coalition and call for an independent and unhindered
    investigation. I also will support using all appropriate tools,
    including those provided for in the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act, to
    pressure the PRC to end these atrocities and to promote accountability
    for those responsible and justice for victims.

        Question. The Obama-Biden administration's approach to the Israeli-
    Arab conflict was justified on the basis of a theory of regional
    relations in which the Israeli-Palestinian conflict prevented broader
    Israeli-Arab rapprochement. Among other decisions, that administration
    implemented discriminatory policies that distinguished between Jewish
    communities in places Israel controlled before and after 1967. That
    approach culminated in December 2016, when the Obama administration
    maneuvered the United Nations Security Council into passing UNSCR 2334,
    which among other things denied Israel's sovereignty over the Golan
    Heights and part of its capital Jerusalem, including the Jewish
    Quarter. The Trump administration systematically worked to hollow out
    and render UNSCR 2334 null and void. They did so, including by
    recognizing Israel's sovereignty over the Golan Heights, by recognizing
    Jerusalem as Israel's capital, by moving our embassy to Jerusalem, by
    seeking to end discriminatory approaches that distinguished legally and
    for the purposes of aid and trade between different Israeli
    communities, and by taking several other steps. Do you believe that
    Israel has sovereignty over the Golan Heights?

        Answer. In considering the U.S. position on the Golan Heights, I
    understand the administration gives great weight to Israel's security.
    The current Syrian regime and its Iranian allies pose a significant
    risk to Israel. It is apparent that the Golan Heights is critically
    important to Israel's security. As long as Bashar al-Assad is in
    control of Syria, it would be irresponsible to urge Israel to part with
    the Golan Heights. Control of the strategic Golan Heights provides
    Israel an added measure of security from the turmoil next door.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel has sovereignty over
    Jerusalem, including the Old City of Jerusalem?

        Answer. I understand the administration recognizes that Jerusalem
    is central to the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians.
    Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a final status
    issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between Israel and the
    Palestinians. If confirmed, I will support the administration's efforts
    to handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity
    that they deserve.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
    any part of Jerusalem?

        Answer. I understand the administration recognizes that Jerusalem
    is central to the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians.
    Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem itself is a final status
    issue to be resolved through direct negotiations between Israel and the
    Palestinians. If confirmed, I will support the administration's efforts
    to handle all issues related to Jerusalem with the care and sensitivity
    that they deserve.

        Question. Do you believe that Israel is in illegal occupation of
    the Old City of Jerusalem?

        Answer. I understand the administration recognizes that Jerusalem
    is central to the national visions of both Israelis and Palestinians.
    Jerusalem is the capital of Israel and its ultimate status is a final
    status issue which will need to be resolved by the parties in the
    context of direct negotiations. If confirmed, I will support the
    administration's efforts to handle all issues related to Jerusalem with
    the care and sensitivity that they deserve.

        Question. On January 10, 2021, the State Department designated
    Ansarallah, sometimes called the Houthis, and Abdul Malik al-Houthi,
    Abd al-Khaliq Badr al-Din al-Houthi, and Abdullah Yahya al Hakim, three
    leaders of Ansarallah, as Specially Designated Global Terrorists
    (SDGTs) pursuant to Executive Order 13224. On February 5, the Biden
    administration informed Congress of its intention to revoke those
    sanctions. The issue of humanitarianism was central to the public
    explanation of the decision: officials at the State Department have
    justified the delisting of what they described as the ``broad''
    designation of Ansarallah on humanitarian grounds, e.g. that large
    parts of Yemen's population live under areas controlled by the group.
    Since then, the Houthis have escalated their violence across the
    region, bombarding civilians in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. Yemen was
    already one of the worst humanitarian catastrophes in the world, in
    large part because the Houthis and their Iranian backers block aid,
    steal aid, and attack civilians. Please describe the role played by
    Iran and the Houthis in deepening the humanitarian catastrophe in
    Yemen.

        Answer. Iran continues to provide the Houthis with training,
    equipment, and monetary support, which assists them in promoting
    regional instability; threatening our partners, especially Saudi
    Arabia; and disrupting international shipping. Further, the Houthis use
    this support to threaten Yemeni civilians, especially at this time in
    the city of Marib. If confirmed, I am committed to working with our
    interagency partners to counter Iran's destabilizing activities.
        The Houthis impede humanitarian access in the areas they control.
    If confirmed, I will support U.S. efforts to work with our partners on
    the ground to improve humanitarian access and facilitate the provision
    of critical commodities and humanitarian aid to Yemeni civilians.

        Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
    administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
    Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
    humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in general.

        Answer. As I understand, the revocations were aimed at ensuring
    that U.S. policies would not impede assistance to those already
    suffering what has been called the world's worst humanitarian crisis. I
    understand the administration heeded concerns from the United Nations,
    humanitarian groups, and bipartisan members of Congress, among others,
    that the designations could have had a devastating impact on Yemenis'
    access to basic commodities like food and fuel, which could increase
    the risk of famine. The short time that passed between the designations
    and the revocations limited the impact the designations could have had
    on humanitarian assistance and commercial imports, including food and
    other essential supplies.

        Question. Please assess the degree to which the Biden
    administration's decision to lift terrorism sanctions against the
    Houthis and their leaders has enhanced the ability to provide
    humanitarian relief to Yemeni civilians in Marib.

        Answer. As I understand, the revocations were aimed at ensuring
    that U.S. policies would not impede assistance to those already
    suffering what has been called the world's worst humanitarian crisis.
    This has been especially critical in Marib, where the escalation of
    hostilities has caused additional needs and secondary displacement. The
    lifting of sanctions has allowed for the delivery of life-saving food,
    emergency shelter, water, sanitation and hygiene, and essential non-
    food items, such as blankets and water containers.

        Question. The Obama administration was broadly criticized,
    especially in the context of its Middle East policy, for co-mingling
    unclassified documents with classified documents. This practice
    requires that documents be placed in a secure location, unnecessarily
    limiting access to unclassified documents and stifling public debate.
    The Biden administration already seems to be repeating such practices:
    according to an exchange during the State Department press briefing on
    February 11, a notification describing the lifting of terrorism
    sanctions on Iran-controlled terrorists in Yemen was unnecessarily
    transmitted to a Congressional SCIF.

       Can you commit to ensuring that unclassified information is not
            unnecessarily comingled with classified information in
            notifications provided by the State Department to Congress? If
            not, why not?

        Answer. I am committed to working to ensure that information
    provided to Congress is, to the fullest extent possible, in a format
    that facilitates its access by authorized personnel, while complying
    with Executive Order 13526, the Department of State classification
    guide, and the executive branch rules on the handling and storage of
    classified information.

        Question. The Obama administration was broadly criticized for
    inaction in response to Iranian human rights atrocities, and critics
    have suggested that those issues were subsumed beneath the
    administration's commitment to securing a nuclear deal. The Biden
    administration, which is rushing to secure another nuclear deal with
    Iran, has already come under similar criticism. Please describe your
    assessment of the scope and nature of Iran's human rights record.

        Answer. The Iranian Government severely restricts the rights to
    peaceful assembly, freedom of association, freedom of religion or
    belief, and freedom of expression. If confirmed, I will call out Iran's
    systematic human rights violations and abuses, which include arbitrary
    or unlawful detention of numerous individuals, including American
    citizens. I will work with my colleagues and U.S. allies and partners
    to consider all appropriate tools to promote accountability for regime
    officials responsible for human rights violations and abuses, including
    torture, executions, persecution of religious minorities, and digital
    repression.

        Question. Please describe the degree to which you believe that
    Iranian human rights concerns should be highlighted vs. considerations
    related to nuclear negotiations or securing nuclear-related
    concessions.

        Answer. President Biden has been clear that Iran must never obtain
    a nuclear weapon. Iran's development and proliferation of ballistic
    missiles pose a threat to international security and remain a
    significant nonproliferation challenge. The President has also
    emphasized that human rights must be at the center of our foreign
    policy. If confirmed, I will call out Iran's human rights violations
    and abuses, which I did forcefully in my prior role as Acting Assistant
    Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. If
    confirmed, I intend to work with colleagues and U.S. allies and
    partners to consider all appropriate tools to promote accountability
    for Iranian regime officials responsible for pervasive human rights
    violations and abuses.

        Question. Do you believe that imposing new human rights sanctions
    against Iran, or enforcing existing ones, would violate the Joint
    Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) or a successor agreement?

        Answer. The Iranian Government denies Iranians the ability to
    exercise their human rights, including through severe restrictions on
    the rights to peaceful assembly, freedom of association, freedom of
    religion or belief, and freedom of expression.
        I support continuing to maintain and impose sanctions on Iranian
    individuals and entities perpetrating human rights violations and
    abuses. Human rights sanctions are independent of JCPOA provisions and
    remain an invaluable, bipartisan tool to achieve the Biden-Harris
    administration's commitment to center human rights and democratic
    values in U.S. foreign policy.

        Question. In July 1989, you were hired as director of the American
    Educational Trust's speakers' bureau, according to the Washington
    Report on Middle East Affairs, which is published by the organization.
    The organization and outlet routinely suggest that American Jews who
    advocate for a strong U.S.-Israel relationship invite hostility and
    even violence because of their advocacy, that political expenditures
    and activities by Americans and especially American Jews are unseemly,
    and that such activities raise questions about their loyalty to the
    United States. The Washington Report has also lists of members of
    Congress who receive donations from Americans who politically advocate
    for a strong U.S.-Israel relationship.

       Do you agree that these sorts of rhetoric and tropes, including
            accusations that American Jews who advocate for a strong U.S.-
            Israel relationship are disloyal to the United States, are
            inappropriate?

        Answer. Yes. I deplore any suggestion that American Jews who
    advocate for a strong U.S.-Israel relationship are disloyal to the
    United States. My entry-level employment at the American Educational
    Trust ended some 31 years ago, I have had no contact with the
    organization since then, and I categorically reject the organization's
    positions with respect to Israel.

        Question. Do you agree that these sorts of rhetoric and tropes,
    including accusations that American Jews who advocate for a strong
    U.S.-Israel relationship are disloyal to the United States, are anti-
    Semitic?

        Answer. Yes, I agree that accusations of dual loyalty against
    American Jews supportive of the U.S.-Israel alliance constitute anti-
    Semitic speech. I fully endorse the International Holocaust Remembrance
    Alliance's (IHRA) working definition of anti-Semitism, under which
    certain criticisms leveled against Israel, or Jewish persons as a
    collective, can be considered anti-Semitic. I strongly support the
    Biden administration's embrace of the IHRA working definition of anti-
    Semitism and join the Biden administration in categorically condemning
    all forms of anti-Semitism. If confirmed, I intend to combat anti-
    Semitism and intolerance in all forms and will work to expand
    international coalitions towards this objective.

        Question. Do you agree that it is inappropriate to suggest that
    Americans who believe in a strong U.S.-Israel relationship should be
    excluded from engaging in political activities, including donating to
    members of Congress?

        Answer. Yes. I categorically reject any suggestions that Americans
    who believe in a strong U.S.-Israel relationship should be excluded
    from engaging in political activities, including donating to members of
    Congress. I strongly support the Biden administration's commitment to
    renewing democracy abroad and at home, and believe the latter is
    underpinned by the rights of every American to fully exercise their
    Constitutional rights, including freedom of expression, freedom of
    association, freedom of religion, freedom to petition one's government,
    and equal protection under the law.

        Question. Do you believe that a strong U.S.-Israel relationship
    boosts American national security?

        Answer. Yes. I strongly support the Biden-Harris administration's
    unwavering and ironclad commitment to Israel's security and, if
    confirmed, will work to further strengthen all aspects of U.S.-Israel
    partnership. The ties between the United States and Israel are rooted
    in strategic interests and shared democratic values, and in this vein,
    I understand the Biden-Harris administration will seek to further
    strengthen the U.S.-Israel alliance. If confirmed, I will support the
    administration's goals to work closely with Israel, to include
    countering anti-Israel bias in the U.N. system, strengthening
    international coalitions against anti-Semitism, and building on
    normalization agreements to strengthen cooperation between Israel and
    its neighbors.

        Question. The term ``universal human right'' is frequently used
    throughout the international community, and it was a reference you made
    consistently throughout the hearing. Please provide in your own words a
    definition of universal human right.

        Answer. The Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) represents
    a common understanding, which I share, of universal human rights and
    freedoms around the globe. The UDHR begins by stating that all human
    beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. It sets out, for
    the first time at the international level, rights and freedoms to be
    universally protected. To me, many of these rights are inspired by
    those enshrined in the U.S. Constitution and hold U.N. member states to
    a common standard. The universality of human rights articulated in the
    UDHR also counters false arguments put forth by China, Russia, and
    other autocracies of a U.S. or Western agenda being imposed on the rest
    of the world.

        Question. In your view, is the concept of a ``human right'' fluid
    or relative?

        Answer. As human rights are universal, they are neither fluid nor
    relative. As an example, the right to freedom of expression has not
    changed since it was articulated even though our understanding of the
    application of the right has been challenged as we adapt to new methods
    of communication. From time to time, our understanding of rights may
    expand; for example, where once societies held other human beings in
    bondage, it is now universally recognized that slavery is a violation
    of one's human rights. This does not make human rights fluid or
    relative, but reflects the reality that the understanding and
    application of human rights standards can evolve in a positive
    direction alongside societal progress.

        Question. Do you believe that certain rights are unalienable?

        Answer. In its preamble, the Declaration of Independence states,
    ``We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created
    equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable
    Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of
    Happiness.'' I believe that these unalienable rights and those
    enshrined in the U.S. Constitution apply to all Americans, cannot be
    denied by government, and that there is no hierarchy of rights.
    Similarly, in the context of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
    I understand and support the concept of ``inalienable'' rights that
    cannot be denied or taken away from people, and which governments have
    a duty to protect and to refrain from violating.

        Question. The Biden administration rejoined the United States to
    the United Nations Human Rights Council, a body that features some of
    the worst human rights violators in the world including China, Cuba,
    Somalia, and Venezuela. In your hearing you argued a lack of U.S.
    presence at the Council would create a ``vacuum'' for bad actors to
    direct policy initiatives. What substantive policy areas does the U.N.
    Human Rights Council hold jurisdiction over or govern?

        Answer. The U.N. Human Rights Council (HRC), while not without
    flaws, provides a venue to raise human rights violations from around
    the world. It can play an important role in shining a spotlight on the
    world's worst human rights violators. For example, the HRC is one of
    the few places in the U.N. where China has been called out for its
    abuses in Xinjiang and Hong Kong. HRC engagement allows the United
    States to keep countries with the worst human rights records off the
    Council and encourage more rights-respecting nations to run for seats.
    U.S. engagement decreased unfair HRC bias against Israel.

        Question. If we accept the ``vacuum argument,'' is it your view
    that United States participation in the U.N. Human Rights Council
    should include the following (please explain your response for each):
    Advocate for the removal of well-known human rights violators from the
    Council; Withhold funding for certain activities or initiatives as a
    tool to produce changes in behavior from malign actors; Use the voice
    and vote of the United States at the Council to highlight human rights
    atrocities, including violations of protecting the right to life, by
    other nations, including nations who sit on the Council.

        Answer. I understand the administration is committed to working
    with partners to ensure the Human Rights Council shines a spotlight on
    countries with the worst human rights records and serves as a forum for
    those fighting injustice and tyranny. U.S. re-engagement should
    advocate to keep some of the countries with the worst human rights
    records off the Council and encourage more rights-respecting nations to
    run for seats. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the United States
    continues to seek Council reforms, including elimination of anti-Israel
    Article Agenda Item 7, and promote all appropriate, available, and
    effective accountability mechanisms for those who commit atrocities, to
    include forced abortions and sterilization, rape, torture, and mass
    killings.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
                 Submitted to Uzra Zeya by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. What is your understanding of U.S. law with respect to
    engagement with Hamas? News media reports indicate the Biden
    administration has committed to ``resetting the U.S. relationship with
    the Palestinian people and leadership,'' including robust engagement
    and provision of aid. On April 7, the State Department announced its
    intent to ``restart U.S. economic, development, humanitarian assistance
    for the Palestinian people'' by providing $75 million in aid to the
    West Bank and Gaza.

        Answer. Hamas is designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization
    (FTO) in accordance with section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality
    Act (INA) and as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist under
    Executive Order 13224. I strongly support the Biden-Harris
    administration commitment to disrupt and deter terrorist organizations
    worldwide, including Hamas. I understand U.S. engagement in the West
    Bank and Gaza and with the Palestinians is consistent with U.S. law and
    involves no engagement with Hamas, a designated FTO.

        Question. What are the implications for U.S. engagement and
    provision of aid if the Palestinian Legislative Council includes, or is
    led by, members of Hamas? Under the Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act of
    2006, the United States is prohibited from providing assistance to a
    Palestinian Authority effectively controlled by Hamas.

        Answer. I understand U.S. assistance for the Palestinians is
    provided consistent with U.S. law. I also understand the Department
    routinely assesses its foreign assistance programming, and would do so
    following Palestinian elections or any other significant change related
    to the Palestinian Authority.

        Question. If confirmed, can you commit that the Biden
    administration will not engage with Hamas officials and will not seek
    to find technical loopholes to engaging with Hamas officials such as
    considering them as members of the PLO, which they are not?

        Answer. Hamas is designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization
    (FTO) in accordance with section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality
    Act and as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist under Executive
    Order 13224. I understand U.S. engagement in the West Bank and Gaza and
    with the Palestinians is consistent with U.S. law and involves no
    engagement with Hamas, a designated FTO. If confirmed, I will comply
    with U.S. law and seek to ensure that ``J family'' bureaus and offices
    do the same.

                                   __________

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                           WEDNESDAY, APRIL 28, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:00 a.m. in
    Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
    Menendez, chairman of the committee, presiding.
        Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Markey,
    Schatz, Van Hollen, Risch, and Hagerty.

               OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

        The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee will come to order.
        Ambassador Jenkins, former Secretary Fernandez,
    congratulations on your nominations and my thanks for your
    willingness to return to the State Department with your
    demonstrated experience, strength, and commitment to advancing
    our national interests.
        I have spoken often of the pivotal foreign policy
    challenges facing our country and the State Department, and
    this hearing will be no different. If confirmed, both of you
    will confront serious issues and challenges and a department in
    need of repair and rebuilding.
        I am heartened by the Biden administration's emphasis on
    nominating knowledgeable and seasoned leaders with rich foreign
    policy experience.
        Ambassador Jenkins, the Under Secretary for Arms Control
    and International Security is one of the most vital senior
    positions in the Department of State. Its portfolio ranges from
    nuclear weapons to terrorism and from nonproliferation to
    landmines. It requires orchestrating global cooperation with
    both allies and adversaries on critical issues.
        As you and I have discussed, I have long been concerned
    over the way that the Department of Defense has assumed the
    security assistance mission that should be the exclusive
    purview of the State Department and the Secretary of State.
        I greatly respect the service of the men and women in our
    armed forces and particularly your own 20 years of naval
    service. But the person delivering assistance to officials of a
    foreign government should not be wearing a uniform. They
    should, instead, have the authority to advance and promote a
    comprehensive foreign policy vision consistent with our core
    values.
        We also discussed the need for the State Department to
    respect this committee's crucial statutory oversight role over
    the arms sales process, including when the laws and regulations
    governing those sales may have been violated.
        This relationship was poisoned by the last administration.
    Thus far, the relationship has been much improved, but more
    work is necessary to create an effective partnership.
        Make no mistake. One way or another, this committee will
    conduct effective oversight, and I hope and expect that we can
    depend on your cooperation.
        Finally, we stand at a crossroads in our nuclear
    relationship with Russia and China. We have extended the New
    START Treaty with Russia for five years. The question is now
    where do we go from here.
        Do we seek deeper reductions in Russian strategic forces?
    Should we focus on shorter-range nonstrategic nuclear weapons
    not covered by New START?
        Should we focus on engaging China which, although its force
    structure remains smaller than the United States or Russia, is
    rapidly modernizing and expanding its nuclear forces?
        So I look forward to hearing your thoughts on those matters
    today.
        Mr. Fernandez, if confirmed, I expect that your previous
    experience as Assistant Secretary for Economics, Energy, and
    Business Growth will serve you well. This is vitally important
    because the last four years have been especially difficult for
    the bureaus that you have been nominated to lead.
        They suffered from neglect, a loss of an institutional
    experience, and an undervaluing of diplomacy at the highest
    levels. The former administration never even bothered to
    nominate an Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Oceans and
    International Environmental and Scientific Affairs.
        Given the sad state of affairs, your first priority, I
    believe, has to be rebuild the E Bureaus, restore morale, and
    provide clear leadership. This is especially important because
    President Biden has elevated the mission of the E Bureau by
    prioritizing climate change as a foreign policy imperative.
        Energy, the environment, economic growth, leadership in all
    of these arenas is necessary to restore U.S. leadership and
    successfully combat the climate crisis.
        If confirmed, you will also head the economic diplomacy
    wing at the State Department. I am interested in hearing about
    your views on building back better America's economic
    statecraft toolkit.
        Economic diplomacy is an absolutely critical domain for
    competition in the 21st century, and there are many questions
    to be answered about a strategy for the post-COVID
    reconstruction of the global economy, as well as how to help
    poor countries administer vaccines and build resilience to the
    economic strains brought by the pandemic.
        I am particularly interested in your views on Secretary
    Yellen's proposed $650 billion in special drawing rights and
    how it promotes global economic stability and growth, and I
    would like to understand how you plan to engage on economic
    sanctions both within the department and in the interagency
    process.
        So, Ambassador Jenkins and Mr. Fernandez, both of you face
    steep challenges ahead, but I have no doubt that you are up to
    the task.
        And with that, we look forward to your testimony and turn
    to the distinguished ranking member for his opening remarks.

                   STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                        U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The two nominations before us today are important and,
    indeed, really critical to our nation's foreign policy. I would
    first like to start with the nomination to be Under Secretary
    of State for Arms Control and International Security.
        For the past few decades, the global threat landscape has
    been going through a paradigm shift. Unfortunately, many in the
    West have clung to the notion that we can simply rely on the
    policies of the past to keep us secure today.
        Nothing could be further from the truth. In just the last
    10 years since the New START Treaty was ratified, the threats
    facing the United States, its allies, and our collective
    security have only grown.
        Russia has completely modernized its nuclear forces and has
    done so outside existing treaty limits. It is growing its
    nuclear stockpile and is developing new so-called exotic
    missile delivery systems.
        In addition, State Department compliance reports have laid
    out a consistent pattern of Russian noncompliance, also known
    as cheating, with a majority of the international arms control
    obligations it has signed.
        Meanwhile, China is on pace to at least double its nuclear
    stockpile over the next decade. It has tested more ballistic
    missiles in 2018 and '19 than the rest of the world combined,
    and is likely engaged in nuclear testing activities.
        Currently, China is modernizing every element of its
    nuclear triad, including larger land-based intercontinental
    ballistic missiles, new ballistic missile submarines, and long-
    range stealth bombers, and the Department of Defense assesses
    that China is raising the alert level of much of its nuclear
    force indefinitely.
        Combined with lack of transparency, these actions
    contribute to potential miscommunication or inadvertent
    escalation in a conflict and each of these threats demands
    immediate attention.
        Beyond Russia and China, we continue to face mounting
    threats from other malign actors like Iran and North Korea, who
    continue to vie for a place on the world stage by advancing
    their nuclear and missile programs and engaging in proxy and
    cyber warfare.
        This arms race encourages other nations to question whether
    they too need to develop nuclear weapons--certainly, not a
    pretty picture--and in the process, it undermines--all of this
    undermines Cold War--the Cold War architecture.
        The role of the Under Secretary for Arms Control is our
    lead negotiator and accountability monitor to keep other
    countries honest on these issues. This person must not only
    have a deep level of technical knowledge but also the skills
    and wherewithal to sit across the table from leaders of these
    nations and push back against empty offers and veiled threats.
        It is also critical that this administration recognize the
    interdependence between arms control and nuclear modernization,
    as explicitly as explicitly codified in the ratification of the
    New START Treaty.
        The Obama administration committed to nuclear modernization
    in order to win ratification of the New START Treaty but
    promptly scrapped those promises and abandoned those
    commitments just a year later.
        Trust must be rebuilt between Congress and the executive.
    To rebuild this trust, the Biden administration must commit to
    a full modernization of the nuclear triad and nuclear weapons
    complex.
        This is vital to reassure our allies who have forgone
    developing nuclear weapons and instead rely on our nuclear
    umbrella that we provide for them. Dismantling our capabilities
    while our adversaries build their stockpiles, is inherently
    destabilizing and undermines international security.
        Which brings me to the last but, certainly, one of the most
    important topics for this nominee, the Senate's role in
    approving arms control agreements and treaties. The
    Constitution plainly lays out the Senate's role in approving
    these types of international agreements.
        I cannot stress enough that any international agreement in
    the arms control space, including reentry into a previous
    agreement, must be put to the Senate for its advice and
    consent, as demanded by the Founding Fathers and our
    Constitution.
        And to win consent, the administration should take concrete
    steps to rebuild the trust previous congresses have placed in
    the executive branch.
        Next, we have the nomination of the Honorable Jose
    Fernandez to be Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth,
    Energy and Environment. Our economy is one of our greatest
    assets and we all know economic policy is a crucial part of
    foreign policy.
        The United States represents about 4.5 percent of the
    world's population, but we account for 22 percent of the
    world's economic activity. American creativity, innovation, and
    determination are hallmarks of the U.S. economic model and it
    is not surprising that countries around the world long to
    duplicate our success.
        More government spending of borrowed money or of
    government-appropriated private capital is simply not the
    answer to our problems or those of other countries. Spending
    enormous sums at home and abroad in the hope that it will
    create a better world is not sustainable.
        Instead, we must carefully define our objectives. Whether
    it is economic energy or environmental policy, we must be
    advocates of a free market system that resists the temptation
    to impose a one-size-fits-all solution to these incredibly
    diverse and difficult issues.
        Further, how we steward our economy and help other
    countries develop is important to expanding the rule of law,
    encouraging compliance to international norms, and pushing back
    on corruption.
        We must continue to promote the private sector-driven
    market-based economy that has led to the United States and its
    allies achieving a level of prosperity for our citizens never
    before seen in history.
        It is only through promoting this system that the West will
    truly be able to offer the world a better alternative to the
    socialists and parasitic Chinese economic policies and to
    reinforce the system of fair play rules we, along with other
    free and democratic countries, have constructed.
        This is the economic landscape that lies ahead of us. With
    our allies, we must rise to this challenge. I look forward to
    hearing from both the witnesses on how they plan to address
    these very important issues.
        Thank you, Senator Menendez.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
        So we will turn to our two nominees. Your full statements
    will be included in the record. We ask you to summarize them in
    about five minutes or so we can have a conversation.
        And we will start off with Ambassador Jenkins.

     STATEMENT OF HON. BONNIE D. JENKINS OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO
    BE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE FOR ARMS CONTROL AND INTERNATIONAL
                                SECURITY

        Ms. Jenkins. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
    members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to
    appear before you today.
        I am grateful to President Biden, Vice President Harris,
    and Secretary Blinken for their trust and faith in nominating
    me to be Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and
    International Security.
        It is a great honor for me to come before this committee.
    If confirmed, I pledge to work tirelessly for the American
    people and in close coordination with members of Congress and
    this committee to advance our shared ideals for this great
    nation.
        I would like to thank my mother, Dorothy Jenkins, my
    family, and my friends and colleagues who have inspired and
    supported me for so many years. I have been honored to serve
    the U.S. Government as both a civilian and in uniform from
    working on arms control treaties as a lawyer with the U.S. Arms
    Control and Disarmament Agency in the 1990s to over 20 years in
    the U.S. Air Force and Navy Reserves.
        Most recently, I had the honor of being confirmed to serve
    as ambassador for the State Department Threat Reduction
    Programs from 2009 to 2017, working to bring the issues of
    chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear security front
    and center.
        My commitment to public service has always included
    advancing opportunities for all Americans. In 2017, I founded
    the nonprofit Women of Color Advancing Peace, Security, and
    Conflict Transformation in an effort to make sure that our
    nation's policymakers are engaging in and constitute all of our
    experts, regardless of race, gender, or background.
        I am also a professor at Georgetown and George Washington
    Universities teaching our future generation of policymakers. If
    confirmed, I will bring this breadth of experience to bear on
    the challenges that our country is facing today.
        An increasingly authoritarian People's Republic of China is
    pursuing a destabilizing military modernization project and
    rapid nuclear buildup, endangering the international rules-
    based order and inflaming regional and global tensions.
        Iran has continued to expand and accelerate its nuclear
    program and ballistic missile development, in addition to its
    ongoing support for terrorist groups and violent armed
    militias.
        Russia continues to violate arms control agreements and
    commitments, and we face new cybersecurity and emerging
    technology threats from our adversaries. Reducing the risk of
    war through effective arms control, limiting Russian and
    Chinese nuclear expansion, strengthening our efforts in
    biosecurity, pursuing accountability for the use of chemical
    weapons, and promoting a diverse workforce will be among my top
    priorities, if confirmed.
        We must strengthen deterrence alliance in the Euro Atlantic
    and Indo-Pacific to better deter and defend against growing
    threats. We must develop and implement norms of responsible
    behavior in outer space.
        We must grapple with advancements and emerging technologies
    that can threaten strategic stability. If confirmed, I will
    strive to ensure that arms transfers and security assistance
    are focused on building value-based security partnerships.
        I will carefully assess all critical factors, including
    nonproliferation, arms control, and human rights, and will
    ensure other key commitments, such as maintaining Israel's
    qualitative military edge, are upheld.
        I look forward to working with this committee, if
    confirmed, to look strategically at how our security assistance
    authorities are structured and how they are balanced and
    resourced across the Departments of State and Defense to ensure
    that our tools, including our security cooperation agreements,
    are the most efficient for the U.S. taxpayer and the most
    effective for U.S. national security.
        Renewed American leadership, as set out in the
    administration's interim national security strategic guidance,
    will be essential to reducing the dangers from chemical,
    biological, radiological, and nuclear weapons and their
    delivery systems.
        Further, working with allies and partners the United States
    must continue to stand up for an open, interoperable, reliable,
    and secure internet and stable cyberspace where international
    law and voluntary nonbinding norms apply to state behavior.
        You have my commitment that if I am confirmed I will work
    in close coordination with you in our efforts to restore
    Congress' role in formulating foreign policy and to ensure the
    policies we enact are in the greatest interest of our national
    security of the American people.
        The interests we face are numerous, but our commitment to
    our allies and to our American people is rock solid. We have
    much work to do and I am ready to get started.
        With that, I welcome your questions and I look forward to
    our discussion today. Thank you.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Jenkins follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Hon. Bonnie R. Jenkins

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee,
    thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
        I am grateful to President Biden, Vice President Harris, and
    Secretary Blinken for their trust and faith in nominating me to be the
    Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security.
    It is a great honor for me to come before this committee. If confirmed,
    I pledge to work tirelessly for the American people and in close
    coordination with Members of Congress and this committee to advance our
    shared ideals for this great nation.
        I would like to thank my mother, Dorothy Jenkins, my family, and my
    friends and colleagues who have inspired and supported me for so many
    years.
        I have been honored to serve the U.S. Government as both a civilian
    and in uniform, from working on arms control treaties as a lawyer with
    the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency in the 1990s, to over 20
    years in the Air Force and U.S. Navy Reserves. Most recently, I had the
    honor of being confirmed to serve as Ambassador for the State
    Department's threat reduction programs from 2009 to 2017, working to
    bring the issues of chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear
    security front and center.
        My commitment to public service has always included advancing
    opportunities for all Americans. In 2017, I founded the non-profit
    Women of Color Advancing Peace, Security and Conflict Transformation in
    an effort to make sure that our nation's policy makers are engaging in
    and constitute all of our experts, regardless of their race, gender, or
    background. I am also a professor at Georgetown and George Washington
    Universities, teaching our future generation of policy makers.
        If confirmed, I will bring this breadth of experience to bear on
    the challenges that our country is facing today. An increasingly
    authoritarian People's Republic of China is pursuing a destabilizing
    military modernization project and rapid nuclear buildup, endangering
    the international rules-based order and inflaming regional and global
    tensions. Iran has continued to expand and accelerate its nuclear
    program and ballistic missile development, in addition to its ongoing
    support for terrorist groups and violent armed militias. Russia
    continues to violate arms control agreements and commitments. And we
    face new cybersecurity and emerging technology threats from our
    adversaries.
        Reducing the risk of nuclear war through effective arms control,
    limiting Russian and Chinese nuclear expansion, strengthening our
    efforts in biosecurity, pursuing accountability for the use of chemical
    weapons, and promoting a diverse workforce will be among my top
    priorities, if confirmed. We must strengthen deterrence alliances in
    the Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific to better deter and defend against
    growing threats. We must develop and implement norms of responsible
    behavior in outer space. And we must grapple with advancements in
    emerging technologies that can threaten strategic stability.
        If confirmed, I will strive to ensure that arms transfers and
    security assistance are focused on building values-based security
    partnerships. I will carefully assess all critical factors, including
    nonproliferation, arms control, and human rights, and will ensure other
    key commitments, such as maintaining Israel's Qualitative Military
    Edge, are upheld.
        I look forward to working with this committee, if confirmed, to
    look strategically at how our security assistance authorities are
    structured, and how they are balanced and resourced across the
    Departments of State and Defense, to ensure that our tools, including
    our security cooperation agreements, are the most efficient for the
    U.S. taxpayer, and the most effective for U.S. national security.
        Renewed American leadership--As set out in the administration's
    Interim National Security Strategic Guidance--will be essential to
    reducing the dangers from chemical, biological, radiological, and
    nuclear weapons, and their delivery systems. Further, working with
    allies and partners, the United States must continue to stand up for an
    open, interoperable, reliable, and secure Internet and a stable
    cyberspace, where international law and voluntary, non-binding norms
    apply to state behavior.
        You have my commitment that if confirmed I will work in close
    coordination with you in our efforts to restore Congress' role in
    formulating foreign policy, and to ensure the policies we enact are in
    the greatest interest of our national security and of the American
    people. The threats we face are numerous, but our commitment to our
    allies, and to the American people, is rock solid. We have much work to
    do, and I am ready to get started. With that, I welcome your questions
    and look forward to our discussion today.

        The Chairman. Thank you, Ambassador.
        Mr. Fernandez?

     STATEMENT OF HON. JOSE W. FERNANDEZ OF NEW YORK, NOMINATED TO
     BE AN UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE (ECONOMIC GROWTH, ENERGY, AND
       THE ENVIRONMENT); UNITED STATES ALTERNATE GOVERNOR OF THE
     INTERNATIONAL BANK FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT; UNITED
      STATES ALTERNATE GOVERNOR OF THE INTER-AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT
    BANK; AND UNITED STATES ALTERNATE GOVERNOR OF THE EUROPEAN BANK
                   FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT

        Mr. Fernandez. Thank you. Thank you, Chairman Menendez.
    Thank you, Ranking Member Risch, and other members of this
    committee for the opportunity that you have given me before--to
    appear before you today.
        I would like to take a couple of seconds to introduce my
    family. I am blessed to have a supportive and loving family
    made up of three remarkable women. All three of them walk the
    talk of public service and I am very proud of them.
        My wife, Andrea Gabor, is a professor at Baruch College in
    New York and the author of four books, in addition to being the
    mother of Sarah and Annie. Sarah, who is also here, spent a big
    chunk of her law school years volunteering at a death penalty
    clinic and is on her way to a graduate degree in psychology.
        And not with us but very much in our thoughts is our second
    daughter, Annie, who is pursuing a joint public health and
    medical degree in California. I could not be here without them.
    So thank you for giving me the opportunity to introduce them.
        I am honored to come before you as President Biden's
    nominee for Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth,
    Energy, and the Environment. I am grateful for the confidence
    shown in me by the president and by Secretary Blinken.
        If confirmed, I will consult frequently with this committee
    as we work to serve the interests of the American people.
        Nearly a dozen years ago, in the midst of the Great
    Recession, I appeared before this committee as the nominee for
    Assistant Secretary of State for Economic, Energy and Business
    Affairs.
        I come to you today under circumstances that are different
    from those that we faced in 2009. But the reasons that brought
    me here have not changed.
        My family and I left Cuba as refugees in 1967. We were fed
    in food kitchens by charities and we lost the lease in our
    first home. But when we settled in New Jersey in the town next
    to Union City in Hudson County, we began to rebuild lives that
    had been upended by revolution, fear, and deprivation.
        A decade later, a country that owed us nothing had given me
    scholarships at Dartmouth College and Columbia Law School where
    I was challenged and nurtured by educators I will never be able
    to repay.
        In short, I have lived the promise of America. I know that
    trading essential liberties for economic security is a false
    bargain, and I believe to my core that a humble but confident
    nation that celebrates its diversity while striving to reach a
    more perfect union can inspire others to tackle the existential
    challenges of our time.
        With the exception of my four years here as Assistant
    Secretary, I practiced commercial law in New York since 1980. I
    have represented U.S. investors doing business abroad and
    foreign investors operating in the United States.
        I have advised governments in Africa, Latin America, and
    elsewhere on pro-growth policies, and, unfortunately, over the
    last year I have also witnessed how workers and businesses
    everywhere have suffered in economies ravaged by COVID-19.
        If confirmed, I will advance--seek to advance foreign
    policy initiatives that will benefit the American people and,
    particularly, our middle class, and I will focus on five
    priorities.
        My first will be to support the State Department's critical
    role in stopping COVID-19. As Undersecretary, I would work to
    advance global vaccination, secure critical supply chains,
    promote economic recovery, and promote effective global
    systems.
        My second priority will be to work on environmental and
    energy policies to accelerate economic growth. President
    Biden's executive order on tackling the climate crisis has
    established this goal as a national priority.
        There is no greater challenge than climate change and we
    must work to include all countries in the effort while ensuring
    that our workers will share in the benefits of the new economy.
        My third priority will be to ensure that our country will
    benefit from free, fair, and reciprocal trade. We need to focus
    on common goals with our trade partners while working to remove
    trade irritants.
        We also need to support American innovation by protecting
    intellectual property rights overseas and preventing strategic
    competitors from gaming the system.
        A fourth priority of mine will be to help maintain American
    leadership in the digital economy and emerging technologies.
        U.S. technology companies face increasing challenges in
    maintaining U.S. preeminence in cutting-edge science and
    technology, and we need to engage diplomatically and with
    industry stakeholders so that international norms and standards
    are fair and transparent.
        Finally, my last task will be to do what I have been doing
    now for almost 40 years and that is to facilitate new market
    opportunities for U.S. firms. Competing in the international
    arena is a strategic imperative for the United States and an
    opportunity for our companies and our workers.
        Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. Fernandez follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Hon. Jose W. Fernandez

        Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch and members of
    this committee for the opportunity to appear before you today.
        I am honored to come before you as President Biden's nominee for
    Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy, and the
    Environment. I am grateful for the confidence shown in me by the
    President and Secretary Blinken. If confirmed I will consult frequently
    with this Committee as we work to serve the interests of the American
    people.
        Nearly a dozen years ago, in the midst of the Great Recession, I
    appeared before this committee as the nominee for Assistant Secretary
    of State for Economic, Energy, and Business Affairs. I now come to you
    at a moment that is no less dire. A pandemic has robbed the lives of
    more than 570,000 Americans and millions more around the world.
    Generations wonder whether we can avert a climate cataclysm. Emboldened
    rivals seek to expand their influence at America's expense. And
    traditional allies question whether the United States will remain at
    their side.
        I come to you today under circumstances different from those we
    faced in 2009, but the reasons that brought me here have not changed.
    My family and I left Cuba as refugees in 1967. We were fed in food
    kitchens run by charities and lost the lease in our first home, but
    when we settled in New Jersey and my mother took a job as a seamstress
    in a local factory and my father became a bank clerk, we began to
    rebuild lives upended by revolution, fear and deprivation. A decade
    later, in a country that owed us nothing, I had received scholarships
    to Dartmouth College and Columbia Law School, where I was challenged
    and nurtured by educators I will never be able to repay.
        In short, I have lived the promise of America. I know that trading
    essential liberties for economic security is a false bargain. And I
    believe to my core that a humble but confident nation that celebrates
    its diversity while striving to reach a more perfect union can inspire
    others to tackle the existential challenges of our time.
        With the exception of my four years in Washington as Assistant
    Secretary, I have practiced commercial law in New York since 1980. I
    have represented U.S. investors operating in troubled countries, and
    foreign investors seeking to raise funds in our capital markets or
    navigate the U.S. foreign investment system. I have advised governments
    in Africa and Latin America on pro-growth policies. Unfortunately, over
    the last year I have also witnessed how workers and businesses
    everywhere have foundered in economies ravaged by COVID-19.
        If confirmed I will seek to advance foreign policy initiatives that
    will benefit the American people, and particularly our middle class,
    focusing on five priorities:

     1. The State Department's critical role in stopping COVID-19: As
            Secretary Blinken has said ``This pandemic won't end at home
            until it ends worldwide.'' As Under Secretary I would work to
            advance global vaccination, secure critical supply chains,
            support safe international transportation systems, and--more
            broadly-- promote inclusive economic recovery and effective
            global health systems.

     2. Environmental and energy policies to accelerate economic growth:
            President Biden's Executive Order on tackling the climate
            crisis established as a national priority raising global
            climate ambition and integrating climate considerations across
            a wide range of international fora. There is no challenge
            greater than climate change, and we must work to enlist all
            countries. We also need to ensure that our workers will share
            in the benefits of the new economy.

     3. Free, fair, and reciprocal trade: The United States needs to focus
            on common goals with our trade partners while working to remove
            trade irritants. We also need to support American innovation by
            enlisting partners to protect intellectual property rights
            overseas and prevent strategic competitors from circumventing
            the rules.

     4. Leadership in the digital economy and emerging technologies: U.S.
            technology companies face increasing challenges in maintaining
            U.S. preeminence in cutting-edge science and technology. We
            need to engage diplomatically and with industry stakeholders to
            maintain U.S. competitiveness and ensure that international
            norms and standards are fair and transparent.

     5. Facilitating new market opportunities for U.S. firms: As the
            Department's senior economic official, I would direct our
            network of economic officers in embassies around the world to
            help U.S. firms expand overseas, creating jobs in the United
            States and contributing to our economic growth. Competing in
            the international arena is a strategic imperative for the
            United States and an opportunity for our companies and workers.

        Let me conclude by stressing that, if confirmed, I would be honored
    to serve with Secretary Blinken and my counterparts throughout the U.S.
    Government in support of the President's economic policy agenda. I will
    also seek your counsel throughout my tenure.
        Thank you. I look forward to your questions.

        The Chairman. Well, thank you both for your testimony. We
    will begin a series of five-minute rounds for members, and I
    will at the beginning say I have to go to introduce two judges
    to the Judiciary Committee. So I will----
        Senator Risch. I will take over.
        The Chairman. Yeah, absolutely. I know you would be happy
    to.
        [Laughter.]
        The Chairman. I have no doubt about that. So I will start
    off with my questions. Then I will turn to Senator Risch. I
    should be back by then. But if not, Senator Risch, if you would
    acknowledge according to the list that we have here.
        Let me start off with you, Ambassador. I am glad I heard in
    your statement about your commitment to work with the
    committee. The leadership of State in the last administration
    had a very contentious relationship with this committee on arms
    sales matters, and it was clear that our legitimate statutory
    oversight role was neither recognized nor respected.
        So far, Secretary Blinken has fostered a very different
    relationship that is professional, respectful, and
    consultative. Will you continue and broaden this relationship
    on arms sales oversight and will you commit to consult with us
    regarding policy changes and initiatives and not merely inform
    us of your decisions?
        Ms. Jenkins. Thank you for your questions, Senator.
        Yes, I can confirm that I am more than happy to consult
    with you.
        The Chairman. All right.
        Now, I have been concerned for some time that a Democracy,
    Human Rights, and Labor Bureau does not have appropriate
    influence on the arms sales process. The Biden administration
    seems better disposed to consider the human rights components
    of the arms sales process.
        I plan to reintroduce my Safeguarding Human Rights in Arms
    Sales Act, which seeks to reemphasize and enhance DRL's role. I
    have no ideological prohibition to having U.S. arms be sold
    abroad. I have no problem with that.
        I do have a problem when we sell it to countries that
    violate human rights or act outside of the international norm
    and the use of those weapons.
        So, if confirmed, will you enhance DRL's role in the arms
    sales process?
        Ms. Jenkins. Yes, Senator. What I can certainly say is, as
    I said in my statement, I view human rights as forefront and
    fundamental to arms sales and arms transfers. So I will,
    certainly, do what I can, if I am confirmed, at State to
    include all issues and individuals in terms of promoting human
    rights.
        The Chairman. Now, I want to turn to the question that I
    raised earlier, and I think you and I had an opportunity to
    discuss this. As I mentioned in my opening remarks, DOD has
    reproduced more and more of State's security assistance
    authority.
        It has recently attempted to reproduce State's
    international military education and training program with a
    focus on its own priorities as it has done with other
    duplicated programs. It, essentially, runs its own foreign
    military financing grant program, which is considered far more
    flexible than State's.
        If confirmed, will you give equal focus to all the issues
    in all of the bureaus and offices under your supervision and
    actively defend State's equities and authorities in this
    regard?
        Ms. Jenkins. Thank you, Senator.
        Yes, I am very concerned and would, certainly, be working
    with all the authorities and the offices within State and the
    interagency to strengthen the role of the State Department in
    this issue.
        The Chairman. All right.
        Mr. Fernandez, it is good to see your family here,
    incredibly gifted family, I must say. You have got all the
    bases covered. You can get educated, your health care is going
    to be taken care of, and that is a pretty good deal.
        So I want to know--I hope you have had an opportunity maybe
    to see what this committee did last week, in a 21 to 1 vote,
    passed out the Strategic Competition Act, which is something
    that Senator Risch and I authored, along with many members of
    this committee, intended to restore our global economic
    leadership, including passages calling on the president to work
    with our G-7 allies in matters relevant to economic and
    democratic freedoms.
        We see in this committee on a bipartisan basis as China
    being our most strategic competitor, a nation that we must
    confront when they violate international norms but we must also
    compete with.
        If confirmed, what will be your goals when it comes to the
    global economy and in its post-COVID recovery, particularly as
    it relates to competing with China?
        Mr. Fernandez. Thank you for your question, Senator, and I
    commend you and the committee for the work that you did last
    week on the China bill. It is an issue that I think will be an
    important part of my role at the State Department.
        The fact of the matter is that, as you know, China is no
    longer biding its time. It is challenging us in the economic
    sphere every chance that it gets and it is doing so through
    practices that are inimical to many of the rules that it had to
    follow in order to get to where it is. The Chinese are now
    trying to challenge those rules.
        We have pushed back but I think we must do more, and I
    think the bill that you worked on last week will be--will give
    us an additional tool to do that.
        One of the areas on which I think I would like to
    concentrate my efforts will be to work with our allies more, to
    work with our private sector more, and to provide alternatives
    to other countries doing business with China.
        Oftentimes, they may not have other choices, and I think
    part of what we need to do is to work with our allies and to
    work with our companies to talk to them about the opportunities
    abroad and to get them much more involved in international
    business.
        The Chairman. Thank you. I am going to turn to Senator
    Risch. I am going to let Senator Risch preside in this period
    of time. After Senator Risch, Senator Cardin is next and then
    Senator Hagerty after that. But I should be back by that time.
        Thank you, Senator Risch.
        Senator Risch [presiding]. I appreciate that. Thank you,
    Mr. Chairman.
        I am going to ask a few questions here and then we will
    turn to Senator Cardin.
        Ambassador Jenkins, as you know, the United States withdrew
    from the Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty, commonly known as
    the INF Treaty. We believed it was the right thing to do--that
    is, the United States did--and so did NATO. NATO found that the
    U.S. was justified in withdrawing from INF. I am told you do
    not particularly agree with that decision. Is that correct?
        Ms. Jenkins. Thank you, sir.
        At the time the decision was made, my concern was whether,
    in fact, in my view, we had a significant strategy as a next
    step after that. So that was my concern at the time.
        Senator Risch. Do you still--are you still in the same spot
    you were?
        Ms. Jenkins. I think that after I had time to see this, I
    am still concerned about the strategy, going forward. But I,
    certainly, understand why the U.S. withdrew. Senator Risch: All
    right. And, of course, that was the result of the fact that the
    treaty was a one-way street. That is, we were complying but the
    Russians were not. Fair statement?
        Ms. Jenkins. Yes. Yes, a fair statement.
        Senator Risch. Do you have any plans of turning that
    around?
        Ms. Jenkins. The statement or----
        Senator Risch. No.
        [Laughter.]
        Senator Risch. The statement is the statement. I am talking
    about the--about the facts, about trying to get them back in
    the lane they are supposed to be in.
        Ms. Jenkins. Well, I think what we--what the administration
    does have planned for the future, and if I am confirmed I would
    be, hopefully, involved in these kind of discussions, is a way
    forward to work with Russia, and the idea would be to have what
    they are calling strategic stability talks, in which time it
    would be an opportunity to really look at all the different
    issues with Russia. But also we want to continue to engage our
    allies on issues in--regarding Europe and NATO.
        So I think that the idea now is to have some of these
    discussions with our allies and, of course, we will have our
    discussions with Russia, and then we will see where we are
    after we have had a chance to start these dialogues.
        Senator Risch. How about the Chemical Weapons Convention
    and Russia's compliance or, rather, noncompliance? Do you have
    thoughts on that?
        Ms. Jenkins. Well, the use of chemical weapons is
    reprehensible and I--you know, I know the U.S. has instituted
    sanctions against Russia as a result of the use of nuclear--
    chemical weapons against their own citizens.
        The U.S. continues to make the point at the OPCW in The
    Hague and also to raise the point with our allies as well. So
    my view is that that use of chemical weapons is, as I said,
    reprehensible.
        Senator Risch. I think we all agree with that. But the
    question is, how do you get them--how do you bring them to heel
    to comply with the convention that they have subscribed to?
        Ms. Jenkins. Sir, you continue to use sanctions. You
    continue to work with our allies to put pressure on them. You
    continue to work with multilateral organizations like the
    Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons.
        You work through the U.N. You use all the tools that you
    have--in my view, use all the tools that you have at your
    disposal, whether they are diplomatic or others, to actually
    try to get the Russians to actually abide by what they are
    supposed to be doing.
        Senator Risch. How about the Biological Weapons Convention?
        Ms. Jenkins. The Biological Weapons Convention is a
    convention that is significant and we need to continue to put
    more emphasis on the Biological Weapons Convention, to
    reinvigorate it.
        It is another opportunity and another way that we can
    encourage Russia to abide by things that we think they should
    be abiding by.
        Senator Risch. And what about nuclear testing with Russia?
        Ms. Jenkins. The concern there is, as you probably know,
    all of the P-5 countries, all the nuclear weapons countries,
    currently have a moratorium on nuclear testing. The concern
    there is if countries start to test again it can open a box to
    nuclear testing.
        We have had a moratorium for a number of years so we want
    to try to prevent a situation where countries feel that that is
    something that they could be doing again.
        Senator Risch. I am assuming you are familiar with the 2020
    State Department compliance report that Russia is, in fact,
    violating each one of these agreements. Are you familiar with
    that from the agency that you are about to join, that report?
        Ms. Jenkins. I am aware of the compliance report.
    Obviously, I did not have any input on that.
        Senator Risch. Of course.
        Ms. Jenkins. And I will have much more time to examine it
    after--of course, after--if I am confirmed, but after today.
        Senator Risch. Are you in disagreement with their
    conclusions that Russia is in noncompliance and violating all
    of these conventions and treaties that we have just talked
    about?
        Ms. Jenkins. No, I am not in--I would not be in
    disagreement with that, sir.
        Senator Risch. Well, I think that underlies the heavy lift
    that you have ahead of you. You have talked to me generally
    about that. Can you give me any more specifics on your--on how
    you intend to go down that road?
        Ms. Jenkins. Well, sir, I mean, I think that what we need
    to do is as the Government is planning--and I am not there so I
    cannot really attest to all of the discussions that are
    actually taking place in their interagency.
        But as I said, what I am aware of are the next steps in
    terms of engaging on issues of nuclear weapons, the use of
    sanctions against Russia that have just been done. We can
    continue to do sanctions, continue to put pressure on them in
    other ways using the whole-of-government and all of the
    different tools that we have, using diplomacy, which is--which
    we have different avenues for that both bilaterally,
    multilaterally, through our multilateral organizations.
        You know, we think--I think we just have to use all the
    tools that we have at our disposal to try to convince and to
    push Russia to comply with treaties.
        Senator Risch. In looking over some of the things that you
    have written, I was a little perplexed. On April 21st, 2019,
    you wrote, and I quote here, ``Men make nuclear weapons more
    dangerous,'' end quote.
        I am a little perplexed by that. How do I make nuclear
    weapons more dangerous? What--could you drill down on that a
    little bit for me?
        Ms. Jenkins. Yeah. I do not quite recall that statement. I
    am not saying I did not make it, but out of context I do not
    recall. If it is--I would have to know which article that was.
        But I know that I have written about the importance of
    having diverse perspectives in terms of national security and
    foreign policy, in terms of having different viewpoints, in
    terms of having more women at the table. I assume that that is
    the context that you are--you are pulling that from.
        Senator Risch. Well, the--I am looking at it here and the
    exact quote is, ``Men make nuclear weapons more dangerous,'' a
    completed sentence. And I guess I am just perplexed as to how
    men make nuclear weapons more dangerous.
        Ms. Jenkins. Well, I think what--if I can recall what you
    are pulling it from, essentially, what I am saying there is
    that we have a situation now where we have to reassess where we
    are in terms of where we have been.
        We need to look at bringing more different diverse people
    to the table. To date, we have not had enough significant
    diversity, and it has been a situation where it has been,
    essentially, men at the table.
        So it is more of an issue of we need to include more people
    and more diverse people because we only know what we have right
    now, and we do not have that.
        Senator Risch. I do not think anyone is in disagreement
    that diversity is appropriate. But I just do not understand how
    men make nuclear weapons more dangerous. That is very
    perplexing.
        Ms. Jenkins. I think--yeah, what you are pushing at is that
    the context that men--without having to make any certain
    statements here, that the belief that women in conflict
    situations, and there has been study on this, that when women
    at the table that there is more peace and peace tends to last
    longer.
        Senator Risch. Senator Cardin, you are up.
        [No response.]
        Senator Risch. Okay. We will go down in the list of people
    who signed up. Senator Van Hollen, are you with us by WebEx?
        [No response.]
        Senator Risch. How about----
        Senator Cardin. No, I am sorry. Mr. Chairman?
        Senator Risch. Senator Cardin, it sounds like you, but I do
    not see you.
        Senator Cardin. I think I am now with you. Thank you very
    much, and let me thank both of our nominees for their
    willingness to serve in these two very important roles.
        In both of your testimonies, you have indicated the
    importance of American values in our policies. Ambassador
    Jenkins, you specifically said that we need a value-based
    policy as it relates to our arms issues.
        And certainly, Mr. Fernandez, your family experience points
    out the importance of value-based policies. So I want to ask
    both of you a question but, first, let me start with Ambassador
    Jenkins. And that is, our arms policy needs to be based upon
    our values and our values are respect for human rights.
        So when we get involved in arms sales with countries that
    allow these arms to be used inappropriately against their own
    people, or to deny human rights to others, we should not permit
    that to happen. We need to filter our considerations of arms
    sales through our human rights concerns.
        What commitments can we have from you that, as you are at
    the table as these types of decisions are being made that,
    indeed, we will promote our values, our human rights, even
    though at times it might run some challenges in our bilateral
    relations with other countries?
        Ms. Jenkins. Thank you for the question, Senator.
        Yes, as I said, that we need to look at our values but also
    we need to highlight the importance of human rights. In that, I
    can--what I am aware of is that there is now a review ongoing
    on our conventional arms transfer policy which will inform
    decisions on transfers, and that I can certainly say, if I am
    confirmed, that things will change. It will not be business as
    usual.
        So we need to continue to look at these on a case by case
    basis. We need to look at our national security concerns. We
    need to look at our strategic concerns that we have in the
    region, region stability, and we also need to continue to
    reassess anything that we decide to transfer to another
    country.
        But, ultimately, we have to consider human rights in these
    issues, and if I am confirmed, I will be looking at the revised
    CAT policies that are being discussed right now.
        Thank you.
        Senator Cardin. I will be working with you on those areas.
    I have introduced some legislation in this regard, and I am
    glad to see it is not business as usual. It is absolutely
    essential that, as we talk about arms sales that human rights
    be a component of those discussions.
        Mr. Fernandez, I want to raise a subject I have raised
    consistently with nominees that have come before our committee,
    and that is the importance to standing up against corruption.
        We have several tools that are available that are in your
    toolkit, including the use of the Global Magnitsky statute.
    There are pieces of legislation pending before this committee
    that I have authored on a bipartisan basis with other members
    of our committee that would set up a requirement that our
    missions evaluate every country's commitment to anti-corruption
    and evaluate how well they are doing, as well as making funds
    available to fight corruption.
        Can I get your commitment--I have gotten this from so many
    of the members of the Biden administration--that you will be
    focused in your work on an anti-corruption agenda, recognizing
    that corruption many times is the fuel for anti-democratic
    regimes being able to stay in power and abuse power?
        Mr. Fernandez. Senator, thank you for your question.
    Absolutely. You have my commitment. In fact, I will tell you
    that I am a firm believer from my time in the private sector
    that we are never going to out compete other countries through
    low environmental standards, intellectual property theft,
    corruption, or lack of respect for human rights.
        Transparency is part of our DNA. It is part of what we are
    about as a country and it is also--I have seen it. I have seen
    it be a competitive advantage.
        I have seen countries say, we are going to use an American
    company to build this road because we know that that contract
    was not obtained through illicit means. So you have my
    commitment and, in fact, I would love to work with you some
    more on these issues. It is something that is in my DNA as
    well, and I very much would welcome the opportunity to discuss
    it further with you.
        Senator Cardin. Well, thank you, and again, I want to thank
    both of our nominees and their families. This is a tough time
    to serve in government.
        Both of your roles that you have been nominated for are
    critically important to our national security and have
    challenges, and thank you for stepping forward and I look
    forward to working with both of you.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. [presiding]. Thank you, Senator Cardin. I
    understand Senator Hagerty is with us virtually.
        Senator Hagerty. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. You are recognized, Senator.
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
    Risch. I appreciate your holding this meeting.
        My first question is for Ambassador Jenkins. Thank you for
    being here today, Ambassador.
        We are in a period right now where China is ramping up its
    nuclear weapons capability. At the same time, Russia is
    articulating a strategy of ``escalate to de-escalate''. They
    are developing weapons like the Poseidon that has the
    capability of destroying cities.
        So at this time, I want to get your perspective on which
    way the Biden administration is going to go, and if I could, I
    would like to read a couple of quotes and then get your
    thoughts on what direction we are going.
        During her nomination hearing, Deputy Secretary of Defense
    Kath Hicks said that ``The Triad has been the bedrock of our
    nuclear deterrent and I think it must be modernized in order to
    be safe, secure, and credible.''
        Yet, on April 10th, 2021, two Biden administration
    officials gave an interview in Japan with the Asahi Shimbun
    with a fundamentally different message about U.S. nuclear
    policy.
        During that interview, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State
    for the Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance
    Alexandra Bell and Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for
    Nuclear Missile Defense Policy Leonor Tomero said that, quote,
    ``There is no doubt that President Biden's goal is to reduce
    the role of nuclear weapons.''
        So, Ambassador Jenkins, if you are confirmed, will you
    commit to supporting the modernization of nuclear weapons?
        Ms. Jenkins. Thank you, sir. I think I, like President
    Biden, really support a safe, secure, and strong nuclear
    arsenal for as long as we do have our nuclear arsenal, and I
    know that this is a--this has been something that has had
    bipartisan support.
        I know that right now this is being led--issues of
    modernization are led by our Department of Defense, our Joint
    Chiefs of Staff, and Department of Energy. So what I can say is
    that, obviously, I am not in the Government right now to know
    what is being discussed.
        But I can, certainly, say that if I am confirmed I look
    forward to engaging with military components as well as
    Department of Energy in the modernization and process.
        And, you know, I think we can agree--as I said, it is
    bipartisan--that we do need a safe, secure, and effective
    arsenal.
        Senator Hagerty. Well, help me rectify this, because we are
    at a time right now when China and Russia are both stepping up
    their nuclear programs and you have got people in the
    department that, if you are confirmed, the department that you
    will run, who are saying that they feel that President Biden
    wants to see us reduce our nuclear capability.
        How do you square that?
        Ms. Jenkins. I think the way to square it is it is going to
    be a whole-of-government approach in terms of how we--how we
    approach these issues. I think having a strong nuclear arsenal
    is not necessarily a contradiction in terms of looking at how
    we can also find a way in which we can safely and adequately
    reduce our arsenal.
        I think a lot will depend on what is decided in terms of
    how we work with countries like Russia. It will determine, I
    assume, on ongoing discussions with China. So I cannot say
    because I am not in the Government.
        But I think that we should be able to square this by having
    a whole-of-government approach in how we look at all of these
    issues of the nuclear Triad, the Nuclear Posture Review, and
    also the way in which we will approach countries on arms
    control and disarmament.
        Senator Hagerty. Ambassador, thank you. I will just say
    this. We live in a competitive world. We need to take account
    of what China is doing, what Russia is doing. We need not be
    naive in our process.
        So I hope you will take a very careful look at what your
    staff, if you are to be confirmed, are saying and make certain
    that we have a consistent policy and that we are not
    articulating a confusing position to our own nation and to our
    adversaries.
        Can I turn now to a discussion that I have been looking
    forward to having with Mr. Fernandez?
        Mr. Fernandez, I would like to talk with you about the
    Clean Network initiative that you and I have discussed. It has
    been an undisputed success with some 60 countries that have
    already signed up. Two hundred companies have been involved in
    the Clean Network initiative, again, an initiative that enables
    us to keep untrusted vendors out of our infrastructure.
        We have talked about this in the past. It has built
    tremendous brand equity, and given your background in mergers
    and acquisitions, I am certain you realize that that type of
    momentum has a great deal of value, something that we would
    certainly like to see captured and the momentum continue.
        If you are confirmed, would you commit to working with
    Congress to secure the resources and any new authorities that
    you may need to continue to move this program forward?
        Mr. Fernandez. Senator, thank you for your question, and we
    had a conversation yesterday about this and let me repeat what
    I said then, which is I very much agree that the stakes could
    not be higher, that we need to trust that--and our allies need
    to trust that the 5G equipment that they purchase will not
    threaten national security, privacy, or basic infrastructure,
    and the Biden administration has reaffirmed the importance of a
    5G strategy.
        The Clean Network Initiative is currently under review. We
    share the goal. There has been lots of progress, and it is my
    intent to try and further those goals.
        In a new administration, there may be some tweaks. But you
    have my commitment and you have my word that we will pursue the
    same goals because they involve national security at its core,
    not just for the United States but for the entire world.
        And so I look forward to working with you on that and I
    would be delighted to spend some time working on furthering
    that objective.
        Senator Hagerty. Excellent, Mr. Fernandez, and I look
    forward to working with you, actually taking this approach
    across other sectors--technology sectors, energy sectors--as we
    think about, you know, the new infrastructure of the future,
    autonomous vehicles, et cetera. I think there is a lot of
    opportunity there.
        One follow-up question. The State Department compiled a
    list of 1,100 companies that are involved in financing the PRC
    military. That list is very helpful to investment advisors as
    they think about and advise their clients on which companies to
    divest.
        When will the State Department update that list of 1,100
    companies?
        Mr. Fernandez. Senator, thank you for the question. I am
    not familiar with those plans. I would be happy to get back to
    you on that. But I am not familiar with the--with that list of
    the names that are there or the plants that the State
    Department has to update them. I will certainly get back to you
    on that.
        Senator Hagerty. Great. It is very useful tool, and I
    appreciate the update schedule when you can get it. Thank you
    so much.
        Mr. Fernandez. Of course.

             Mr. Fernandez's Response to Senator Hagerty's Question

        Mr. Fernandez. I understand that the State Department, in
    consultation with the Treasury Department, is currently evaluating
    entities based on required criteria under Executive Order 13959, as
    amended, and relevant published Frequently Asked Questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you. I understand Senator Van Hollen is
    with us virtually.
        Senator Van Hollen. Yes, thank you, Mr. Chairman and
    Ranking Member, and congratulations to both witnesses on their
    nominations. Thank you for your willingness to serve.
        Madam Ambassador, I want to follow up a little bit on some
    of the questions that Senator Hagerty raised, at least that
    line of questioning. I think we have long agreed on a
    bipartisan basis that our sort of strategic defense depends on
    a reliable and effective nuclear deterrent.
        But we have also recognized that we can make ourselves
    safer through smart arms control agreements with previously the
    former Soviet Union and now with Russia and others, and I was
    pleased to see that President Biden chose to extend the New
    START agreement by five years.
        That had some bipartisan support here. I had introduced a
    resolution with Senator Young to encourage that and I am glad
    that the administration moved forward, and that has the
    support, as you know, of our military leadership as well, who
    recognizes--who recognized that that is an important part of
    our stability, predictability, and verification regime.
        But this five years will now give us an opportunity to look
    at follow-on negotiations, strategic nuclear negotiations, or
    other nuclear weapons negotiations with Russia.
        How do you anticipate moving forward on that? Do you agree
    that we should be looking for deeper cuts in strategic nuclear
    weapons and looking at some of the Russian capabilities and
    bringing them within the fold of the next arms control
    agreement?
        Ms. Jenkins. Thank you, sir. And I think, looking forward,
    and as I said, this is something also being looked at by the
    administration and they are also in the process of planning the
    next steps for engagement with Russia on these issues,
    certainly, I think the idea would be deeper cuts.
        But I think a lot of that depends. A lot of that depends on
    what happens with the strategic stability talks that are being
    planned.
        We, certainly, want to include discussions on some of the
    novel weapons that Russia have. We, certainly, want to look at
    their nonstrategic nuclear weapons that they have, which they
    have a lot more and are planning to build more of these type of
    weapons.
        So we, certainly, want to have a discussion in which we
    will bring in all of these weapons systems, as I said earlier,
    so we can--we can determine exactly where we need to have a
    conversation on deeper cuts.
        And as you--and as you have acknowledged, this will be a
    decision by the administration looking at all the different
    relevant factors, including having a strong nuclear arsenal.
        Thank you.
        Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you.
        Let me turn quickly to China. While China is working to
    develop and modernize its nuclear forces, there remain big, you
    know, differentials between both the size and the quantitative
    edge with respect to our nuclear arsenal.
        That does not mean, however, that there is not room for
    some negotiations with China to avoid miscalculations. Could
    you talk a little bit about your vision of how we engage with
    China when it comes to nuclear arms control?
        Ms. Jenkins. China is an important country in terms of
    nuclear arms issues. They are a significant threat to us, as we
    have noted earlier. As noted, they are trying to increase their
    nuclear arsenal two times by the end of the year. They are
    strengthening their nuclear Triad. They are looking at trying
    some novel systems.
        So, certainly, we have to find a way to have a--to get them
    at the table. As you know, it has been a challenge to do that.
    There have been attempts to try to make that happen.
        But I think we have to focus on results more than form. We
    do think and I think the administration thinks that a bilateral
    effort is the way to go and because there are certain security
    issues that I think that we want to look at specifically with
    China.
        So we want to engage them and I believe the administration
    is discussing next steps for to engage--to engage China
    bilaterally to try to start the discussion so we can prevent
    miscalculation, we can have more transparency, and get a much
    better understanding of what is happening for everybody's
    security.
        Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you.
        And, Mr. Fernandez, just briefly, I want to mention Power
    Africa and whether you would agree that that has been a very
    useful tool in terms of engaging with Africa and trying to
    accomplish some of our objectives there and whether it makes
    sense to expand the use of Power Africa.
        Mr. Fernandez. Thank you, Senator. Thank you for your
    question, and I am very familiar with your interest and
    commitment to working in Africa.
        I think Power Africa has been a success. It has been a
    success on the renewables front. It has been a success on
    regulatory reform in Africa. I think we need to expand it. I
    think, as I said in my opening statement, one of the benefits,
    one of the competitive advantages that we have over countries
    such as China is a private sector, and we need to get our
    private sector involved in infrastructure in Africa.
        That may be a tall order. But I think programs such as
    Power Africa are programs that we ought to deepen, and you have
    my commitment to work with this committee to do that, going
    forward.
        I have spent a fair amount of time in Africa. I used to
    commute to Ghana for about two years, privatizing its phone
    company. It is a country that has great potential and it also
    presents an opportunity for U.S. business and U.S. workers.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Markey, I understand, is with us virtually.
        Senator Markey?
        Senator Markey. Can you hear me, Mr. Chairman?
        The Chairman. Thank you. You are recognized.
        Senator Markey. Mr. Chairman, can you hear me?
        The Chairman. I can, and you are recognized.
        Senator Markey. Beautiful. Thank you.
        Ambassador Jenkins, President Trump systematically
    dismantled the arms control architecture that you will oversee
    as undersecretary. He was egged on--President Trump--by John
    Bolton.
        But, ultimately, President Trump tossed aside the
    Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty, the Arms Trade Treaty, the
    Iran nuclear deal, the treaty on open skies, and he flirted
    with taking a wrecking ball to the Comprehensive Nuclear Test
    Ban Treaty by signaling an interest in conducting a, quote,
    ``demonstration'' nuclear test just last year.
        And at home, President Trump broke with his predecessors by
    increasing the role of U.S. nuclear weapons in military
    strategy by deploying a low-yield warhead on our strategic
    ballistic submarines and developing a new nuclear sea launch
    cruise missile after President George Herbert Walker Bush
    retired them three decades again.
        So it is clear we need to build back a better nuclear
    posture, and so my question to you is are--is the Biden
    administration going to carry out a review of its nuclear
    policy and do you agree that every effort should be made to
    follow the tradition of presidents on a bipartisan basis, going
    back to George Herbert Walker Bush but exempting Donald Trump?
        Ms. Jenkins. Thank you, sir. It is my understanding that
    there is review taking place on the Nuclear Posture Review.
    There are reviews and interagency discussions, to my
    understanding, on a number of issues relating to arms control,
    relating to nonproliferation issues, and all the other--many of
    the other issues that we are discussing today.
        So there is a review of that and I, certainly, look forward
    to and hope, if I am confirmed, that we can have a bipartisan
    process for going forward on all these issues that are within
    the T Bureau, particularly the ones we are talking today about
    arms control and nonproliferation, and finding ways that we can
    reassert the U.S. leadership role in arms control and
    nonproliferation.
        Thank you.
        Senator Markey. Yeah, thank you.
        Well, in 2013, President Obama's nuclear employment
    guidance concluded that we could reduce our deployed stockpile
    by up to one-third and still meet our deterrence and
    reassurance commitments, and I hope that is the position that
    the Biden administration is once again going to reaffirm.
        The Trump administration reportedly flirted with conducting
    the first U.S. nuclear test in over a generation in a clumsy
    attempt to bring Russia and China to the negotiating table. My
    PLANET Act last year helped to deny funds to make good on those
    Dr. Strangelove visions.
        In your view, if we were to carry out such a test, what
    would the consequences be to the nuclear nonproliferation
    regime?
        Ms. Jenkins. Sir, for the U.S.--if the U.S. did a test that
    would certainly--we, certainly, would not be considered leaders
    in the nonproliferation area. We have--we would go against our
    moratorium that we have on nuclear testing.
        There would be lots of questions about why we are testing,
    what that mean in the future. So that would create a lot of
    confusion in the international community. It would create a lot
    of confusion by countries in terms of our overall role and
    obligations in arms control and it, certainly, would not bode
    well, in my opinion, in terms of our role and our position on
    nuclear testing.
        Senator Markey. Good, thank you. And one final question. If
    confirmed, will you advocate for the president to recommit to
    the Arms Trade Treaty and work with members of this committee
    to build support for future senate advice and consent on that
    treaty?
        Ms. Jenkins. Thank you for the question. If I am confirmed,
    I would, certainly, be interested in conversations and in the
    interagency on next steps or next possible steps for the U.S.
    in the Arms Trade Treaty.
        Senator Markey. Okay. Beautiful. Thank you, and thank you
    for your service to our country.
        Ms. Jenkins. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Schatz?
        Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to both
    of you for being willing to serve.
        Ambassador Jenkins, there was a recent DOD report in which
    they essentially conceded an inability to track--to do end-use
    monitoring of arms in conflict areas like Ukraine and
    Afghanistan. We have seen American-made so-called nonlethal
    weapons used in Egypt and in Hong Kong.
        I have a couple of questions about how we do end-use
    monitoring. I know there is a good partnership at the--at the
    State Department with the Department of Defense to track the
    weapons that we sell or provide to our foreign partners.
        My understanding is that the Security Cooperation Office at
    our embassies is responsible for conducting these end-use
    checks. But often the people in these offices are stretched
    thin, and I am wondering if this is an area where a few more
    people or some new use of technology could strengthen our
    oversight in terms of weapons exports.
        Can you comment on this and talk about what opportunities
    you see to improve the resources we dedicate to end-use
    monitoring checks?
        Ms. Jenkins. Yes, thank you. Thank you, sir, for that
    question.
        Yes, end-use monitoring is very important in terms of
    ensuring that the arms transfers actually end up where they are
    supposed to be.
        So we, certainly, want to do everything we can to
    strengthen and make sure that end-use monitoring is happening.
    I am aware that there are cases, and I cannot recall which--in
    which case at the moment, but I know that it has been more
    successful I know in some cases where countries have actually
    gone out and done--have done more in terms of end-use
    monitoring and have more agreements.
        I think one thing that we need to do, as you said, I think
    we should always look at more options if there is technology
    that can help. I think that, you know, if I were confirm happy
    to look at different options that can help us. Strengthening--
    if there is a need for more people to help out with that, I
    think that is great.
        But I think, as I was saying earlier, as we have much more
    emphasis in the future on human rights, as we more have a much
    stronger emphasis on these issues in general in terms of where
    these--where these arms end up, I am, certainly, open to more
    discussion on what we can do to make it better, in particular,
    in light of the fact that we are relooking at our CAT policy
    and everything else.
        Senator Schatz. So I think there are a couple areas for
    improvement.
        First of all, technology. Second of all, just flat out
    resources. You need more human beings to do this work. And then
    third, sort of undergirding that, you do not want to just lay
    down a layer of technology on an old system under old
    assumptions.
        And so I do think we need to do a comprehensive look and
    just concede it is not working right now. It may be working to
    greater and lesser degrees in certain countries, but where it
    needs to work it is not working.
        Now, there is another question that I think is essential to
    this, which is that it is not just the geographic location of
    whatever arms have been transferred. It is how they are used,
    right, and that is a policy question.
        I am wondering if we can work together on that, because it
    may be that it is in the possession of those--of that country
    that we transferred it to but used for something that is
    antithetical to our values.
        And I think that is a more ticklish kind of difficult
    policy question to get to because it is after the fact. But I
    still think that is our basic obligation when we think about
    and use monitoring. I wonder if you can comment on that.
        Ms. Jenkins. No, I think--I think you are right. I think--I
    think, I mean, obviously, as you said, one question is where do
    the arms land and the other one is how are they used, you know,
    and giving them to a country for one purpose and they are being
    used for something else.
        You know, it is a challenge. You know, it is a challenge to
    always--to know exactly how it is going to be used. But I think
    that we, certainly, want to strengthen whatever we have now to
    make sure that we can do that.
        If I am confirmed I am, certainly, happy and ready to work
    with you on that.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you very much.
        Mr. Fernandez, just a final question. Our science bureaus
    play an important role in terms of our relationships with
    countries in Oceania. Their work is key to protecting marine
    resources and combating IUU fishing and tackling the climate
    crisis.
        But I worry that these issues get a little bit isolated,
    stovepiped, from the day-to-day diplomacy run out of the East
    Asian and Pacific Affairs Bureau.
        Can you talk about how we can make sure that oceans and
    climate are elevated in our approach to Oceania so that it is
    not that we are separating science and conservation questions
    from the sort of big boy and big girl conversation around
    geopolitics, but that those are one and the same, especially in
    those areas where when you are dealing with heads of state
    where climate is their main issue, right?
        When you have an inundated runway or you have an inability
    to farm or fish, climate is not some secondary optional
    conservation question. It is an existential question.
        But I think that our bureaucratic systems have to reflect
    that prioritization, particularly in Oceania but also
    elsewhere.
        Mr. Fernandez. Thank you for your question, Senator, and I
    could not agree with you more that this is an existential
    question for the countries in Oceania. They are--they are
    facing, in some cases, extinction because of climate change. So
    I share very much your concern.
        I also think that many of them--it also cuts across a
    number of other areas. They also are targets of Chinese
    influence, and so that is another national security challenge.
        On the pollution front on the ocean, illegal fishing and
    those kinds of crimes, we have offices that are all over that
    and I have spoken to a number of them already, and I think
    there is more we could do, going forward.
        So I would very much welcome, if confirmed, the opportunity
    to talk to you about that and you have my commitment that we
    will certainly look at those again, because I do agree with
    you. Sometimes these issues do get overlooked.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Now, I understand there are no
    other colleagues seeking recognition, virtually or otherwise.
    So I have one final question.
        Mr. Fernandez, during my time in this committee, I focused
    on reinvigorating the tools and instruments of our economic
    statecraft so that the Department of State, Treasury, Commerce,
    U.S. Trade Representative, and other elements of the U.S.
    Government are working in tandem to promote international
    development, U.S. business opportunities, and U.S. best
    practices for corporate social responsibility.
        I am amazed--you know, we have the Foreign Corrupt
    Practices Act, which we should. It does not allow U.S.
    businesses to suborn some entity or official abroad. Other
    countries do not have that. This has been one of Senator
    Cardin's passions on the question of corruption.
        I go abroad and I see the chancellor of Germany with a
    trade mission directly engaged in trying to promote her
    country's services and products. Until recently, the Brazilians
    had a very powerful economic tool in their centralized effort.
        So my question is what tools do we have, in your opinion,
    that are currently working? What tools are not working as
    effectively?
        What additional authorities might you believe you might be
    needing and how do we bring a whole-of-government approach to
    an economic statecraft that creates greater opportunities for
    U.S. companies in selling their products and services abroad,
    opening up more markets, also instilling the business practices
    that are better than many others in the world so it has an
    economic benefit here at home?
        We sell products abroad, our services abroad. We create
    jobs here at home. When we instill the right business
    practices, we improve governance in those countries.
        Can you give me some insights as to how you are thinking
    about this?
        Mr. Fernandez. Sure. Thank you for the question. That is a
    big question and I am glad that you asked.
        The Chairman. That is why you are going to get paid the big
    bucks if you get confirmed.
        [Laughter.]
        Mr. Fernandez. I am very glad that you brought it up. You
    know, when I was here in--between 2009 and 2013, I was amazed
    by the fact that I would go to countries in the Middle East
    and, you know, I would go on my regular commercial flight and
    next to me would be the president of another country, and that
    president would come down the aisle and right behind them were
    a number of companies, were a number of business people.
        It was not so much of a presidential visit as much as a
    Chamber of Commerce visit. We do not have that kind of ethos
    yet at the State Department. We are working on it and you have
    given us a number of tools.
        I think what was done with the DFC is something that that
    ups the ante on where we can compete with the Chinese and with
    others.
        We need to--and I intend to do this, if confirmed, at the
    State Department--we need to do more on the training front. Our
    State Department employees have to have economic statecraft at
    the forefront of their tasks. It has got to be part of what
    they get graded on.
        And I think I would like to focus more on the training
    side. I think getting more whole-of-government cooperation, for
    example, on deal teams that where we embed economic officers in
    some of the embassies to support American business.
        We need to do more of that because at the end of the day,
    becoming involved in international opportunities are not just a
    strategic imperative for the United States but also business
    opportunities for companies and an opportunity to create better
    jobs in the United States.
        And so, if confirmed, I will continue my push to try and
    get economics at the forefront of what the State Department
    does.
        The Chairman. Well, I am thrilled to hear you say that. I
    think that one of our challenges is trying to permeate
    throughout the State Department and its offices, particularly
    our embassies abroad, the concept that economic statecraft is
    one of the core missions that are critical for an ambassador
    and their staff to promote.
        When I go abroad and visit our embassies--and they do
    incredible work and our people are just fantastic individuals--
    but I do not get the--I hear about the political component of
    what is happening in the country or our bilateral relations in
    dimensions that are everything but economic, in most cases.
        And having that permeate to the thought that, in fact, what
    we are doing to promote U.S. economic interests, which I would
    argue also are about good governance issues as well within the
    country and better products and services for the nations
    receiving it, is, I think, an incredibly important element.
        So we look forward upon your confirmation and working with
    you on this because I think this is a critical issue and it
    creates a real connection to Americans to understand if my
    business or the company I work for gets to sell X product
    abroad, my job here is not only more secure but maybe more
    prosperous. And so that is something we need to do a better job
    of.
        Let me thank--oh, I am sorry.
        [Pause.]
        The Chairman. Okay. So we look forward to working with you
    on that. I am going to say we have a colleague who is
    supposedly on his way here and in deference to him I will wait.
        But I will say that when he finishes his line of
    questioning, the record will remain open until the close of
    business Friday, April 30th. I would urge both of you there
    will be questions for the record. I would urge both of you to
    respond to them fully and expeditiously as possible so that--
    excuse me, so that your nominations can be considered at a
    business meeting of the committee and move the process forward.
        [Pause.]
        The Chairman. Excuse me for one moment.
        [Pause.]
        The Chairman. All right. I am not quite sure when our
    colleague would be here, and in deference to the rest of the
    committee, I am sure he will be able to pursue his questions
    for the record. He may call you as well.
        I do not know if Senator Kaine has had an opportunity to
    engage with both of you. But if he has then I would urge you to
    do so.
        And with the thanks of the committee, this hearing is
    adjourned.

        [Whereupon, at 11:16 a.m., the committee was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
         Submitted to Hon. Bonnie R. Jenkins by Senator Robert Menendez

    Arms Control with China
        Question. The recently passed ``Strategic Competition Act''
    provides a blueprint for using all of the United States' strategic,
    economic, and diplomatic tools to effectively compete with China. One
    section of this bipartisan bill lays out the need for effective arms
    control in the face of China's military modernization and expansion.
    The previous administration made a clumsy attempt to engage China in
    arms control, which the PRC firmly rejected.

       What approach should the United States use to begin strategic
            stability talks or arms control with China?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work within the administration, in
    consultation with U.S. allies and partners, to pursue arms control
    measures to reduce the dangers from the People's Republic of China's
    growing nuclear arsenal. It is to be hoped that Beijing will come to
    see that arms control is in its security interest: not a trap designed
    to weaken China's defenses, but rather a mechanism to reduce risk and
    the chances of uncontrollable arms races. If confirmed, I commit to
    consulting with Congress regarding the arms control approach the
    administration foresees pursuing with China.

        Question. What issues do you believe the United States should focus
    on? Risk Reductions? Arms limitations?

        Answer. The United States should pursue arms control, in the form
    of both numerical limitations and broader risk reduction measures, that
    advances the security of the United States, U.S. allies, and partners.

        Question. What role should U.S. Indo-Pacific allies play in our
    arms control dialogue with China?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work within the administration, in
    consultation with U.S. allies and partners, to pursue arms control
    measures to reduce the dangers from the People's Republic of China's
    growing nuclear arsenal. It is to be hoped that Beijing will come to
    see that arms control is in its security interest: not a trap designed
    to weaken China's defenses, but rather a mechanism to reduce risk and
    the chances of uncontrollable arms races. If confirmed, I will work
    with U.S. allies, particularly in the Indo-Pacific, to regularly urge
    Beijing to engage meaningfully with the United States on arms control,
    as doing so is essential to reducing global nuclear risks.

        Question. Should the United States seek trilateral arms control
    talks involving both Russia and China?

        Answer. The United States should pursue arms control measures with
    Russia and China that advance the security of the United States, U.S.
    allies, and partners. While there may be opportunities for trilateral
    initiatives that meet this criterion, I believe the United States
    should engage each country on a bilateral basis as well.

    Open Skies
        Question. In November of last year, the Trump administration made
    the reckless decision to withdraw from the Open Skies Treaty, leaving
    the United States and our allies less secure against Russia. The
    administration's decision to abandon the Treaty fits into a broader
    pattern of discarding arms control and non-proliferation agreements,
    which has raised deep concerns among our allies about our commitment to
    their security. I have urged the Biden administration to rejoin the
    Treaty in a manner consistent with our constitutional structure, but
    recognize that it will not be easy, and that the Open Skies treaty,
    while valuable, does not address many of the current security
    challenges we face from Russia.

       Do you believe the United States should seek to rejoin the Open
            Skies Treaty?

        Answer. I share President Biden's view that it was a mistake to
    withdraw from the Treaty, notwithstanding Russian compliance issues.
    Many of our Allies pointed out that none of these compliance concerns
    impacted the overall operation of the Treaty. That said, leaving a
    treaty, and rejoining a treaty while Russia continues to violate it are
    two different things. I understand an interagency review of Open Skies
    is underway. If confirmed, I look forward to learning more about the
    internal discussions on the matter.

        Question. The State Department and Congress have consistently
    expressed concerns about Russia's violation of some its treaty
    obligations; for example, limiting the length of flights over
    Kaliningrad and restricting flights near Russia's border with Georgia.
    If the United States decided to rejoin the treaty would the United
    States insist on resolving these compliance issues?

        Answer. The United States has made it quite clear that Russia must
    return to compliance and that Russia's violations are an important
    consideration in our review of U.S. policy on the Treaty. I know the
    administration is committed to effective arms control that advances
    U.S., Allied, and partner security and will only join agreements that
    are deemed to be in our security interests. Compliance is an essential
    consideration in that regard.

        Question. If the Biden administration decides not to rejoin the
    treaty, what steps should we take to reassure our allies that we still
    seek a European security system based upon transparency and
    cooperation?

        Answer. I know the United States is committed to effective arms
    control, transparency and confidence building measures that advance
    U.S., Allied, and partner security. If confirmed, I would continue the
    ongoing U.S. effort to work closely with our allies in this regard and
    on a host of broader security issues at NATO and OSCE. These include
    ongoing efforts to modernize the Vienna Document to strengthen
    transparency on military activities and increase stability in Europe.

    Firearms Export Control
        Question. As a candidate, President Biden pledged to return the
    export control jurisdiction of semiautomatic weapons from the
    Department of Commerce to the Department of State. As part of ``THE
    BIDEN PLAN TO END OUR GUN VIOLENCE EPIDEMIC'', the following commitment
    was made:

              Additionally, Biden will ensure that the authority for
            firearms exports stays with the State Department, and if
            needed, reverse a proposed rule by President Trump. This will
            ensure that the State Department continues to block the code
            use to 3D print firearms from being made available on the
            Internet.

        Just this week, the appeals court for the Ninth Circuit lifted an
    injunction that prevented the transfer of 3D Printed firearm technical
    information from also being transferred to the Department of Commerce,
    whose regulations and ability to control the publication of such
    information is significantly more limited than that of the State
    Department's International Traffic in Arms (ITAR) regulations. This is
    a loosening of controls on these very dangerous ``ghost guns''.
        I am concerned that the Department of State is not doing all it can
    to fulfill the President's promise to the American People. State has
    not yet even answered a letter I sent to Secretary Blinken on February
    1 on this issue.

       If confirmed, what will you do, specifically, to fulfill the
            President's campaign promise?

        Answer. I share the concerns expressed regarding the unregulated
    proliferation of ``ghost guns.'' If confirmed, I commit to working,
    together with my interagency colleagues, to ensure that there are
    effective controls over the export of information necessary for the
    manufacture of firearms, or any defense articles, no matter how those
    items are manufactured.

        Question. What options exist in the ITAR or other State authorities
    to maintain controls on 3D Gun Printing information?

        Answer. The Arms Export Control Act provides the President with the
    authority to designate those items which shall be considered defense
    articles and defense services and to promulgate regulations for the
    import and export of such articles and services. That authority has
    been delegated to the Secretary of State, with the concurrence of the
    Secretary of Defense, in accordance with Executive Order 13637. It is
    my understanding that the Department conducts regular reviews of the
    United States Munitions List, in consultation with the Department of
    Defense and other relevant U.S. Government agencies, to ensure that any
    defense article or defense service designated on the USML provides a
    critical military or intelligence advantage such that it warrants
    control under the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR).

        Question. ITAR Sec. 126.2, ``Temporary suspension or modification
    of this subchapter,'' states that ``[T]he Deputy Assistant Secretary
    for Defense Trade Controls may order the temporary suspension or
    modification [emphasis added] of any or all of the regulations of this
    subchapter in the interest of the security and foreign policy of the
    United States.''

       Do you construe that passage to mean that you, if confirmed, could
            direct this Deputy Assistant Secretary to, on a temporary
            basis, alter the provisions of Category 1 of the ITAR to retain
            the technical information that enables the 3D Printing of
            firearms and components?

        Answer. Under section 38 of the Arms Export Control Act and
    Executive Order 13637, the authority to designate defense articles and
    defense services on the United States Munitions List for the purpose of
    export and temporary import is delegated to the Secretary of State. If
    confirmed, I commit to working, together with my interagency
    colleagues, to control those defense articles and defense services that
    provide the United States with a critical military or intelligence
    advantage. In so doing, I will ensure that the United States Munitions
    List is appropriately revised and updated using the regulatory
    mechanisms that best clarify the controls and offer the greatest
    transparency and opportunity for public comment and agency
    consideration.

        Question. Will you do so, if confirmed?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States
    Munitions List is appropriately revised and updated using the
    regulatory mechanisms that best clarify applicable controls and offer
    the greatest transparency and opportunity for public comment and agency
    consideration.

    Compliance with Committee Oversight
        Question. The Political-Military Affairs Bureau has refused to
    provide answers to my questions or those from my staff about their
    investigative and compliance activities. They have claimed that ``it
    was not the policy or practice'' to answer such questions, even to
    questions concerning whether certain activities are considered
    ``defense services'' and subject to licensing. In response, I have
    initiated a GAO investigation.

       If confirmed, will you continue this policy of blocking the
            legitimate oversight of this committee, or will you change this
            ``policy and practice''?

        Answer. I appreciate the critical role that Congress plays in
    providing oversight. If confirmed, I will work with Congress to ensure
    that it is able to effectively perform its oversight activities. In
    addition, if confirmed, I will seek to maintain the integrity of the
    Department's investigations into potential export control violations,
    which includes pursuing investigations of potential export control
    violations in a vigorous and timely manner.

    CAATSA 231
        Question. CAATSA section 231 imposes secondary sanctions on
    entities that conduct significant transactions with the Russian defense
    and intelligence sectors. The law has been instrumental in denying
    billions of dollars to the Russian defense sector, but there was no
    senior level leadership under the last administration in pushing for
    full implementation. I expect that to change and that the State
    Department will renew its diplomatic efforts at every post to ensure
    that every effort is being made to deter these transactions from taking
    place.

       Do I have your commitment to reinvigorate the department's efforts
            to ensure robust implementation of this law? Do you commit to
            report back to me on the specific actions taken by the
            department on CAATSA 231 implementation?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to full implementation of CAATSA 231
    and to ensuring that the Department keeps you and other appropriate
    Congressional Members fully apprised of our implementation efforts.

    Nagorno-Karabakh
        Question. Azerbaijan's use of cluster munitions, rockets, and other
    such weapons during its attack on Nagorno-Karabakh last fall has
    increased the need for demining funding there, which the previous
    administration cut off. In his QFR responses, Secretary Blinken said
    that he ``strongly support[s]'' U.S. funding for demining efforts in
    Nagorno-Karabakh.

       If confirmed, will you support the resumption of U.S. funding for
            humanitarian demining in Nagorno-Karabakh?

        Answer. The administration is deeply concerned by the renewed
    hostilities between Armenia and Azerbaijan and the ongoing humanitarian
    needs in and around Nagorno-Karabakh. Secretary Blinken has signaled
    strong support for funding demining efforts in Nagorno-Karabakh, as
    well as his intent to work with Congress, international organizations
    such as the U.N., and our allies and partners to meet humanitarian
    needs in the region. I understand that the Department is evaluating the
    needs of affected populations and clarifying practical questions
    related to the United States' ability to commit funding and implement
    programs effectively.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Bonnie R. Jenkins by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Do you believe there is a symbiotic connection between
    nuclear deterrence and arms control?

        Answer. Yes, a credible, modern deterrent and arms control should
    work together to address nuclear threats and increase our security.

        Question. Is it your understanding that that the New START Treaty
    was ratified only after the Obama administration agreed to modernize
    the nuclear triad and nuclear weapons complex, and that any unilateral
    reduction of these programs would make the Senate far less likely to
    ratify future arms control treaties?

        Answer. I understand that the Obama administration pursued a
    combination of diplomacy, arms control, and nuclear deterrence to
    reduce nuclear dangers. If confirmed, I will provide analysis and
    advice to the Secretary of State on measures for reducing nuclear
    dangers, and I will be prepared to consult with members of Congress.

        Question. Do you believe that unilateral U.S. reductions in the
    nuclear triad and the nuclear weapons complex would enable the United
    States to negotiate with Russia and China from a position of strength?

        Answer. I am committed to ensuring the United States maintains an
    effective, credible and modern deterrent, while simultaneously using
    arms control to address nuclear threats and increase our security.

        Question. Do you believe the President can rejoin the Open Skies
    Treaty without it being submitted to the Senate for advice and consent
    per the Treaty Clause of the U.S. Constitution?

        Answer. I believe that Congressional authorization would be
    required for the United States to rejoin the Treaty on Open Skies.

        Question. How should Russia's long-standing and ongoing violation
    of the Biological Weapons Convention and China's disinformation
    surrounding COVID-19 affect our efforts to strengthen U.S. biosecurity
    initiatives?

        Answer. Russia's Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) violation and
    the COVID-19 pandemic demonstrate the need to address the full range of
    biological threats--whether deliberate, accidental, or natural in
    origin. We must counter known BW programs and, increasingly, organized
    disinformation efforts. If confirmed, I will work with allies and
    partners to strengthen the BWC's ability to manage the risks of dual-
    use research and advanced biotechnologies and to improve global
    laboratory biosafety and biosecurity, as well as international
    preparedness. I will take a clear-eyed approach, recognizing that not
    all countries will share our goals, and I will work with Global
    Engagement Center colleagues to counter COVID-19 related and other
    disinformation campaigns.

        Question. How can we best ensure accountability for Russia and
    Syria's use of chemical weapons?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to work with allies and partners,
    including through the U.N. and the Organization for the Prohibition of
    Chemical Weapons (OPCW), to hold Russia and Syria to account for their
    repeated violations of the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). At the
    OPCW, the United States supported actions to add two Novichok families
    to the CWC Annex on Chemicals and to suspend Syria's rights and
    privileges under the CWC. The United States has also used other
    measures, including sanctions authorities against Russia and Syria. If
    confirmed, I will explore further measures to address any violation of
    the CWC.

        Question. Which emerging technologies most threaten strategic
    stability, and why? How can we best address these technologies?

        Answer. I would be most concerned about any technology that
    undermines the effectiveness of U.S. nuclear forces, especially the
    credibility of our second-strike capability. The best way to address
    potential threats is by taking steps to ensure our strategic deterrent
    remains effective and credible and pursuing arms control that enhances
    U.S., allied, and partner security.

        Question. In your testimony, you reference building ``values-based
    security partnerships.'' How do you define a values-based security
    partnership? Do you believe that the U.S. should only pursue security
    partnerships with liberal democracies?

        Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, the administration's foreign
    policy will reflect our values and human rights will be at the center.
    We will stand firm behind our commitments to human rights, democracy,
    and the rule of law, and our security partnerships are no exception.
    While the United States will necessarily have security relationships
    with countries that are not liberal democracies, if confirmed, I will
    champion values like accountability, transparency, professionalism, and
    respect for human rights as we engage our security partners and help
    build their capacity to address shared challenges.

        Question. Should the United States re-sign and then ratify the Arms
    Trade Treaty? Why or why not?

        Answer. If confirmed, I support reviewing the implications of
    decisions taken to date on the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), both in the
    United States and in the ATT Conferences of States Parties, to
    determine the proper relationship of the United States to the Treaty. I
    believe this review should be situated within a larger evaluation of
    U.S. policy on conventional arms transfers. The United States is the
    largest arms exporter in the world, and it is imperative that U.S.
    transfers of conventional arms are consistent with our laws, values,
    and interests.

        Question. The Obama administration repeatedly declassified the
    topline number of the total U.S. nuclear stockpile. Russia and China
    never reciprocated. Would you support declassifying our nuclear
    stockpile number without any reciprocity by Russia or China today?

        Answer. I believe that declassifying topline U.S. nuclear stockpile
    numbers demonstrates the United States' serious commitment to
    transparency and confidence building measures that can enable further
    progress on reducing nuclear risks. If confirmed, I will work to
    encourage Russia and China to be more transparent. The declassification
    of U.S. stockpile numbers has not harmed U.S. national security and has
    shown U.S. leadership in nuclear fora. Others have welcomed our
    transparency and joined us in calling on Russia or China to do the
    same.

        Question. In your opinion, why does Russia maintain a nuclear-
    capable missile defense system consisting of 68 nuclear-armed
    interceptors?

        Answer. Despite Moscow's complaints regarding U.S. ballistic
    missile defense programs and capabilities, it is clear that the Russian
    Federation also believes in the importance of developing, deploying,
    maintaining, and modernizing its ballistic missile defense
    capabilities.

        Question. It was a significant concern of the Senate during the
    ratification of the New START treaty that it not constrain U.S. missile
    defense. Do you agree it is imperative that the U.S. not commit to arms
    control agreements that would limit U.S. missile defenses?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. support for effective
    missile defense programs and will only pursue agreements that enhance
    U.S., allied, and partner security.

        Question. The administration has made clear its intent to negotiate
    another United States-Russia arms control treaty. At the same time,
    U.S. intelligence leaders have found that Russia now ``possesses up to
    2,000 such non-strategic nuclear warheads not covered by the New Start
    Treaty'' and now has ``dozens of these [nonstrategic delivery] systems
    already deployed or in development''. Indeed, 10 years after New START
    was ratified, Russia's advantage under the treaty is now so profound
    that, according to Secretary of State Pompeo ``[o]nly 45 percent of
    Russia's nuclear arsenal is subject to numerical limits.[m]eanwhile,
    that agreement restricts 92 percent of America's arsenal.'' Do you
    agree, as expressed in its Resolution of Ratification for New START,
    that the next arms control treaty between the United States and Russia
    must include these unconstrained nuclear weapons, and not just so-
    called strategic nuclear weapons?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that we use the time
    provided by a five-year extension of the New START Treaty to pursue
    with Russia, in consultation with Congress and U.S. allies and
    partners, arms control that addresses all Russian nuclear weapons,
    including novel strategic systems and non-strategic nuclear weapons.
    Incorporating Russian non-strategic nuclear weapons into arms control
    is a longstanding and bipartisan U.S. objective.

        Question. Russian President Vladimir Putin has proffered a
    ``deployment freeze'' on intermediate range missiles in Europe. What is
    your view on this plan? In your opinion, what are President Putin's
    motivations for making this proposal?

        Answer. While the United States plans to pursue arms control that
    addresses all Russian nuclear weapons and engage Russia in strategic
    stability discussions, we must be clear that Russia's proposed
    deployment moratorium proposal, which the administration opposes, would
    not actually prevent a Russian build-up of ground-launched
    intermediate-range missiles because Russia has already produced and
    deployed multiple battalions of the 9M729, including in Western Russia.

        Question. Stakeholders are generally disappointed by the results of
    U.S.-UK and U.S.-Australia Defense Trade Treaties, despite the best
    efforts of both nations. In your opinion, why have the treaties not
    fulfilled their promise? What can the State Department or the
    interagency do to make them more useful?

        Answer. I understand that, initially, companies did not take
    advantage of the U.S.-UK and U.S.-Australia Defense Trade Cooperation
    Treaties (DTCTs), as they found the requirements for using them to be
    overly burdensome and costly. Subsequently, many of the benefits
    envisioned under the DTCTs were superseded by the success of Export
    Control Reform, which moved many less sensitive items to the more
    flexible jurisdiction of the Department of Commerce. The Department
    continues to work closely with U.S. interagency colleagues and our UK
    and Australian counterparts to pursue novel solutions to defense trade
    issues.

        Question. In your opinion, why did China stop reporting to the IAEA
    on its plutonium activities and holdings after 2017? What are the
    potential implications for U.S. security as a result of China's
    decision to stop reporting.

        Answer. While I cannot speculate on why China stopped reporting, if
    confirmed, I will call on China to submit its declaration report to the
    IAEA per Information Circular INFCIRC/549 concerning ``Guidelines for
    the Management of Plutonium.'' China's lack of transparency on nuclear
    issues is very troubling, and if confirmed I will pursue measures with
    the PRC that preserve our national security interests.

        Question. Given China's rapidly growing nuclear and conventional
    military capabilities and pattern of aggression against many of its
    neighbors, do you believe that China has become over-confident in its
    ability to control escalation in a conflict? If so, how do you propose
    the United States deal with that reality.

        Answer. I agree that China has increased its aggressive behavior in
    many spheres, but defer to the Intelligence Community for a specific
    assessment regarding China's confidence to control escalation in a
    conflict.

        Question. You have previously advocated for the United States to
    adopt a No First Use (NFU) policy for nuclear weapons. Do you still
    hold that view today?

        Answer. I understand that the administration is undertaking a
    review of nuclear policy that will certainly include declaratory
    policy. I have thought, as many do, that the United States might
    consider changes to U.S. declaratory policy that could increase
    stability. I understand that there are varying perspectives on the
    issue, but I believe most agree that we want to reduce nuclear risks to
    the United States and our allies and partners. If confirmed, I look
    forward to working with the interagency and allies and Congress to find
    the best ways to do this.

        Question. The Commander of U.S. Strategic Command, Adm. Charles
    Richard, recently commented that the exceptions in China's No First Use
    policy are ``large enough to drive a truck through''. What are your
    thoughts on the efficacy of China's No First Use policy? Why would one
    support a NFU policy for the United States when China's NFU policy is
    so ambiguous?

        Answer. There is ambiguity over the conditions under which Beijing
    would act outside of its professed no first-use policy. China's ongoing
    advances to its nuclear arsenal, from an exploration of low-yield
    warheads to the development of a launch on warning posture, raise
    questions regarding China's intent and undermine its claims to seek a
    minimum nuclear deterrent backed by a no first-use policy. I understand
    that the administration is undertaking a review of nuclear policy that
    will include declaratory policy. If confirmed, I will participate in
    that process and will consult with Congress and our allies on any
    policies or actions in this area.

        Question. Do you believe the United States should adopt a No First
    Use policy without the same concessions and policy reciprocity from
    Russia and China?

        Answer. I understand that the administration is undertaking a
    review of nuclear policy that will include declaratory policy. I have
    thought, as many do, that the United States might consider changes to
    U.S. declaratory policy that could increase stability. I understand
    that there are varying perspectives on the issue, but I believe most
    agree that we want to reduce nuclear risks to the United States and our
    allies. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the interagency
    and allies and Congress to find the best ways to do this.

        Question. Do you believe that the United States should adopt a Sole
    Purpose doctrine? How would adopting such a doctrine impact our
    deterrence options?

        Answer. I understand that the administration is undertaking a
    review of nuclear policy that will certainly include declaratory
    policy. I have thought, as many do, that the United States might
    consider changes to U.S. declaratory policy that could increase
    stability. I understand that there are varying perspectives on the
    issue, but I believe most agree that we want to reduce nuclear risks to
    the United States and our allies. If confirmed, I look forward to
    working with the interagency and allies and Congress to find the best
    ways to do this, while ensuring that the United States maintains a
    credible strategic deterrent.

        Question. Our extended deterrence commitments to allies in the
    Indo-Pacific are foundational to U.S. strategy in the region. That has
    been the case for seven decades. Do you agree that extended deterrence
    is key to regional stability in the Indo-Pacific, and that the United
    States must continue to honor, uphold, and strengthen these
    commitments?

        Answer. Yes. Extended deterrence plays a foundational role in
    advancing U.S. national security objectives in the Indo-Pacific, and
    our strategic deterrent, including U.S. nuclear forces, underpins
    extended deterrence. It does so by providing assurance to allies and
    partners, which are our greatest strategic asset. If confirmed, I would
    work to ensure, in coordination with the rest of the Biden-Harris
    administration, that U.S. extended deterrence commitments to U.S.
    allies remain strong and credible.

        Question. How would the adoption of a No First Use policy or a Sole
    Purpose doctrine impact our extended deterrence commitments? If we
    weaken or dilute our extended deterrence commitments in the Indo-
    Pacific, what do you assess would be the impact on the security
    environment in the region, given the threats from China and North
    Korea?

        Answer. I understand that the administration is undertaking a
    review of nuclear policy that will include declaratory policy. If
    confirmed, I will participate in that process and will consult with
    Congress and our allies on any policies or actions in this area. This
    administration is committed to reinvigorating and modernizing alliances
    and partnerships around the world; this includes ensuring U.S. extended
    deterrence commitments to U.S. allies remain strong and credible.

        Question. The PRC currently has thousands of missiles pointed at
    Taiwan, and Admiral Davidson, commander of U.S. Indo-Pacific Command,
    has noted that ``Taiwan is clearly one of [the PRC's] ambitions. during
    this decade.'' How can the United States best support Taiwan's defense
    against this threat?

        Answer. The United States has long maintained our abiding interest
    in peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. If confirmed, I commit to
    maintaining America's rock-solid commitment to Taiwan. The United
    States will continue to make available to Taiwan the defense articles
    and services necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-
    defense capability, consistent with the Taiwan Relations Act and our
    ``one China'' policy. The United States sold nearly $30 billion worth
    of arms to Taiwan since 2009, but arms sales alone cannot ensure
    Taiwan's ability to defend itself. Our expanding security cooperation
    seeks to encourage Taiwan to prioritize asymmetric capabilities
    including reserve force reform.

        Question. Please describe your views on U.S. export control
    policies as they relate to China. What types of technologies should we
    seek to limit or cut off from nefarious end users in China?

        Answer. Export controls are a critical tool to counter Chinese
    President Xi Jinping's strategy to bolster the PRC's military and
    security services and to challenge U.S. and allied technological
    leadership. It is imperative that U.S. arms embargo on China remains in
    place. If confirmed, I will work with the Commerce Department and other
    Departments, as appropriate, to keep dual-use controls as tight as
    possible for products and end-users that pose national security
    concerns, as called for by the Export Control Reform Act of 2018.

        Question. Do you believe Huawei and its affiliates should remain on
    the Entity List? Are there any circumstances under which you would
    consider recommending the removal Huawei or any of its affiliates from
    the list?

        Answer. I have no reason to believe that Huawei should be removed
    from the Entity List. Parties are placed on the Entity List for several
    reasons, including posing a threat to U.S. national security and
    foreign policy, and the threat that Huawei poses will remain a key
    factor moving forward. If confirmed, I will work closely with
    colleagues at the Department of Commerce to prevent U.S.-origin
    technology from being used in ways that threaten U.S. interests.

        Question. Do you agree that it is in our national interest to
    strengthen our security cooperation with Vietnam, Malaysia, the
    Philippines, Indonesia, and Thailand? If so, please elaborate. If
    confirmed, what specific steps will you take to advance security
    partnerships with these nations, including your views on continuing
    arms sales, engaging in capacity-building, and cooperating on advanced
    technology with South and Southeast Asian partner countries facing
    China's coercion and growing military power?

        Answer. It is absolutely in the national interest of the United
    States to strengthen security cooperation with Vietnam, Malaysia, the
    Philippines, Indonesia, and Thailand. Security cooperation with these
    allies and partners is essential to ensuring a free and open Indo-
    Pacific region, building interoperability and bolstering U.S. force
    projection, ensuring freedom of navigation and overflight, upholding
    rule of law, countering transnational crime and terror organizations,
    responding to natural and humanitarian crisis, and reassuring our
    allies and partners of U.S. commitment to the region, empowering them
    to stand up to coercion and malign influence. It also provides
    opportunities to reinforce our allies' and partners' commitment to the
    rules-based international order.
        If confirmed, I will work to expand engagement with these nations
    at all levels, including by promoting the United States as the region's
    security partner of choice and ensuring they have the arms and training
    capabilities they need to protect and advance our shared interests in
    the region. I will also seek to deepen and expand our overall defense
    cooperation with these nations by advancing key foundational defense
    agreements, which will help enable the transfer of defense articles and
    establish mechanisms that allow for greater overall defense
    cooperation.

        Question. What is your assessment of the U.S.-Philippine
    relationship and its importance to U.S. strategy in the Indo-Pacific
    region more broadly? Do you support continuing a robust security
    partnership with the Armed Forces of the Philippines, including through
    appropriate arms transfers consistent with existing U.S. law?

        Answer. The alliance with the Philippines is foundational to the
    U.S. role in the Indo-Pacific, and the relationship is based on shared
    strategic interests, shared history, culture, and strong connections
    between our nations. If confirmed, I support continuing our robust
    security partnership with the Armed Forces of the Philippines. I would
    ensure that all arms transfers are appropriate and consistent with
    existing U.S. laws, including the Conventional Arms Transfer Policy,
    Arms Export Control Act, and the Foreign Assistance Act. In this
    regard, I would continue the current global policy of reviewing
    proposed arms sales according to a number of factors, which include:
    the degree to which the transfer contributes to ally and partner
    burden-sharing and interoperability in support of strategic, foreign
    policy, and defense interests of the United States; the recipient's
    ability to field, support, and employ the requested system effectively
    and appropriately in accordance with its intended end use; and the risk
    the transfer may be used to undermine international peace and security
    or contribute to abuses of human rights. When appropriate, that review
    includes consultations with Congress and input from DoD and other
    interagency partners.

        Question. In your view, can U.S. security partnerships be a force
    for good in improving human rights conditions in a particular country?

        Answer. The President and Secretary Blinken have stated that human
    rights must be at the center of our foreign policy. Strong U.S.
    security partnerships around the world come with a multitude of
    benefits, including the opportunity to positively influence a country's
    human rights practices. These relationships allow us to work closely
    with partners, set an example for human rights standards, and provide
    training, when appropriate.
        If confirmed, I will support assistance to help ensure our partner
    forces are taking steps to comply with international law and protect
    human rights. Additionally, I will work to ensure human rights concerns
    are given full weight in arms transfer decisions, and I will support
    the Leahy laws, which prohibit assistance to foreign security forces
    units that are credibly implicated in gross violations of human rights.

        Question. Will you ensure that the U.S. Department of State
    consults with Congress before taking action on issues that could
    jeopardize U.S. access to or create significant tensions in our
    relationships with key defense partners in the Indo-Pacific, especially
    those in Southeast Asia?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring that the Department
    engages with Congress, as appropriate, on actions affecting our
    security partnerships.

        Question. What is your understanding of the Russian Federation's
    nuclear doctrine and how it may be enacted in practice? Which aspect of
    Russia's nuclear doctrine do you find potentially most problematic for
    U.S. defense and strategy?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with the U.S. intelligence
    community on Russian nuclear policy, strategy, doctrine, and forces. It
    is clear that Russia has a large arsenal of up to 2,000 non-strategic
    nuclear weapons that is projected to grow. It has developed a wide
    range of new dual-capable ground-, sea-, and air-based short- and
    intermediate-range missile systems. Such weapons can range U.S. allies
    and partners in Europe and East Asia--as well as U.S. forces stationed
    there--and both our deterrence strategy and our approach to arms
    control must address these threats.

        Question. Which of the Russian Federation's new, so-called
    ``exotic'' weapons systems do you find the most geostrategically
    concerning? Please enumerate your specific concerns and explain why
    this system worries you more than the others.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with the U.S. intelligence
    community on Russia's ``exotic'' weapon systems and I will engage with
    the Department of Defense on the military implications of these
    systems. Based on the unclassified information that is available, the
    nuclear-powered, nuclear-armed cruise missile appears to be volatile,
    unreliable, and dangerous, posing a threat to the entire world,
    including Russia.

        Question. It is likely that Russia has placed nuclear weapons in
    Kaliningrad, and there is great concern that they may do the same in
    occupied Crimea. How should the U.S. respond, if at all, should Russia
    place nuclear weapons in Crimea? Would that action, in your view,
    dramatically change the way that the U.S. looks at Black Sea security?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with the U.S. intelligence
    community on the location of Russian theater-range nuclear weapons and
    I will engage with the Department of Defense on the military
    implications of Russia's nuclear posture.

        Question. The Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI) was founded
    in 2005. Over the last 15 fiscal years, GPOI has received almost $1.3
    billion in funding. This funding has accomplished several objectives,
    including building self-sufficient peace operations training,
    supporting partner country development, enhancing partner country
    operational readiness, and expanded the participation, integration, and
    leadership women in peace operations, to name a few.

       GPOI has improved the capacity and operations of U.N. peacekeeping
            forces in Africa and globally. Please describe the efforts you
            will take to continue to integrate women into GPOI's work in
            both peacekeeping troops and in leadership positions in
            peacekeeping missions.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support GPOI's continued work to
    increase the meaningful participation of women in peace operations by
    promoting efforts to: encourage partners to increase recruitment,
    training, and deployment of women in all levels and aspects of peace
    operations--including in leadership and decision-making positions;
    train women peacekeepers; incorporate women, peace, and security (WPS)
    topics into peacekeeping training for all peacekeepers; invest in
    gender-responsive upgrades at partner countries' training centers,
    including female barracks and latrines; and support the U.N.'s
    development of WPS training materials.

        Question. GPOI provides critical training to partner countries
    looking to deploy peacekeepers, which includes topics like preventing
    sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA), violence against women, as well as
    technical training. Given the high number of instances of SEA committed
    by peacekeeping troops globally, how would you direct GPOI to enhance
    trainings to counter these occurrences?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will direct GPOI to pursue activities that
    enhance existing SEA prevention and accountability training
    incorporated into pre-deployment training assistance. I will also
    support GPOI's joint efforts with the U.N. to launch a training-of-
    trainers course for National Investigation Officers who investigate
    allegations of SEA against military peacekeepers, as well as to fund a
    U.N. pilot course to train engagement platoons, at least half of which
    are women, to interact with the local population, identify vulnerable
    areas and at-risk populations, and conduct gender-responsive
    assessments to improve situational awareness.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Bonnie R. Jenkins by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

        Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
    your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
    impact of your actions?

        Answer. My entire professional life has been dedicated to public
    service, often in direct promotion of human rights and democracy. For
    example, while at the Ford Foundation, I oversaw the funding of
    activities, programs and research on issues of human rights and
    democracy in my role as Program Officer of U.S. Foreign and Security
    Policy, and approved joint funding with the Human Rights officer. In
    addition, I also had a pool of funds for organizations doing work in
    the area of ``conflicts,'' where the funds went to the issues of child
    soldiers, women in peacekeeping, and the problem of illicit trafficking
    of diamonds and its negative effects. At Women of Color Advancing
    Peace, Security and Conflict Transformation, of which I am now the
    Executive Director, I have started a working group on Human Rights to
    host events and activities on issues of human rights. I am also engaged
    in several activities at the U.S. Institute of Peace, including serving
    on the Women Building Peace Council. Finally, my 22 years in the Air
    Force and Naval Reserves have been dedicated to promoting democracy
    both in the U.S. and internationally.

        Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
    managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
    creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
    mentor, and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
    underrepresented groups?

        Answer. My commitment to public service has always included
    advancing opportunities for all Americans. Fostering diversity and
    inclusion in the national security workforce is incredibly important to
    me personally, and I strongly support President Biden's policy of
    prioritizing diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility as a
    national security imperative to ensure critical perspectives and
    talents are represented in the national security workforce. If
    confirmed, I commit to working with the new Chief Diversity and
    Inclusion Officer, the Bureau of Global Talent Management, the
    Secretary's Office of Civil Rights, and other Department leadership to
    foster an inclusive workplace in the T family so that every employee's
    contribution is valued. If confirmed, I will hold T family senior
    leadership accountable for the conduct of their teams and for
    promulgating an environment where each individual is heard and seen.

        Question. Fighting corruption is one of the most important ways
    that we can promote democracy and human rights worldwide. What steps
    would you take to address global corruption within the role for which
    you are nominated?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with experts across the
    Department and interagency to promote and defend democracy. Through the
    targeted deployment of accountability tools, foreign assistance, and
    diplomatic engagement, we can address endemic corruption and human
    rights abuses. I will also prioritize working with allies, seeking
    opportunities to promote our shared ideals together.

        Question. Do you commit to work with Congress to strengthen U.S.
    policies to combat global corruption?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will commit to working with Congress
    to strengthen U.S. policies, to the extent that my portfolio allows, to
    combat global corruption, including efforts to improve global standards
    of transparency, accountability, and good governance.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Bonnie R. Jenkins by Senator Marco Rubio

    China
        Question. Do you agree that Chinese state-directed Huawei is a
    threat to U.S. and global security?

        Answer. Yes. Telecommunications equipment made by untrusted
    vendors, including Huawei, is a threat to U.S. and global security.
    Allowing untrusted telecommunications suppliers to participate in or
    control any part of a 5G network creates unacceptable risks to critical
    infrastructure, privacy, and human rights. In addition, the Chinese
    Government provides significant support to Huawei, including through
    subsidies and coercive tactics against host governments, that unfairly
    disadvantages market-based rivals. Huawei's history of unethical and
    unlawful behavior, including intellectual property theft, compounds the
    national security risks that it poses.

        Question. Do you commit to use your position to oppose any measure
    to remove Huawei from the Commerce Department Entity List, including
    any measure to water down or provide licenses under that listing or the
    Foreign Direct Product Rule?

        Answer. I have no reason to believe that Huawei should be removed
    from the Entity List. If confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues
    at the Department of Commerce to prevent U.S.-origin technology from
    being used in ways that threaten U.S. interests.

        Question. On January 15, 2021, the State Department issued a fact
    sheet on activity at the Wuhan Institute of Virology, which raised the
    possibility that the COVID-19 epidemic could have emerged from a
    laboratory accident. Do you agree that this is possible?

        Answer. Yes, my understanding is that a range of possibilities
    exist, including the possibility of a laboratory accident. I believe
    that the full range of these possibilities should be considered. I
    understand that the Biden-Harris administration supports a robust and
    transparent investigation into the origins of the COVID-19 pandemic. An
    impartial public health investigation, based on science, is vital to
    protecting against future health security threats.

        Question. If confirmed, can you commit that the administration will
    take steps to investigate the origins of COVID-19, including pressing
    for a full forensic investigation of the labs in question?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has been clear about its
    concerns with the PRC's lack of transparency regarding the pandemic,
    including Beijing's refusal to provide the international health
    community timely and full access to data, scientists, records, and
    samples. This information is essential to our full understanding of the
    origins of the virus and how it spread. If confirmed, I am committed to
    providing the appropriate diplomatic and technical support to any
    relevant efforts as they relate to my portfolio.

        Question. Are you concerned about China's development of biological
    and chemical weapons? If confirmed, how do you plan to address these
    issues?

        Answer. In 2021, the State Department's Compliance Report found
    that the PRC engaged in biological activities with dual-use
    applications, which raises concerns regarding its compliance with
    Article I of the BWC. The report also noted uncertainty regarding the
    status of China's assessed historical biological warfare program. This
    year's Condition 10(c) report raised similar concerns related to
    chemical activities that prevented the U.S. from certifying the PRC's
    compliance with its obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention.
    I understand that the U.S. was unable to engage with the PRC on these
    issues in 2020 due to COVID-19 travel restrictions and the PRC's
    unwillingness to meet virtually. If confirmed, I will continue efforts
    to address these concerns, including in bilateral meetings.

    Nuclear Posture Review (NPR)
        Question. If confirmed, would you advise the Biden administration
    in the next nuclear posture review to return to language closer to the
    2010 NPR?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is undertaking a review of
    nuclear policy that will certainly include declaratory policy. If
    confirmed, I will participate in that process and will consult with
    Congress and our allies on any policies or actions in this area.

        Question. Do you believe that the United States nuclear posture is
    also critical for our allies and partners?

        Answer. Yes. Extended deterrence plays a foundational role in
    advancing U.S. national security objectives, and our strategic
    deterrent, including U.S. nuclear forces, underpins extended
    deterrence. It provides assurance to allies and partners, which are our
    greatest strategic asset. The Biden-Harris administration is committed
    to reinvigorating and modernizing our alliances and partnerships around
    the world; this includes ensuring our extended deterrence commitments
    to our allies remain strong and credible.

        Question. Do you believe that the United States nuclear arsenal is
    an effective deterrent against the use of these non-nuclear weapons
    against our allies?

        Answer. All U.S. military capabilities contribute to extended
    deterrence commitments to U.S. allies. The Biden-Harris administration
    is undertaking a review of nuclear policy that will certainly include
    declaratory policy. If confirmed, I will participate in that process
    and will consult with Congress and our allies on any policies or
    actions in this area.

        Question. The Obama administration declassified the topline number
    of the total U.S. nuclear stockpile. However, Russia and China never
    reciprocated. Would you support declassifying our nuclear stockpile
    number without any reciprocity by Russia or China?

        Answer. I believe that declassifying topline U.S. nuclear stockpile
    numbers demonstrates the United States' serious commitment to
    transparency and confidence building measures that can enable further
    progress on reducing nuclear risks. If confirmed, I will work to
    encourage Russia and China to be more transparent. The declassification
    of U.S. stockpile numbers has not harmed U.S. national security and has
    shown U.S. leadership in nuclear fora. Others have welcomed our
    transparency and joined us in calling on Russia or China to do the
    same.

    North Korea
        Question. Do you agree that the only path forward for North Korea
    that the U.S. could accept is the complete, irreversible, verifiable,
    denuclearization of North Korea?

        Answer. North Korea's unlawful weapons of mass destruction and
    ballistic missile programs constitute serious threats to international
    peace and security and the global nonproliferation regime. The Biden-
    Harris administration recently completed a comprehensive review of U.S.
    policy towards North Korea that reiterates the goal of complete
    denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. If confirmed, I look forward
    to supporting the administration's efforts to pursue calibrated and
    practical diplomacy with North Korea, in close consultation with our
    allies and partners, in order to increase the security of the United
    States, our allies, and our deployed forces.

        Question. If confirmed, what steps would you take to ensure that
    the voices of North Korean defectors are included in negotiations of
    any agreement with North Korea?

        Answer. I am deeply concerned about North Korea's egregious human
    rights record and how to promote respect for human rights in the closed
    country. If confirmed, I will be committed to placing human rights at
    the center of our foreign policy with North Korea and to integrating
    the voices of the North Korean defector community into our approach,
    including by meeting with North Korean escapees to hear their thoughts
    and recommendations.

    Russia
        Question. Do you agree that Russia was in violation the Treaty on
    Open Skies?

        Answer. Yes, Russia has violated, and continues to violate, the
    Treaty on Open Skies. I am not aware that Russia has taken any action
    to return to compliance. As stated in the most recent compliance
    report, Russia has not rescinded its illegal 500-kilometer sublimit
    over Kaliningrad. Russia also remains in violation for refusing to
    allow observation flights to approach within 10 kilometers of its
    border with the Georgian regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. While
    not a violation, Russia has also declared an airfield in Crimea as a
    Russian Open Skies refueling airfield, in an attempt to politicize the
    treaty.

        Question. Do you agree that Russia's abuses the Open Skies Treaty
    and its actions posed an unacceptable risk to our national security?

        Answer. In my view, while concerning, Russia's violations of the
    Treaty on Open Skies by themselves do not pose a direct and immediate
    threat to our national security. Russia's use of the treaty to collect
    information on military and civilian infrastructure, while not
    prohibited by the treaty, could pose a risk, although I understand
    there are measures in place to mitigate that risk.

        Question. Russia has been implicated in the use of chemical weapons
    on several different occasions in the last several years, including
    assassination attempts. What should be done to counter Russia's use of
    chemical weapons and its violations of the Chemical Weapons Convention
    (CWC)?

        Answer. Russia's use of chemical weapons in assassination attempts
    against not only Sergei Skripal and his daughter, but also Aleksey
    Navalny, is reprehensible. In response to these attacks, the United
    States exercised its sanctions authorities and imposed other measures
    to send a clear signal that Russia's use of chemical weapons and abuse
    of human rights have severe consequences.
        At the OPCW, the United States has worked with allies and partners
    to address Russia's violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention,
    including submitting a technical change proposal to add two families of
    Novichoks to the CWC Annex on Chemicals, which the OPCW Conference of
    the States Parties adopted in 2019.
        If confirmed I will work within the administration to take steps to
    deter Russia's use of chemical weapons, including engaging Russia
    bilaterally and multilaterally as well working with allies and partners
    at the OPCW Executive Council and Conference of the States Parties, and
    in U.N. fora, including the Security Council. If confirmed, I will
    explore further measures to address Russian non-compliance with the
    CWC. There can be no impunity for the use of chemical weapons.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Bonnie R. Jenkins by Senator Edward J. Markey

        Question. For all of the missteps in converting the Singapore
    Summit Communique that President Trump agreed to with Chairman Kim Jong
    Un in 2018 into meaningful action, it did lay out a useful framework
    that committed the two countries to work towards better relations,
    cooperate on the return of Prisoner of War remains, and work towards
    peace and denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula. Given the reality
    that any full denuclearization agreement is a long term endeavor, will
    you support efforts that make progress on the other elements agreed to
    in Singapore, provided such actions are in concert with U.S. allies and
    partners, and achieve the objective of lessening the nuclear weapons
    threat from North Korea as well as the threat of war?

        Answer. North Korea's unlawful weapons of mass destruction and
    ballistic missile programs constitute serious threats to international
    peace and security and the global nonproliferation regime. I understand
    that the administration recently completed a comprehensive review of
    U.S. policy towards North Korea that both reiterates the goal of
    complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and seeks to build on
    the Singapore Summit commitments. If confirmed, I look forward to
    supporting the administration's efforts to pursue calibrated and
    practical diplomacy with North Korea, in close consultation with our
    allies and partners, in order to increase the security of the United
    States, our allies, and our deployed forces.

        Question. I understand the total number of Washington DC-based
    full-time equivalents in the Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and
    Compliance as of January 2017 was 113. The number of Washington DC-
    based FTEs as of late 2019 in the AVC Bureau was 94. In 2014, the
    Office of Inspector General reported 48 percent of the AVC workforce
    would be eligible to retire by 2019. If confirmed, what actions will
    you take to address the large number of FTEs eligible to retire, how
    can the ``T cone'' prioritize recruitment and hiring of diverse
    candidates, and what additional flexible hiring authorities--if any--
    does the Department need to fill this gap?

        Answer. Rebuilding the Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and
    Compliance is one of my top priorities. If confirmed, I will exercise
    the Excepted Service Appointment Authority to bring in a diverse cadre
    of arms control experts. Diversity is the key to unlocking an
    organization's potential because diverse teams consistently demonstrate
    high performance due to their creativity and innovation. The Department
    must rebuild the AVC workforce and ensure it is well-equipped to
    address the dangers posed by chemical, biological, radiological, and
    nuclear weapons, and their delivery systems. If confirmed, I commit to
    uphold and fully implement the Department's leadership and management
    tenets, including support for diversity and inclusion, to strengthen
    teams across the T family of bureaus.

        Question. Has the President provided any guidance to the
    Departments of State, Defense, and any other agencies, detailing his
    instructions for a review of U.S. nuclear policy and posture? If so,
    approximately when will that review be completed?

        Answer. I understand that the President has directed his
    administration to conduct reviews of various nuclear policies. In
    accordance with the Biden administration's Interim National Security
    Strategic Guidance, the administration will take steps to reduce the
    role of nuclear weapons in the U.S. national security strategy, while
    ensuring the U.S. strategic deterrent remains safe, secure, and
    effective and that U.S. extended deterrence commitments to U.S. allies
    remain strong and credible. In that process, the administration will
    consult with U.S. allies and partners, including those in the Indo-
    Pacific, as well as with Congress.

        Question. The United States is not one of the 164 States Parties to
    the Mine Ban Treaty, also known as the Ottawa Convention, which bans
    the production and stockpiling of anti-personnel landmines. President
    Trump opened up the geographies where the United States can use
    landmines provided they have a self-destruct mechanism, which
    superseded an Obama administration policy which narrowed persistent
    landmine use to the Korean Peninsula. The Biden administration has yet
    to rescind the permissive Trump administration-era policy. When
    confirmed, can you commit to advocate as the head of the ``T cone'' for
    President Biden to adopt a U.S. policy that brings us closer in line
    with the obligations under the Ottawa Convention? Additionally, will
    you support a robust budget request for de-mining activities in
    conflict zones?

        Answer. As Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield noted last month,
    ``President Biden believes we need to curtail the use of landmines.
    [L]et me speak plainly: President Biden has been clear that he intends
    to roll back [the Trump administration] policy, and our administration
    has begun a policy review to do just that.'' If confirmed, I will
    commit to supporting the administration's landmine policy review and
    will advocate for a clear and explicit role for the State Department in
    any future policy on landmines. I also will commit to consult with
    experts inside and outside of the Department, and with you in Congress,
    on the question of whether and how the United States should bring its
    policies closer in line with the provisions of the Ottawa Convention.
        Thanks to bipartisan Congressional support, the United States has
    been the world's leader in fighting proliferation by safely destroying
    at-risk conventional weapons and saving lives by clearing of landmines
    and other explosive hazards for more than 25 years.

        Question. The Biden administration is currently undertaking a
    global sanctions review to ensure that U.S. and multilateral sanctions
    do not inadvertently prevent humanitarian aid from getting to those in
    need. While food and medicine is exempt under U.S. and U.N. sanctions,
    aid workers are often forced to navigate massive red tape just to bring
    laptops to North Korea, which are considered ``luxury goods,'' or even
    treatments for drug resistant tuberculosis. If confirmed, can you
    commit to work with interested Members to make practical changes to the
    implementation of existing exemptions to U.S. sanctions and seek
    additional exemptions in the U.N. Security Council Sanctions Committee
    of items related to providing life-saving assistance to North Koreans?

        Answer. Sanctions are in place to address the threat posed by North
    Korea, including its ability to continue developing its nuclear and
    ballistic missile programs. The U.S. Government maintains a number of
    sanctions exemptions and authorizations related to humanitarian aid,
    and has also led efforts to streamline the process for humanitarian
    exemptions in the U.N. sanctions committee. North Korea itself has
    created the most significant barriers to the delivery of aid by closing
    its borders and limiting access for the personnel responsible for
    implementing such projects. If confirmed, I will work to support
    efforts aimed at helping humanitarian aid reach the people of North
    Korea.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Bonnie R. Jenkins by Senator Rob Portman

        Question. The position of arms control and international security
    is one of paramount importance to our nation's defense. Both Russia and
    China have made strides in their own force modernization and we must
    take steps to ensure that our adversaries are in compliance with
    existing arms control agreements while we look to new initiatives as
    well.
        New START and U.S. Nuclear Force Modernization: In January 2021,
    the Biden administration agreed to an extension of the NEW Start treaty
    for a period of five years, while committing to pursue new arms control
    agreements with both Russia and China. As you are aware, New START does
    not limit non-strategic nuclear warheads which are a growing concern as
    Russia outnumbers the United States 10-1 in this category. China is on
    pace to more than triple its nuclear force in the coming decade.
    Cleary, more work is needed to ensure that our adversaries do not
    outpace U.S. capabilities in this space.

       The Obama administration in 2010 committed to Congress that it
            would address the disparity between the United States and
            Russia regarding non-strategic nuclear warheads, however
            several administrations have failed to make progress. What
            actions will you take, if confirmed, that will address this
            disparity?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to ensure that we use the time
    provided by a five-year extension of the New START Treaty to pursue
    with Russia, in consultation with Congress and U.S. allies and
    partners, arms control that addresses all Russian nuclear weapons,
    including novel strategic systems and non-strategic nuclear weapons.
    Incorporating Russian non-strategic nuclear weapons into arms control
    is a longstanding and bipartisan U.S. objective.

        Question. Both Russia and China are in the process of expanding,
    diversifying, and modernizing its nuclear arsenals. The United States
    is just beginning this effort. Do you believe that a modernization of
    the U.S. Triad is necessary to negotiate from a position of strength?

        Answer. A credible, modern deterrent and arms control should work
    together to address nuclear threats and increase our security.

        Question. Do you believe that a unilateral reduction of our nuclear
    forces endangers U.S. national security?

        Answer. I would never support any reductions in nuclear forces that
    endanger U.S. national security, but I do not believe that any type of
    reduction would automatically undermine U.S. and allied security.

        Question. Iran's Ballistic Missile Program and the Abraham Accords:
    Iran's ballistic missile program and armed drones, including
    proliferation of these technologies to terrorist organizations, are
    increasingly becoming a regional threat in the Middle East. The
    continued threat from Iran is just one of the many reasons why many
    neighbors of Israel decided to sign normalization agreements such as
    the Abraham Accords last year.
        Last month, I introduced a bill called the Israel Relations
    Normalization Act with Senator's Booker, Cardin, Risch, and Young, to
    require the Department of State to expand and strengthen these
    normalization agreements.

       Do you support these normalization agreements as a means to
            strengthen security in the region and pledge, if confirmed, to
            pursue additional normalization agreements?

        Answer. As President Biden and Secretary Blinken have said, this
    administration welcomes and strongly supports the recent normalization
    agreements between Israel and countries in the Arab and Muslim world. I
    understand that the Department is leading the U.S. Government's
    efforts, working with the National Security Council and U.S. Government
    interagency, to deepen existing agreements and urge other countries to
    normalize relations with Israel. If confirmed, I will look for other
    opportunities to expand cooperation among countries in the region,
    which is critical to strengthening regional security.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Hon. Bonnie R. Jenkins by Senator John Barrasso

        Question. In April 2019, President Trump notified the Senate that
    he had decided to withdraw the United Nations Arms Trade Treaty from
    the Senate and requested the Senate return the treaty to the President.
    The United States notified the United Nations Secretary General that
    the ``United States does not intend to become a party'' to the United
    Nations Arms Trade Treaty despite its signature, adding that the United
    States ``has no legal obligations arising'' from its treaty signature.

       What is the current status of the United States with regards to the
            United Nations Arms Trade Treaty?

        Answer. On December 9, 2016, the Department transmitted the Arms
    Trade Treaty (ATT) to the Senate for its advice and consent to
    ratification. On July 18, 2019, the Trump administration informed the
    Treaty Depositary that the United States did not intend to become a
    State Party to the Treaty and that the United States had no legal
    obligations arising from its signature. The United States is
    participating in ATT meetings as an observer to protect U.S. national
    security interests, economic interests, and industry equities.

        Question. Based on your knowledge and experience in this field,
    what position have you formulated on whether the United States should
    ratify the United Nations Arms Trade Treaty?

        Answer. If confirmed, I support reviewing the implications of
    decisions taken to date on the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), both in the
    United States and in the ATT Conferences of States Parties, to
    determine the proper relationship of the United States to the Treaty. I
    believe this review should be situated within a larger evaluation of
    U.S. policy on conventional arms transfers. The United States is the
    largest arms exporter in the world, and it is imperative that U.S.
    transfers of conventional arms are consistent with our laws, values,
    and interests.

        Question. Have you ever supported, implicitly or explicitly in
    writing or in speech, the United States joining the United Nations Arms
    Trade Treaty? Please provide details.

        Answer. To the best of my recollection, I have not made any
    statement on the issue of the United States joining the U.N. Arms Trade
    Treaty.

        Question. What changes to our nation's policies, regulations, or
    laws would be needed to comply with the United Nations Arms Trade
    Treaty?

        Answer. It is my understanding that the United States would not
    need to change any policies, regulations, or laws to comply with the
    Arms Trade Treaty. U.S. national control systems and practices to
    regulate the international transfer of conventional arms already meet
    or exceed the requirements of the Treaty.

        Question. The United States Constitution protects the rights of
    Americans to keep and bear arms. The Arms Trade Treaty would infringe
    on the second amendment. Article 12 of the Arms Trade Treaty encourages
    countries to maintain records on the importation of conventional arms
    including small arms. It specifically requests that states maintain
    records on the quantity, value, model/type and end user. These records
    must be maintained for a minimum of ten years. Article 13 requires
    signatory states to issue annual reports to the United Nations on all
    imports and exports.

       Do you support the United Nations establishing and maintaining a
            gun registry on law abiding U.S. gun owners?

        Answer. No. If confirmed, I will not support the United Nations
    establishing and maintaining a gun registry on law-abiding U.S. gun
    owners. The Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) establishes standards for
    regulating only the international trade in conventional arms, not
    domestic trade or possession. The ATT does not touch on purely domestic
    arms transfers or private ownership, which are matters of national
    sovereignty.

        Question. China is modernizing and expanding its nuclear forces.
    U.S. intelligence analysts estimate that China could double its nuclear
    warheads in the next decade.

       How is China modernizing and expanding its nuclear arsenal?

        Answer. During this decade, the People's Republic of China (PRC) is
    likely to more than double the size of its nuclear stockpile. According
    to open-source reporting I have read, this rapid expansion includes new
    delivery systems as Beijing works to establish a nuclear triad, which
    will include a long-range stealth bomber, new road-mobile ICBMs,
    multiple-warhead silo-based ICBMs, and a growing fleet of ballistic
    missile submarines. The PRC also appears to be working on hypersonic-
    glide vehicles, air-launched ballistic missiles, and low-yield nuclear
    weapons that will fit into this nuclear triad. The PRC is also making
    additional advances toward developing a launch-on-warning posture.

        Question. What is the projected size and composition of China's
    strategic nuclear forces by 2026 when the New START would expire?

        Answer. During this decade, the People's Republic of China (PRC) is
    likely to more than double the size of its nuclear stockpile. Precisely
    because Beijing is the least transparent member of the P5 nuclear
    weapon states, accurate assessments of its nuclear trajectory and
    intentions are difficult. I defer to the intelligence community for a
    specific assessment on the projected size and composition of China's
    nuclear forces in 2026.

        Question. Secretary of State Blinken noted his intent to ``pursue
    arms control to reduce the dangers from China's modern and growing
    nuclear arsenal.'' China has so far refused U.S. efforts to engage in
    arms control negotiations.

       What specific steps would you take to reduce the dangers posed by
            China's modern and growing nuclear arsenal?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work within the administration, in
    consultation with U.S. allies and partners, to pursue arms control
    measures to reduce the dangers from the People's Republic of China's
    growing nuclear arsenal. It is to be hoped that Beijing will come to
    see that arms control is in its security interest: not a trap designed
    to weaken China's defenses, but rather a mechanism to reduce risk and
    the chances of uncontrollable arms races. If confirmed, I commit to
    consulting with Congress regarding the arms control approach the
    administration foresees pursuing with China.

        Question. What specific leverage does the United States have to
    force China to participate in future arms control negotiations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work within the administration, in
    consultation with U.S. allies and partners, to pursue arms control
    measures to reduce the dangers from the People's Republic of China's
    growing nuclear arsenal. It is to be hoped that Beijing will come to
    see that arms control is in its security interest: not a trap designed
    to weaken China's defenses, but rather a mechanism to reduce risk and
    the chances of uncontrollable arms races, which is in the interest of
    both our countries. If confirmed, I will seek to work with U.S. allies
    and partners to urge Beijing to engage meaningfully with the United
    States on arms control, as doing so is essential to reducing global
    nuclear risks.

        Question. Has the United States ever effectively used the leverage
    you mentioned in question 8? Please provide details.

        Answer. As I understand, the People's Republic of China has thus
    far resisted engaging with the United States in any meaningful nuclear
    arms control discussions. If confirmed, I will work with the
    administration, along with U.S. allies and partners to regularly urge
    Beijing to engage meaningfully with the United States on arms control.
    Doing so is essential to reducing global nuclear risks.

        Question. There is a very large disparity regarding non-strategic
    nuclear weapons, also known as tactical nuclear weapons. During the New
    START debate, there were a number of Senators including myself who were
    extremely concerned that the treaty did not include tactical nuclear
    weapons. The New START Resolution of Ratification specifically provided
    the President was to address the massive disparity in the tactical
    stockpiles prior to contemplating further reductions in the strategic
    arsenal.

       Can you assure the United States Senate that the next arms control
            agreement with Russia will focus on the massive numerical
            advantage Russia has over us and our allies in tactical nuclear
            weapons rather further reductions in the strategic arsenal?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that we use the time
    provided by the five-year extension of the New START Treaty to pursue
    with Russia, in consultation with Congress and U.S. allies and
    partners, arms control that addresses all Russian nuclear weapons,
    including novel strategic systems and non-strategic nuclear weapons.
    Incorporating Russian non-strategic nuclear weapons into arms control
    is a longstanding and bipartisan U.S. objective.

        Question. For more than six decades, the United States has employed
    an effective and credible nuclear deterrent. The U.S. nuclear triad is
    made up of the land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs),
    ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs) and nuclear-capable heavy bomber
    aircraft. All three legs of the triad work hand-in-hand to deter our
    adversaries and reassure our allies and partners. It provides weapon
    systems that are survivable, stabilizing and flexible.

       Please describe how each leg of the U.S. nuclear triad contributes
            to the effective and credible nuclear deterrent?

        Answer. SSBNs are the most survivable leg of the nuclear triad.
    Nuclear-capable bombers are the most flexible. ICBMs are the most
    responsive and contribute to deterrence by requiring an adversary to
    exhaust a large number of warheads to destroy a smaller portion of the
    U.S. deterrent.

        Question. Based on your expertise, are ICBMs on ``hair trigger''
    alert or are they safe and secure?

        Answer. In overall terms, U.S. ICBMs are not on ``hair trigger''
    alert. U.S. nuclear forces are safe and secure as the United States
    maintains multiple redundant technical and procedural measures in place
    to prevent the unauthorized or accidental launch of U.S. missiles. I
    defer to the Department of Defense to discuss the specifics.

        Question. Do you believe the ground based strategic deterrent will
    start an arms race with Russia and China?

        Answer. No, replacing elements of the U.S. nuclear triad will not
    cause an arms race. If confirmed, I will work with the administration
    to head off costly arms races and re-establish U.S. credibility as a
    leader in arms control. I will also work to pursue new arms control
    agreements and arrangements by engaging in meaningful dialogues with
    Russia and China on a range of emerging military technological
    developments that implicate strategic stability.

        Question. All three legs of the U.S. nuclear triad are required to
    maintain a reliable, credible and effective deterrent. This is
    especially true as Russia continues to modernize its nuclear forces and
    China is increasing its nuclear forces in an attempt at nuclear parity.

       Have you ever expressed, implicitly or explicitly in writing or in
            speech, support for eliminating any leg of the nuclear triad?
            Please provide details.

        Answer. To the best of my knowledge, I have not made any statement
    saying that any leg of the nuclear triad should be eliminated.

        Question. Based on your knowledge and background, what is your
    position on the United States modernizing our ICBMs with the Ground
    Based Strategic Deterrent, our submarines with the Columbia class, and
    our bombers with the B-21 Raider?

        Answer. A credible, modern deterrent and arms control should work
    together to address nuclear threats and increase our security. If
    confirmed, I will review each element of the current modernization
    program during the course of the Nuclear Posture Review, and I will
    advise that the United States undertake the modernization necessary to
    sustain a credible strategic deterrent.

        Question. Have you ever supported, implicitly or explicitly in
    writing or in speech, any delay or budget cuts related to or the
    elimination of any of the U.S. nuclear modernization programs? Please
    provide details.

        Answer. To the best of my knowledge, I have not explicitly
    supported any delay or budget cuts to, or elimination of, the
    modernization program. I have asked questions about the total amount of
    funding that will be spent on the modernization program.

        Question. What specific steps will you take to advocate for
    modernization of the U.S. nuclear program?

        Answer. The United States will ensure its strategic deterrent
    remains safe, secure, and effective. If confirmed, I will advise that
    the United States undertake the modernization necessary to sustain a
    credible strategic deterrent.

        Question. On December 4, 2019, you retweeted a post from PSR
    Nuclear Weapons Abolition supporting the United States adopting a no
    first use of nuclear weapons policy.

       Please explain why you support the United States adopting a ``no-
            first use'' policy.

        Answer. I understand that the administration is undertaking a
    review of nuclear policy that will certainly include declaratory
    policy. I have thought, as many do, that the United States might
    consider changes to U.S. declaratory policy that could increase
    stability. I understand that there are varying perspectives on the
    issue, but I believe most agree that we want to reduce nuclear risks to
    the United States and our allies and partners. If confirmed, I look
    forward to working with the interagency and allies and Congress to find
    the best ways to do this.

        Question. As our country continues to face threats from around the
    world, we should not take any action that will hinder our missile
    defense options. The United States must always remain in charge of our
    missile defense, not Russia or any other country. I have concerns about
    the efforts of Russia to limit our missile defense and actions the
    Obama administration took on this issue.

       Can you commit to me that, in any arms control discussions with
            Russia for which you are responsible, the United States will
            never agree to any limitation on our missile defense programs?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. support for effective
    missile defense programs and will only pursue arms control agreements
    that enhance U.S., allied, and partner security.

        Question. President Putin announced Russia's development of new
    strategic nuclear weapons. The weapons include a nuclear powered cruise
    missile, a nuclear powered underwater drone that could be armed with a
    nuclear warhead, and a hypersonic missile. President Putin declared
    that these new additions to Russia's strategic nuclear arsenal would
    render U.S. missile defense ``useless.''

       How would you ensure the new weapons are covered under Russia's
            treaty and arms control obligations?

        Answer. The New START Treaty limits Russia's Avangard hypersonic
    glide vehicle and will limit the Sarmat heavy ICBM at the appropriate
    point in its development cycle. If confirmed, I will work to ensure
    that we use the time provided by the five-year extension of the New
    START Treaty to pursue with Russia, in consultation with Congress and
    U.S. allies and partners, arms control that addresses all Russian
    nuclear weapons, including novel strategic systems and non-strategic
    nuclear weapons.

        Question. Does the United States have a current or prospective
    missile defense system to intercept these weapons? If not, what
    specific actions would you recommend the U.S. Government take to
    respond to and counter these new strategic nuclear weapons?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Department
    of Defense to better understand their capabilities to deter, and if
    deterrence fails, defend against, attack from the novel strategic
    systems being developed by the Russian Federation. If confirmed, I
    anticipate working closely with the Department of Defense to review
    U.S. capabilities to ensure the United States has robust capabilities
    to deter, and if deterrence fails, defend against, attacks on the U.S.
    Homeland and to examine ways that our allies can contribute to
    enhancing U.S. national security.

        Question. During your testimony, you discussed pursuing deeper cuts
    to our nuclear weapons systems.

       At a time when Russia and China are modernizing their nuclear
            weapons, would you advocate for the United States to make
            unilaterally cuts to our nuclear deterrent?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will review all relevant information on
    specific programs during the course of the Nuclear Posture Review and
    report my conclusions back to the committee. Prior to the review, it
    would be premature to speak to the sizing, including possible
    reductions, of U.S. forces.

        Question. The U.S. withdrew from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear
    Force Treaty (INF), the Open Skies Treaty and the Joint Comprehensive
    Plan of Action. You opposed the United States withdrawing from each of
    these international agreements.

       Given your tweet confirming your statement that U.S. actions to
            withdraw from the INF treaty undermines global security, what
            is your view on whether the United States should rejoin the INF
            treaty?

        Answer. As the INF Treaty terminated upon the U.S. withdrawal, it
    is not possible to re-enter it. I agree with NATO's August 2, 2019,
    statement that ``Russia bears sole responsibility for the demise of the
    Treaty.'' Russia's material breach of the INF Treaty and refusal to
    return to compliance led to the U.S. withdrawal and thus to the
    Treaty's termination. The United States should work with its allies and
    partners to ensure Russia gains no advantage by possessing this class
    of missile.

        Question. Based on your detailed knowledge on this treaty and
    strong statements opposing the United States leaving the treaty, do you
    believe the United States should rejoin the Open Skies Treaty?

        Answer. I share President Biden's view that it was a mistake to
    withdraw from the treaty, notwithstanding Russian compliance issues.
    Many of our Allies pointed out that none of these compliance concerns
    impacted the overall operation of the treaty. That said, leaving a
    treaty, and rejoining a treaty while Russia continues to violate it are
    two different things. I understand an interagency review of Open Skies
    is underway. If confirmed, I look forward to learning more about
    internal discussions on the matter.

        Question. Why do you support the United States rejoining the Joint
    Comprehensive Plan of Action?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will be committed to ensuring that Iran
    does not obtain a nuclear weapon and to addressing the many other
    issues of concern related to Iran. The JCPOA was concluded to ensure
    Iran never acquires nuclear weapons, and it provides the most intrusive
    verification and monitoring procedures ever negotiated. I understand
    that the Biden-Harris administration is engaging in meaningful
    diplomacy to achieve a mutual return to compliance with JCPOA
    commitments as a first step, but the work will not end there. The
    administration intends to build on the JCPOA and use it as a platform
    to lengthen and strengthen the constraints on Iran's nuclear program
    and to address other critical issues.

        Question. The United States has not ratified the 1996 Comprehensive
    Nuclear Test Ban Treaty.

       Do you support the United States ratifying the Comprehensive
            Nuclear Test Ban Treaty? If so, why?

        Answer. Yes. The United States maintains the safety, security, and
    effectiveness of our nuclear arsenal without having to conduct nuclear
    explosive tests. It is in our national security interest to prevent a
    world in which states are completely unconstrained from conducting such
    tests. An in-force CTBT would aid in that effort.

        Question. The United Nations Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear
    Weapons entered into force in January 2021. It is the first
    multilateral legal document to outlaw nuclear weapons.

       Based on your experience and background in arms control, what is
            your view of the United Nations Treaty on the Prohibition of
            Nuclear Weapons?

        Answer. While I understand and share the desire to make progress
    toward a world without nuclear weapons, the TPNW is not the right way
    to achieve that goal. The TPNW risks undermining U.S. deterrence
    relationships that are still necessary for international peace and
    security and may reinforce divisions that hinder our ability to work
    together to address pressing proliferation and security challenges. All
    NATO Allies remain opposed to the TPNW, as repeatedly stated by the
    North Atlantic Council, most recently in December of 2020. The best way
    to achieve a world without nuclear weapons is through a process that
    takes into account the international security environment and seeks
    effective, verifiable arms control and disarmament measures.

        Question. On January 3, 2020, you tweeted, ``What is the U.S. logic
    to the strike on Qasem Soleimani?''

       The United States took decisive action on January 3, 2020, to
            prevent an imminent attack by a ruthless terrorist on Americans
            and our allies in the region. As the head of the Quds Force,
            General Soleimani created, supported, and directed a network of
            terrorist organizations that launched attacks across the
            region. As a war criminal, Soleimani was responsible for
            wounding and killing hundreds of Americans and he would have
            killed many more if given the chance.

       Based on your tweet, why did you disagree with the top U.S.
            commander in the region that the Soleimani strike re-
            established a deterrent in the region?

        Answer. The tweet you referenced above was a retweet, without
    commentary, of a CNN article titled, ``What is the U.S. logic to the
    strike on Iran's Qasem Soleimani?'' The article was an analysis of the
    likely factors that went into the previous administration's decision to
    strike Soleimani. I have not expressed disagreement on this issue with
    the ``top U.S. commander in the region.''

        Question. Why do you believe America is not safer today because
    Qasem Soleimani is gone?

        Answer. Qasem Soleimani was a key architect of much of Iran's
    malign behavior. He had blood on his hands, including American blood,
    and I do not regret the killing of such an enemy of the United States.
    The question is not whether Soleimani was good or bad; the question is
    whether this action made the American people safer, based on the
    likelihood of Iranian retaliation and the broader strategic context in
    which the strike took place. I did not comment that America is not
    safer today because Qasem Soleimani is gone, nor do I have access to
    strategic assessments that would enable that conclusion, but it is a
    question that I and others have raised.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Bonnie R. Jenkins by Senator Ted Cruz

        Question. The Trump administration made great progress unwinding
    the United States from outdated Cold War-style arms control agreements
    with Russia. Many of those treaties--and the approach behind them--
    eroded American national security by constraining us, permitting
    Russian noncompliance, and of course not constraining the Chinese at
    all.

       One significant step was to end U.S. participation in the Open
            Skies Treaty (OST). The Russians had been in chronic
            noncompliance for a decade, and were declared noncompliant in
            2017: certain overflights of the Baltic enclave of Kaliningrad,
            flights in the vicinity of the enclaves that they essentially
            invaded and carved off of the country of Georgia, not allowing
            some overflights of Russian military exercises, etc. It was
            long past time to withdraw.

       You've publicly indicated that the U.S. withdrawing from the OST
            was a mistake.

       Do you believe the U.S. should reenter OST or a similar agreement?

        Answer. I share President Biden's view that it was a mistake to
    withdraw from the treaty, notwithstanding Russian compliance issues.
    That said, leaving a treaty, and rejoining a treaty while Russia
    continues to violate it are two different things. I believe we should
    carefully consider the costs and benefits of rejoining before making
    any decision. As part of this analysis, we should consult with Allies
    and partners who are States Parties to the treaty, including on any
    future steps.

        Question. Do you believe that if the U.S. did reenter OST or a
    similar agreement, such a step would require the advice and consent of
    the Senate?

        Answer. I believe that Congressional authorization would be
    required for the United States to rejoin the Treaty on Open Skies.

        Question. If you believe that the U.S. should reenter OST or a
    similar agreement, please describe your strategy for ending chronic
    Russian noncompliance.

        Answer. If the administration were to decide to take steps to
    rejoin OST, I would recommend working with the interagency on ways to
    expand and enhance our work on compliance as it relates to the
    agreement.

    Treaties/INF
        Question. Another Cold War-style treaty from which the Trump
    administration withdrew was the 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces
    (INF) Treaty. China had arguably been the biggest beneficiary of the
    INF Treaty. According to then-Commander of the U.S. Pacific Command
    Harry Harris (now U.S. ambassador to South Korea), roughly 95 percent
    of China's missile forces would fall within INF Treaty parameters. The
    Treaty held us back from developing the technologies we needed to
    counter the Chinese.

       Do you believe it was a mistake to exit the INF?

        Answer. I agree with NATO's August 2, 2019, statement that ``Russia
    bears sole responsibility for the demise of the Treaty.'' Russia's
    material breach of the INF Treaty and refusal to return to compliance
    led to the U.S. withdrawal and thus to the treaty's termination. The
    United States should work with its allies and partners to ensure Russia
    gains no advantage by possessing this class of missile.

        Question. Do you believe the U.S. should reenter the INF or a
    similar agreement?

        Answer. As the INF Treaty terminated upon the United States'
    withdrawal, it is not possible to re-enter it. I look forward to
    working with Congress and relevant agencies and departments on ways to
    create new arms control agreements that serve U.S. interests.

        Question. How do you believe that the missile asymmetry created by
    INF compliance in the Pacific affects America's efforts to operate
    within the first and second island chains in a conflict over Taiwan or
    the South China Sea?

        Answer. China's expansion of its nuclear and missile arsenal
    presages a more dangerous future, with a larger number of sophisticated
    intermediate-range delivery systems able to target U.S., allied, and
    partner forces in the Indo-Pacific. I defer to the Department of
    Defense for a direct assessment of their effects on regional U.S.
    military operations and posture.

        Question. How should the U.S. craft an arms control framework that
    secures its ability to operate within contested zones in the Indo-
    Pacific?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the administration's pursuit
    of arms control measures to reduce the dangers from the People's
    Republic of China's growing nuclear arsenal, coupled with efforts
    designed to bolster deterrence in the region. It is critical that the
    United States consult closely with Indo-Pacific allies and partners to
    ensure arms control efforts both reduce the role of nuclear weapons in
    U.S. security strategy and ensure U.S. extended deterrence commitments
    remain strong and credible.

    Treaties/CEF
        Question. The 1996 Flank Agreement to the Treaty on Conventional
    Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) is one of the canonical examples where the
    United States negotiated arms control restrictions that the Russians
    serially violated, but nevertheless it took years for the U.S. or its
    allies to formally unwind from the Treaty. Under most interpretations,
    Russia was never in compliance with the 1996 limits, though it arguably
    complied with parts of the Adapted treaty. You participated in
    negotiations regarding the Flank agreement. Please describe--

       Your assessment about whether the Russians ever came into
            compliance with the Flank parameters.

       Your assessment of whether the Flank Agreement enhanced U.S.
            national security.

       Your role in formulating, reviewing, and approving the Flank
            Agreement, including--

         Your overall role in formulating, reviewing, and
                approving the Agreement.

         Your role in the delegation, including who you
                reported to.

        Answer. My understanding is that Russia has not been in compliance
    with the May 1996 flank limits, but is within the overall treaty
    limits. If Russia remains within the overall conventional treaty
    limits, I believe such limits continue to promote both U.S. and U.S.
    allied national security interests as envisioned when the treaty was
    negotiated.

       As noted, the flank limits text was negotiated in 1996, at a time
            when I had already transitioned to working on the Comprehensive
            Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and was working on CTBT
            backstopping in Washington, DC. I was therefore not involved in
            the drafting of the final text of the agreement. I refer you to
            the Department as to its staffing of this issue at that time.

        Question. Any role you had in reviewing the final text of the
    Agreement. If you did not have a role in reviewing the agreement, why
    not and who provided legal advice for reviewing?

        Answer. I was not involved in the drafting of the final text of the
    agreement because I had moved on to working on the CTBT. I refer you to
    the Department as to its staffing of this issue at that time.

        Question. Any role you had in approving the final text of the
    Agreement. If you did not have a role in approving the agreement, why
    not and who provided legal advice for approving?

        Answer. I was not involved in the drafting of the final text of the
    agreement because I had moved on to working on the CTBT. I refer you to
    the Department as to its staffing of this issue at that time.

    China/NPT
        Question. The Chinese plan to triple their nuclear arsenal in the
    coming years.

       What leverage does the U.S. have to get China to the negotiating
            table?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work within the administration, in
    consultation with U.S. allies and partners, to pursue arms control
    measures to reduce the dangers from the People's Republic of China's
    growing nuclear arsenal. It is to be hoped that Beijing will come to
    see that arms control is in its security interest: not a trap designed
    to weaken China's defenses, but rather a mechanism to reduce risk and
    the chances of uncontrollable arms races. U.S. allies and partners will
    be key to success, and if confirmed I will seek to work with them to
    regularly urge the PRC to engage meaningfully with the United States on
    arms control.

        Question. What is your plan to realistically get China to the
    negotiating table for a credible arms control agreement?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the administration's pursuit
    of arms control measures to reduce the dangers from the People's
    Republic of China's growing nuclear arsenal. U.S. allies and partners
    will be key to success, and if confirmed I will seek to work with them
    to regularly urge the PRC to engage meaningfully with the United States
    on arms control. I understand that the administration is in the process
    of crafting specific proposals, and, if confirmed, I commit to
    consulting with Congress regarding the arms control approach the
    administration foresees pursuing with China.

        Question. I introduced a bill last session that would impose
    sanctions on parts of the Chinese military sector unless they come into
    compliance with their already-existing NPT Article VI obligations for
    `good faith' negotiations.

       Do you believe China is meeting its NPT Article VI obligations?

        Answer. China's nuclear weapons build-up risks undermining decades
    of international progress toward nuclear disarmament. If confirmed, I
    will consult with legal and policy experts at the Department of State
    on a variety of matters related to China's behavior in the nuclear
    weapon arena, including its compliance with Article VI.

    Iran/NPT
        Question. As traditionally understood, Article IV of the NPT
    entitles member states to the benefits of peaceful civil-nuclear
    technology to the extent that they are members in good standing with
    the NPT. In the last administration, Special Representative of the
    President for Nuclear Nonproliferation Jeffrey L. Eberhardt confirmed
    to the SFRC in writing that ``Iran's standing as a non-nuclear-weapon
    State Party to the NPT cannot be described as `good.'''

       Do you consider Iran's past possession of the Nuclear Archive
            seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
            relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute
            non-compliance by Iran of its obligations under the Treaty on
            the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). If yes, please
            explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. I have serious concerns about Iran's compliance with the
    Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and if confirmed, I will work
    with legal and policy experts to monitor and assess Iran's NPT
    compliance. Iran must cooperate fully with the IAEA to address the
    serious, outstanding issues related to potential undeclared nuclear
    material in Iran. As a non-nuclear-weapon state party to the NPT, Iran
    is obligated not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.
    Under the JCPOA, Iran reaffirmed this commitment, and if confirmed, I
    will work to ensure that Iran never obtains a nuclear weapon.

        Question. All three legs of the U.S. nuclear triad are required to
    maintain a reliable, credible and effective deterrent. This is
    especially true as Russia continues to modernize its nuclear forces and
    China is increasing its nuclear forces in an attempt at nuclear parity.

       Do you consider Iran's past concealment of the Nuclear Archive
            seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
            relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute
            non-compliance by Iran of its obligations under the NPT. If
            yes, please explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. Iran's long history of denial and concealment regarding its
    past nuclear weapons program is of serious concern. The Biden-Harris
    administration has stated that it will not take Iran at its word
    regarding assertions about its nuclear program, and fully supports the
    IAEA as it uses its safeguards authorities to investigate any
    indication of undeclared nuclear material or activities in Iran. If
    confirmed, I am committed to working to ensure that Iran never acquires
    a nuclear weapon.

        Question. Do you consider Iran a member in good standing of the
    NPT? If yes, please explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. I have serious concerns about Iran's compliance with the
    Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and if confirmed, I will work
    with legal and policy experts to monitor and assess Iran's NPT
    compliance. Given Iran's past noncompliance with both its safeguards
    agreement and its NPT obligations, its failure to fully and
    substantially address IAEA questions related to past activities
    relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive device, its
    retention and concealment of documents, equipment, and personnel
    related to its past nuclear weapons program, and its failure to fully
    address current IAEA questions related to potential undeclared nuclear
    materials and activities in Iran, Iran's nuclear activities are cause
    for serious concern.

        Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from
    nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes, please
    explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
    Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
    and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
    and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
    however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
    nuclear activities, including its obligations under Article II of the
    NPT and its NPT-required safeguards agreement with the International
    Atomic Energy Agency.

        Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from
    nuclear technology for any reason? If yes, please explain why. If no,
    please explain why.

        Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
    Parties to the Treaty, including Iran, to develop research, production
    and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination
    and in conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. Iran must,
    however, comply with its international obligations when undertaking
    nuclear activities, including its obligation under Article II of the
    NPT not to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons.

    Iran/UNSCR 2231 Snapback
        Question. UNSCR 2231 ended a long-standing international arms
    embargo against Iran, described across the previous six resolutions
    terminated by paragraph 7(a) of the resolution. After an effort to
    extend that embargo, the Trump administration took two measures. First,
    it invoked the ``snapback mechanism'' described in paragraphs 10-15 of
    UNSCR 2231, reversing the termination of those resolutions. You and
    others have publicly suggested that the U.S. was not entitled to invoke
    that mechanism. Second, the Trump administration implemented EO 13949,
    ``Blocking Property of Certain Persons with Respect to Conventional
    Arms Activities of Iran,'' which authorizes sanctions for transfers to
    and from Iran of arms or related material or military equipment. As a
    result, the U.S. established a baseline deterrent against major arms
    sales to Iran. Multi-billion dollar arms agreements publicly described
    and anticipated by Russia, China, and Iran did not occur.
        However, in February 2021, the Biden administration rescinded that
    decision.

       Do you agree with the decision to rescind invoking the snapback
            mechanism?

        Answer. The snapback mechanism was designed to provide leverage to
    help ensure Iran performed its commitments under the JCPOA. The
    previous administration invoked snapback in a way that was never
    contemplated by the deal, namely after unilaterally exiting it.
    Virtually none of our allies or partners recognized this invocation of
    snapback. The Biden-Harris administration believes that the United
    States will be in a stronger position to counter the full range of
    threats posed by Iran, including its nuclear program, by working in
    close concert with our allies.

        Question. Do you believe that Russia would be in violation of any
    UNSCR if Russia sold advanced weapons to Iran? If so, which ones?

        Answer. The provisions in UNSCR 2231 prohibiting the sale, supply,
    or transfer to Iran of items on the U.N. Register of conventional arms
    expired in October 2020. The Biden-Harris administration is committed
    to working with our allies and partners to counter Iran's destabilizing
    activities in the region, including its acquisition of advanced weapons
    from Russia. If confirmed, I will continue to work with our partners on
    the Security Council to dissuade countries from providing advanced
    weapons to Iran and fueling Iran's efforts to undermine the stability
    of its neighbors in the region. The United States retains numerous
    unilateral authorities, including E.O. 13949 (``Blocking Property of
    Certain Persons with Respect to Conventional Arms Activities of Iran'')
    to deter and sanction transfers to and from Iran of advanced weapons.

        Question. Do you believe that Russia would be in violation of any
    UNSCR if Russia purchased advanced weapons from Iran? If so, which
    ones?

        Answer. The provisions in UNSCR 2231 prohibiting the sale, supply,
    or transfer from Iran of arms and related materiel expired in October
    2020. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to working with our
    allies and partners to counter Iran's destabilizing activities in the
    region, including its sales of weapons and arms. If confirmed, I will
    continue to work with our partners on the Security Council to dissuade
    countries from purchasing such equipment from Iran and fueling Iran's
    efforts to undermine the stability of its neighbors in the region. The
    United States retains numerous unilateral authorities, including E.O.
    13949 (``Blocking Property of Certain Persons with Respect to
    Conventional Arms Activities of Iran'') to deter and sanction transfers
    to and from Iran of advanced weapons.

        Question. Do you believe that China would be in violation of any
    UNSCR if China sold advanced weapons to Iran? If so, which ones?

        Answer. The provisions in UNSCR 2231 prohibiting the sale, supply,
    or transfer to Iran of items on the U.N. Register of conventional arms
    expired in October 2020. The Biden-Harris administration is committed
    to working with our allies and partners to counter Iran's destabilizing
    activities in the region, including its acquisition of advanced weapons
    from China. If confirmed, I will continue to work with our partners on
    the Security Council to dissuade countries from providing advanced
    weapons to Iran and fueling Iran's efforts to undermine the stability
    of its neighbors in the region. The United States retains numerous
    unilateral authorities, including E.O. 13949 (``Blocking Property of
    Certain Persons with Respect to Conventional Arms Activities of Iran'')
    to deter and sanction transfers to and from Iran of advanced weapons.

        Question. Do you believe that China would be in violation of any
    UNSCR if China purchased advanced weapons from Iran? If so, which ones?

        Answer. The provisions in UNSCR 2231 prohibiting the sale, supply,
    or transfer from Iran of arms and related materiel expired in October
    2020. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to working with our
    allies and partners to counter Iran's destabilizing activities in the
    region, including its sales of weapons and arms. If confirmed, I will
    continue to work with our partners on the Security Council to dissuade
    countries from purchasing such equipment from Iran and fueling Iran's
    efforts to undermine the stability of its neighbors in the region. The
    United States retains numerous unilateral authorities, including E.O.
    13949 (``Blocking Property of Certain Persons with Respect to
    Conventional Arms Activities of Iran'') to deter and sanction transfers
    to and from Iran of advanced weapons.

        Question. Do you believe that Iran would be in violation of any
    UNSCR if Iran conducted any activity related to ballistic missiles
    designed to be capable of delivering nuclear weapons, including
    launches using such ballistic missile technology?

        Answer. United Nations Security Council resolution (UNSCR) 2231
    calls upon Iran not to undertake any activity related to ballistic
    missiles designed to be capable of delivering nuclear weapons,
    including launches using such ballistic missile technology. The United
    States uses a number of tools to prevent transfers of equipment and
    technology to Iran's missile programs and call attention to Iran's
    missile development efforts. This includes reporting to the Security
    Council launches by Iran that use technologies related to ballistic
    missiles designed to be capable of delivering nuclear weapons and
    urging the Council to address such activities.

        Question. Do you believe that Iran would be in violation of any
    UNSCR if Iran conducted any activity related to ballistic missiles
    capable of delivering nuclear weapons, including launches using such
    ballistic missile technology?

        Answer. United Nations Security Council resolution (UNSCR) 2231
    calls upon Iran not to undertake any activity related to ballistic
    missiles designed to be capable of delivering nuclear weapons,
    including launches using such ballistic missile technology. The United
    States uses a number of tools to prevent transfers of equipment and
    technology to Iran's missile programs and call attention to Iran's
    missile development efforts. This includes reporting to the Security
    Council launches by Iran that use technologies related to ballistic
    missiles designed to be capable of delivering nuclear weapons and
    urging the Council to address such activities.

    JCPOA/Treaty
        Question. I believe that the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
    (JCPOA) and any similar arms control agreement with Iran should be
    brought to the U.S. Senate as a treaty for the Senate's advice and
    consent. Officials from the Biden administration have indicated in
    public and private they disagree with that stance, because it is
    important in the context of such agreements to allow the U.S. to act
    ``without the constraints of international treaty law.'' I disagree
    with that analysis, which fails to account for the Senate's
    prerogatives in general, and in the context of the JCPOA cannot be
    reconciled with the Obama-Biden administration's move to lock in the
    JCPOA at through United Nations Security Council Resolution UNSCR 2231,
    which sought to constrain U.S. behavior at the level of international
    law.

       Do you believe that the JCPOA or a successor agreement should be
            brought to the U.S. Senate for advice and consent? If not, why
            not?

        Answer. Secretary Blinken has committed to consulting fully with
    Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program, as called
    for under the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA). The JCPOA was
    negotiated as a non-legally binding arrangement and transmitted to
    Congress under INARA in 2015, and it underwent close congressional and
    public scrutiny. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the
    Secretary, Special Envoy Malley, and other members of the
    administration in consultations on any agreement relating to Iran's
    nuclear program, and to complying with the provisions of INARA.

        Question. Do you believe that the JCPOA or a successor agreement
    should not be brought to the Senate for advice and consent specifically
    because it would constrain U.S. options? If so, please describe those
    constraints.

        Answer. Secretary Blinken has committed to consulting fully with
    Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as called
    for under the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA). The JCPOA was
    negotiated as a non-legally binding arrangement and transmitted to
    Congress under INARA in 2015, and it underwent close congressional and
    public scrutiny. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the
    Secretary, Special Envoy Malley, and other members of the
    administration in consultations on any agreement relating to Iran's
    nuclear program, and to complying with the provisions of INARA.

        Question. If a future agreement with Iran is not submitted to the
    U.S. Senate for its advice and consent, do you believe that a future
    administration would be within its legal prerogatives to dismantle it?

        Answer. Secretary Blinken has committed to consulting fully with
    Congress on any agreement relating to Iran's nuclear program as called
    for under the Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act (INARA). The JCPOA was
    negotiated as a non-legally binding arrangement and transmitted to
    Congress under INARA in 2015, and it underwent close congressional and
    public scrutiny. If there were to be a U.S. return to the JCPOA, the
    arrangement would impose no legal constraints on the United States'
    ability to protect its interests, including, for example, by ceasing
    participation in the deal if Iran were to fail to adhere to its JCPOA
    commitments.

    State Department
        Question. The Obama administration was broadly criticized,
    especially in the context of its Middle East policy, for co-mingling
    unclassified documents with classified documents. This practice
    requires that documents be placed in a secure location, unnecessarily
    limiting access to unclassified documents and stifling public debate.
    The Biden administration already seems to be repeating such practices:
    according to an exchange during the State Department press briefing on
    February 11, a notification describing the lifting of terrorism
    sanctions on Iran-controlled terrorists in Yemen was unnecessarily
    transmitted to a Congressional SCIF.

       Can you commit to ensuring that unclassified information is not
            unnecessarily comingled with classified information in
            notifications provided by the State Department to Congress? If
            not, why not?

        Answer. I am committed to working to ensure that information
    provided to Congress is, to the fullest extent possible, in a format
    that facilitates its access by authorized personnel, while complying
    with Executive Order 13526, the Department of State classification
    guide, and the executive branch rules on the handling and storage of
    classified information.

        Question. What are your goals for your bureau, if confirmed?

        Answer. I have several priorities I would like to engage on if
    confirmed, the broadest and most important of which is to play a role
    in reducing the risk of nuclear war through effective arms control. I
    believe it is also critical that we make progress on limiting Russian
    and Chinese nuclear expansion, strengthening our efforts in
    biosecurity, pursuing accountability for the use of chemical weapons,
    and promoting a diverse workforce. If confirmed I hope to work to
    strengthen deterrence alliances in the Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific
    to better deter and defend against growing threats, and to help
    position the U.S. Government and State Department to grapple with
    advancements in emerging technologies that can threaten strategic
    stability. Finally, I intend if confirmed to strive to ensure that arms
    transfers and security assistance are focused on building values-based
    security partnerships.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Bonnie R. Jenkins by Senator Mike Rounds

        Question. China voluntarily agreed, in 1997, to report its annual
    civil plutonium production figures and related activities to the
    International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), along with the U.S., UK,
    France, Russia, Japan, Belgium, Switzerland, and Germany. The last
    Chinese report, which covered 2016, was submitted in 2017.
        There is no public record of the U.S. taking them to task for no
    longer reporting this information, which is troubling due to their
    development of a fast-breeder reactor program.
        Furthermore, the Commander of USSTRATCOM indicated, at an open
    Senate Armed Services Committee hearing on 14 April 2021, that ``this
    will change the upper bounds of what China could choose to do, if they
    wanted to, in terms of further expansion of their nuclear
    capabilities.''

       Do you know if this has been discussed, with the Chinese, in
            diplomatic circles? Will you commit to meeting with me, if
            confirmed, to discuss this issue further?

        Answer. I have not been privy to such conversations. However, if
    confirmed, I will call on China to submit its declaration report to the
    IAEA per Information Circular (INFCIRC)/549 concerning ``Guidelines for
    the Management of Plutonium.'' If confirmed, I would be happy to meet
    with you to discuss this issue further.

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Bonnie R. Jenkins by Senator Bill Hagerty

    Nuclear Modernization
        Question. If you are confirmed, will you commit supporting the
    modernization of U.S. nuclear forces? Please begin your answer with yes
    or no.

        Answer. Yes, the United States should have a modern, credible, and
    effective deterrent.

        Question. In your view, why is the modernization of U.S. nuclear
    forces critical to protecting the security of the United States?

        Answer. The United States must maintain a credible nuclear
    deterrent as long as nuclear weapons exist. Nuclear weapons will
    continue to exist beyond the planned service lives of existing U.S.
    nuclear forces and modernization is necessary to sustain a credible
    deterrent.

        Question. In your view, do you agree that the role of nuclear
    weapons should be reduced in U.S. foreign policy, as stated by two
    Biden administration officials in an interview with the Asahi Shimbun?
    Please begin your answer with yes or no. In an interview with Asahi
    Shimbun, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Arms
    Control, Verification, and Compliance Alexandra Bell and Deputy
    Assistant Secretary of Defense for Nuclear, Missile Defense Policy
    Leonor Tomero publicly stated that ``there is no doubt that President
    Biden's goal is to reduce the role of nuclear weapons.''

        Answer. Yes, as the Interim National Security Strategic Guidance
    states, ``We will take steps to reduce the role of nuclear weapons in
    our national security strategy, while ensuring our strategic deterrent
    remains safe, secure, and effective and that our extended deterrence
    commitments to our allies remain strong and credible.''

    No First Use Policy
        Question. If you are confirmed, will you commit to upholding the
    longstanding U.S. policy of not adopting a ``no first use'' policy?
    Please begin your answer with yes or no. Admiral Charles Richards, who
    heads the U.S. Strategic Command, said that his ``best military advice
    would be not adopt a no-first-use policy.'' During her nomination
    hearing, Deputy Secretary of Defense Kath Hicks said that a ``no first
    use'' policy is not in the interest of the United States.

        Answer. The President of the United States determines U.S.
    declaratory policy. The Biden-Harris administration is undertaking a
    review of nuclear policy that will certainly include declaratory
    policy. If confirmed, I will participate in that process and will
    consult with Congress and our allies on any policies or actions in this
    area.

        Question. In your view, what are the conditions in which the United
    States can actually use a nuclear weapon? On January 2021, you argued
    for declaring a ``no first use'' policy, stating that ``the United
    States needs to define the conditions where we can actually use a
    nuclear weapon.''

        Answer. The President of the United States determines the
    conditions under which the United States would consider the use of
    nuclear weapons. The Biden-Harris administration is undertaking a
    review of nuclear policy that will certainly include declaratory
    policy. I have thought, as many do, that the United States might
    consider changes to U.S. declaratory policy that could increase
    stability. I understand that there are varying perspectives on the
    issue, but I believe most agree that we want to reduce nuclear risks to
    the United States and our allies and partners. If confirmed, I look
    forward to working with the interagency and allies and Congress to find
    the best ways to do this.

        Question. What risks might U.S. allies face if the United States
    were to adopt a ``no first use'' policy?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is undertaking a review of
    nuclear policy that will certainly include declaratory policy. If
    confirmed, I will participate in that process and will consult with
    Congress and U.S. allies on any policies or actions in this area. It
    would be premature to speculate about risks prior to the completion of
    this review.

    China & Article VI of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
            Weapons
        Question. In your view, if a country with nuclear weapons, which is
    a signatory of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons,
    deliberately and repeatedly refuses to engage in good faith
    negotiations on the issue of arms control, would you agree that country
    is in violation of Article VI of the NPT? Please begin your answer with
    yes or no. Article VI of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
    Weapons clearly stipulates that countries with nuclear weapons should
    ``pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to
    cessation of the nuclear arms race.'' In recent years, the United
    States repeatedly attempted to engage China on the issue of arms
    control, but Beijing refused, asserting that ``the time is not yet
    ripe'' for such discussions.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with legal and policy experts
    at the Department of State on a variety of matters related to China's
    behavior in the nuclear weapon arena, including its compliance with
    Article VI of the NPT. It is urgent for China to take on greater
    responsibility, transparency, and restraint with respect to its nuclear
    weapons arsenal.

    Security Assistance
        Question. If you are confirmed, what metrics would you rely upon to
    determine whether China is violating VI of the NTP Treaty?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will consult with legal and policy experts
    at the Department of State on a variety of matters related to China's
    behavior in the nuclear weapons arena, including considerations
    relevant to assessing compliance with Article VI of the NPT.

    On the Next Arms Control Treaty
        Question. If you are confirmed, do you commit that the next arms
    control treaty should include China? Please begin your answer with yes
    or no.

        Answer. No. While the United States will pursue arms control
    measures to reduce the dangers from the People's Republic of China's
    growing nuclear arsenal, arms control agreements and arrangements must
    be tailored to the security challenges they are intended to address.?
    Although there may be opportunities for the United States and Russia to
    engage the PRC in a trilateral forum, I do not believe that all future
    arms control endeavors with Russia must include the PRC.

        Question. If you are confirmed, do you commit that the next arms
    control treaty with Russia must address all nuclear warheads, to
    include Russia's non-strategic nuclear weapons? Please begin your
    answer with yes or no.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that we use the time
    provided by a five-year extension of the New START Treaty to pursue
    with Russia, in consultation with Congress and U.S. allies and
    partners, arms control that addresses all Russian nuclear weapons,
    including novel strategic systems and non-strategic nuclear weapons.
    Incorporating Russian non-strategic nuclear weapons into arms control
    is a longstanding and bipartisan U.S. objective.

        Question. If you are confirmed, do you commit to regularly briefing
    Congress on the status of diplomatic engagements with China on the
    issue of arms control?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed I commit to regularly consulting Congress
    on the status of the Biden-Harris administration's approach to China
    and arms control.

    Iran and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
        Question. In your view, is Iran in compliance with the Treaty on
    the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons? Please begin your answer with
    yes or no.

        Answer. I have serious concerns about Iran's compliance with the
    NPT, and if confirmed, I will work with legal and policy experts to
    monitor and assess Iran's NPT compliance. President Biden has made
    clear he is committed to ensuring that Iran never acquires a nuclear
    weapon, and I share that commitment.

        Question. If yes, how is Iran in compliance when it has not
    answered the IAEA's questions on undeclared nuclear material and
    activities?

        Answer. I have serious concerns about Iran's compliance with the
    Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in light of the IAEA's ongoing
    safeguards investigations and Iran's failure to provide the IAEA with
    the cooperation necessary to resolve them. If confirmed, I will work
    with legal and policy experts to monitor and assess Iran's NPT
    compliance. Iran must engage and cooperate fully with the IAEA in a way
    that leads to credible, concrete progress and toward resolution of
    these issues. Like President Biden, I have full confidence in the IAEA
    to pursue any indications of undeclared or diverted nuclear material
    that could contribute to any renewed Iranian pursuit of a nuclear
    weapon.

        Question. If you are confirmed, do you commit to providing no
    sanctions relief to Iran until they comply with the IAEA's requests to
    resolve the outstanding issues on undeclared nuclear materials and
    activities? The 2021 Adherence to and Compliance with Arms Control,
    Nonproliferation, and Disarmament Agreements and Commitments noted that
    during the 2020 reporting period, the IAEA Director General (DG) issued
    several reports on Iran that make clear that serious, outstanding
    concerns remain regarding possible undeclared nuclear material and
    activities in Iran today.

        Answer. Iran is obligated under its NPT-required safeguards
    agreement to declare to the IAEA nuclear material and nuclear
    activities in Iran. Iran's failure to provide substantive or
    technically credible responses to the IAEA's questions related to
    possible undeclared nuclear materials and activities in Iran is cause
    for serious concern. If confirmed, I will strongly support the IAEA's
    ongoing investigation in Iran into indications of possible undeclared
    nuclear material and, along with the rest of the international
    community, expect full Iranian cooperation with inspectors--without
    delay--as the IAEA works toward conclusions. President Biden has made
    clear he is committed to ensuring that Iran never acquires a nuclear
    weapon.

    Open Skies Treaties
        Question. In your view, do you agree that Russia has violated, and
    continues to violate, the Treaty on Open Skies? Please begin your
    answer with yes or no. The 2021 Adherence to and Compliance with Arms
    Control, Nonproliferation, and Disarmament Agreements and Commitments
    noted that in ``2020, the United States continued to assess that Russia
    was in violation of the Treaty on Open Skies (OST).'' In May 2020, the
    Director of the U.S. National Counterintelligence and Security Center
    said: ``For years, Russia has used the Open Skies Treaty to collect
    intelligence on civilian infrastructure and other sensitive sites in
    America, posing an unacceptable risk to our national security.''

        Answer. Yes, Russia has violated, and continues to violate, the
    Treaty on Open Skies. I am not aware that Russia has taken any action
    to return to compliance. As stated in this year's compliance report,
    Russia has not rescinded its illegal 500-kilometer sublimit over
    Kaliningrad. Russia also remains in violation for refusing to allow
    observation flights to approach within 10 kilometers of its border with
    the Georgian regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. While not a
    violation of the treaty, Russia has also declared an airfield in Crimea
    as a Russian Open Skies refueling airfield, in an attempt to politicize
    the treaty.

        Question. In your view, do you agree that Russia abuses the Treaty
    on Open Skies and its actions posed an unacceptable risk the security
    of the United States and our allies?

        Answer. My view is that Russia's violations of the Treaty on Open
    Skies, while concerning, by themselves do not pose a direct and
    immediate threat to U.S. national security. Russia's use of the treaty
    to collect imagery of military and civilian infrastructure, while not
    prohibited by the treaty, could pose a risk, although I understand
    there are measures in place to mitigate that risk.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Jose W. Fernandez by Senator Robert Menendez

    Rebuilding the Bureaus
        Question. Neglect of the Economic Growth, Environment, and Energy
    Bureaus has resulted in a serious brain drain from the bureaus and hurt
    morale among the dedicated workforce of these Bureaus. The previous
    administration's skepticism and outright hostility towards
    environmental stewardship, climate change, clean energy diplomacy and
    economic cooperation were not only tone deaf and out of touch with the
    interests of the rest of the world, but were demoralizing to the very
    thoughtful and engaged personnel within these bureaus.

       How will you restore morale among personnel, build back the ranks
            of the ``E'' bureaus and offices, and demonstrate leadership
            and interest in the E Bureaus' priorities?

        Answer. Rebuilding the ``E'' family will require commitment and
    dedication, not only in recruiting but in training and retention
    efforts. We will also need to pay special attention to groups whose
    lack of representation at the State Department predates the previous
    administration. If confirmed, with your support and the help of my
    colleagues at State, I intend to pay special attention to this effort.

        Question. How will you continue and build on this tradition of
    leadership to advance the values of transparency and accountability
    that the U.S. Government has championed across MDBs?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will champion the values of transparency
    and accountability across all U.S. engagements with the multilateral
    development banks. In large part due to our significant shareholding
    size, the United States is in a position to continue to work with
    fellow shareholders to ensure the MDBs promote transparency and
    accountability in order to build more support among all stakeholders
    for the very important work they do to address systemic barriers to
    economic development.

        Question. The U.S. National Contact Point (NCP) to the OECD is one
    of the only avenues for justice for harm caused by companies; however,
    reports have documented meaningful shortcomings in the NCP's ability
    for facilitating accountability and remedy. How will you ensure that
    the U.S. NCP is strong and effective to address business and human
    rights grievances?

        Answer. The U.S. National Contact Point for the OECD Guidelines for
    Multinational Enterprises (Guidelines) serves an important role in
    promoting and implementing the Guidelines, and in facilitating the
    resolution of allegations brought against a company. The Guidelines
    provide important recommendations by governments to companies on
    responsible business practices, including with respect to human rights.
    If confirmed, I will review the current work of the U.S. NCP, consider
    feedback from concerned stakeholders, and take appropriate steps to
    ensure that the mechanism we have in place to address grievances is a
    meaningful one.

        Question. What is your assessment of the push for an Inter-American
    Development Bank (IDB) capital increase?

        Answer. The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) is a vital source
    of development finance for Latin America and the Caribbean and provides
    a high-quality alternative to unsustainable borrowing from China or
    other creditors. IDB lending and policy advice will be important for
    supporting the region in emerging from the multiple crises it faces. If
    confirmed, I intend look closely at the IDB's plans and current
    financing needs in collaboration with Treasury and other agencies.

        Question. How can Congress best work with the administration to
    advance this goal (of an IDB capital increase)?

        Answer. Discussions on the Inter-American Development Bank's (IDB)
    resources should occur from the bottom up, considering the views of all
    shareholders, including Congress and IDB management. Such discussions
    should include fulsome analyses of financial conditions, how its use of
    resources addresses the region's challenges, and the IDB's role within
    the larger financing and policy landscape for the region. If confirmed,
    I would look closely at the IDB's plans and current financing needs in
    collaboration with Congress, Treasury, and other agencies.

        Question. How do you see the Under Secretary facilitating climate
    into the operations of State Department bureaus where the concept of
    ``Climate Diplomacy'' may still be new?

        Answer. Among the many pressing international priorities on
    President Biden's agenda, reasserting American leadership in combating
    the global climate crisis is among the most critical--having been
    identified by the President as one of the four ``historic'' crises
    confronting the United States. If confirmed, I plan to work closely
    with Secretary Kerry and his team to advance our climate diplomacy
    work. I understand that Secretary Kerry's climate diplomacy work is
    closely coordinated with the Department's. If confirmed, I am also
    committed to further integrating the climate agenda in the ``E'' family
    of bureaus and offices, and supporting the Biden-Harris
    administration's broader diplomatic engagement.

        Question. Can you describe how you see yourself, if confirmed,
    working in cooperation with the Special Presidential Envoy for Climate
    in realizing the full-scale integration and consideration of climate
    into our foreign policy apparatus?

        Answer. If I am confirmed, while I will report to Secretary
    Blinken, I plan to work closely with Special Presidential Envoy Kerry
    and his team to advance our climate work. Addressing the climate crisis
    is going to take a whole-of-government and whole-of-Department of State
    approach. If confirmed, I will have the privilege of overseeing two of
    the bureaus most actively engaged in climate change diplomacy: the
    Bureau of Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific
    Affairs, and the Bureau of Energy Resources. I anticipate a close
    working relationship with SPEC to ensure we are working together to
    advance this policy priority.

        Question. Is it in the U.S. interest, or a sound reflection of U.S.
    values, to respond to BRI investments in fossil fuels by offering
    financing for comparable fossil fuel energy projects that have
    significant environmental impacts?

        Answer. It is in the U.S. interest to work with countries to
    understand the full economic and environmental impact of energy
    investments and the availability of cost-effective, clean, and low-
    carbon alternatives to fossil fuels. This includes, but is not limited
    to, countries where the PRC is investing through its One Belt, One Road
    (OBOR) initiative. If confirmed, I commit to coordinating across U.S.
    Government agencies to work with international partners and expand
    competitive financing options for cost-effective, low carbon
    alternatives to PRC-backed, heavy-emitting infrastructure projects.

        Question. Should the U.S. compete by providing better clean energy
    alternatives that provide wide ranging health, economic growth and
    social benefits to BRI energy projects that exacerbate the climate
    crisis and harm local health and the environment?

        Answer. It is critical that countries' energy needs be met in a
    safe, and fiscally and environmentally sustainable, manner. If
    confirmed, I commit to working with institutions like DFC and EXIM to
    advance U.S. clean energy financing options, with a focus on building
    partners' capacities to assess and mitigate financial and environmental
    risks in the energy sector. I also commit to supporting international
    initiatives, such as the Blue Dot Network, to certify quality
    infrastructure projects that uphold global standards and are vital to
    strengthening shared climate, social, and environmental standards.

        Question. Do you believe it is in the U.S. economic interest, and
    sound environmental policy, for the U.S. to pay foreign entities to
    take our plastic waste to create energy?

        Answer. It is in the economic and environmental interest of the
    United States to support environmentally sound management of plastic
    waste and scrap. If confirmed, I will work with international partners
    to better understand international trade flows of plastic waste and
    scrap as the State Department and other Departments and agencies
    consider these important policy questions.

        Question. Would you support a prohibition on export of U.S. plastic
    waste for foreign energy production?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would support upholding and implementing
    U.S. export laws for waste and scrap, and supporting U.S. industry in
    understanding the policies of other countries related to trade in
    plastic waste and scrap. I understand that the Biden-Harris
    administration is still reviewing its position on international waste
    and scrap issues, and if confirmed I look forward to participating in
    that review.

        Question. If confirmed, what specific steps will you take to
    increase U.S.-India cooperation on clean energy and address climate
    change?

        Answer. I understand that U.S.-India cooperation on climate and
    clean energy is a core element of the bilateral relationship. President
    Biden and Prime Minister Modi launched the U.S.-India Climate and Clean
    Energy Agenda 2030 Partnership at the Leaders Summit on Climate on
    April 22, 2021. Advancing India's ambitious 2030 climate and clean
    energy targets, such as reaching 450 GW of renewable energy, will be
    critical to confronting the climate crisis. If confirmed, I intend to
    ensure that the State Department plays a leading role in advancing
    U.S.-India collaboration, including by building on existing initiatives
    through the Bureau of Energy Resources to mobilize clean energy finance
    and integrate renewable energy into a flexible power system.

        Question. What role would you anticipate having in the
    implementation of the U.S.-India Climate and Clean Energy Agenda 2030
    Partnership?

        Answer. President Biden and Prime Minister Modi launched the U.S.-
    India Climate and Clean Energy Agenda 2030 Partnership at the Leaders
    Summit on Climate on April 22, 2021, elevating climate and clean energy
    collaboration to the core of the bilateral relationship. The
    Partnership goals are to support India's deployment of 450 GW of
    renewable energy by 2030, scale up innovative technologies, and build
    capacity for climate adaptation. If confirmed, I intend to ensure the
    State Department plays a leading role in this Partnership--through
    promoting clean energy finance, technical assistance on regulatory
    reform, and support for innovation and technology scale-up--and
    provides the resourcing to achieve the ambitious 2030 agenda.

        Question. If confirmed, will you support the establishment of a
    U.S.-Eastern Mediterranean Energy Center?

        Answer. I am familiar with the goals of the Eastern Mediterranean
    Security and Energy Partnership Act and, if confirmed, I will work with
    Congress and the Department of Energy to support the U.S.- Eastern
    Mediterranean Energy Center. I understand that the Department of Energy
    is working with counterparts from Israel, Greece, and the Republic of
    Cyprus, along with the State Department's Bureau of Energy Resources,
    to determine the Center's scope of activities, and expects to have a
    framework for establishment of the Center in the coming weeks.

        Question. Will you commit to prioritizing labor rights and support
    for labor unions in relations with Bangladesh, if confirmed?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to prioritizing labor rights
    and support for labor unions in relations with Bangladesh. In 2013,
    President Obama suspended Bangladesh's trade benefits under the
    Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) because the Government of
    Bangladesh had made insufficient progress in affording Bangladeshi
    workers internationally recognized worker rights. Since then,
    Bangladesh has made a few amendments to its labor law, but workers
    continue to face dismissals, blacklisting, and violence for attempting
    to join or form unions or demonstrate for their due wages and benefits.
    In response, the Department of State, USAID, and Department of Labor
    fund programs to improve workers' rights and safety in the garment,
    shrimp, and domestic work sectors, as well as for migrant workers. I
    understand that the State Department also coordinates with USAID, the
    International Labor Organization, and other partners to encourage
    Bangladesh to enact reforms to bring its labor legislation in line with
    international standards. If confirmed, I will ensure my team amplifies
    this work, and raises concerns about labor rights at the highest levels
    of the Government of Bangladesh.

        Question. How specifically will you ensure that labor rights and
    labor unions are prioritized in initiatives such as High-Level
    Consultations on Economic Partnership with Bangladesh?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with leadership in the Bureau of
    Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of Labor, and U.S.
    Trade Representative to ensure labor rights and labor unions are
    prioritized in initiatives with Bangladesh, including the High-Level
    Consultation on Economic Partnership. President Biden made clear in his
    address to a joint session of Congress on April 28: middle class
    workers grow the economy and unions build the middle class. Likewise,
    economic partnerships are only possible because of workers, so labor
    rights must be viewed as a priority across topics and sectors, rather
    than a standalone issue.

        Question. Will you commit to working with international partners to
    combat plastic pollution and marine debris in the oceans?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to working with international
    partners to combat plastic pollution and marine debris in the ocean. I
    plan to work with colleagues at the Department and across the
    interagency, along with stakeholders, as the United States prepares for
    negotiations under the fifth United Nation Environment Assembly
    meeting, which is expected to deliberate on options for global action
    to address ocean plastic pollution in February 2022. If confirmed, I
    will also work with staff to implement the Department's activities
    under Save Our Seas 2.0, including building international partnerships
    to build capacity to address marine debris.

        Question. Will you help guide the State Department, working with
    other relevant federal agencies and multilateral institutions, to
    examine the environmental risks and social impact of foreign plastic
    waste processors that claim to recycle plastic waste?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will help guide the Department,
    including collaborating interagency partners and relevant multilateral
    institutions, to better understand the environmental and social impacts
    of foreign plastic waste processors that claim to recycle plastic
    waste.

        Question. Will you make exploring the potential for new
    international agreements on land-based sources of marine debris and
    derelict fishing gear a priority for the Oceans and International
    Environmental and Scientific Affairs Bureau?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to addressing ocean plastic
    pollution and working with countries and stakeholders to find
    innovative solutions to address land-based sources of marine debris as
    well as derelict fishing gear. The Biden-Harris administration has not
    taken a position on launching a new global instrument and is still
    developing its perspective on the best approaches to addressing marine
    litter and plastic pollution. If confirmed, I will work with
    interagency, stakeholders and international partners as we consider
    different approaches, including new global instruments.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Jose W. Fernandez by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Who is responsible for coordinating and effectively
    executing U.S. foreign policy, to include diplomatic engagement to
    advance U.S. global health security interests overseas--the Department
    of State, USAID, or CDC?

        Answer. I understand that the United States takes a whole-of-
    government approach, under the President's leadership, and in
    coordination with the National Security Council, to advance U.S.
    foreign policy, including advancing U.S. global health security
    interests overseas. The President appointed a Coordinator for the
    Global COVID-19 Response and Health Security at the Department of
    State. This role leads diplomatic engagement on behalf of the U.S.
    Government on health security matters, coordinating closely with
    relevant departments and agencies. I understand that the Chief of
    Mission ultimately has authority and responsibility for U.S. activities
    in a respective country and is responsible for coordinating and
    effectively executing U.S. foreign policy. Staff across the U.S.
    interagency, including from the Department of State, USAID, and CDC,
    have critical roles to contribute to this effort.

        Question. Who is responsible for coordinating and effectively
    executing U.S. foreign assistance overseas, to include diplomatic
    engagement to advance U.S. global health security interests in
    countries of all income categories--the Ambassador (Department of
    State), the Mission Director (USAID), or CDC country representatives?

        Answer. I understand that under the direction of the President, the
    Secretary of State is responsible for the supervision and general
    direction of U.S. foreign assistance. I understand that the U.S.
    Ambassador, with Chief of Mission authority and responsibility for U.S.
    activities in a country, is responsible for ensuring adequate
    coordination among U.S. departments and agencies in country, as to best
    utilize the expertise of technical agencies such as USAID and CDC and
    ensure coordination across equities. The implementation of specific
    programs falls under USAID Mission Directors and CDC country
    representatives, who have important roles in directing country teams in
    the responsible and effective use of U.S. foreign assistance overseas.

        Question. Who is best placed to coordinate the execution of a
    comprehensive U.S. global health security strategy overseas, including
    by resolving conflicts between implementing agencies and
    organizations--the Department of State, USAID, or CDC?

        Answer. I understand that the Chief of Mission in a given country
    has ultimate responsibility for U.S. activities in the country, and the
    National Security Council coordinates implementation of U.S. foreign
    policy across agencies. I understand that the Department of State,
    USAID, CDC, DOD, and other agencies collaborate closely to coordinate
    and resolve conflicts in the execution of U.S. global health security
    strategy overseas.

        Question. Given the leading role assigned to the Department of
    State by National Security Memorandum-1 (21 January 2021) and Executive
    Order 13747 (4 November 2016) in advancing U.S. global health security
    and diplomacy, the enormity of U.S. foreign assistance dedicated to
    advancing global health priorities overseas, and the fact that the
    major implementer of U.S. global health assistance overseas--USAID--
    falls under the foreign policy guidance of the Department of State, do
    you believe the Office of International Health and Biodefense, as
    currently structured, is fit for purpose?

        Answer. The current pandemic highlights the importance of global
    health security. The Bureau of Oceans and International Environmental
    and Scientific Affairs' Office of International Health and Biodefense
    (OES/IHB) advances these interests through diplomacy and foreign policy
    implementation bilaterally and multilaterally, in close coordination
    with the interagency. I understand that OES leadership will continue
    coordinating with relevant Department of State bureaus and offices and
    interagency partners to review global health security needs and assess
    the need for any additional resources, working with Congress.

        Question. Do you agree that the PEPFAR model, to include the
    coordinating role played by the Department of State and the
    implementing roles played by USAID and the CDC, has been successful?

        Answer. Yes. PEPFAR uses a whole-of-government model to harness the
    comparative advantages of seven U.S. Government implementing agencies,
    including USAID and CDC, with leadership and coordination through the
    U.S. Department of State, including at the country level through U.S.
    Chiefs of Mission worldwide. It may be the most rigorous global health
    program in terms of data collection. PEPFAR's interagency program
    implementation has been critical to PEPFAR's success in controlling the
    HIV/AIDS pandemic. As PEPFAR's work continues, it is seen as a model in
    global health, even in the context of COVID-19.

        Question. As more and more countries approach epidemic control, do
    you believe this (PEPFAR) model could be adapted to advance broader
    global health security and diplomacy objectives, as the Obama
    administration envisioned under the GHI?

        Answer. The current pandemic highlights the importance of
    strengthening global health security capacity and health systems.
    Various models for U.S. foreign assistance programs, including PEPFAR,
    have successfully bolstered health outcomes globally. Bureaus and
    offices at the Department of State--including the Office of the U.S.
    Global AIDS Coordinator, Office of International Health and Biodefense,
    and Office of Foreign Assistance--continue efforts to leverage the
    successes of various aid models to effectively strengthen global health
    security capacity, and I will look forward to reviewing those efforts
    and models if confirmed.

        Question. As the Department and U.S. interagency work to help
    developing nations build their infrastructure and provide their energy
    needs, will you commit to considering all energy sources and fuels
    types that make the most sense for each project, particularly with
    respect to the needs of developing countries? Will you commit not to
    make general prohibitions on coal, oil, or natural gas projects?

        Answer. I am committed, if confirmed, to help developing countries
    address their energy needs and support the Biden-Harris
    administration's whole-of-government approach to ensure that climate
    considerations are fully integrated into our energy-related
    engagements. This includes supporting developing countries as they plan
    for a low-emissions future that decarbonizes key sectors, increases
    competitive energy and infrastructure development, and increases energy
    access to sustainably meet growing demand. If confirmed, I will work
    within the Department and interagency to coordinate support to
    countries to meet their climate, energy access, and energy security
    needs in ways that further our climate and energy goals.

        Question. If a capital increase is authorized for the Inter-
    American Development Bank (IADB) this Congress, if confirmed, will you
    commit to working to establishing appropriate safeguards, transparency
    and conditionality measures to protect debt-vulnerable IADB member
    countries of that borrow from the IADB to restructure Chinese bilateral
    debt held by such countries? Do you also commit to establishing
    measures to protect such countries from incurring subsequent Chinese
    bilateral debt?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with our allies and
    partners to distinguish our approach to development from China's by
    ensuring that economic viability and transparency are built into the
    projects we support at the Inter-American Development Bank. I will also
    work to confront China's economic abuses and advocate for the highest
    transparency and accountability standards to promote development
    investments that are both beneficial and sustainable over the long
    term.

        Question. China, through its Belt and Road Initiative, is financing
    and constructing infrastructure projects around the globe. These
    projects build relationships that will last years if not decades
    between China and other countries. Depending on the terms of the
    financing and the quality of the construction, China may secure an
    unfair advantage in the relationship to the detriment of the interests
    of the host country as well as the United States. How do you propose
    the United States counter these practices and strengthen relationships
    with countries in need of infrastructure development?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the United States
    distinguishes itself from Beijing's state-led approach to development,
    including the ``One Belt, One Road'' initiative, by promoting private-
    sector driven alternatives. The United States' approach focuses on
    partnerships that strengthen local capacity and promote
    entrepreneurship, transparency, good governance, fair practices, and
    internationally recognized environmental, social, and labor standards.
    If confirmed, I will work with partners and allies, and through
    existing U.S. Government agencies such as the Development Finance
    Corporation, the Export-Import Bank, and others, to promote and support
    infrastructure investments with high standards that ensure such
    projects are beneficial and sustainable over the long term.

        Question. People's Republic of China (PRC) companies are making
    significant headway an important but often overlooked technology area:
    undersea cables. The prior administration focused on this issue through
    its Clean Cable initiative, and by providing financing for specific
    cable projects in the Indo-Pacific. Please describe your understanding
    of PRC activities in the undersea cable market and the implications for
    United States interests. Do you commit to prioritizing this area of
    technology if you are confirmed?

        Answer. I understand that the Biden-Harris administration views
    undersea cables as critical to America's national security and economic
    prosperity. If confirmed, I will fully support Department efforts that
    prioritize protecting this critical infrastructure and work with allies
    and partners to prevent untrusted, high-risk, and unproven vendors,
    like those with ties to the PRC, from increasing their market share
    through unfair practices.

        Question. After years of negotiations, on December 30th, 2020-
    nearly the final day of the German Council presidency--the European
    Union (EU) announced it had reached an agreement with China on an
    investment deal. What is your view of the EU's decision to conclude
    this agreement at this moment?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to early consultations with
    our EU and European partners on shared concerns about China, including
    through the recently relaunched U.S.-EU dialogue on China and on issues
    related to trade and investment. Ultimately, the onus will be on China
    to show that any new pledges in the Comprehensive Agreement on
    Investment (CAI) on forced labor, state-owned enterprises, and
    subsidies are not just cheap talk, and the EU will need to hold the
    Chinese Government accountable. If confirmed, I will seek to engage
    with European counterparts on how to advance our shared economic
    interests and counter China's aggressive and coercive actions, as well
    as on China's failures to uphold its past international commitments.

        Question. What are the economic and geopolitical implications of
    this agreement? Please be specific. Will it affect the EU's willingness
    to push back on China for its malign behavior, such as using the EU's
    new human rights sanctions regime? Do you believe that this agreement
    with affect, negatively or positively, U.S. attempts to hold China
    accountable for its malign trade and investment practices?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the administration's active
    engagement with EU and European counterparts on how to advance our
    shared economic interests and counter China's aggressive and coercive
    actions, including trade and investment practices. The economic and
    geopolitical implications of the deal will depend on whether it is
    ratified and, if so, whether the Chinese Government follows through on
    its commitments. The United States applauded the EU's imposition of
    sanctions in March under its global human rights sanctions regime
    against PRC individuals in connection with serious human rights abuses
    in Xinjiang, an action taken in unity with the United States, Canada,
    and the United Kingdom.

        Question. The prior administration stood up an initiative called
    the Infrastructure Transaction and Assistance Network, designed to
    advance the development of sustainable, transparent, and high-quality
    infrastructure in the Indo-Pacific region by strengthening capacity-
    building programs; providing transaction advisory services and project
    preparation assistance to support sustainable infrastructure; and
    coordinating the provision of United States assistance for the
    development of infrastructure. If confirmed, do you commit to
    supporting and continuing this program?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continuing the Infrastructure
    Transaction and Assistance Network (ITAN). Public financing alone
    cannot fulfill the $15 trillion global infrastructure gap over the next
    twenty years--we must mobilize private financing of quality
    infrastructure, particularly in the Indo-Pacific. Participants in ITAN
    representing 14 U.S. agencies have collaborated to identify and provide
    support for dozens of projects with a market value of $190 billion. I
    will work to continue helping foreign partners build better enabling
    environments to mobilize greater private sector financing in quality
    infrastructure investment through ITAN.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to prioritizing advocacy,
    assistance, and other necessary initiatives to encourage, promote, and
    support greater investment in and economic and commercial engagement
    with Southeast Asia?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to supporting increased
    investment, economic, and commercial engagement in Southeast Asia.
    Transparent, inclusive, and resilient economic growth is key to
    ensuring that Southeast Asia remains free and open. Through our Indo-
    Pacific programs, if confirmed, I will work with U.S. Government
    economic agencies to help countries in the region attract quality
    investments, increase transparency, secure project financing for key
    transactions, and advocate for U.S. firms. I will also seek to work
    through multilateral organizations, such as APEC and ASEAN, to improve
    regional business environments, reduce trade barriers, and increase
    commercial ties between U.S. businesses and the region.

        Question. How can the United States build more reliable trade and
    investment partnerships with African countries, particularly when the
    region faces severe economic impacts from the coronavirus pandemic,
    external debt, and inflationary pressures? What will it take to
    overcome these myriad challenges, and how do you believe the United
    States can assist?

        Answer. I believe that fostering debt transparency is a key
    requirement for building back better in Africa. I understand that the
    United States supports the Paris Club-G20 Debt Service Suspension
    Initiative and the Common Framework for Debt Treatments, both of which
    include debt transparency requirements. If confirmed, I will advance
    U.S. engagement in the multilateral debt initiatives, as well as
    ongoing World Bank and IMF support for economic recovery in Africa. The
    World Bank has provided $50 billion for African countries, while a
    significant portion of the IMF's $110 billion in COVID-related rapid
    financing has gone to Africa. If confirmed, I will also support
    development of a plan for a $650 billion IMF special drawing rights
    allocation.

        Question. Our strategy to counter malign foreign actors like the
    People's Republic of China (PRC) in African countries cannot be limited
    to still-nascent programs like Prosper Africa and aged initiatives like
    the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). The United States' plan
    will also require strategic, targeted, and well-resourced ``whole-of-
    country'' initiatives that address not only the economic side of the
    issue, but the governance, cultural, and diplomatic sides as well. How
    can the United States better develop country- or city-level strategies
    (for Africa's ever-growing mega-cities) to properly incentivize U.S.
    private sector engagement in critical sectors to ensure they are well-
    positioned to compete?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that U.S. companies can
    compete on an even, transparent playing field. I will enhance our work
    to improve the investment climates on a country-by-country basis and
    inform U.S. firms of Africa's opportunities. U.S. businesses provide
    world-class products and services that Africans seek to grow their
    economies. If confirmed, I will examine how we can better coordinate
    our financing support across U.S. agencies. The Prosper Africa
    initiative has been working to coordinate many of these efforts, but we
    can do more. If confirmed, I will also support our soft power efforts,
    including engaging with youth and diaspora, and encouraging educational
    opportunities.

        Question. Should the United States prioritize support of Africa's
    efforts to realize implementation of the African Continental Free Trade
    Area (AfCFTA) or carve out strategic Free Trade Agreements with
    countries like Kenya? For regional economic blocs like the Economic
    Community of West African States (ECOWAS)?

        Answer. I understand that the United States, while not a party to
    the AfCFTA, supports its goals of improved harmonization and
    coordination of trade in Africa. The agreement has the potential to
    foster a better business climate that would increase opportunities for
    U.S. businesses. If confirmed, I look forward to supporting USTR on any
    trade matters and strengthening alliances with our key partners, like
    Kenya and the Regional Economic Communities across Africa. With respect
    to Kenya, I understand USTR is closely reviewing the negotiations that
    have taken place to date.

        Question. The Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2021 establishes
    an Office of Sanctions Coordination within the Department of State. If
    confirmed, do you commit to work with my office and this committee to
    ensure that this office succeeds and fulfills its statutory mandate?

        Answer. Yes. I share the Department's appreciation for Congress's
    deep and continued involvement in sanctions issues. If confirmed, I
    will work to leverage available expertise and resources throughout the
    Government on sanctions issues, including as the Department works to
    stand up the Office of Sanctions Coordination established in the
    Consolidated Appropriations Act, and will work with your office and the
    committee.

        Question. Do you anticipate that the Office of the Special Envoy
    for Climate will coordinate with the E bureau? If so, how? Do you have
    an understanding of what the reporting structure would look like? In
    the event of a disagreement between your office and the Special Envoy's
    office, to whom would the matter be elevated?

        Answer. While the Under Secretary position I have been nominated to
    reports to Secretary Blinken, if confirmed, I plan to work closely with
    Special Envoy for Climate (SPEC) Kerry and his team to advance our
    climate work. I understand Special Envoy Kerry's climate diplomacy work
    is closely coordinated with the Department's. If confirmed, I am
    committed to further integrating the climate agenda in the ``E''
    (Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment) family. If confirmed, I
    will have the privilege of overseeing the two bureaus most engaged in
    climate diplomacy: the Bureau of Oceans and International Environmental
    and Scientific Affairs and the Bureau of Energy Resources. I anticipate
    a positive working relationship with SPEC.

        Question. One of the irritants in the United States' relationship
    with our closest allies is the question of taxation of digital
    companies. Understandingly, European countries would like to tax
    companies operating in their territories, but this would have a direct
    and targeted harm on U.S. companies, since the U.S. is home to most of
    the largest tech companies. Resolving this issue is of primary
    important both for our relationship with Europe, for pushing back on
    the influence of Chinese tech companies, and for the health of the U.S.
    tech companies. In this role, you would have a large part to play in
    the negotiations to resolve this issue. How do you view the issue? What
    do you believe is the right compromise? What are the consequences for
    not resolving it?

        Answer. I understand that the Biden-Harris administration is
    committed to finding a multilateral solution to the current set of
    international tax issues?that require collective action.??If confirmed,
    I would seek to work within my role to pursue a strong international
    minimum tax?to?end?the race to the bottom in corporate taxation,
    ensuring multinational enterprises pay their fair share. This should
    also include?an equitable way to address the allocation of profits
    generated through the deployment of intangible property, including to
    resolve the issues that have been used to justify?Digital Services
    Taxes. If confirmed, I look forward to working alongside colleagues
    throughout the U.S. Government to advance these efforts.

        Question. Do you commit to continuing the previous administration's
    support for the Three Seas Initiative as a way to assist the
    infrastructure development of Eastern Europe in a sustainable way and
    to counter China's Belt and Road and 17 + 1 Initiative?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to continuing strong U.S.
    Government support for the Three Seas Initiative (3SI), a commitment
    already voiced by Secretary Blinken on several occasions. 3SI meets
    multiple strategic objectives of the Biden-Harris administration,
    including promoting the economic development and critical
    infrastructure resilience of some close U.S. Allies. 3SI contributes to
    closing development deficits left by communism; fostering the overall
    integration of Europe; strengthening Central and Eastern European
    resilience against, and Western alternatives to, Russian malign
    influence and the PRC's Belt and Road and 17+1 initiatives; and
    advancing multilateral partnership and transatlantic ties.

        Question. What do you view as the DFC's role in this (3 Seas)
    Initiative? What additional steps can, and should, the U.S. Government
    take to incentivize the private sector to take the risks necessary to
    invest in the region?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the
    Development Finance Corporation to maximize U.S. investment in Three
    Seas Initiative (3SI) projects and in finding other ways, in
    coordination with members, international financial institutions, and
    private capital markets to support 3SI goals in the energy, digital,
    and transport sectors. The needs in the 3SI region cannot be addressed
    solely by the public sector; the United States must incentivize private
    capital and U.S. business to invest in this stable region whose
    economic indicators have long been strong and positive. The U.S.
    Government should also promote U.S. business investment in 3SI
    projects.

        Question. Do you view the sanctions in the Protecting European
    Energy Security Act (PEESA), as amended, as a statutory requirement or
    an optional authority??

        Answer. PEESA is U.S. law, and if confirmed, I will uphold the law.
    PEESA, as amended, is an important tool to stop the Nord Stream 2
    pipeline and ensure that Europe has a reliable, diversified energy
    supply that enhances rather than undermines its collective security. I
    understand that the Department continues to assess all potential
    targets involved in the construction of Nord Stream 2, to identify
    persons that engaged in conduct that meets the specific terms of the
    statute.

        Question. Do you believe that it is possible to prevent the
    completion of NordStream 2, or is it inevitable?

        Answer. Nord Stream 2 is a threat not only to Europe's energy
    security, but also to strategic stability on the continent. The
    administration will continue to work with allies and partners, using
    the tools at its disposal, to prevent the completion of the pipeline
    and to ensure that Europe has a reliable, diversified energy supply
    that enhances, rather than undermines, its collective security. If
    confirmed, I will ensure the Department continues to work to bring an
    end to the project.

        Question. Are U.S. sanctions on entities involved in NordStream 2
    extraterritorial, as some have claimed?

        Answer. The administration has made clear that any entity involved
    in the Nord Stream 2 pipeline risks U.S. sanctions and should
    immediately abandon work on the pipeline. I understand the
    administration continues to engage European allies and partners to make
    our opposition to the pipeline and the potential sanctions risk clear
    and will continue to underscore strong, bipartisan U.S. opposition to
    this Russian malign influence project.

        Question. Do you believe it would be appropriate for the
    administration to negotiate a deal with Germany (or any foreign power)
    involving the waiving of mandatory sanctions absent prior consultations
    with Congress?

        Answer. To the best of my knowledge, there is no such deal. If
    confirmed, I look forward to consulting with Congress on this matter
    and others.

        Question. Do you commit to upholding U.S. law and sanctioning
    entities that are building or supporting the building of the NordStream
    2 pipeline?

        Answer. PEESA is U.S. law, and if confirmed, I will uphold the law.
    I understand the Department continues to work to bring an end to the
    pipeline, which it views as a threat to European energy security and as
    a tool of Russian coercion. If confirmed, I will work with the
    Department to continue to assess and evaluate evidence available to
    determine the applicability of PEESA, as amended.

        Question. How will you use your position as Under Secretary of
    Economic Growth, Energy, and Environment to use U.S. economic power to
    partner with, rather than coerce, European allies and partners to
    strengthen their mechanisms to push back on China, including
    strengthening and diversifying their economies, incentivizing western
    investment into eastern and southern Europe, building strong export
    control regimes, and reinforcing their investment screening mechanisms?

        Answer. As Secretary Blinken said, the People's Republic of China
    is the only country with the economic, diplomatic, military, and
    technological power to seriously challenge the stable and open
    international system. To address this challenge, the United States must
    engage from a position of strength, which requires working with allies
    and partners since this combined weight is much harder for Beijing to
    ignore. If confirmed, I am committed to working closely with European
    partners who share our concerns to build resilience and reduce reliance
    on the PRC, and look forward to making progress on the issues you raise
    in upcoming G7 meetings, the U.S.-EU Summit and U.S.-EU China Dialogue,
    and in other venues.

        Question. What are the most immediate and critical areas for State
    to prioritize in this effort? Will you have the capacity to prioritize
    both the removal of irritants in our relationship AND work to weaken
    China's economic power over Europe?

        Answer. Our European partners share many of our concerns regarding
    the PRC's efforts to challenge the current economic order, but we will
    not always see eye to eye, even with our closest allies. We must work
    together to build resilience by both protecting and promoting our
    technological advantages. We must work together to ensure global norms
    and standards reflect our values. We must work together to secure our
    global supply chains and promote fair trade. Managing our differences
    is essential to achieving our shared objectives and, if confirmed, I
    will ensure we find the common ground that will allow us to do so.

        Question. The EU struck an investment deal with China last
    December, and yet, the U.S.-EU talks on trade and investment, through
    Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (T-TIP) negotiations,
    have crumbled. While the U.S. Trade Representative has primacy over
    trade talks, in this role, how will you push for enhanced trade and
    investment between the United States and the EU? What do you see as
    areas ripe for immediate cooperation in trade and investment? Do you
    believe there is room, despite protectionist instincts on both sides of
    the Atlantic, to complete any trade and investment agreements during
    the Biden administration? Will you push both sides to compromise for
    the sake of economic growth and unity against malign economic actors?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the administration's active
    engagement with EU and European counterparts on how to advance our
    shared economic interests. Failed FTA negotiations and tariff wars have
    badly damaged the U.S.-EU trade relationship over the past seven years.
    Resolving the trade disputes including Airbus-Boeing, Section 232 steel
    and aluminium, and Section 301 determinations in response to digital
    services taxes, in a manner that supports domestic jobs and growth in
    the United States, would remove key irritants in the relationship and
    allow us to focus on future challenges.

        Question. Will you support a trade agreement between the United
    States and the United Kingdom? Do you believe that a US-UK free trade
    agreement would be a benefit to the United States as well as the UK?
    How will you work with the UK and EU to ensure that both sides of the
    Brexit deal uphold their commitments, which is to the benefit of the
    U.S., EU, and UK?

        Answer. President Biden has been clear that he will make
    significant new investments in the United States for American workers
    before he signs any new trade deals. Now that a U.S. Trade
    Representative has been confirmed, I understand that the administration
    is reviewing the status of the negotiations and the text of the U.S.-UK
    FTA to determine the best way forward. If confirmed, I look forward to
    working closely with Department colleagues and USTR to engage with the
    UK Government on strengthening our ties across a wide range of economic
    issues. Further, President Biden has warned that any trade deal is
    contingent upon respect for the Good Friday Agreement.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Jose W. Fernandez by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

        Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
    your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
    impact of your actions?

        Answer. While chairing the American Bar Association's Interamerican
    Law Committee at the height of the internal wars in Central America, I
    organized a network of lawyers from the hemisphere who sought to
    promote human rights and help mediate labor law conflicts in the
    region. Together with bar associations from Central America, from 1986
    to 1989 we organized conferences in El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala
    and Costa Rica that focused on the use of arbitration. The conferences
    received much attention in these jurisdictions, and at least in one
    country resulted in draft labor law legislation that incorporated
    arbitration procedures. While the results were modest and violence
    against labor unionists continues to this day, our efforts served to
    highlight alternative dispute resolution methods to adjudicate often-
    bloody conflicts.
        In 1999 journalist Horacio Verbitsky filed a complaint with the
    Inter-American Commission on Human Rights against the Republic of
    Argentina over his conviction for publishing criticisms of Argentine
    Government officials, including then-President Menem. At the request of
    a Columbia Law School professor, my team and I researched the
    applicable law and prepared a first draft of Mr. Verbitsky's legal
    brief. The case was ultimately decided in favor of Mr. Verbitsky.
        In 2013, the Rana Plaza building in Dhaka, Bangladesh collapsed,
    killing more than 1,100 garment workers and injuring an additional
    2,500-plus. The disaster followed several accidents in garment
    factories in the country. Shortly afterwards, as Assistant Secretary of
    State for Economics, Energy and Business, I led a U.S. Government visit
    to Bangladesh, where we informed Bangladeshi officials that the United
    States would revoke GSP privileges over worker conditions. I followed
    up with several meetings in Washington DC with two industry groups that
    had been created by European and U.S. clothing retailers to improve
    worker conditions in Bangladesh. My main concern was that, although
    both groups had similar objectives, they were often in competition and
    were dissipating efforts that could not be wasted. Our meetings led the
    groups to agree on common standards and greater coordination. I
    understand that, largely through the efforts of both industry groups,
    safety has improved at the larger factories in Bangladesh, although
    more work remains to be done in smaller enterprises.

        Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
    managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
    creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
    mentor, and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
    underrepresented groups?

        Answer. Successful international economic policy is predicated on
    having a diverse and representative staff. President Biden has made
    diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility a national security
    imperative. Secretary Blinken has committed to recruit and retain a
    workforce that truly reflects the American people. Diversity and
    inclusion make our diplomatic team stronger, smarter, more creative,
    and more innovative. If confirmed, I commit to working with the new
    Chief Diversity and Inclusion Officer, the Bureau of Global Talent
    Management, the Secretary's Office of Civil Rights, and other
    Department leadership to foster an inclusive workplace in the E
    ``family,'' promoting, mentoring, and supporting the advancement of
    diverse staff.

        Question. Fighting corruption is one of the most important ways
    that we can promote democracy and human rights worldwide. What steps
    would you take to address global corruption within the role for which
    you are nominated?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to work with experts across the
    Department and interagency to promote and defend democracy. Through the
    targeted deployment of accountability tools, foreign assistance, and
    diplomatic engagement, we can address endemic corruption and human
    rights abuse. I will prioritize working with allies, seeking
    opportunities to promote our shared ideals together. I will work to
    expand opportunities for U.S. companies to compete for and win business
    globally by advancing the fight against foreign bribery and corruption,
    strengthening transparency and good governance, and promoting
    responsible business conduct.

        Question. Do you commit to work with Congress to strengthen U.S.
    policies to combat global corruption?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with Congress to
    strengthen U.S. policies to combat global corruption, including efforts
    to bolster enforcement of foreign bribery laws and improve global
    standards of transparency, accountability, and good governance. These
    efforts directly support the American middle class through job creation
    by helping to level the playing field for U.S. business.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Hon. Jose W. Fernandez by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. In 2015, you wrote an article stating that the loosening
    of restrictions on telecommunications investments in Cuba ``had the
    greatest potential to accelerate the growth of civil society in Cuba.''
    Although I believe that increasing connectivity and allowing the free
    flow of information to the Cuban people will help increase the
    communication among the Cuban people, ETECSA, Cuba's only
    telecommunication company sets high prices, and shuts down the access
    to those who voice opposition against the regime. Just recently the
    regime shut down internet access in response to the San Isidro
    protests. Can you describe your views towards Cuba today?

        Answer. As a refugee from Castro's Cuba, I have no illusions about
    the Cuban Government. Many human rights activists from across the
    island rely on expanded internet access to communicate with each other
    and strengthen networks with other groups in Cuba and abroad, but the
    Cuban Government has restricted the country's internet access to keep
    independent media and journalists from reporting on government
    repression. If confirmed, I will seek to engage directly with Cuban
    civil society, and will work to design policies to empower Cuban civil
    society and recognize their leadership on these issues. Further, I will
    directly engage the Cuban Government on human rights issues, including
    freedom of expression.

        Question. As you know, the Cuban military plays a large role in
    controlling the flow of money in the Cuban economy. They use this
    control to support the Cuban regime. Do you support restricting
    financial transactions with the Cuban military as a way to promote
    freedom in Cuba?

        Answer. The Cuban people face great hardship as they deal with the
    pandemic and decades of an oppressive government's economic
    mismanagement. I understand that the Biden-Harris administration has
    committed to reviewing U.S.-Cuba policy, including the U.S. posture
    regarding economic sanctions, to ensure they help empower the Cuban
    people to determine their future. If confirmed, I will support the
    Department's review, and I look forward to consulting with Congress on
    this issue.

        Question. As you know, Taiwan has long pursued a bilateral trade
    agreement with the United States. Late last year, the Taiwanese
    Government expended tremendous political capital to lift a ban on the
    import of American pork, which was the last major stumbling block to an
    agreement with Washington. If confirmed, will you urge the U.S. trade
    Representative to prioritize free trade agreement negotiations with
    Taiwan?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to deepening trade, investment,
    and other economic ties with Taiwan, which is a critical economic
    partner. Trade with Taiwan advances U.S. interests and helps create
    economic opportunity and prosperity in the United States. If confirmed,
    I will work with the U.S. Trade Representative to strengthen U.S.
    economic ties with Taiwan as an important priority.

        Question. China engages in economic predatory behavior through
    initiatives like Belt and Road, conducts malign influence operations
    around the world, steals IP, and is working to reshape the
    international rules-based system to its benefit. If confirmed, how will
    you use your role to counter China's malign activities?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to work with partners and allies
    to promote democratic governance and transparency. In contrast to the
    PRC's approach to development, I will work to ensure that we continue
    to focus on strong fiscal, social, and environmental safeguards in the
    projects we support. This includes building partnerships and local
    capacity, and promoting U.S. leadership in science, technology, and
    innovation. Further, if confirmed, I will work to promote the highest
    standards in development investments that are both beneficial and
    sustainable over the long term, and advocate for these standards in
    international standard-setting bodies. If confirmed, I look forward to
    working with Congress on this issue.

        Question. Do you think that the Belt and Road Initiative challenges
    U.S. strategic and economic interests? If so, could you expand on that?

        Answer. The PRC's opaque and unilateral approach to its overseas
    lending and investments creates unknown financial risks and undermines
    the efforts of the international community to advance development in a
    transparent, accountable, and sustainable manner that includes
    appropriate social and environmental safeguards. If confirmed, I will
    actively contribute to the Biden-Harris administration's efforts to
    counter this malign PRC influence, including by working with partners
    and allies to offer sustainable, market-based alternatives and help
    countries increase transparency and accountability of existing PRC
    lending.

        Question. How do you think the U.S. should work with our allies to
    make them aware of the repercussions of tightening economic engagement
    with China?

        Answer. As Secretary Blinken said, the PRC is the only country with
    the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to
    seriously challenge the stable and open international system. The
    United States must address this challenge from a position of strength,
    which requires working with allies and partners. If confirmed, I will
    work to ensure our partners and allies are aware of the risks posed by
    Beijing's economic statecraft. These risks include vulnerability to
    predatory and unsustainable lending, malign investment, economic
    coercion, ICT networks with equipment that can be manipulated or
    controlled by the PRC, pressure to prioritize the PRC's interests in
    international organizations, and unfair competition from the PRC's
    state-owned enterprises.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Jose W. Fernandez by Senator Edward J. Markey

        Question. If confirmed, you will serve as the Alternate Governor at
    the World Bank, the EBRD and the IDB. All three of these banks are
    involved and have influence in countries where sexual minorities are
    discriminated against and where there is violence and persecution based
    on sexual identity and gender preference. Will you commit for the
    United States to use its vote and voice to improve the situation in
    these countries and ensure that all citizens can benefit from
    development programs supported by these multilateral banks?

        Answer. The United States is committed to ensuring that programs
    financed by the multilateral development banks are inclusive and reach
    the most vulnerable and marginalized groups in society, including those
    who may be victims of persecution based on their sexual orientation,
    gender identity, or sex characteristics. If confirmed as Alternate
    Governor, I will work with the U.S. Governor to promote inclusivity in
    the development programs we support.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Hon. Jose W. Fernandez by Senator Rob Portman

        Question. As the senior economic officer of the State Department,
    your responsibilities often overlap with those of the Department of
    Commerce, the Treasury Department, the United States Trade
    Representative (USTR), among other agencies. I am interested in hearing
    what you see as your role in this effort and how you will work with
    other agencies to advance our goals?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the U.S. Trade
    Representative, the Department of Commerce, the Department of the
    Treasury, and others in the administration to ensure that all U.S.
    trading partners live up to their commitments in trade agreements, and
    I will encourage a whole-of-government approach to addressing these
    challenges. If confirmed as the State Department's senior economic
    officer, I will work to ensure the interagency considers the foreign
    policy implications of all decisions while taking into account the
    economic impacts on U.S. businesses, as well as those of our allies and
    partners.

        Question. You have spoken in the past about how our trading
    partners must live up to their commitments, especially as it pertains
    to workers' rights. Currently, in the Xinjiang region of China, Uyghurs
    are currently being forced to produce products in atrocious conditions.
    How do you recommend we deal with this situation and how should we hold
    China accountable?

        Answer. The PRC is engaged in human rights violations and abuses in
    Xinjiang, including forced labor, that shock the conscience and must be
    met with serious consequences. The United States has used several tools
    to confront the PRC's use of forced labor, including sanctions and
    Withhold Release Orders to prevent products made with forced labor from
    entering the United States. If confirmed, I will work with our
    interagency partners to use all appropriate levers available to us as
    we seek to eliminate all forms of human trafficking. In addition, I
    will work with allies and partners to promote accountability and call
    on Beijing to respect the human rights of Uyghurs and all other
    religious and ethnic minorities across China.

        Question. The State Department, in concert with the Treasury
    Department and USAID, works to negotiate and executive conservation
    agreements under the Tropical Forest Conservation Act (TFCA) program.
    If you are confirmed to be Under Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy,
    and the Environment, will you commit to prioritizing additional TFCA
    deals using the funding that Congress has provided?

        Answer. If confirmed I would welcome new TFCA deals and would
    actively seek such, including for coral reefs.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Jose W. Fernandez by Senator John Barrasso

        Question. If confirmed, what role would you have in formulating
    U.S. policy at the multilateral development banks?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will lead three bureaus at the Department
    of State that play an important role in formulating the agency's views
    on projects and policies at the multilateral development banks,
    including the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs, which
    coordinates that process. In support of the Department of Treasury's
    role as the U.S. Government lead on multilateral development banks
    issues, the Department of State provides advice, expertise, insights,
    and recommendations that contribute to our Government's oversight of
    those institutions.

        Question. How are the authorities divided up between the State
    Department and the U.S. Department of Treasury when it comes to
    international financial institutions?

        Answer. The Department of the Treasury is the lead agency for U.S.
    engagement with the international financial institutions. The
    Department of State provides advice, expertise, insights, and
    recommendations in support of the Department of the Treasury's role.

        Question. How does ending financing of fossil fuel projects at
    multilateral development banks help alleviate poverty and promote
    development?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support multilateral development
    banks' (MDBs) continued focus on energy policies that increase energy
    access, accelerate development, and reduce poverty. I will encourage
    MDBs to recognize and address the linkages between climate change and
    poverty, food insecurity and migration. The lack of recurring fuel
    costs for many clean energy systems allows countries to spend funds on
    development priorities rather than on the unpredictable costs of fuel.

        Question. What role will you play in the administration's U.S.
    international climate finance plan?

        Answer. The U.S. International Climate Finance Plan (``Plan'')
    outlines how U.S. agencies will work with each other, the private
    sector, and other partners to most strategically mobilize investment
    for energy transformation and climate adaptation. The Plan recognizes
    the importance of suitable investment climates, leveraging private
    capital, and positioning the United States to seize the economic
    opportunity of a low-emissions future by promoting U.S. exports and
    private investment into low-carbon and climate-resilient technologies
    and services, which can be a catalyst for job growth here at home. If
    confirmed, I would leverage the resources of the Department to advance
    these objectives.

        Question. What specific steps will you take to help U.S. businesses
    increase exports of American energy resources, including coal, oil, and
    natural gas?

        Answer. America's energy resource abundance and exports have helped
    stabilize global markets, increased energy access and, in some cases,
    reduced energy costs, spurring economic growth and prosperity. If
    confirmed, I will work within my role at the State Department to help
    ensure that U.S. energy exporters are treated fairly in foreign
    markets. I also look forward, if confirmed, to further expanding the
    scope of U.S. solutions and U.S. businesses that can be supported
    through our diplomatic efforts as we embrace a diverse array of energy
    technologies, such as carbon capture, that can assist countries with
    their decarbonization goals, energy security, and development
    priorities.

        Question. How will you ensure the State Department is helping
    developing countries with all types of energy projects, including oil,
    gas, and coal?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with developing countries to
    optimize technologies according to nationally integrated resource
    plans, which will cost-effectively meet clean energy deployment and
    energy access goals, while also driving economic growth. As developing
    countries navigate the transition to a clean energy economy and build a
    climate-resilient future, finance will play a crucial role. If
    confirmed, I will support the administration's climate finance plan to
    promote the flow of capital toward climate-aligned investments and to
    assist developing countries' implementation of emissions reduction
    measures.

        Question. With billions of people without power, do you believe the
    United States should be promoting fossil fuels that are affordable and
    reliable, such as coal and natural gas, while supporting new
    technologies that reduce their carbon output?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support a foreign energy policy that
    advances energy access and energy security alongside decarbonization
    goals. While renewable energy and energy storage are increasingly the
    cheapest, most effective way of promoting energy access, carbon capture
    and storage technologies, if commercialized, could abate or decarbonize
    power generated by existing fossil-fuel infrastructure. If confirmed, I
    will work within the Department and with other agencies to coordinate
    efforts to support countries to meet their climate, energy access, and
    energy security needs in ways that further our climate and energy
    goals.

        Question. Instead of regulating and placing impossible restrictions
    on the undeveloped energy sectors of the developing nations, we should
    be encouraging growth so that these countries can compete in the
    international marketplace, create jobs, and alleviate poverty. Do you
    agree?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to encouraging growth in
    developing nations and creating jobs and alleviating poverty. I
    understand that the Biden-Harris administration seeks to support
    developing nations' energy sectors to achieve this goal, while also
    comprehensively addressing multiple diplomatic goals, including climate
    change. Often, energy resources with the lowest costs--which can also
    offer health and environmental benefits--cannot compete due to barriers
    in existing regulatory and market structures, as well as country risk
    factors. If confirmed, I hope we can work together to ensure
    multilateral development banks support investments to increase access
    to affordable and reliable energy for development and support cleaner
    energy to support our climate change efforts.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Jose W. Fernandez by Senator Ted Cruz

    State Department
        Question. The Obama administration was broadly criticized,
    especially in the context of its Middle East policy, for co-mingling
    unclassified documents with classified documents. This practice
    requires that documents be placed in a secure location, unnecessarily
    limiting access to unclassified documents and stifling public debate.
    The Biden administration already seems to be repeating such practices:
    according to an exchange during the State Department press briefing on
    February 11, a notification describing the lifting of terrorism
    sanctions on Iran-controlled terrorists in Yemen was unnecessarily
    transmitted to a Congressional SCIF.
        Can you commit to ensuring that unclassified information is not
    unnecessarily comingled with classified information in notifications
    provided by the State Department to Congress? If not, why not?

        Answer. I am committed to working to ensure that information
    provided to Congress is, to the fullest extent possible, in a format
    that facilitates its access by authorized personnel, while complying
    with Executive Order 13526, the Department of State classification
    guide, and the executive branch rules on the handling and storage of
    classified information.

        Question. What are your goals for your bureau, if confirmed?

        Answer. During my confirmation hearings I listed five priorities
    for the ``E'' family, which I would like to summarize here:

       Support the administration's efforts to end COVID-19 globally, in a
            manner that reinforces America's global leadership, strengthens
            our alliances, and counteracts Russian and Chinese ``vaccine
            diplomacy.''

       Promote environmental and energy policies that tackle climate
            change, and ensure that our companies and workers lead the
            world in the clean energy revolution.

       Insist on free, fair and reciprocal trade rules that our trade
            partners--both allies and adversaries--must adhere to, and that
            enable U.S. companies and workers to compete on a level playing
            field. Based on my experiences in the private sector, I am
            convinced that U.S. businesses and workers can thrive in the
            global marketplace if given fair shot.

       Help create alliances to maintain U.S. leadership in the
            technologies of the future. This includes confronting efforts
            to undermine American innovation, impose biased norms and
            standards and appropriate our intellectual property.

       Expand the international footprint of our workers and companies by
            providing information about opportunities abroad and
            facilitating U.S. participation in international projects. In
            particular, meeting the developing world's infrastructure needs
            should be a strategic imperative for the United States and a
            business opportunity for our companies.

        Question. Please assess the degree to which China uses child labor
    for producing critical minerals, and manufacturing products that
    include critical minerals.

        Answer. I understand that the U. S. Government is conducting a
    review of the critical minerals supply chain in accordance with
    Executive Order 14017 (America's Supply Chains). I understand that the
    State Department has found that PRC authorities are increasingly
    placing the young children of interned Muslims in Xinjiang in state-run
    boarding schools, orphanages, and ``child welfare guidance centers.''
    Reportedly, older children among these groups are placed in vocational
    schools, where some may be victims of forced labor. If confirmed, I am
    committed to helping end the forced labor of children in all sectors,
    including those involving critical minerals.

        Question. Please assess the degree to which China uses slave labor
    for producing critical minerals, and manufacturing products that
    include critical minerals.

        Answer. If confirmed, I intend to do everything in my authority to
    help end State-sponsored forced labor, which is increasingly prevalent
    in China. In 2013, the National People's Congress ratified a decision
    to abolish ``re-education through labor'' (RTL), a punitive system that
    subjected individuals to extra-judicial detention involving forced
    labor, from which the Government reportedly profited. I understand that
    the Government closed most RTL facilities by October 2015; however, the
    Government reportedly converted some RTL facilities into state-
    sponsored drug rehabilitation facilities or administrative detention
    centers where, according to civil society and media reports, forced
    labor continues.

        Question. Please assess the degree to which supply chains for
    critical minerals, and products made with critical minerals, run
    through the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR).

        Answer. State-sponsored forced labor is intensifying under the PRC
    Government's mass detention and political indoctrination campaign
    against predominantly Muslim minority groups in the Xinjiang Uyghur
    Autonomous Region (Xinjiang). Authorities have detained more than one
    million members of ethnic and religious minority groups, including
    Uyghurs, Hui, ethnic Kazakhs, and ethnic Kyrgyz, in as many as 1,200
    ``vocational training centers.'' If confirmed, I am committed to
    eliminating forced labor from critical mineral supply chains, including
    any that run through Xinjiang.

        Question. Over the last several years, the United States has taken
    a bipartisan, bicameral, whole-of-government approach to stopping the
    Nord Stream 2 pipeline. Production halted for a year after President
    Trump signed into law the Protecting Europe's Energy Security Act
    (PEESA) and remained halted until after now-President Biden was
    elected. According to public reports, the Germans and Russians believe
    that the Biden administration will not impose crippling sanctions
    mandated by PEESA, as amended--and unfortunately, thus far, they have
    proven correct. Can you commit to using your role, if confirmed, to
    ensure the imposition of sanctions pursuant to PEESA, as mandated by
    Congress?

        Answer. PEESA is U.S. law, and if confirmed, I will uphold the law.
    Congress has provided tools that ensure that Europe has a reliable,
    diversified energy supply that enhances rather than undermines its
    collective security. The Department of State continues to work to bring
    an end to the pipeline, which is a threat to European energy security
    and a tool of Russian coercion. If confirmed, I will work with the
    Department to continue to assess and evaluate evidence available to
    determine the applicability of PEESA, as amended.

        Question. Please assess the effect that allowing Nord Stream 2 to
    come online would have on American national security and European
    energy security.

        Answer. The administration has made clear its belief that Nord
    Stream 2 is a geopolitical, Kremlin malign influence project that
    threatens European energy security, including that of Ukraine and
    eastern flank NATO Allies and partners, while dividing the continent.
    The administration will continue to work with allies and partners,
    using the tools at its disposal, to ensure that Europe has a reliable,
    diversified energy supply that enhances, rather than undermines, its
    collective security.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Jose W. Fernandez by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. What is your understanding of the current status of the
    Blue Dot Network under the Biden administration's State Department?

        Answer. The Blue Dot Network seeks to promote the development of
    quality, sustainable infrastructure around the world by certifying
    projects that uphold global infrastructure principles. I understand the
    State Department and the interagency continue to work with our
    Australian and Japanese partners to develop the technical details of
    the initiative, including a methodology and metrics for certifying
    quality infrastructure projects in the developing world.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to advancing and fully
    implementing the Blue Dot Network?

        Answer. If confirmed, I fully intend to advance and implement the
    Blue Dot Network initiative to certify quality infrastructure projects
    in the developing world. As the global economy recovers from the
    pandemic, infrastructure financing will play a central role in creating
    an economic recovery that is sustainable and long-lasting. Rigorous
    standards will ensure that infrastructure investment in developing
    countries serves the best interests of their citizens and are
    consistent with their economic, climate, environmental, and social
    goals.

        Question. Do you plan to replicate the model created by the Clean
    Network Initiative across other tech sectors, infrastructure, and
    energy?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration views emerging
    technologies, infrastructure, and energy as critical to America's
    future national security and economic prosperity. If confirmed, I will
    support Department efforts to work with allies and partners to create
    an international environment that is competitive and open to innovation
    by American technology, infrastructure, and energy providers.

        Question. What is your understanding of the Indo-Pacific Business
    Forum and what it accomplished when it was held in November 2019?

        Answer. The 2019 Indo-Pacific Business Forum (IPBF) underscored the
    U.S. commitment to broad-based economic and commercial engagement in
    the Indo-Pacific. The IPBF is the premier conference where business
    leaders and government policy makers meet to discuss economic issues in
    the Indo-Pacific region. At the 2019 Forum, over 1,000 U.S. and Indo-
    Pacific business and government leaders discussed investment
    opportunities and new policy initiatives in infrastructure, energy,
    digital, and healthcare. Building on this success, in 2020 the United
    States organized an IPBF which attracted record attendance with 2,900
    participants--including three U.S. cabinet secretaries--and over $10
    billion in deal signings and announcements.

        Question. If you are confirmed, do you plan to continue and improve
    the Indo-Pacific Business Forum that the Biden administration
    inherited?

        Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work with U.S. Government
    economic agencies to continue and improve upon the Indo-Pacific
    Business Forum (IPBF). The event draws together business leaders,
    policymakers, and media from across the Indo-Pacific and serves as a
    venue to highlight U.S. economic policy developments, sign commitments
    for new investments, and build relationships between the private sector
    and governments. As with the 2020 forum, I understand that the 2021
    forum will likely be a hybrid in-person and online event for maximum
    flexibility and engagement, and to help American businesses bring key
    commercial transactions to closure.

        Question. If you are confirmed, do you commit to consulting with
    Congress on ways to make progress in the Indo-Pacific with respect to
    sectors such as energy, tech, and infrastructure?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will be committed to open and robust
    communication with Congress, including through consultations on energy,
    technology, and infrastructure issues in the Indo-Pacific. Central to
    our efforts, the United States will promote private-sector alternatives
    in these areas. I intend to focus on partnerships that strengthen local
    capacity and promote entrepreneurship, transparency, good governance,
    fair practices, and internationally recognized environmental, social,
    and labor standards.

                                   __________

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                            WEDNESDAY, MAY 19, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:01 a.m. in
    Room SD-106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
    Menendez, chairman of the committee, presiding.
        Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
    Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Young, Cruz,
    Rounds, and Hagerty.
        Also present: Senator Whitehouse

               OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

        The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee will come to order.
        Ambassador Nichols, Ambassador Sison, congratulations on
    your nominations, and thank you for your willingness to
    continue serving our country, as well as your families.
        We understand that that is a sacrifice of all of those who
    are part of the family and in terms of this continuing service,
    so we appreciate that as well.
        At this pivotal moment for our foreign policy in the State
    Department, I am heartened that President Biden has nominated
    individuals to two critical positions.
        I believe that your experience and commitment will be
    assets to the department and critical to the defense of our
    interests and values.
        I understand that the Senator from Rhode Island will be
    introducing Ambassador Nichols this morning, and that the
    Senator from Maryland, a member of this committee, will be
    introducing Ambassador Sison.
        I do not see Ambassador Whitehouse yet. I know he is very
    busy in Judiciary affairs. So he is probably is on his way
    here.
        So let us recognize the Senator Van Hollen first for an
    introduction.

                  STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
                       U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND

        Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, and
    congratulations to both the nominees.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, colleagues, thank you
    for the opportunity to introduce to you the president's nominee
    to serve as our next Assistant Secretary of State for
    International Organization Affairs, Ambassador Michele Sison.
        And in this nomination, President Biden has not only
    selected a nominee with impeccable credentials, unimpeachable
    character, and a deep knowledge of foreign policy, he has also
    wisely selected a longtime Marylander.
        I had met Ambassador Sison before, but my conversation with
    her yesterday makes me even more confident that she has the
    knowledge and experience we need at this critical moment in our
    history.
        President Biden is determined to renew American engagement
    around the world and leadership in international organizations
    and, if confirmed, I am confident Ambassador Sison will
    faithfully help achieve this goal.
        Ambassador Sison has had a distinguished career at the
    highest levels of the United States Foreign Service. Her
    experience spans nearly four decades and six presidents.
        She has served as our ambassador four times to different
    places: first, to the UAE, then to Lebanon, then to Sri Lanka
    and the Maldives, and most recently, to Haiti, a post she was
    appointed to in 2018 and a post which brought her full circle
    from her first diplomatic position as the human rights officer
    at Embassy Port-au-Prince in 1982.
        Throughout her 39 years at the forefront of U.S. diplomacy,
    she has served in a variety of roles that have taken her across
    the world, representing our nation's interests in West Africa,
    South Asia, and elsewhere.
        She also spent four years as the United States deputy
    representative to the United Nations from 2014 to 2018, a
    position that makes her ideally prepared for this new post.
        She also has a long track record of collaborating with U.N.
    peacekeepers and has gained a firsthand knowledge of the U.N.
    entities responsible for development, humanitarian relief, and
    human rights in the field.
        Her superb talents have been recognized by our country many
    times. She is decorated with numerous awards for her service,
    including Superior Honor awards, the ambassadorial level awards
    for her contributions to counter proliferation and combating
    trafficking in persons, and she has received both a
    Distinguished Service Award and the Presidential Rank Award of
    meritorious service.
        Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I could go on, but
    it would consume the entire hearing. So let me end with this. I
    grew up in a Foreign Service family and lived in some of the
    countries where Ambassador Sison has served.
        I know a good diplomat when I see one, and Ambassador Sison
    fits the bill. She exemplifies the very best of what it means
    to serve our country as a career Foreign Service officer.
        I urge the committee to support her nomination.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen.
        And after that sterling recommendation, Ambassador, maybe
    you should just rest your case. But we are not going to let you
    off that easy.
        In any event, thank you, Senator Van Hollen. I understand
    that Senator Whitehouse is with us virtually.
        Senator Whitehouse. I am, Chairman.
        The Chairman. Please proceed. Welcome.

                 STATEMENT OF HON. SHELDON WHITEHOUSE,
                     U.S. SENATOR FROM RHODE ISLAND

        Senator Whitehouse. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, and thank
    you, Ranking Member Risch, for welcoming me to your committee
    today.
        Like Senator Van Hollen, I come from a Foreign Service
    family. I am the black sheep in a family of--my grandfather,
    father, uncle, and cousin who were all Foreign Service
    officers.
        So it gives me particular pleasure to be here to recommend
    a career Foreign Service officer and a native Rhode Islander,
    Brian Nichols, as the nominee for Assistant Secretary of State
    for Western Hemisphere Affairs.
        My father served for decades, not exactly on the champagne
    circuit but in countries embroiled in conflict and upheaval,
    where the comforts and security of America often felt very far
    away. But he always felt he was doing rewarding and deeply
    important work.
        Brian Nichols has had a similar career serving in
    challenging State Department roles in South and Central
    America, Southeast Asia, and Africa.
        He has won department honors for his contributions to
    State's trade development mission and helped lead the
    department's international narcotics and law enforcement work.
        He has been our United States ambassador to both Peru and
    Zimbabwe, a country emerging from decades of dictatorial rule
    and dire economic hardship. So he knows the ropes and he has
    skills developed in our small, tight knit, and diverse state.
        Rhode Islanders have, I think, an unusual ability to reach
    beyond seeming difference and even simmering enmity to find
    shared values and common humanity, and Ambassador Nichols is a
    shining example of that skill.
        Building consensus is as simple, he says, as understanding
    people, a very Rhode Island quality, a very diplomatic quality,
    and one which Ambassador Nichols has demonstrated throughout
    his distinguished career.
        I am confident that if we confirm his nomination, he will
    serve all Americans well and make us proud.
        Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Whitehouse, for your
    introduction of Ambassador Nichols.
        Ambassador Nichols, your nomination comes at a time when
    the Western Hemisphere is reeling under a cascade of
    challenges: the devastation wrought by COVID-19, the fraying of
    democratic consensus, major migration crises, and a void a four
    years of American absence that China is seeking to fill. The
    task at hand is immense.
        With death rates among the highest in the world, COVID-19
    is inflicting a terrible toll on the hemisphere, and the United
    States has to step up. As we accumulate surplus vaccines, we
    must prioritize vaccine access for countries in the hemisphere
    as part of our global efforts to ensure that the most
    vulnerable are vaccinated.
        And as the region's economic health has a direct impact on
    the United States, we have to take bold steps to facilitate its
    recovery. That is why this committee voted to authorize a
    capital increase for the Inter-American Development Bank last
    month.
        Additionally, Latin America is facing the recurrence of
    flawed elections, deterioration of the separation of powers,
    attacks on journalists and freedom of the press, and entrenched
    autocrats in Havana, Caracas, and Managua.
        Indeed, we know where democratic decay can lead. After two
    decades, Venezuela is now a land of unbridled criminality and
    kleptocracy, where a humanitarian crisis has forced more than 5
    million people to flee their homeland.
        While the scale is distinct, we also know that irregular
    migration from Central America is rooted in decades of low
    levels of democratic governance.
        Deficit, or I should say, deficient institutions are unable
    to meet the needs of the people and too many leaders have
    exploited weak rule of law to place their personal interests
    over those of their citizens.
        Given the scale of the challenge, I am pleased to see that
    Vice President Harris is heading the administration's
    diplomatic efforts in Central America.
        Under her leadership, we are already seeing an increased
    humanitarian response and a strong reaction to leaders that
    seek to undermine democracy.
        So, Ambassador Nichols, I look forward to discussing with
    you. I appreciate our visit yesterday. We had a whole tour de
    force of the Western Hemisphere, and we look forward to
    discussing with you how we will address some of these
    challenges and best to collaborate to ensure your success.
        Ambassador Sison--I am sorry, Sison. I do not know why I
    am--it is in my mind. But, Ambassador Sison, I apologize.
        Welcome to your sixth Senate confirmation hearing. It is
    deeply reassuring that President Biden nominated you, a
    diplomat with extensive experience, immense skill, and a
    demonstrated management record to be the next Assistant
    Secretary for the Bureau of International Organization Affairs.
        Over the course of the Trump administration, we witnessed a
    dramatic and troubling erosion of U.S. government leadership at
    the U.N. We tried to pull out of the World Health Organization
    in the middle of a pandemic.
        We undermined international protections for women, girls,
    and LGBTI individuals, and we defunded or reduced funding to
    key agencies. We refused to pay our dues in full to U.N.
    peacekeeping operations and, as a result, the United States has
    accrued $1.1 billion in arrears.
        When we shun our responsibilities and fail to lead, other
    countries take note and seek to take advantage, to the
    detriment of our interests and security.
        China and Russia have sought to fill the vacuum left by our
    absence. It is time for renewal and engagement with the United
    Nations and its agencies, like the World Food Programme and
    UNFPA.
        In the wake of the devastating COVID-19 pandemic, we must
    redouble the Biden administration's effort at restoring U.S.
    leadership at the WHO and other international health and
    humanitarian organizations.
        The world will be closely watching how we more effectively
    engage within and work to strengthen international
    organizations.
        So I look forward to hearing your views and working with
    you to ensure we restore our critical leadership role.
        In closing, at a time of unprecedented challenges around
    the world, America needs outstanding leadership at the State
    Department. We look forward to your testimony.
        And now I am going to return to the distinguished ranking
    member for his remarks.

                   STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                        U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to both
    of you for your willingness to serve. Certainly, outstanding
    credentials. It is not often we see a panel like this with the
    depth of experience that the two of you have.
        I want to start at where the chairman started and that is
    on the issues in the Western Hemisphere. I am increasingly
    concerned that while a majority of nations in our hemisphere
    are considered democracies, authoritarian regimes in Venezuela,
    Nicaragua, and Cuba have systematically dismantled democratic
    institutions and have committed some of the world's worst human
    rights abuses.
        These bad actors undermine their own countries, but they
    also undermine their neighbors. Transnational criminal
    organizations and malign state actors benefit from and
    contribute to these authoritarian regimes and pose a
    significant threat to the peace and stability of our
    hemisphere.
        More broadly, I remain exceedingly concerned about the
    malign influence of China and Russia throughout our hemisphere
    and the apparent increase of that.
        China's predatory lending practices and spread of
    corruption threaten the sovereignty and the privacy of our
    southern neighbors.
        At the same time, Russia has exported repressive tactics to
    allow authoritarian regimes to maintain control and crackdown
    on dissent.
        Beyond external malign influence, poor governance,
    violence, and lack of economic opportunity in countries like El
    Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras have prompted waves of
    illegal migrants to show up at our southern door.
        The previous administration negotiated a number of
    agreements with these countries, and the current
    administration's failure to capitalize on those agreements has
    only fueled a surge of migrants over the past few months, along
    with other precipitating factors, and demonstrates a
    significant challenge to our government's ability to protect
    our homeland.
        Lastly, as you know, Ambassador Nichols, the Columbia River
    Treaty between the United States and Canada is a great example
    of two nations managing a shared resource. I want to impress
    upon you the importance of a successful and timely conclusion
    to these negotiations for the entire North West congressional
    delegation.
        As you know, a number of us on a bipartisan basis have been
    working diligently with the department to move the negotiations
    forward. We stand ready to continue to assist the
    administration however we can in this effort.
        I look forward to hearing your thoughts on all of these
    important matters. Next, we have the nomination for Secretary
    of State for International Organization Affairs. This position
    oversees a wide range of multilateral organizations, the
    largest being the United Nations. The United States remains the
    biggest donor to the U.N. in both assessed and voluntary funds.
        While the Chinese Communist Party has increased its
    assessed dues, it is still severely lags behind the United
    States and our allies in voluntary contributions.
        The Chinese Communist Party uses its minimal donations to
    leverage a large-scale malign influence campaign to reform
    global governance, as they call it, such that the international
    system is more conducive to its own interests.
        As detailed in my report last fall on transatlantic
    cooperation on China, the Chinese Communist Party does so in
    part by inserting favorable language into U.N. resolutions,
    orchestrating the election of its top diplomats at U.N.
    agencies, and using its veto power as a member of the U.N.
    Security Council to block efforts to expose human rights
    violations.
        This fall, the United States will have an opportunity to
    negotiate the scales of assessment of U.N. peacekeeping to be
    consistent with U.S. law. Currently, the United Nations
    assesses the United States at 27.9 percent.
        As you know, this is not congruent with U.S. law. No
    country should pay more than 25 percent, and in 1994, the
    Congress of the United States enacted a bill that imposed 25
    percent on U.S. contributions for this program. That law
    remains in effect today.
        This mandate should be upheld during the upcoming
    negotiations. I will remind the administration that this is
    U.S. law and it must be used in the negotiating position.
        I also remain concerned, really concerned, by the
    administration's recent decision to resume funding to the
    United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian refugees
    in the Near East, also known as UNRWA.
        This was done without securing, without insisting on,
    without even asking for any reforms. Over the years, the agency
    has employed individuals affiliated with Hamas, a U.S.-
    designated terrorist organization.
        UNRWA schools have been used to store Hamas weapons and
    there have been numerous cases of UNRWA textbooks containing
    material that is anti-Semitic. U.S. government assistance to
    UNRWA should cease unless true reform, as described above, is
    secured.
        Finally, I am also concerned about the administration's
    decision to seek a seat at the U.N. Human Rights Council,
    again, without seeking any reforms.
        The Council is a broken body that focuses the majority of
    its time on bullying our ally, Israel, and allows some of the
    greatest human rights abusers like China, Cuba, Russia, Iran,
    and Venezuela a seat at the table.
        I know it is a bumper sticker to say, oh, we are always
    better off with a seat at the table when issues are being
    discussed than not being there. That is not always true,
    particularly in this instance, when you are sitting there
    rubbing elbows with the worst human rights abusers on the
    planet.
        Only true reform will bring legitimacy back to that Council
    and the administration should work to secure substantial
    changes.
        With that, I thank both of you for being here today, your
    willingness to serve, and recognize the sacrifices of both you
    and your families in this effort.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
        We will now turn to the two nominees. We ask you to
    summarize your testimony in about five minutes. Your full
    statements will be included in the record.
        And we will start off with Ambassador Nichols.

     STATEMENT OF HON. BRIAN A. NICHOLS OF RHODE ISLAND, A CAREER
    MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER,
       NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (WESTERN
                          HEMISPHERE AFFAIRS)

        Mr. Nichols. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
    distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor to
    appear before you today as the President's nominee to serve as
    the next Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere
    Affairs.
        I owe a deep debt of gratitude to President Biden, Vice
    President Harris, and Secretary Blinken for the confidence that
    they have placed in me at this crucial moment in our
    hemisphere.
        The opportunity to appear before this committee for the
    third time as a nominee to serve the American people steels my
    resolve to fight for the values that our nation holds dear--
    democracy, the rule of law, and the innate dignity of every
    individual.
        With over 32 years serving our nation at some of our most
    challenging missions around the world, if confirmed, I look
    forward to bringing all my skills and experience to bear in
    that fight.
        President Biden has said that democracy holds the key to
    freedom, prosperity, peace, and dignity, and if we work
    together with our democratic partners with strength and
    confidence, we will meet every challenge and outpace every
    challenger.
        My experience serving in our embassies in North, Central,
    and South America, as well as directing our policy towards the
    Caribbean, convinces me of the vital urgency of the President's
    words.
        Our home, the Western Hemisphere, remains central to
    America's welfare, our prosperity, and our future. America's
    fortunes cannot be separated from those of our closest
    neighbors.
        If confirmed, I look forward to drawing on the enormous
    talent and dedication of the community of professionals within
    the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, as well as civil
    society throughout the Americas, our own private sector, and,
    of course, our Congress to advance America and the region's
    progress toward a more democratic, secure, and prosperous
    region.
        I have spent most of my career within the Bureau of Western
    Hemisphere Affairs. If confirmed, I will strive to build an
    inclusive, compassionate, and diverse team that reflects our
    nation's prowess and professionalism.
        We will work to expand our engagement and partnerships
    throughout the Western Hemisphere, especially with our closest
    neighbors, Canada, Mexico, and the Caribbean.
        The situation in Central America demands our urgent
    attention and unflagging efforts to promote democracy,
    prosperity, and security, addressing the root causes of
    irregular migration.
        The disastrous effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, climate
    change, and a recession in many countries have opened the door
    to malign influences from outside our region.
        We will build upon the shared values, family ties, economic
    opportunities, and commitment to fundamental freedoms to
    counter those malign actors and deliver a better future for the
    people of our region.
        My professional achievements owe to the women who surround
    me: my wonderful wife, Geri, a retired senior Foreign Service
    officer, my talented daughters, Alex and Sophie, and my
    brilliant mother, Mildred.
        They have pushed me to be a better person, sacrifice for my
    career, and nurtured me with their love and support.
        In 1959, my late father began our family's adventure in
    diplomacy and foreign affairs, serving as a Fulbright Scholar
    and then partnering with the U.S. Information Agency on various
    projects in Europe, and helping to start the American Studies
    Program at the Free University of Berlin.
        My own past assignments provide rich experience, should the
    Senate confirm me, to serve as Assistant Secretary. During my
    tenure as ambassador to Zimbabwe, I have fought tenaciously for
    democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. I have led my
    team in responding to the multi-dimensional humanitarian crisis
    in Zimbabwe.
        As ambassador to Peru, I led a large mission that focused
    on improving the rule of law, fighting transnational crime and
    corruption, and promoting respect for human rights,
    particularly of women, girls, and disadvantaged groups.
        I also led a unified mission initiative to promote American
    businesses and grow American jobs, earning the department's
    Charles Cobb Award for those efforts.
        Prior to that, as the principal deputy assistant secretary
    for international narcotics and law enforcement, I helped
    direct a team of nearly 7,000 professionals who worked to
    expand access to justice, protect civilians, and combat crime
    around the world.
        I have hands-on experience shaping our rule of law programs
    in Mexico and Central America, as well as crafting innovative
    justice sector outreach to Afro descendant and indigenous
    populations in the Americas.
        Should the Senate confirm me, I will aim to exemplify the
    highest standards of our great nation and strengthen our
    diplomacy. I look forward to partnering with you to advance
    America's interests in the Western Hemisphere.
        I stand ready to answer any questions you might have now
    and in the future. Thank you.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. Nichols follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Hon. Brian A. Nichols

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and distinguished members
    of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as the
    President's nominee to serve as the next Assistant Secretary of State
    for Western Hemisphere Affairs. I owe a deep debt of gratitude to
    President Biden, Vice President Harris, and Secretary Blinken for the
    confidence they have placed in me at this crucial moment in our
    Hemisphere.
        The opportunity to appear before this committee for the third time
    as a nominee to serve the American people steels my resolve to fight
    for the values that our nation holds dear: democracy, the rule of law,
    and the innate dignity of every individual. With over 32 years serving
    our nation at some of our most challenging missions around the world,
    if confirmed I look forward to bringing all my skills and experience to
    bear in that fight. President Biden has said that ``democracy holds the
    key to freedom, prosperity, peace, and dignity. . . . And, if we work
    together with our democratic partners, with strength and confidence, we
    will meet every challenge and outpace every challenger.'' My experience
    serving in our embassies in North, Central, and South America as well
    as directing our policy towards the Caribbean convinces me of the vital
    urgency of the President's words.
        Our home, the Western Hemisphere, remains central to America's
    welfare, our prosperity, and our future. America's fortunes cannot be
    separated from those of our closest neighbors. If confirmed, I look
    forward to drawing on the enormous talent and dedication of the
    community of professionals within the Bureau of Western Hemisphere
    Affairs, as well as civil society throughout the Americas, our own
    private sector, and, of course, our Congress to advance America and the
    region's progress toward a more democratic, secure, and prosperous
    region.
        I have spent most of my career within the Bureau of Western
    Hemisphere Affairs. If confirmed, I will strive to build an inclusive,
    compassionate, and diverse team that reflects our nation's prowess and
    professionalism. We will work to expand our engagement and partnerships
    throughout the Western Hemisphere--and especially with our closest
    neighbors Canada, Mexico, and the Caribbean. The situation in Central
    America demands our urgent attention and unflagging efforts to promote
    democracy, prosperity, and security--addressing the root causes of
    irregular migration. The disastrous effects of the COVID-19 pandemic,
    climate change and a recession in many countries have opened the door
    to malign influences from outside our region. We will build on the
    shared values, family ties, economic opportunities, and commitment to
    fundamental freedoms to counter those malign actors and deliver a
    better future for the people of our region.
        My professional achievements owe to the women who surround me: my
    wonderful wife Geri, a retired Senior Foreign Service Officer, my
    talented daughters Alex and Sophie, and my brilliant mother Mildred.
    They have pushed me to be a better person, sacrificed for my career,
    and nurtured me with their love and support. In 1959, my late father
    began our family's adventure in diplomacy and foreign affairs, serving
    as a Fulbright Scholar, then partnering with the U.S. Information
    Agency on various projects in Europe, and helping to start the American
    studies program at the Free University of Berlin.
        My own past assignments provide rich experience, should the Senate
    confirm me to serve as Assistant Secretary. During my tenure as
    Ambassador to Zimbabwe, I have fought tenaciously for democracy, human
    rights, and the rule of law. I have led my team in responding to the
    multi-dimensional humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe. As Ambassador to
    Peru, I led a large mission that focused on improving the rule of law,
    fighting transnational crime and corruption, and promoting respect for
    human rights, particularly of women, girls, and disadvantaged groups. I
    also led a unified mission initiative to promote American businesses
    and grow American jobs, earning the Department's Charles Cobb Award for
    those efforts.
        Prior to that, as the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for
    International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, I helped direct a
    team of nearly 7,000 professionals who work to expand access to
    justice, protect civilians, and combat crime around the world. I have
    hands-on experience shaping our rule of law programs in Mexico and
    Central America, as well as crafting innovative justice sector outreach
    to Afro-descendant and Indigenous populations in the Americas.
        Should the Senate confirm me, I will aim to exemplify the highest
    standards of our great nation and strengthen our diplomacy. I look
    forward to partnering with you to advance America's interests in the
    Western Hemisphere.
        I stand ready to answer any questions you might have now and in the
    future.
        Thank you.

        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Ambassador Sison?

     STATEMENT OF HON. MICHELE JEANNE SISON OF MARYLAND, A CAREER
         MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER
      AMBASSADOR, NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE
                  (INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION AFFAIRS)

        Ms. Sison. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
    Risch, and distinguished members of the committee.
        I am honored to appear before you as President Biden's
    nominee to serve as Assistant Secretary of State for
    International Organization Affairs, IO. I am grateful to
    President Biden and to Secretary Blinken for this opportunity.
        I want to recognize my daughters, Alexandra and Jessica,
    who are watching virtually today. Their love has supported me
    as I represented our country around the world and at the United
    Nations.
        Over the past 39 years, I have been privileged to serve
    under six U.S. administrations and as ambassador four times
    overseas to the United Arab Emirates, Lebanon, Sri Lanka and
    Maldives, and Haiti.
        Given that experience, as well as service in Togo, Benin,
    Cameroon, Cote d'Ivoire, India, Pakistan, Iraq, and at the U.S.
    mission to the United Nations, I know that the United States
    cannot address today's global challenges alone.
        From climate change to the COVID-19 pandemic, we must work
    in partnership with other nations. President Biden has made it
    clear that we will put our core U.S. values at the center of
    our foreign policy.
        As U.S. Deputy Permanent Representative at the U.N. in New
    York, I saw that our nation is stronger when we lead the way in
    crafting strategic cross-regional partnerships. These alliances
    are key in safeguarding multilateral institutions from those
    such as the People's Republic of China that seek to bend the
    U.N. system to their authoritarian agendas.
        We must actively out compete efforts by nations that stand
    in opposition to our U.S. values on human rights, democracy,
    labor rights, and transparent economic practices.
        If confirmed, this will be at the top of my agenda. It is
    important that we uphold the rules-based order that upholds and
    promotes our values, advances sustainable development, and
    protects human rights.
        The United States has a strong stake in leading efforts to
    preserve a free and open market, a free and open internet, and
    in advancing global governance in areas such as technology,
    trade, and climate change.
        These rules and values benefit American interests and the
    American people. From the World Food Programme to UNICEF to the
    International Telecommunication Union, we have a deep stake in
    leading the international system, driving forward reforms with
    our partners.
        We must also ensure that the voices of civil society,
    women, ethnic and religious minorities, and other marginalized
    communities are heard.
        I have seen firsthand how U.N. peacekeepers and
    humanitarian workers protect civilians and save lives in places
    critical to U.S. national interests.
        I have witnessed the positive impact of U.S. leadership
    when we insist on results and when we press for accountability,
    including accountability related to sexual exploitation and
    abuse.
        We are the largest contributor to the U.N. system. It is in
    our interest to lead in promoting genuine reform. Thus,
    ensuring the transparency and integrity of multilateral bodies
    is a key priority.
        We must promote qualified independent candidates to lead
    multilateral institutions and we must leverage the commitments
    of other countries to ensure that financial burdens are shared.
        We must also fight bias against Israel across the U.N.
    system. The IO bureau support strong U.S. leadership at the
    U.N. and multilateral venues to advance our U.S. national
    interests, protect the American people, promote U.S.
    prosperity, and drive the reforms needed to ensure the
    effectiveness of international organizations.
        As a Foreign Service practitioner, I know that our skilled
    diplomats at our missions abroad, our talented negotiators, and
    our amazing civil service subject matter experts are our force
    multipliers in the multilateral arena and in mobilizing global
    action.
        If confirmed, prioritizing diversity and inclusion and
    building strong morale within the IO bureau will be at the top
    of my list, and if confirmed, I also pledge, number one, to
    look hard at U.N. and international organization management and
    budgeting practices and at how agencies implement ethics rules,
    including whistleblower protection; number two, to insist on
    effective peacekeeping operations that advance political
    solutions, have realistic and achievable mandates, and include
    women's participation; number three, to consult with you as we
    work together to meet the challenges of today's strategic
    competition and as we prove that respect for human rights,
    transparency, and democratic norms can and will prevail.
        If confirmed, I know that you will be counting on me to
    make sure that U.S. taxpayer dollars are well spent and that
    our multilateral policies and programs improve the lives of the
    world's most vulnerable citizens, contribute to international
    peace and security, and serve the American people.
        Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you and I
    welcome your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Sison follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Hon. Michele J. Sison

        Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
    distinguished members of the committee.
        I am honored to appear before you as President Biden's nominee to
    serve as Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization
    Affairs, IO. I am grateful to President Biden and to Secretary Blinken
    for this opportunity.
        I want to recognize my daughters, Alexandra and Jessica, who are
    watching virtually today. Their love has supported me as I represented
    our country around the world and at the United Nations.
        Over the past 39 years, I've been privileged to serve under six
    U.S. administrations and as U.S. Ambassador four times overseas: to the
    United Arab Emirates, Lebanon, Sri Lanka and Maldives, and Haiti.
        Given this experience--as well as service in Togo, Benin, Cameroon,
    Cote d'Ivoire, India, Pakistan, Iraq and at the U.S. Mission to the
    U.N.--I know that the United States cannot address today's global
    challenges alone.
        From climate change to the COVID 19 pandemic, we must work in
    partnership with other nations. President Biden has made clear that we
    will put our core U.S. values at the center of our foreign policy.
        As U.S. Deputy Permanent Representative at the U.N. in New York, I
    saw that our nation is stronger when we lead the way in crafting
    strategic, cross-regional partnerships. These alliances are key in
    safeguarding multilateral institutions from those, such as the People's
    Republic of China, that seek to bend the U.N. system to their
    authoritarian agendas.
        We must actively out-compete efforts by nations that stand in
    opposition to U.S. values on human rights, democracy, labor rights, and
    transparent economic practices. If confirmed, this will be at the top
    of my agenda. It's important that we uphold the rules-based order that
    upholds and promotes our values, advances sustainable development, and
    protects human rights.
        The United States has a strong stake in leading efforts to preserve
    a free and open internet, and in advancing global governance in areas
    such as technology, trade, and climate change.
        These rules and values benefit American interests and the American
    people. From the World Food Program, to UNICEF, to the International
    Telecommunication Union, we have a deep stake in leading the
    international system--driving forward reforms with our partners.
        We must also ensure that the voices of civil society, women, ethnic
    and religious minorities, and other marginalized communities are heard.
    I've seen firsthand how U.N. peacekeepers and humanitarian workers
    protect civilians and save lives in places critical to U.S. national
    interests.
        I've witnessed the positive impact of U.S. leadership when we
    insist on results, and when we press for accountability--including
    accountability related to sexual exploitation and abuse. We are the
    largest contributor to the U.N. system; it is in our interest to lead
    in promoting genuine reform.
        Thus, ensuring the transparency and integrity of multilateral
    bodies is a key priority. We must promote qualified, independent
    candidates to lead multilateral institutions, and we must leverage the
    commitments of other countries to ensure that financial burdens are
    shared.
        We must also fight bias against Israel across the U.N. system.
        The IO Bureau supports strong U.S. leadership at the U.N. and
    multilateral venues to advance our U.S. national interests, protect the
    American people, promote U.S. prosperity, and drive the reforms needed
    to ensure the effectiveness of international organizations.
        As a Foreign Service practitioner, I know that our skilled
    diplomats at our missions abroad, our talented negotiators, and our
    amazing Civil Service subject matter experts are our force multipliers
    in the multilateral arena and in mobilizing global action.
        If confirmed, prioritizing diversity and inclusion and building
    strong morale within the IO Bureau, will be at the top of my list. And,
    if confirmed, I also pledge:

       to look hard at U.N. and international organization management and
            budgeting practices, and at how agencies implement their ethics
            rules, including whistleblower protections;

       to insist on effective peacekeeping operations that advance
            political solutions, have realistic and achievable mandates,
            and include women's participation; and,

       to consult with you as we work to meet the challenges of today's
            strategic competition--and as we prove that respect for human
            rights, transparency, and democratic norms can and will
            prevail.

        If confirmed, I know you will be counting on me to make sure that
    U.S. taxpayer dollars are well-spent, and that our multilateral
    policies and programs improve the lives of the world's most vulnerable
    citizens, contribute to international peace and security, and serve the
    American people.
        Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you, and I welcome
    your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you, Ambassador.
        We will start a series of five-minute rounds and I will
    start.
        Ambassador Nichols, we had a good tour of the hemisphere
    yesterday so I am not going to revisit all of those. But there
    is one or two I do want to drill down on.
        As Miguel Diaz-Canel assumed the leadership of Cuba's
    Communist Party and completed his transition to what I believe
    is dictator and chief, the Cuban regime repeatedly has used the
    mantra of ``somos continuidad,'' which means ``we are the
    continuation,'' to make it clear that they need to maintain a
    single-party authoritarian state.
        Nevertheless, in a renewed wave of civic activism,
    including protest by artists, singers, and others in the San
    Isidro movement, a, largely, Afro-Cuban movement, there is a
    demanding greater respect for democratic values and an end to
    human rights abuses.
        So what our policy is, moving forward, is going to be
    incredibly important. Let me ask you a couple of questions. Do
    you believe that the attacks on our diplomatic personnel, known
    as the Havana syndrome, either were conducted by the Cubans or
    are known in terms of who conducted them by the Cubans?
        Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        I would just note, by way of entry, that I know that our
    Cuba policy is under review within the administration. But let
    me offer a few thoughts, and if confirmed, I look forward to
    contributing to that process.
        Our priority in Cuba, as the rest of the hemisphere, needs
    to be democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. Countries
    should not be grandfathered because they have failed to respect
    those tenets.
        The new First Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba does
    not appear to me to be significantly different from his
    predecessors. But time will tell on that point.
        With regard to the Havana syndrome--my knowledge of the
    process of looking into that is limited, but I certainly
    believe that, given the amount of control that the Communist
    Party has in Cuba, there are more things that they can tell us
    about what was going on at that time.
        And I think that the process that the Secretary has
    designated, led by Ambassador Pamela Spratlen and the Health
    Incident Response Team, working with our interagency partners,
    is an important opportunity to get to the bottom of these
    incidents, and if confirmed, I commit to contributing to that
    process.
        The Chairman. Well, I appreciate that.
        It is impossible, if you understand Cuba's state-controlled
    system and its security apparatus to believe that anything can
    happen in the island without some knowledge of the Cuban
    regime, which they, certainly, have not shared with us, and now
    we find these attacks proliferating in other parts of the
    world.
        Do you believe that the practice of the Cuban regime of
    taking 20 percent of remittances to Cuban families, then
    converting the balance of the remittance to Cuban pesos that
    are worth a fraction of what Americans send to their families,
    that can only be used at state-owned stores is an acceptable
    practice?
        Mr. Nichols. Again, the Cuba policy is under review. But I
    do believe that those who are most responsible for abuses of
    human rights and democracy in Cuba should not benefit from
    remittances going to the Cuban people.
        Our priority needs to be what is best for the Cuban people
    and focus our efforts on supporting them, and I believe that
    the best ambassadors for doing that are the American people
    and, particularly, the Diaspora here.
        The Chairman. Well, let me hone in on my question because I
    have a limited time.
        I appreciate all of that but here is the point. If we want
    to help the Cuban people, taking 20 percent off of the $100 I
    send to my aunt, converting the other $80 of U.S. dollars into
    pesos, which is worth a fraction, and then being able, largely,
    to only buy at a government store, which is jacked up in
    prices, is not helping the Cuban people.
        It is, certainly, helping the regime. So I am for sending
    my remittances to my aunt, but I want her to get the
    remittances I send.
        Let me ask you this. Do you believe that sending, as the
    regime does, Cuban doctors abroad, then taking away their
    passports and getting paid for their services without fully
    paying the doctors is human trafficking?
        Mr. Nichols. I believe that their labor rights are being
    violated in large measure, and I think it has many
    characteristics of human trafficking, yes.
        The Chairman. And do you believe that the militarization of
    the Cuban economy, whereas Raul Castro's son and son-in-law,
    high-ranking officers of the Cuban military, is an acceptable
    practice for U.S. businesses to engage with?
        Mr. Nichols. I think that we should be working to promote
    diversity in the economy in Cuba and focusing our efforts on
    what is best for the Cuban people.
        The roles of senior officials and family members in the
    economy goes in the opposite direction and, if confirmed, I
    look forward to contributing to the department's review of our
    policies within the interagency.
        The Chairman. Yeah. Well, let me just say that, and I will
    end on this note, so an American business wants to do business
    in Cuba or they want to do, you know, tourism or they want to
    sell agricultural products.
        They either have to go to Raul's son or son-in-law, both
    high-ranking officials of the Cuban military who control the
    two, quote/unquote, ``companies'' that are run by the regime.
        You become a partner with the state, in essence, a partner
    with those who oppress its people, and your partner is high-
    ranking officials of the Cuban military.
        I do not know if we, for example, would accept that in
    China. I do not know if we would accept it elsewhere. And it
    is, certainly, not a help to the Cuban people.
        So I look forward to continuing that conversation.
        Senator Risch?
        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Ambassador Nichols, I want to talk about a parochial issue.
    That is the Columbia River Treaty. How engaged have you been on
    that issue or have you been, prior to coming on board here?
        Mr. Nichols. Thank you. I have received a briefing on the
    treaty from our negotiators and legal team. I have not
    participated in the deliberations with regard to the
    negotiation.
        Senator Risch. Okay, thank you.
        I hope you will familiarize yourself with this. I can tell
    you, this is not a partisan issue. Indeed, we have been--we--
    when I say we I am talking about the Senators, particularly
    from the Northwest, have been working with the negotiating team
    from the State Department, and we found them really good to
    work with.
        They are working on an issue that is incredibly complex and
    incredibly difficult with a friend and neighbor but with whom
    we have, obviously, competing interests as we try to complete
    the negotiations.
        I have trouble with some of my colleagues here whose last
    brush with the Columbia River was when they took geography in
    either grammar school or high school.
        So they are learning how important the Columbia River is to
    those of us that have water that flows into the Columbia and
    the effects that it has upstream on us.
        So, first of all, I do want to tell you, you have got a
    good team in place. We intend to continue to work with them,
    and it is bipartisan and I hope that we will continue down that
    road, and I look forward to your help in that regard.
        Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Senator, and I look forward to
    working with you on that, if confirmed.
        The Columbia River and its basin have important
    implications for hydroelectric power, green energy, the
    environment and, obviously, flood control and the economy of
    the western part of our nation.
        Senator Risch. Thank you very much.
        Ambassador Sison, I want to underscore to you the
    disappointment a lot of us had when the administration jumped
    right back into UNRWA.
        What UNRWA has done over the years is very disheartening
    and it is impossible to explain to the United States taxpayers,
    particularly my constituents, how the funds that--U.S. taxpayer
    dollars that flowed into UNRWA could be used to print textbooks
    that I have no doubt you have seen that have anti-Semitic
    materials in them--and this is paid for by U.S. dollars--and
    also the other things that UNRWA has done, allowing their
    facilities to be used for military facilities and that sort of
    thing.
        Again, we want to participate always in these things. But
    when they are doing stuff like that, it becomes very difficult,
    and particularly when the funds have now been freed up for
    UNRWA to get those funds again, and we are a huge contributor
    to that operation.
        What are your thoughts on that?
        Ms. Sison. Good morning, Senator, and thank you for that
    question.
        The issue of transparency, accountability, and oversight
    with regard to the U.N. Relief Works Agency, UNRWA, and across
    the U.N. system would be a key priority, if confirmed.
        On UNRWA specifically, it is absolutely critical that we
    insist on neutrality, and that goes for the staff of UNRWA, the
    policies, the programs, the educational materials, that you
    have mentioned.
        If confirmed, I will be insisting on these red lines of
    complete neutrality, no educational materials, whether it is
    textbook or online educational resources that contain
    references to anti-Semitism, incitement.
        These are important issues and, if confirmed, I would be
    working with U.N. counterparts and others in the IO bureau and
    across our State Department to insist that these red lines are
    not crossed and that internal controls are maintained.
        Thank you.
        Senator Risch. Well, I appreciate that, and I appreciate
    your commitment and your thoughts in that regard. It always
    amazes me when something like this happens where the funds were
    freed up without a commitment.
        I mean, if they will not make the commitment before they
    get the money, how in the world can you possibly think they
    will make the commitment after they get the money?
        So it amazes me how we transfer funds like this without
    getting anything back for it.
        And my time is up and I thank you for that commitment.
        And thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
        I understand Senator Cardin is with us virtually.
        Senator Cardin. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I want
    to thank both of our distinguished nominees for their service
    to our country.
        Ambassador Sison, I am proud that you are a Marylander. I
    heard Senator Van Hollen's introductions. We are very proud of
    your career service, diplomatic service, to our country.
        It is, clearly, going to be challenged as we reassert
    America's diplomacy globally in the work that we do with our
    international organizations.
        So I look forward to working with you.
        Ambassador Nichols, I, again, thank you for your career of
    public service. Both of you have served our nation with
    distinction and honor, and I join the chairman in thanking you
    and your families for your willingness to continue in public
    service.
        Ambassador Nichols, you and I had a chance to talk. I just
    want to underscore a few of the points.
        One area that affects both of the individuals that are
    before us is the U.S. role in the OAS. I mention that because
    Senator Wicker and I had introduced legislation that became law
    for a parliamentary dimension within the Organization of
    American States.
        And I point that out, the more that we can get legislators
    working with our diplomats, particularly in international
    organizations or regional organizations, I think the more
    effective it will be.
        So I look forward to a stronger parliamentary arm within
    the OAS. We have a very strong parliamentary arm within OSCE. I
    think we could improve our representation at the United
    Nations.
        We have two of our members who are designated to represent
    the Senate. I think working with each other we can strengthen
    unity in U.S. foreign policy goals.
        Ambassador Nichols, I want to ask you about a subject that
    we talked about at some length and that is making anti-
    corruption a key part of our policy in our hemisphere. We have
    seen an erosion of good governance.
        We knew that in Northern and Central America. We see
    significant challenges as countries have gone back on their
    commitment for their anti-corruption institutions.
        We see this in so many countries, of course, and Cuba is a
    country that the chairman has mentioned frequently is a corrupt
    country, Venezuela, et cetera.
        We have legislation that you and I have talked about that
    passed our Senate last Congress that we are going to try to get
    to the finish line this time that will fine tune the missions--
    each of our missions in each of our countries on anti-
    corruption.
        I want to just get your comments as to how high a priority
    this will be when you are confirmed.
        Mr. Nichols. Thank you very much, Senator.
        Fighting corruption is vital to our efforts to strengthen
    democracy in our hemisphere and around the world. I want to
    thank you and the other members of this body for the tools that
    you have given us.
        I believe that we should robustly use our Treasury OFAC
    sanctions, our 7031(c) sanctions, and the full range of tools
    available to deal with those who would steal from the public
    purse, deprive the peoples of the region of their resources and
    their wealth.
        And given my experience in my current assignment and
    previously in the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
    Enforcement, I look forward to deploying those tools robustly
    in support of democracy around the region.
        I would also like to note that I fully concur that the
    Article One branch of government and its engagement around the
    hemisphere with other legislatures will be an important tool in
    supporting democracy.
        Senator Cardin. Let me raise one more issue with you, if I
    might, and that is the Caribbean states. For too long we have
    not given them the attention that they need. We have not done
    well with their voting at the United Nations or at OAS, for
    that matter, and there are many Caribbean states. It does not
    take too much attention or resources to strengthen our ties.
        What strategy do you have in order to increase our
    partnership with the Caribbean states?
        Mr. Nichols. If confirmed, I look forward to building on
    our shared values with the Caribbean and their commitment to
    democracy and the rule of law.
        I believe that our engagement with the Caribbean region
    needs to include a robust presence and, if confirmed, I look
    forward to advocating for that.
        We need to leverage our development tools around the
    region, work with our multilateral partners, and international
    financial institutions to get them the resources that they
    need, and to make sure that we are attending to those issues
    that hold them back in their development.
        Senator Cardin. Dr. Sison, I would just underscore the
    point that we could do much better in getting support at the
    United Nations if our missions recognized how important those
    votes are to United States foreign policy.
        We have got to connect the dots in more capitals around the
    world so that we have stronger support at the United Nations,
    and letting us know in Congress where we can be helpful and
    getting those types of relationships that can help us advance
    our foreign policy.
        I hope you have a strategy to help us do that.
        Ms. Sison. Good morning, Senator, and, indeed, the
    necessity of building broad cross-regional alliances and
    partnerships is critical across the U.N. and multilateral
    venues, whether we are talking about New York or Geneva,
    really, across the multilateral space.
        And I do appreciate the offer that I just heard for the IO
    Bureau and, if confirmed, I will take you up on this. I think
    that so many of the members of this committee have built deep
    relationships with leaders across the world and, if confirmed,
    I would hope that I would be able to turn to you and ask for
    some help but with enough advance notice and placing a call or
    two when and if needed.
        Thank you, Senator.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you. I look forward to working with
    you.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Young, I understand, is with us virtually.
        Senator Young. Thank you, Chairman. I am not sure my
    picture is appearing. Can I be heard?
        The Chairman. You are certainly heard but not seen.
        Senator Young. Okay. Well, I will just go ahead and dive
    in.
        So building on Senator Cardin's questions pertaining to the
    Caribbean Basin, as you know, Mr. Nichols, the Senate is
    considering a far-reaching China package, which includes
    American policies towards the Western Hemisphere, which, if
    confirmed, you will be tasked with overseeing.
        One of your first responsibilities would be managing the
    creation of a strategy to strengthen economic competitiveness,
    good governance, human rights, and the rule of law in Latin
    America and the Caribbean.
        I want to know what policies you believe have worked in the
    past in these areas and how we might better work to improve
    some of these policies across the region to reduce our
    neighbors' vulnerability to Chinese influence.
        And, you know, you might include specifically how the
    Caribbean Basin Security Initiative could be utilized to push
    back on Chinese infrastructure developments.
        Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Senator.
        I think that we have a robust menu of policies and options
    that I would seek to leverage, if confirmed. We need to work
    across the board in institution strengthening, using our Agency
    for International Development for political party
    strengthening, for grass roots policy support at the human
    level.
        I think we've got to take advantage of our international
    financial institution partners and make sure that they are
    helping to advance democracy, human rights, and the rule of law
    in the region, particularly the Inter-American Development Bank
    as a tool within our own region.
        The Organization of American States is similarly an
    important tool that, within its Charter, it is committed to
    those tenets of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law
    that we hold dear.
        Working throughout the region, as I have, justice sector
    support has been crucial and, I think, very successful in many
    countries around the region, and providing units and
    organizations that respect human rights and the rule of law
    that support democracy and the extent to which we can build
    upon those resources will be important.
        I think CBSI has been an important tool throughout the
    region. In terms of the future and the way forward, we need to
    look to leverage that asset in building institutions, making
    trade, communication, service sector improvements.
        Senator Young. Okay. All right.
        I am sorry to interject. Our time is just somewhat limited,
    understandably, in this format. So, my apologies, sir, I am
    going to move on because I have some other things I would like
    to turn to.
        I just returned from our southern border with Mexico. I
    spent all day Friday down there in the Yuma, Arizona, area,
    where I actually spent some time years ago as a United States
    Marine, participating in counter trafficking operations and
    monitoring some of the activities there, working with other
    agencies.
        The challenges continue. In fact, I think it is fair to say
    we are hearing this, Republicans and Democrats alike, that we
    have an ongoing crisis at the southern border, and that crisis
    has underscored the importance of identifying the root cause of
    unchecked immigration from the Northern Triangle region.
        Despite $3.6 billion in U.S. aid over the 2016 to 2021
    fiscal years, immigration policy from the new administration
    has still resulted in a staggering number of migrants fleeing
    these countries.
        And I suppose we do not need to really fixate on the
    massive uptick we have seen in the last couple of months.
    Everyone is aware of it.
        Despite billions of dollars in U.S. aid to these
    economically distressed countries, why have we seen a recent
    surge in immigration when it was, largely, controlled for the
    past several years?
        Mr. Nichols?
        Mr. Nichols. I think there are a variety of reasons but I
    point to a couple that are driving the uptick. One is a loss of
    economic opportunities driven by climate disasters and climate
    change in the region, corruption, violence, rule of law, a lack
    of hope, and we need to work to address the root causes of
    those challenges urgently.
        I will keep my answer brief, but happy to go into it
    further, if you would like, sir.
        Senator Young. Well, thank you for your time. I would also
    add the message from the White House has not been particularly
    helpful. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Shaheen?
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you both for your past service to
    this country and for your willingness to be considered for
    these important posts at this critical time.
        Ambassador Nichols, I want to begin with you. As we heard
    from Senator Young, so much of the focus on America's borders
    has been on the southern border between the United States and
    Mexico.
        But I want to ask about our northern border with Canada,
    because for states like New Hampshire that border Canada, the
    border closures have been very disruptive both for businesses
    that go back and forth across the border to do business, but
    also for many of our residents who have relatives in Canada and
    have been limited in their travel.
        Now, I understand that these were done because of the
    pandemic. But we are coming up on an end to the most recent
    extension of that border closure in May, and I wondered if you
    have any sense of what will happen on May 21st when the current
    restrictions expire and whether we need to keep this border
    closed or how soon we might be able to safely reopen it.
        Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Senator.
        I am not yet confirmed. I have not been privy to the
    deliberations on that topic. I know that the HHS and Homeland
    Security are looking at this issue carefully.
        I believe that the decision will be driven by the best
    science available. We are making important progress in our own
    country against the pandemic, and I hope that we'll be able to
    see progress with regard to the border soon.
        Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. Do I have your commitment
    that, once confirmed, that you will look at this issue closely
    and urge an examination that recognizes the challenges that are
    faced by that border closure?
        Mr. Nichols. Yes, Senator.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
        Ambassador Sison, I still have fond memories of my visit to
    Lebanon during your tenure there as ambassador. Sadly, things
    have significantly declined in Lebanon since that time, and I
    know that you are very familiar with UNIFIL's mission in
    Lebanon, how important it has been to the country and to its
    relations with its neighbors.
        If confirmed, how will you approach the mandate renewal in
    August and how can the U.S. be a moderator between the Lebanese
    Armed Forces, UNIFIL, and Lebanon's neighbors?
        Ms. Sison. Good to see you again, Senator, and good
    morning.
        As with all peacekeeping missions, we want to make sure
    that at the time of mandate renewal and discussion at the U.N.
    Security Council that we are looking at realistic and
    achievable mandates, that we are looking at mandates that
    include women in peacekeeping as both military and police
    peacekeepers, that when possible that this mandate promotes the
    political solution, and that we look at the reforms in terms of
    effectiveness, efficiency, to deliver on that mandate, and, of
    course, the mandates need to be well resourced as well to be
    effective.
        UNIFIL has played a stabilizing role in southern Lebanon,
    and we are seeing this at the present time as well. If
    confirmed, I look forward to continuing to consult with you,
    Senator, and other members of this committee on how we can make
    peacekeeping the most effective and efficient investment and
    that the peacekeepers are resourced to perform their mandates
    effectively.
        Thank you.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you. One of the most pressing issues
    facing the Security Council at the U.N. is the need to maintain
    humanitarian aid in Syria.
        How can you and the State Department and those of us in
    Congress support Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield's efforts to push
    back against Russia's obstructionism in allowing that
    humanitarian aid to those who need it?
        Ms. Sison. Senator, I absolutely agree with you on the
    urgency of keeping humanitarian delivery, these corridors open.
        The reauthorization of Bab al-Hawa for another 12 months is
    completely a priority and, if confirmed, would be looking to
    push on the other two cross-border points that are not
    currently authorized to be used.
        The suffering that we see, particularly in northeast and
    northwestern Syria, is alarming: food insecurity, the inability
    to deliver badly-needed medical and other items, particularly
    in this period of the COVID pandemic.
        So, if confirmed, I do look forward to consulting closely
    with you and with working with Ambassador Linda Thomas-
    Greenfield and her team on this critical issue of the
    reauthorization of the cross-border delivery.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much.
        Mr. Chairman, I am out of time. But I just want to weigh in
    in support of your point about the Havana syndrome and our
    efforts that we should be making with the Cuban regime to press
    them more on what they know.
        And, Ambassador Nichols, I would also just like to weigh
    in. I appreciate the administration's appointment of Ambassador
    Spratlen.
        But the fact is, in Congress, we are still not getting the
    information we need on what is actually happening with so-
    called Havana syndrome government wide, nor are we seeing the
    coordination that I think we would all hope to see and the
    assurance that those people who are affected are getting
    absolutely the best health care that they need.
        So I hope you will share that with the State Department.
        Mr. Nichols. I will, Senator, and those who were injured in
    those attacks and the health of our people throughout our
    service and throughout our government are my highest priority.
        The Chairman. Senator Rounds?
        Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Thank you to both of you for your service to our country.
    You, clearly, are both very well qualified and we appreciate
    your offer of continued service.
        Ambassador Nichols, I am concerned about, I guess, the
    ongoing and, in some cases, increasing Chinese and Russian
    engagement in the Western Hemisphere.
        One example is China's launching of a vaccine diplomacy
    strategy into Latin America, while Russia is launching
    countless disinformation campaigns in Latin America to
    discredit the West, specifically, the United States.
        What do you think should be done to address this and what
    resources are available to you for that purpose? I know that
    you have indicated that there are some organizations and so
    forth.
        But when it comes to their very aggressive approach to
    provide misinformation about our country but also to gather
    additional leverage within the Western Hemisphere, share with
    me your thoughts and what tools you would see available to you.
        Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Senator, and I fully share your
    concerns.
        We have a number of tools available to us. We have the
    Global Engagement Center pushing back on disinformation. We are
    bolstering our public diplomacy at the embassy level throughout
    the hemisphere, and I think that is a very important tool.
        We have shared values, and we need to point out to the
    peoples of the region the shared values that we have, and the
    difference between what we consider important and what the real
    costs of the engagement that the malign actors from outside our
    hemisphere, like China and Russia, are engaging in.
        The Chinese offer all sorts of things. They don't come for
    free. The Chinese are getting something out of it, and we need
    to push back aggressively with a variety of tools.
        They also offer in their economic engagement unfair
    competition practices and corruption, and when we see that we
    need to call it out.
        Senator Rounds. I think sometimes their offer of assistance
    to a contrary is seen as a first step in where, later on, they
    will start asking for small favors and then move into more
    demands.
        In our case, I would suspect that there are times in which
    we are seen as looking at some of our neighbors and saying, we
    expect you to behave in a particular way, and rather than
    talking about our shared values we try to impose values upon
    them.
        Share with me your thoughts about the differentiation
    between our shared values and times in which we might be seen
    as placing our values upon them. I think it is a critical
    difference.
        Mr. Nichols. I think that there are advantages in our
    hemisphere and that our founding documents in this hemisphere
    lay out what the nations of this region believe in and what
    they have committed to.
        The OAS is the world's oldest regional multilateral
    organization, and its Charter lays out values very clearly that
    all of the nations in this hemisphere have signed onto, and I
    think we can point to those.
        We can point to polling of the publics in this hemisphere
    and their value for democracy, human rights, and the rule of
    law, and I think when we talk about what the Chinese and the
    Russians are really offering, what they are really asking of
    governments, there is a big difference between what one
    individual official in a government might want and what, I
    think, the people of that nation might want.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you.
        Ambassador Sison, the COVID-19 pandemic, certainly, put a
    spotlight on the World Health Organization. Concerns have been
    expressed that the WHO lacks sufficient resources to manage a
    global pandemic as well as maintain its integrity.
        Do you think that the WHO is resourced to handle a global
    pandemic, and do you believe that it is still an unbiased
    organization, despite Chinese influence?
        And, finally, how do you think the Department of State can
    help to strengthen the organization?
        Ms. Sison. Good morning, Senator.
        Indeed, the issue of the World Health Organization--WHO's
    need to be fit for purpose and modernized is an important one,
    and there is an issue, of course, of the need for sustained
    financing.
        We do not want to start down a road and only to find that
    we are not able to continue down the road as we work to
    strengthen WHO's ability in surveillance detection, in
    infectious disease prevention, the ability to respond, to
    insist that all member states report transparently.
        But, of course, that sustained financing needs to be
    matched with a strong focus and, if confirmed, this would be a
    top priority on transparency, accountability, and oversight of
    the WHO's operations.
        You mentioned the word integrity and, absolutely, we need
    to make sure that the WHO's assessments, findings, reports, are
    science based, expert led, free from outside influence.
        And, again, we need to insist that all member states comply
    with the international norms on infectious disease reporting,
    international health regulations. We need full transparency on
    this. Could not agree more, Senator.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you.
        Mr. Chairman, my time has expired.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Rounds.
        Senator Murphy?
        Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Thank
    you both for your willingness to continue to serve, especially
    in these very important roles.
        Ambassador Nichols, I wanted to turn to the topic of
    Venezuela. You know, by no metric can anyone suggest that
    President Trump's policy in Venezuela was a success. Maduro was
    more cemented in power at the end of his four years.
        But there has been some interesting developments over the
    past few months. We have seen some compromises by the Maduro
    government on humanitarian access, the creation of a new
    electoral council, willingness to join the Norway-hosted talks.
        And so I am interested to learn from you your early
    thoughts about how the United States can help push this
    momentum along, capitalize it, and then, specifically, whether
    this is the time to talk about restoring diesel swaps.
        I have believed for a while that the United States should
    be engaged in this policy as a way to relieve humanitarian
    suffering inside the country.
        But I wonder if this policy now makes even more sense,
    because not only does it provide an avenue to try to get much-
    needed economic relief to people who are suffering, but it also
    may be a way to show that the United States is open to helping
    to be a part of these sort of grass shoots of negotiating room.
        Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Senator.
        There needs to be a key focus in our policy, in my view,
    which I should caveat that I understand is under review within
    the administration. So this will be my personal views.
        But I believe that we have a major advantage in dealing
    with Venezuela, that there is a broad multilateral coalition
    working to promote democracy in Venezuela, and that is
    something that we need to leverage aggressively to push the
    Maduro regime towards free and fair elections.
        We need to support the Venezuelan people, both at the
    political level in the form of opposition leaders and interim
    President Guaido, as well as pushing for humanitarian
    assistance and ensuring that the people of Venezuela do have
    access to the help that they need.
        With regard to diesel swaps right now, as I understand it,
    there is enough diesel capacity within Venezuela, at least for
    the next six months or so.
        I think that is something that needs to be watched, and if
    we see that there is a problem there for the Venezuelan people
    I think that is something to be looked at.
        But I think maintaining economic pressure to negotiate on a
    government that has shown that it will use dilatory tactics to
    prevent progress toward free and fair elections in addition to
    things like releasing political prisoners and allowing a free
    press, we have to be very cautious on.
        Senator Murphy. Yeah, no doubt, as Senator Menendez
    regularly reminds us, this is Maduro's game is to sort of
    entertain hopes of reform, stringing the international
    community and the United States along with, you know, nothing
    to be found at the end of the rainbow.
        And so I think we go into this with eyes wide open. But it
    is also interesting that Guaido himself has proposed the
    incremental lifting of U.S. sanctions as an incentive to try to
    continue along this path.
        But I look forward to working with you on this as the
    review continues.
        Ambassador Sison, I wanted to talk to you about a topic
    that regularly comes up in this committee, and that is Yemen.
    We have a U.N. and WFP appeal that is right now about one-third
    funded.
        Now, it is never 100 percent funded, but in prior years we
    have been able to stave off famine by making sure that we are
    at least 80, 90 percent funded on that appeal. There are some
    pretty important countries like Qatar that have made sort of no
    contribution.
        There is talk of a second donors conference to try to make
    sure that we put our foot onto the pedal, because we are
    looking at a 2021 famine, a new outbreak of cholera, if we do
    not rally the world community through the U.N., through WFP, to
    make sure that the money is there.
        And by the way, the United States put in less money this
    year than we did last year, which is not exactly helping the
    situation.
        Just your thoughts on how we can make sure we get the
    humanitarian dollars we need in Yemen.
        Ms. Sison. Good morning, Senator, and share your concern
    about the food insecurity and the need for humanitarian access
    to the vulnerable populations in Yemen and, in fact, just flew
    up for the hearing from Haiti.
        But we did have WFP Executive Director David Beasley with
    us a couple of weeks ago, and we actually discussed Yemen and
    the alarming situation there with the mounting food insecurity.
        So, if confirmed, you have my absolute commitment that I
    would be working both with stakeholders to create these broad
    partnerships with other donors and like-minded countries, also
    to support Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield and her team up
    in New York because, of course, the U.N. Security Council has
    put an enormous amount of effort and work into maintain
    Security Council voice--united Security Council voice on Yemen.
        If confirmed, I look forward to consulting and talking with
    you more on this important topic.
        Senator Murphy. Great. Thank you very much to you both.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Hagerty?
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
    Risch, thank you. And, Ambassadors, thank you for your service.
    Greatly appreciated.
        I would like to, first, talk about the Western Hemisphere.
    I am from Tennessee. Since the border collapsed in late
    January, we have experienced a dramatic increase in drug
    trafficking, in overdoses, in human trafficking.
        We have now got unaccompanied minors coming into Tennessee.
    Our schools and hospitals are asking whether we have the
    capacity to deal with this.
        This has become the most urgent crisis in America from a
    national security standpoint, from an economic security
    standpoint, from a humanitarian standpoint.
        So earlier this month, I traveled to Guatemala and to
    Mexico to meet with leaders there to try to get at the bottom
    of what the problem is, what is driving this.
        I did not hear much talk about climate change. What I heard
    was that we are sending messages from here, whether it is talk,
    election talk, about how people will be treated if a certain
    outcome occurs, whether it is talk about the potential for a
    $15 minimum wage, whether it is talk about checks for illegal
    immigrants, or the fact that we have extended unemployment--
    plussed-up unemployment benefits all the way to September,
    which is creating a giant job opening here in America.
        Coyotes are taking these messages and marketing them to
    very vulnerable people. They are encouraging these vulnerable
    people to put their life savings on the line and to risk their
    lives, to make a very dangerous journey, a journey in which
    more than half of them are involved in some--in some way in
    crime, whether they become part of the drug trafficking, part
    of the sex trafficking, or in some other way violated horribly.
        This is a very dangerous humanitarian crisis that is
    occurring at our border. The leaders of these countries are not
    happy about this at all. They blame us, in large part, but they
    also see opportunity.
        That is what I was trying to get at and I want to share
    these with you, Ambassador Nichols, these observations, that
    when I met with the president of Guatemala, he said, look, I am
    not asking for you to send money or fund NGOs, but help us
    technically--night vision goggles, technical training, so we
    can manage our own border. Our own national sovereignty is
    being violated, he told me. We want to cooperate. We think we
    can cooperate, and if we can get our border under control and
    bring the rule of law more in line, we will see more
    infrastructure investment, which is what they desperately need.
        We have tools here. This committee has jurisdiction over
    some of the tools that we can help them with infrastructure
    investment, but we need to get the rule of law and public
    safety in order there.
        I think there are great opportunities to cooperate with
    them, and I would look forward to working with you toward those
    ends.
        They also want to see us stop the national security problem
    that they have got too because they do not know who is entering
    their country. It is a real issue.
        It sounded even more so when I talked with the Mexican
    Foreign Minister and the Minister of Economy of Mexico. They
    have a grave concern about who is coming across their southern
    border and, again, they highlighted that opportunity for us to
    cooperate on a security basis, again, with training, with
    technology, with equipment. These are ways to help them address
    the problem.
        But the most clear and urgent problem is dealing with our
    own border, to stop sending the wrong messages that are
    encouraging this sort of behavior. And what is happening,
    particularly in Mexico, is that with the movement of coyotes,
    the overwhelming force that is occurring at our southern
    border, that it is creating an opening for the cartels to move
    even more drugs, more sex trafficking, more contraband across
    our borders.
        The cartels are getting larger and more powerful by the day
    and it is making it that much more difficult to manage the
    situation in Mexico, in Guatemala, and other countries in that
    region.
        So I would look forward to working with you on this grave
    national security crisis, and I hope that you will commit to do
    that with me.
        Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Senator. I look forward to working
    with you and the other members of this body, if confirmed, on
    these issues.
        I know that colleagues within the Bureau of International
    Narcotics and Law Enforcement and Population, Refugees and
    Migration, under the leadership of Vice President Harris and
    with the participation of Special Envoy Zuniga are working hard
    on the issues that you have discussed.
        Senator Hagerty. We need to do more, but thank you for that
    commitment.
        Ambassador Sison, again, thank you for your service.
        Still related to this area, what was very clear to me is
    that China is increasing the movement of fentanyl and fentanyl
    precursors into Mexico. These are getting manufactured and then
    trafficked across our border. It appears that all the
    cooperation between Mexico and the United States to interdict
    this has collapsed.
        I would be very interested in your thoughts on how, in the
    position that you are, hopefully, going to go to how you can
    increase our cooperation with Mexico to push back against China
    and their importation of this illegal drug that is killing our
    children.
        Ms. Sison. Good morning, Senator, and I share your concerns
    about these illegal drugs coming into our country, as both a
    mother and a grandmother.
        There is, definitely, an important role within the U.N. and
    multilateral space to push this U.S. priority forward and, if
    confirmed, I look forward to consulting with you, working with
    you and with stakeholders, in organizations such as the
    Universal Postal Union because there is a postal piece of this.
        And the work that we have done on some of the standards has
    actually made a difference in the multilateral sphere in
    enforcing and moving these norms into the international space
    as well as in the U.N. body that deals with drugs and crime.
        Senator Hagerty. I look forward to working with you, and I
    will just add this. The Mexican authorities made clear to me
    that they do not have the technology to examine the cargo that
    is coming in from China. They felt like we could help them
    significantly there.
        You think about x-ray technology, heat-sensing technology,
    the types of things that they could use to deal with the fact
    that China has become very clever at hiding fentanyl and the
    precursors that are being shipped in to their country and then
    being remanufactured.
        So I appreciate that commitment and look forward to working
    with you.
        And thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Kaine is recognized and he has graciously agreed to
    preside while I go to the Finance Committee. After Senator
    Kaine, at this point, no Republican colleagues who have sought
    recognition virtually are present.
        So it would be Senator Booker, who is with us virtually,
    and then Senator Van Hollen.
        Senator Kaine [presiding]. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and
    congratulations to the witnesses for your service and for your
    nominations.
        I want to ask three Western Hemisphere questions to--
    Ambassador Nichols, to you about the Northern Triangle, and
    then I cannot resist taking advantage of having the Haitian
    ambassador with us today to ask a question about Haiti,
    Ambassador Sison.
        So, Ambassador Nichols, the Northern Triangle. We have seen
    real backsliding in the Northern Triangle on governments'
    transparency, corruption, violence, economic opportunity
    issues.
        Recently, in both Guatemala and El Salvador, there have
    been a sacking of judges and prosecutors who have been known
    for trying to prosecute corruption. Even more troubling, in
    Honduras the Honduran election of 2016 was a sham and the OAS
    called for it to be rerun.
        Instead of supporting the OAS, the U.S. recognized the
    government of Honduras, and what did we get for it? What we got
    for it was the government canceling transparency initiatives,
    canceling anti-corruption initiatives, and now the president of
    Honduras is implicated in a couple of high-profile drug
    smuggling prosecutions in the United States.
        Obviously, if we are going to try to deal with this
    migration problem, one of the key pillars to it is
    strengthening governance, security, transparency in the
    Northern Triangle.
        I suspect that there will be a request that we invest funds
    to do that, and I want to be supportive. But how can we invest
    funds to promote those ends when the governments in the
    Northern Triangle are often the causes or at least, in some
    cases, the causes of the problems rather than the solutions?
        Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Senator.
        It is not enough to win office democratically. People have
    to govern democratically, and central to that is the importance
    of the separation of powers and a strong independent judiciary,
    and that is something, if confirmed, that I will argue for
    vociferously with our partners throughout the hemisphere and,
    particularly, in the Northern Triangle.
        We have programming that has been successful around the
    world in strengthening the justice sector, and we need to press
    forward with those efforts, particularly in the Northern
    Triangle countries.
        Corruption is a noxious influence in that region, in that
    part of our hemisphere, and we need to leverage the tools that
    you have given us to call out those corrupt actors who are
    preventing the course of justice from flowing properly.
        We also need to leverage our development assistance and our
    multilateral partners to ensure that the institutions are built
    and people get the support that they need so they are not
    attracted to populist and easy solutions that quickly turn to
    ashes in their mouths.
        Senator Kaine. Mr. Ambassador, I think all those are the
    right answers and I also think they are the things that we have
    tried to do for years with very little effect. So I hope we
    will not be in a Groundhog Day of repeatedly doing something
    and seeing it not work.
        Let me make one point on economic opportunity in the
    region. Again, we would want there to be stronger economic
    opportunities so people can stay. But how do we invest in
    stronger economies with governments that have not proven to be
    reliable partners?
        I have an idea. U.S. employers employ a lot of people in
    the Northern Triangle in the retail sector, in the textile
    sector.
        Rather, if we are going to try to increase economic
    opportunities, I would hope State and Commerce and others, the
    vice president's office, would pull together American employers
    who employ folks in the region and say, for example, what could
    we do as policy that would make you hire and invest more in the
    Northern Triangle.
        I will give you an example. There is probably a couple
    hundred thousand textile workers in the Northern Triangle who
    are employed by American firms.
        This is just a brainstorm, but if we were to say, for
    example, the purchase of PPE during the pandemic was revealed
    to be a critical national security issue, we should only buy
    PPE that is American made or that is made with American product
    in nations with whom we have free trade agreements.
        That would pull a huge part of the PPE supply chain out of
    China and it would give a strong preference for the production
    of PPE in the Northern Triangle, which is produced with
    American cotton in factories in that region. Something like
    that would lead to significant economic expansion or
    opportunities there.
        So I hope, as we focus on economic opportunities, get the
    advice of the American companies that are already there.
        Ambassador Sison, there is this, you know, obviously, huge
    challenge in Haiti, deep unrest over the term of the president,
    and a five-year term, but there is huge unrest over when did it
    start.
        What is the U.S. doing to try to help solve this dilemma
    and pave a way for a less corrupt Haiti, going forward?
        Ms. Sison. Good morning, Senator, and good to see you
    again.
        The U.S. and, I will say as the sitting ambassador, U.S.
    ambassador to Haiti, we have been really urging all
    stakeholders, so the political actors, the economic leaders,
    civil society leaders, to come together and work in an
    inclusive manner to reach an accord that will serve the Haitian
    people.
        And I say this because the political impasse has had an
    impact over the last two years on the security situation. We
    see increased gang violence has had a negative effect on the
    economic side, including economic development side.
        The focus has got to be, I believe, on rule of law,
    combating corruption, promoting justice sector reform, and
    moving ahead on insisting that these overdue legislative
    elections, which should have been held in late 2019, do move
    ahead.
        The president has been ruling by decree because there is no
    legislature. So to get a president out of ruling by
    presidential decree, there need to be free, fair, and credible
    legislative elections later this year, as announced by the
    government of Haiti, followed by a presidential election, so
    that at the end of the sitting president's term there is an
    elected president to take his place. The----
        Senator Kaine. And thank you, Ambassador. I am over my time
    and I need to gavel myself out of order and--but thank you for
    that answer.
        I believe Senator Cruz is on his way, but I believe Senator
    Markey, we are going in seniority and you are up next.
        Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much.
        Ambassador Nichols, thank you for your service over the
    years. I want to talk a little bit about climate change and the
    United States government and its ability to use Global
    Magnitsky to strike back at those who are committing crimes
    against environmental defenders.
        I know that you have experience in working on these issues.
    So could you please tell us what you believe we can do as a
    country to counter environmental human rights violations in the
    Western Hemisphere?
        Because, clearly, we are at a tipping point and we have to
    make sure that we are using all of the influence of our
    government.
        Mr. Nichols. Thank you very much, Senator.
        It is a complex question. I will touch on a few examples.
        For example, if you are dealing with a company that is
    illegally dumping mining tailings in a river, suborning local
    officials, and improperly taking resources out of a nation,
    that seems to me like an example where you could leverage the
    full range of anti-corruption tools in response to illegal
    mining practices.
        In Peru, artisanal and illegal gold mining was a huge
    problem and linked to narcotics trafficking, and when I was
    ambassador there, we worked intensively on leveraging law
    enforcement tools against those responsible, especially in that
    nexus of narcotics and illegal mining.
        Senator Markey. Yeah, gold mining, logging, wildlife
    trafficking, environmental degradation, all of that. I have
    introduced legislation, the Targeting Environmental and Climate
    Recklessness Act, and it is just to reinforce the reality that
    all across these countries, brave climate defenders in Central
    and South America are risking their lives peacefully in order
    to ensure that these carbon-intensive industries and
    unsustainable business practices are wreaking havoc on local
    communities.
        And what my legislation would do is it would give the
    United States, give you, the ability to target foreign
    individuals and companies engaged in destructive climate
    actions to ensure that existing human rights and corruption
    sanctions under Global Magnitsky are used to strike back at
    those committing crimes against environmental defenders.
        Can I just follow up? Just looking at the Amazon, if I may,
    and the degradation of that forest, which are, as we know, the
    lungs of the planet, how can we better work to prioritize its
    protection with the countries that it spans across in South
    America, in your opinion, Mr. Ambassador?
        Mr. Nichols. Thank you very much, Senator.
        I think engaging with the key Amazon nations, starting with
    Brazil but also Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia that is crucial. Our
    diplomacy can have an important effect on their policies.
        I know Special Presidential Envoy for Climate Kerry is
    deeply engaged in that exercise. Programmatically, we can
    leverage our development assistance on the issue of climate,
    particularly on the protection of forests and rain forests in
    the region.
        We also need to think about how do we leverage our trade
    agreements, which include environmental provisions, to protect
    the environment and, if confirmed, I look forward to working
    with you on these issues.
        Senator Markey. Thank you, sir. And just moving to
    Colombia, quickly, if I could, I am very concerned about the
    escalation of violence in Colombia.
        My question to you is what do you believe we should be
    doing? What steps should the United States government be doing
    in order to use our political influence to decrease the--that
    violence and the suppression of ordinary citizens in that
    country?
        Mr. Nichols. The situation in Colombia is a complicated
    one. Colombia is a long-term ally of the United States and we
    need to be engaging with President Duque, as I know, our
    ambassador and key leaders in the administration are, one, to
    work to deescalate the challenges, two, to address the economic
    crisis caused by the pandemic, which sort of was one of the
    reasons why the fiscal package that President Duque introduced
    was introduced, and three, to prioritize getting back on track
    to implementation of the 2016 peace agreement in Colombia.
        And if confirmed, I look forward to working towards those
    goals.
        Senator Markey. Thank you, sir. Thank you both for your
    service.
        The Chairman. [presiding]. Thank you.
        Senator Van Hollen?
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking
    Member, and again, congratulations to both of you on your
    nominations.
        Ambassador Sison, in my introduction this morning, I
    mentioned your experience in the area of international
    humanitarian relief, and in your new position and confirmed you
    will be a key player in that arena.
        Now, I support an immediate ceasefire in the fighting
    between Israel and Hamas. But whenever the rockets and the
    bombs stop falling, we will have a humanitarian disaster in
    Gaza.
        As you well know, there was a humanitarian crisis in Gaza
    before the fighting started and now it is much worse. We all
    know that Hamas is a terrorist organization that controls Gaza.
        We also know that Israel has the right to self-defense, and
    I am glad that the United States and this committee have
    assisted Israel in the development and the deployment of the
    Iron Dome, which has intercepted thousands of Hamas rockets.
        But I also think that the United States and the
    international community needs to do everything we can when the
    fighting stops to assist the millions of innocent Gazans who
    are trapped there and have nothing to do with Hamas.
        So my first question is a simple one. Do you agree?
        Ms. Sison. Yes, Senator, I certainly share your concern
    about the human suffering associated with this outbreak in
    violence, and I do believe that providing humanitarian
    assistance to the Palestinian population with, again, all the
    transparency, accountability, and oversight built into that,
    while maintaining our long-standing security relationship with
    Israel is in the U.S. interest.
        Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you, Madam Ambassador.
        Just to give an extent of the challenge we are going to
    face with the international community, this is--I am just
    quoting here from the New York Times' report today in terms of
    the humanitarian crisis:
        ``The fighting has destroyed 17 hospitals and clinics in
    Gaza, wrecked its only coronavirus test laboratory, sent fetid
    wastewater into its streets, and broke water pipes serving at
    least 800,000 people.
        Sewage systems inside Gaza have been destroyed. A
    desalinization plant that helped provide fresh water to 250,000
    people in the territory is offline. Dozens of schools have been
    damaged or closed, forcing some 600,000 students to miss class
    and some 72,000 Gazans have been forced to flee their homes.''
        Now, as your answer did and my question did, I am focused
    now on post-conflict humanitarian relief to millions of people
    who have nothing to do with the conflict in Gaza.
        So do you agree that the United States and international
    relief agencies should insist that all parties involved give
    access consistent with security requirements, but access to
    provide humanitarian relief in Gaza?
        Ms. Sison. Senator, yes, the issue of humanitarian access
    to provide needed food, medical items, particularly in this
    time of the COVID pandemic, is absolutely critical.
        If confirmed, I would be working with the IO team and other
    stakeholders across our government and with U.N. partners not
    only to emphasize the urgency of working towards sustainable
    calm, but to ensuring that needed humanitarian relief with the
    built-in safeguards on transparency, accountability, oversight
    is delivered to the most vulnerable populations.
        Thank you, Senator.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Madam Ambassador.
        Now, we also have an ongoing humanitarian disaster in
    Ethiopia. President Biden has called for a ceasefire in that
    conflict and we, the United States, are working with
    international relief agencies to try to get humanitarian relief
    to those there.
        This committee two days ago had a briefing with Ambassador
    Feltman and I had a follow-up conversation with Ambassador
    Feldman, the Special Envoy, yesterday. Can you just talk
    briefly about what we need to be doing and demanding in terms
    of providing humanitarian assistance in that conflict?
        Ms. Sison. Indeed, Senator, I share your concern about the
    increasing food insecurity that we see. The U.N. and the
    International Organizations Bureau have an important role to
    play and, if confirmed, I would be working with a number of
    these U.N. agencies, including World Food Programme and others.
        There are other associated human rights issues that I also
    believe the IO Bureau would be working on and, if confirmed,
    calling out those who are perpetrating these human rights
    abuses, these armed actors, widespread reports of sex- and
    gender-based violence and other atrocities.
        We would want to continue to speak with one voice at the
    U.N. Security Council on these issues, and I look forward, if
    confirmed, to working with Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield
    up there in New York as well as the U.N. agencies providing
    this humanitarian relief and using the appropriate space to
    call out those armed actors and others perpetrating these
    atrocities and abuses.
        Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you.
        Senator Coons and I were in Sudan just a short time ago and
    visited one of the refugee camps that have been set up by
    UNHCR, and I think it is important the United States continues
    to support that effort as well as the World Food Programme.
    They are doing essential humanitarian work.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Cruz?
        Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you both for
    your service. Congratulations on your nominations.
        Ambassador Sison, let me start with you. You have
    emphasized repeatedly that you intend to work to ensure that
    American taxpayer dollars are well spent at the U.N. and other
    organizations.
        But Americans are deeply concerned about the structure and
    leadership of those organizations. Organizations like the Human
    Rights Council are hopelessly biased, especially against the
    nation of Israel, and they are mendaciously sympathetic to
    countries like Iran that commit atrocious human rights abuses.
        It is no surprise why that is the case, given that those
    are the sorts of countries that make up a majority of the
    members of the Human Rights Council.
        To take another example, the U.N.'s Commission on the
    Status of Women, the body's top legislative body on women's
    rights, recently elected Iran as a member. The Iranian regime,
    of course, enforces a broad array of gender apartheid policies
    and, concerningly, when asked, the Biden administration
    declined to condemn that farce.
        I worry that no amount of financial accountability can
    reform these deeply problematic organizations as long as we
    allow them to be led by countries that are antithetical to
    their purpose.
        I would like your opinion on that. How can financial
    oversight, which you have discussed, fix these deep problems,
    especially if the Biden administration is unwilling to speak
    out clearly against them?
        Ms. Sison. Senator, the issue of U.S. leadership is
    critical, I believe, to addressing the need for reform, and I
    agree with you there is a need for reform in many of these
    institutions.
        We need the U.S. back at the table pushing for these
    reforms. There is the issue, yes, of financial accountability,
    transparency, oversight, but there is also the issue of U.S.
    leadership building strong cross-regional partnerships and
    alliances so that our U.S. core values--protection of human
    rights, labor rights, and economic transparency--are at the
    forefront.
        We need to remind some of our like-minded of what we all
    signed on to in the Charter of the United Nations because its
    foundational document is strong on the human rights.
        On the Human Rights Council, Senator, I do believe that
    when we are at the table and as we are coming back to the--to
    the HRC, we have the ability to better defend Israel from de-
    legitimization, from unfair targeting, from discriminatory
    efforts because we are there and we are present.
        We have seen when we are there that the number of items
    brought up under this article, Agenda Item 7, the only single
    country targeting of Israel in that space, that we are able to
    push back by coming back also and, of course, with our
    candidacy better able to create these cross-regional alliances
    to encourage more human rights right-minded countries to firm
    up its members.
        Senator Cruz. But does the hypocrisy of some of the worst
    human rights abusers being themselves members, does that
    concern you?
        Ms. Sison. Indeed, it does. But we have also seen, Senator,
    the Human Rights Council has put the spotlight on Venezuela.
    The Human Rights Council has put the spotlight on China and the
    treatment of Uighurs, has put the spotlight on Hong Kong.
        So the issue of our people-to-people diplomacy creating
    these strong cross-regional alliances of like-minded countries
    to make sure that our core U.S. values are at the forefront.
    This is why we need to be at the table and back.
        Senator Cruz. Thank you.
        Ambassador Nichols, I would also like to ask you, briefly,
    about Mexico, and our relationship with Mexico is complicated.
    They are a neighbor. We share a land border.
        But they are also a country with its own interests, and
    when it comes to foreign policy we need to use all the foreign
    policy tools we have.
        Recently, the Mexican Government has taken a range of steps
    to downgrade counternarcotics cooperation with the United
    States, and in one incident, Mexico even released sensitive
    information that we provided to them in violation of the U.S.-
    Mexico Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty.
        I have introduced legislation to try to address some of
    these concerns. But, of course, there is an enormous role for
    the State Department to play in conveying American concerns and
    priorities.
        Do you also share these concerns with Mexico's behavior in
    connection with, cooperation with, the United States in
    counternarcotics and treaty violations, and how should we
    address those issues?
        Mr. Nichols. Our cooperation with Mexico on rule of law,
    counternarcotics, justice issues, is vital. It is long
    standing. I had the pleasure of working on those issues when I
    was Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of
    International Narcotics and Law Enforcement.
        If confirmed, I look forward to engaging proactively with
    the government of Mexico on our security cooperation. It is
    vital for both of our nations. Mexican cooperation is something
    that we need and they need.
        The challenges as was discussed in terms of things like
    fentanyl and precursors, other opiate trafficking into the
    United States, illegal activities on the border--we need each
    other to resolve those, and I look forward to working with our
    law enforcement colleagues on the U.S. side, with our embassy
    Law Enforcement Working Group in Mexico City, and with Mexican
    officials, if confirmed, to press forward to ensure the highest
    level of cooperation, Senator.
        Senator Cruz. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        We normally do not have second rounds. But as I understand
    it, Senator Hagerty has--I am going to extend the courtesy to
    you.
        Senator Hagerty. I appreciate it, Mr. Chairman, and Senator
    Kaine, I am actually following up on a point that you raised.
    If I could borrow you for two minutes. But I just wanted to add
    a comment that Senator Kaine inspired.
        In my recent visit to Guatemala and to Mexico, one thing
    that was clear to me that they were very interested in
    cooperating on was the fact that we are working very
    aggressively to reshore businesses from China.
        We are all very concerned about security of our supply
    chain. Those companies that are coming back to the United
    States, I want to get every job I can. Let me be clear. I want
    every one of those jobs in America that I can get.
        But to the extent that they are not coming back to America,
    rather than have them go to some other Southeast Asian country,
    why not find a way to work together to bring them into our
    hemisphere and to bring them to our friends there who need the
    economic opportunity, which this may help stem some of the root
    cause?
        I do not want to overlook the immediate concern. We have to
    fix the border crisis now. But mid- and long-term, there is a
    real opportunity here.
        Leaders cited CAFTA as a way to address this. You wisely
    brought this up, Senator, and I think taking a look at CAFTA,
    which actually presents now some restrictions and some
    constraints on what they can do, all of those constraints are
    being actually picked up by China right now because they are
    not part of that free trade agreement.
        We need to look very aggressively at what we can do with
    the FTAs that are in place, what we can do with economic
    development on a joint basis.
        I think that the United States can do a great deal to help
    these countries improve the rule of law and create the proper
    constructs.
        Again, we have the mechanisms to help them with
    infrastructure because of the various funding mechanisms that
    exist here in Washington and elsewhere.
        But creating that economic opportunity and seizing this
    trend right now coming from China is something that I encourage
    you very much to focus on.
        Thank you.
        Mr. Nichols. Thank you, Senator. If confirmed, I look
    forward to working with you on that.
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
        The Chairman. Thank you. One or two final questions.
        Venezuela, despite the recent charm offensive, and that is
    what I consider it, the fact remains that Nicolas Maduro is a
    brutal dictator whose regime has committed, from my
    perspective, crimes against humanity, perpetrated fraud in the
    country's presidential and legislative elections, responsible
    for Venezuela's massive humanitarian crisis.
        So I, first of all, want to commend the president,
    President Biden, for providing TPS for Venezuelans. But with
    Venezuela descending into a failed state status, I know that
    interim President Guaido and a coalition of democratic actors
    are pushing for comprehensive negotiations, both presidential
    and legislative ones, as well as a return to democratic
    governance and increase aid to address the humanitarian crisis.
        So, Ambassador Nichols, is not that something that we
    should be able to get our arms around and supportive of and
    seek an international mobilization for a simple proposition,
    internationally supervise the fair and free presidential and
    legislative elections?
        Mr. Nichols. Mr. Chairman, I agree that is something that
    the international coalition should be focused on. Our
    multilateral partners play an important role.
        As you wisely state, the Maduro regime's goal is to delay,
    to deflect, to distract, and I think, cognizant of that, we
    need to take an approach that limits the regime's ability to do
    those things.
        As I said earlier, our multilateral partners are a vital
    tool in that regard. But the protagonists of this need to be
    the Venezuelan people and the Venezuelan opposition, led by
    interim President Guaido.
        The Chairman. Mm-hmm. You are familiar, or maybe I should
    add, are you familiar with the roles that, for example, Russia,
    China, and Turkey are playing in Venezuela? Russia, not only
    through its entity there that they use for what I call
    mercenary soldiers, but also I hope you are familiar with
    reports of Russia taking out gold bars out of Venezuela and
    part of the national patrimony going to Russia, the realities
    of Turkey's banks being used to flush the cash out of Venezuela
    and try to evade our sanctions. Are you familiar with those
    elements?
        Mr. Nichols. Yes, Mr. Chairman, and the broad efforts by
    China, Russia, Iran, Turkey, others, to work around the
    sanctions regime that exists is deeply worrisome, and I think
    that the--those of us who wish to see democracy in Venezuela
    need to aggressively challenge those actions and work to ensure
    that the profits of their criminal activities are not returned
    to the regime.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        One last question for you. President Bukele in El
    Salvador--we had President Bukele here. We met with him before
    after he was elected but before he took office. He said all the
    right things then. He has done all the wrong things since then.
        His firing of the attorney general, his elimination of
    the--all of the judges of the Constitutional Court, have all of
    the elements of a massive power grab consolidation in an
    autocratic way.
        You know, he probably thinks that if we do not just go
    along with him he will turn to China. How should we face the
    challenges there?
        Because I think beyond El Salvador it is going to send a
    hemispheric message that is very bad if we do not, you know,
    stand up for the principles of observance of the Constitution,
    rule of law, and other elements.
        Mr. Nichols. As I said, Mr. Chairman, it is not enough to
    win office democratically or win elections democratically. Our
    friends and our rivals need to respect the rule of law and
    govern democratically and we need to hold them to account when
    they fail to do so.
        El Salvador is a country that has been a long-time ally. I
    served there from 1991 to 1993. We, as a nation, have
    sacrificed much and provided a great deal of assistance to El
    Salvador to try and put it on a path towards success, and we
    need to use all of the tools that we can to ensure that El
    Salvador remains on a forward path and that the challenges that
    it faces can be overcome.
        And I look forward to working on those issues, if
    confirmed.
        The Chairman. Mm-hmm.
        And finally, Ambassador Sison, I do not want you to feel
    that I have no affection for your position. So our legislation
    that Senator Risch and I put together on a bipartisan basis
    here passed the committee 21 to 1.
        The Strategic Competition Act creates a special
    representative for advancing U.S. leadership in the United
    Nations.
        That person would be responsible for, among other things,
    promoting U.S. leadership and participation in the U.N. system
    with a particular focus on issue areas in which authoritarian
    countries are increasing their influence and steering the U.N.
    agenda.
        We are alarmed, as you have heard here from several
    members, about the increasing influence and role of
    authoritarian countries in U.N. bodies. What is your assessment
    as to how we can best counter those efforts?
        And I know that there has been within your department to be
    a section that has been created. How do you see the role of
    this Special Representative playing within it?
        Ms. Sison. Thank you, Chairman, for this question and also
    thank you to the members of this committee for the bipartisan
    focus on this need for the U.S. to engage vigorously in this
    strategic competition, and if confirmed, this is at the top of
    my agenda.
        Indeed, the International Organizations Bureau is in the
    process of establishing and launching a new Multilateral
    Strategy and Personnel office. You mentioned the Special
    Representative position, and I look forward, if confirmed, to
    working with all stakeholders in this space.
        The Special Representative, the IO Office of Multilateral
    Strategy and Personnel, what are we going to focus on? A,
    making sure that we get independent qualified U.S. candidates
    or like-minded candidates if there is no U.S. appropriate
    individual into these top U.N. leadership positions.
        This is critical running the State Department and the
    Secretary of State, have put their weight behind, for example,
    an excellent U.S. candidate at the International
    Telecommunication Union, focused on that issue of candidates'
    long game, looking ahead at investing in the U.N.'s Junior
    Professional Officer program one to two years, having young
    Americans gain this experience and then be set up for mid-level
    and beyond positions to bring in our core U.S. values--
    adherence to democratic norms, protection of human rights.
        China uses this program extensively. We need to be in
    there. Work with our embassies abroad, our ambassadors and
    charges, our USAID missions, to make sure we are looking into
    the weeds as well.
        We do not want to see U.N. agency documents coming out of
    these field offices that have Belt and Road Initiative or
    Communist Party of China language in their strategic program
    strategy documents out in the field. We need to be alert to
    this.
        And I would add to this list of priorities preserving this
    space for Taiwan's participation at the expert technical level
    in the World Health Assembly, which is coming up next week up
    at ICAO, the International Civil Aviation Organization, and at
    Interpol.
        These are transnational threats: global health security,
    civil aviation safety and security, transnational crime.
    Taiwan's experts' input should be heard.
        Thank you, Senator.
        The Chairman. Thank you, and I strongly support your views
    on Taiwan being included at those levels internationally.
        Finally, for you, it was reassuring to hear Ambassador
    Greenfield reiterate her commitment to countering anti-Israel
    bias and unilateral Palestinian actions in international fora
    and multilateral organizations like the U.N. and U.N. agencies.
        I think such a commitment is more pressing than ever as we
    search for ways to deescalate the current conflict and return
    to a two-state solution process.
        If confirmed, will you work to counter anti-Israel bias at
    the U.N. and other multilateral organizations?
        Ms. Sison. Yes, Senator, I will. I will push back, if
    confirmed, as I have done in the past in many different tours
    of duty against the de-legitimization of Israel, unfair bias,
    discrimination against Israel, anti-Semitism.
        Thank you, Senator.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Well, Senator Risch?
        [No response.]
        The Chairman. With that, we appreciate your testimony. This
    record will remain open two business days. So right at--close
    of business Thursday.
        Okay, I have to check with my ever-ready staff.
        This record will remain open until the close of business on
    Thursday. There may be questions for the record that are
    submitted by members.
        I urge both of you to answer them fully and expeditiously
    as soon as possible so that your nominations may be considered
    at a business meeting.
        And with the thanks of the committee for your presence,
    this hearing is adjourned.

        [Whereupon, at 11:57 a.m., the committee was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Brian A. Nichols by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. Canada is a NATO ally, a NORAD partner, a member of the
    Five Eyes, and a top trade partner to the United States, and our two
    countries have worked in close strategic partnership around the world
    in recent decades. However, the Trump administration introduced
    unnecessary friction into this important relationship, including
    imposing Section 232 tariffs on Canada. What is your assessment of the
    U.S.-Canada relationship and what steps will you take to repair this
    important bilateral partnership?

        Answer. Our relationship with Canada is very strong. Relations with
    the United States remain the centerpiece of Canada's foreign policy.
    President Biden and PM Trudeau issued the ``Roadmap for a Renewed U.S.-
    Canada Partnership'' at their February virtual meeting. If confirmed, I
    look forward to supporting the roadmap priorities, which include
    combatting the pandemic and cooperating on economic recovery,
    accelerating climate ambitions, advancing diversity and inclusion,
    bolstering security and defense, and building global alliances.
        Our two governments coordinate daily at multiple levels and across
    multiple agencies on matters ranging from major global issues to our
    shared border, rivers, and lakes, our trade relationship, and joint
    security through NORAD and NATO. If confirmed, I look forward to
    furthering that cooperation.
        The United States and Canada enjoy the most extensive and
    integrated economic partnership of any two nations in the world. While
    the Section 232 actions were deeply unpopular in Canada, the almost
    400,000 people in pre-pandemic times and the nearly $1.7 billion worth
    of goods and services that crossed our border daily are a testament to
    the importance and scale of our economic relationship. Canada is the
    primary foreign market for more than 30 U.S. states. Millions of U.S.
    and Canadian middle-class jobs--including well-paying jobs in the
    manufacturing sector--depend on our partnership. Given the thousands of
    businesses and the various, complex sectors operating across our
    borders, disagreements arise from time to time. That is understandable
    and expected. If confirmed, I would commit to working with our U.S.
    interagency colleagues to resolve these issues with Canada in a fair
    and transparent manner and ensure we put the interests of U.S. workers,
    farmers, ranchers, and businesses at the forefront of our foreign
    policy so that they are treated fairly under the terms of the United
    States-Mexico-Canada Agreement.

        Question. The Government of China arbitrarily detained two Canadian
    citizens--Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor--in retaliation for
    Canada's decision to detain Meng Wanzhou at the request of U.S.
    prosecutors. For two years, Mr. Kovrig and Mr. Spavor have been held in
    substandard conditions and routinely denied consular access by the
    Canadian Government. What is your assessment of the detention of Mr.
    Kovrig and Mr. Spavor and how will you work with the Trudeau Government
    to help secure their release?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would make clear that the United States
    stands with Canada in calling on Beijing to immediately release Mr.
    Kovrig and Mr. Spavor. I will work closely with my counterparts in the
    Canadian Government to help secure their release. The United States
    rejects the PRC's use of arbitrary detention as a political tool. Human
    beings are not bargaining chips.
        The United States has endorsed the Canada-led multilateral
    Declaration Against Arbitrary Detention in State-to-State Relations,
    together with over 60 countries. We are in discussions with Canada and
    other likeminded partners through the Partnership Action Plan to
    coordinate collective action against the practice of politically
    motivated, arbitrary detentions of foreign nationals to exert pressure
    on their governments.

        Question. Mexico was the deadliest country in the world for
    journalists in 2020, accounting for almost a third of journalists
    killed this year, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.
    Despite President Lopez-Obrador's pledge to tackle violence against
    journalists in 2018, his government continues to underfund the Federal
    Mechanism for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders and Journalists.
    How will you engage on the issue of press freedoms in Mexico and
    advocate for increased protections for journalists?

        Answer. Respect for human rights is fundamental, and a free and
    active press is an integral part of a healthy democracy. The killing of
    journalists and human rights activists undermines freedoms of
    expression and association, as well as regional security.
        The Department is committed to supporting efforts to increase
    respect for human rights and press freedom. Through USAID, the
    Department supports Mexico's National Protection Mechanism for
    Journalists and Human Rights Defenders and works with state-level
    counterparts to expand the protection measures available for these
    groups. USAID also supports the Specialized Prosecutor's Office for
    Crimes Against Freedom of Expression to investigate and sanction
    aggressions against journalists and defenders.
        If confirmed, I will strongly promote respect for human rights and
    the rule of law and end impunity. We will continue to urge Mexican
    authorities to investigate and prosecute those responsible for crimes
    against journalists and human rights activists wherever they occur.

        Question. Arms trafficked from the United States into Mexico have
    reached disturbing levels and, in some cases, transnational criminal
    organizations operating in Mexico possess more sophisticated weapons
    than those of Mexican law enforcement, all of which is enabling
    dangerous groups to expand their influence and activities in the
    country. If confirmed, what steps would you take to address
    international arms trafficking from the U.S. into Mexico?

        Answer. U.S.-Mexico security cooperation remains a top national
    security priority. It is critical that the United States and Mexico
    work together to dismantle transnational criminal organizations and
    their operations, reduce impunity and corruption, and strengthen the
    rule of law in Mexico. I recognize that illegal weapons trafficking
    from the United States constitutes a major source of the arms used by
    criminal organizations in Mexico. If confirmed, I commit to working
    with you and other members of the U.S. Congress, my U.S. interagency
    colleagues, and Mexican Government officials to address border security
    and arms trafficking.

        Question. Central America's Northern Triangle struggles with
    widespread insecurity, weak rule of law and extreme levels of poverty.
    These challenges are the main causes pushing people to leave their
    countries. If confirmed, what priorities will you establish to address
    citizens security, strengthen democratic governance, and facilitate
    conditions for equitable economic growth in the Northern Triangle?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize programs that directly
    impact everyday Central Americans to improve citizen security,
    strengthen democratic governance, and create the conditions for
    equitable economic growth, especially in areas prone to high
    emigration. To build political will, I will work across the U.S.
    Government to utilize a broad range of tools of diplomacy, public
    diplomacy, sanctions and visa revocations, and targeted foreign
    assistance programs to combat corruption, strengthen judiciaries, and
    promote transparency.
        Our citizen security programs seek to transform the relationship
    between police and the communities they serve. We will work with civil
    society and partner governments to address community needs, including
    health and education, promote transparency, and hold government
    institutions accountable. Finally, if confirmed, I will work with our
    interagency partners to help create conditions for equitable economic
    growth, including by supporting businesses owned by women and
    disadvantaged groups.

        Question. Across Central America, citizens have fled their homes
    and migrated from their countries in search of safety and opportunity.
    Additionally certain undemocratic leaders have facilitated the
    criminality that leaves many Central Americans unable to see a future
    in their country. If confirmed, how will you prioritize the use of
    foreign assistance to support democratic civil society and struggling
    citizens, while also holding accountable certain leaders that have
    facilitated criminality and placed their own interests above their
    citizens?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support assistance programs to
    strengthen civil society and their efforts to denounce corruption,
    promote justice, protect human rights, and advocate for the needs of
    vulnerable populations. I will seek to build on administration efforts
    to consult with civil society representatives, both throughout the
    region and in the United States, to ensure their perspectives and input
    inform our policies and program design. It is critical that we work to
    guard civic space that allows for the free exercise of rights, and use
    all available tools to promote accountability for corrupt actors in the
    region.

        Question. In November 2020, more than 7 million people were
    affected and hundreds of thousands were forced into shelters after two
    devastating hurricanes struck Central America, positioning already
    vulnerable individuals at greater risk. If confirmed, how will
    prioritize support for recovery and relief efforts from these
    hurricanes and how will this align with a broader, longer-term effort
    to aid Central America in mitigating the impacts of climate change?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate closely within the
    Department and the interagency, including by supporting international
    engagement efforts led by Vice President Harris to internationalize the
    effort and secure more donor commitments for responding to the immense
    humanitarian needs in Central America. The Department, together with
    USAID and others, provided immediate humanitarian relief in the
    aftermath of the hurricanes and continues to remain actively engaged in
    rebuilding efforts. In April, the U.S. Government announced an
    additional $310 million in humanitarian support to the region and is
    working to secure increased donor commitments to address acute needs.
    We will continue to work to address the immediate needs while
    strengthening the capacity of Central American Governments for disaster
    risk mitigation and preparedness.

        Question. Since taking office in 2007, Nicaraguan President Daniel
    Ortega has conducted widespread, systematic attacks against civilians,
    including murder, torture, and arbitrary detentions. Moreover, in
    recent weeks and months, the Ortega Government has taken a number of
    steps to undermine the possibility of free, fair and transparent
    elections in November 2021. If confirmed, how will you prioritize
    support for Nicaraguan civil society in light of the enactment of these
    troubling laws and how will you work with international partners to
    promote a free, fair and transparent electoral process in Nicaragua?

        Answer. The United States is deeply concerned by a series of
    repressive laws that have been passed since October 2020 which aim to
    suffocate civil society in Nicaragua and quash freedom of expression.
    The regime has taken repressive action against several media outlets,
    and the administration has publicly denounced these actions. President
    Ortega's actions against civil society, the media, and the democratic
    opposition will only further distance him from the global community. If
    confirmed, I will actively work to defend Nicaragua's civil society
    groups, and will continue to work through diplomatic efforts,
    coordinated multilateral pressure, support for pro-democracy actors,
    and targeted economic measures, as appropriate, to advocate for free
    and fair presidential and legislative elections in Nicaragua. The
    administration will continue to work closely with partners in the OAS,
    EU, and elsewhere to urge the Nicaraguan Government to implement free
    and fair elections.

        Question. During his campaign, President-elect Biden characterized
    Colombia as a ``keystone'' of U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America,
    pledging that restoring the partnership our countries would be a
    priority. If confirmed, what would be your priorities for and approach
    to strengthening the U.S.-Colombia relationship?

        Answer. I agree with President Biden that Colombia is a vital
    strategic partner. If confirmed, I will support efforts to advance the
    many priorities we share with Colombia, including promoting sustainable
    peace and reconciliation; combatting narcotics trafficking and the
    transnational criminal groups that threaten hemispheric security;
    coordinating an effective diplomatic and humanitarian response to the
    crisis in Venezuela; protecting human rights; addressing the climate
    crisis; assisting Colombia to strengthen its health system; expanding
    economic ties, and promoting inclusive economic growth that will
    benefit the citizens of both countries.

        Question. Five years ago, Colombia signed a historic peace accord
    with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). However, there
    have been delays in implementation due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the
    Venezuela crisis, and the economic impacts of both, as well as
    continued security challenges. How will you support Colombia as it
    implements the accord amidst these many growing challenges?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the efforts of the Colombian
    Government and people as they continue to work towards a just and
    lasting peace and a more prosperous future. I believe that successful
    implementation of the 2016 peace accord is vital to sustainable
    progress on a broad range of priorities, including security, stability,
    counternarcotics, human rights, justice, and economic development. I
    will ensure that the United States continues to support the
    implementation of the accord through diplomatic engagement and foreign
    assistance programming. Our priorities include assisting Colombia to
    extend the benefits of the accord to vulnerable populations in
    conflict-affected areas.

        Question. In recent weeks, Colombia has confronted nationwide
    protests. While the majority of the protests have been peaceful, there
    have been incidents of violent protests, vandalism, and blockades--
    which have had a negative impact on the broader population. There also
    have been acts of violence and excessive use of force committed by
    Colombian security forces. Additionally, there have been incidents of
    citizens taking up arms and firing on protesters. What is your
    assessment of the protests, the acts of excessive force committed by
    security forces, and the attacks by armed citizens? How can the United
    States best support Colombia during this difficult period?

        Answer. Colombia is a long-time and close partner. I am saddened by
    the loss of life during protests in Colombia this May. Citizens in
    democratic countries have the unquestionable right to protest
    peacefully. Violence and vandalism is not acceptable; nor are acts of
    vigilantism. If confirmed, I will encourage the Colombian Government to
    continue investigating all allegations of police misconduct and address
    any violations of human rights. I will also support the efforts of the
    Colombian Government and people as they continue to engage in dialogue
    to resolve the current situation and work together toward a more
    prosperous and peaceful future, particularly through continued
    implementation of the 2016 peace accord.

        Question. Over the past four years, the U.S.-Ecuador relationship
    has improved significantly. After a decade of tensions, both countries
    have advanced multiple security, development, and economic agreements.
    What is your assessment of the U.S.-Ecuador relationship and if
    confirmed, what steps will you take to support the U.S.-Ecuador
    partnership?

        Answer. Over the last few years, the United States and Ecuador have
    improved relations and built a cooperative bilateral relationship based
    on shared values related to democracy, sustainable development and
    prosperity, transparency, security, and the fight against drug
    trafficking, organized crime, and corruption. Ecuador is a steadfast
    regional partner. The United States seized this opening to increase
    bilateral cooperation across the board.
        If confirmed, I will continue to pursue increased cooperation with
    the Ecuadorian Government in areas of mutual benefit for both our
    countries. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. interagency to
    ensure we are exploring all areas of cooperation with Ecuador and
    seeing where the U.S. can strategically provide assistance. The United
    States will continue supporting Ecuador's efforts to implement much-
    needed economic reforms to strengthen the economy, balance public
    finances, and revive growth in Ecuador, which is imperative given the
    devastating impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. The United States is proud
    to stand with the Ecuadorian people as they continue on the path to
    sustainable prosperity.

        Question. The Bolsonaro Government in Brazil has been highly
    criticized for its role in deforestation and forest destruction. While
    annual deforestation has increased over the past 11 years, the spike
    seen in 2019 is, according to many experts, was a direct result of the
    Government's actions. President-elect Biden has been outspoken about
    the need for a better approach to deforestation in the Amazon. If
    confirmed, do you commit to prioritizing environmental issues as a core
    agenda item for our bilateral relationship with Brazil and how will you
    approach the issue of Amazon deforestation?

        Answer. Addressing deforestation is key to achieving Brazil's
    climate and development goals. If confirmed, I look forward to
    prioritizing efforts to combat the climate crisis and other
    environmental issues. We want to work with the Brazilian Government,
    Indigenous and Quilombo communities, and civil society to build
    economic value for Brazilians through forest management and protection
    rather than deforestation and to explore ways to increase investment
    into forests, combat conservation crimes, improve land titling, and
    create sustainable value chains to conserve biodiversity.

        Question. As the crisis in Venezuela poses continued risks for U.S.
    national security and regional stability, what priority will you place
    on strengthening coordination with our closest partners to improve the
    effectiveness of our sanctions, humanitarian aid, and diplomacy?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the State Department
    continues to prioritize strengthening coordination with our closest
    partners to improve the effectiveness of our sanctions, humanitarian
    aid, and diplomacy. The United States needs to work with partners and
    allies to build multilateral pressure on the illegitimate Maduro
    regime, promote accountability for regime officials' and their
    enablers' criminal activities, implement appropriate sanctions against
    those who undermine democracy or abuse human rights, and provide
    humanitarian assistance to alleviate the suffering of the Venezuelan
    people.

        Question. Given the Maduro regime's fraudulent legislative
    elections in December 2020 and the seating of a new, illegitimate
    National Assembly, what diplomatic efforts will you pursue to support
    Interim President Juan Guaido and Venezuela's democratic opposition, as
    well as their ability to address the suffering of the Venezuelan people
    and counter Maduro's dictatorship?

        Question. If confirmed, I will remain committed to working with our
    Venezuelan and international partners to foster an environment where
    all Venezuelans can chart a peaceful course out of the current crisis,
    with full respect for the freedoms of expression, association, and
    peaceful assembly, and an end to attacks against human rights
    defenders, journalists, and political opposition actors.
        I will work with partners and allies to increase multilateral
    pressure on the illegitimate Maduro regime, promote accountability,
    including through the use of appropriate sanctions, of regime officials
    and their enablers for their criminal activities, undermining
    democracy, or abuse of human rights. If confirmed, I will also
    prioritize providing humanitarian aid to ease the suffering of people
    affected by the Venezuelan regional crisis.

        Question. What is your assessment of efforts by our geopolitical
    competitors and adversaries--Russia, China, and Cuba--to prop up the
    Maduro regime in Venezuela?

        Answer. I understand Russian support for the Maduro regime includes
    military advisors and proxies, disinformation mechanisms, political
    influence on the world stage, and financial backing. PRC companies such
    as ZTE support the Maduro regime by providing technology to surveil
    Venezuelans and reward regime supporters while punishing critics. Cuban
    military and intelligence advisors actively support Maduro through the
    provision of security forces, intelligence officers, and providing
    direction to regime actors. Collectively, these efforts provide
    substantial and worrisome support to the Maduro regime, which I will
    work to counter, if confirmed.

        Question. China's presence in Latin America has grown over the past
    four years amidst a combination of U.S. neglect and aggression towards
    the region, as well as increased Chinese economic, diplomatic, and
    military engagement. How will you improve cooperation with our
    hemispheric partners, so as to reassert our leadership, deepen our ties
    with partner governments, and improve our competitiveness in the
    region?

        Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) represents a serious
    challenge to U.S. interests in the region, with its growing security
    ties and infrastructure investments. If confirmed, I will lead our team
    to meet this challenge by advancing our positive agenda for the
    hemisphere. We will build on our shared values of democracy, human
    rights, and the rule of law. We will welcome our allies and partners'
    expertise and resources to support the region's COVID-19 response,
    entrepreneurship, and sustainable infrastructure. We will support high-
    standard investment in infrastructure and transparent economic
    development that creates jobs essential for regional pandemic recovery.
    If confirmed, I will work to broaden our diplomatic presence, promote
    increased educational and cultural exchanges, and help our partners
    face rule of law challenges.

        Question. As the Government of China has expanded its presence in
    Latin America, aspects of its engagement have been characterized by
    predatory foreign investment, unsustainable loans to the region, or
    even through aggressive violations of international boundaries as we
    saw in the case of large Chinese illegal fishing off of the coast of
    the Galapagos Islands. What is your assessment of these aspects of
    China's engagement in Latin America and as Assistant Secretary of State
    what tools will you utilize to strengthen U.S. engagement and
    competitiveness in the region?

        Answer. The hemisphere faces longstanding challenges of economic
    inequality, corruption, and weak democratic institutions, all of which
    have been exacerbated by the pandemic and make the region more
    vulnerable to aggressive and coercive practices, including by the
    People's Republic of China (PRC).
        If confirmed, I will continue U.S. efforts to work with partners
    and share resources and expertise to support COVID-19 response,
    entrepreneurship, and economic development that creates jobs essential
    for regional pandemic recovery. With likeminded partners and allies, I
    will continue efforts to offer higher-standard, transparently governed
    infrastructure alternatives and push back on PRC economic pressure. I
    will also continue to raise concerns and distinguish ourselves from PRC
    infrastructure projects to advocate for the highest environmental,
    social, and labor standards to ensure investments are beneficial,
    sustainable in the long term, transparent and respect the rule of law.
    If confirmed, I will support the continued engagement of constructive
    actors who share our values, such as Taiwan.
        I will also continue to work with the interagency and partners in
    our region to combat illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing,
    which impacts local fisheries and national economies, including through
    developing a coordinated regional response to increase regional
    capacity to counter IUU fishing activities by PRC fleet and those of
    other flag states.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Brian A. Nichols by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Has the Biden administration determined a specific
    timeline to complete its ongoing review of U.S. policy in Venezuela?

        Answer. I understand the interagency is working diligently on the
    Venezuela policy review, which remains ongoing. There is widespread
    agreement on the need to restore democracy through free and fair
    elections, and to adopt a multilateral approach toward a negotiated
    solution to the crisis caused by the illegitimate Maduro regime. If
    confirmed, I will continue our work to encourage free and fair
    elections, urge the release of political prisoners, confront the
    escalating humanitarian crisis, and bring relief to the Venezuelan
    people, including the millions who have fled Venezuela.

        Question. Do you commit to thoroughly and promptly brief the
    committee on the outcome of this policy review as soon as it is
    complete?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with
    Congress as we seek to address the Venezuela crisis.

        Question. In your view, how would you describe the nature of the
    Maduro regime?

        Answer. The United States does not recognize Maduro's dictatorial
    regime as the Government of Venezuela. His repression, corruption, and
    mismanagement have created one of the worst humanitarian crises this
    hemisphere has seen. The Maduro regime enables criminal and terrorist
    networks and openly cooperates with many malign actors, which poses a
    serious threat to U.S. national security.

        Question. What would you say are the pitfalls and potential
    incentives that could persuade such a regime to peacefully give up
    control of Venezuela?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support a negotiated solution to the
    Venezuelan crisis that leads to free and fair presidential and
    parliamentary elections and a return of the rule of law and democracy
    in Venezuela. The United States stands ready to support such a
    negotiation, led by the Venezuelans themselves. I am committed to work
    with our partners inside Venezuela and in the international community
    to pressure Maduro to commit to a serious process. Recognizing the
    difficulties of engaging with such a regime, a potential incentive
    would be the lifting of economic sanctions and acknowledgement of the
    legitimacy of a Government in Venezuela--which, as the administration
    has noted previously, can and will only occur if democracy is restored.
        A pitfall of engaging with the Maduro regime is that the regime
    continues to buy time while dividing the opposition and the
    international community, seeking only minimum concessions to obtain
    some domestic and international legitimacy without addressing the main
    issues that will lead to the restoration of democracy in Venezuela. I
    commit to remaining clear-eyed about these risks, if confirmed. I will
    seek to engage with Interim President Guaido and other Venezuelans who
    wish to promote democracy and the international community to promote
    positive change and mitigate the risks laid out above.

        Question. To what extent is the Maduro regime providing safe haven
    to transnational criminal organizations, including U.S.-designated
    foreign terrorist organizations?

        Answer. The illegitimate Maduro regime allows and tolerates the use
    of its territory by terrorist organizations and non-state armed groups,
    including the National Liberation Army (ELN) and dissident members of
    the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, among others. The regime's
    practically nonexistent international drug control cooperation,
    usurpation of the judicial system and military and security services
    for its own illicit ends, public corruption, and cooperation with
    criminal elements have provided ideal conditions for transnational
    criminal organizations to thrive.

        Question. To what extent do senior members of the Maduro regime
    support and protect various transnational criminal groups operating
    within the borders of Venezuela?

        Answer. I understand that, at times, regime officials have openly
    welcomed transnational criminal groups' presence in Venezuela. During
    the closing remarks of the 2019 Sao Paolo Forum in Caracas, Maduro
    stated that Iv n M rquez and Jesus Santrich (former Revolutionary Armed
    Forces of Colombia (FARC) leaders who were at that time missing and
    widely presumed to have left the peace process and returned to
    terrorist activities) were both welcome in Venezuela. The regime
    leverages drug trafficking, illegal and illicit gold mining, and a
    variety of black-market financial transactions to enrich its leaders
    and evade sanctions, necessarily working with transnational criminal
    organizations. These operations could not take place without
    acquiescence or approval at the highest levels.

        Question. In your view, what is the nature of the relationships
    between senior members of the Maduro regime and transnational criminal
    organizations?

        Answer. I understand the regime is complicit with transnational
    criminal organizations, including dissidents of the Revolutionary Armed
    Forces of Colombia (FARC), the Colombian-origin National Liberation
    Army (ELN), and Hezbollah sympathizers. Maduro and his associates use
    criminal activities to help maintain their illegitimate hold on power.
    Profit-seeking networks between FARC dissidents, ELN, and other
    Venezuelan non-state armed groups facilitate the regime's public
    corruption and graft schemes, to include those involving senior members
    of the Maduro regime.

        Question. In your view, what is the nature of the relationships
    between Venezuelan security forces and transnational criminal
    organizations?

        Answer. Profit-seeking ties between dissident members of the
    Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the Colombian-origin
    National Liberation Army (ELN), and Venezuelan paramilitary groups
    facilitate the public corruption and graft schemes of the regime to
    include other members of the armed forces. According to the Department
    of Justice indictments of Maduro and 14 other regime officials unsealed
    in March 2020, some senior Venezuelan political, intelligence, and
    military officials have facilitated drug trafficking through the
    country since at least 1999. Venezuelan security services have also
    clashed with transnational criminal organizations, such as FARC
    dissident groups and the ELN. While Venezuelan security services do
    occasionally confront and even kill non-state armed group members, it
    is difficult to know if that reflects national strategy or local
    conflicts of interest on the part of regime commanders.

        Question. Do actions by the Maduro regime related to transnational
    criminal activities undermine U.S. counter-narcotics cooperation with
    Colombia? Do actions related to transnational criminal activities
    undertaken by the Maduro regime undermine the 2016 Colombian agreement
    with the FARC?

        Answer. The historically weak government presence at the border
    between Colombia and Venezuela has allowed terrorist groups to operate,
    particularly Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) dissidents,
    the National Liberation Army (ELN), and other criminal networks
    involved in trafficking and smuggling. A number of FARC dissidents
    engage in terrorist and other criminal activities, particularly in
    border regions and areas previously controlled by the FARC. Colombian
    drug-trafficking organizations--including various dissident FARC
    factions, the ELN, and other criminal groups--orchestrate the shipment
    of illicit drugs through Venezuela.

        Question. Is the National Electoral Council named on May 5, 2021, a
    credible step to advance a negotiated and peaceful solution to
    Venezuela's political, economic, and humanitarian crises?

        Answer. The goal of the United States is a peaceful, stable, and
    democratic Venezuela. While the National Electoral Council (CNE) that
    was named was slightly less imbalanced than others in recent memory, it
    is no substitute for a comprehensive process leading to free and fair
    presidential and parliamentary elections and other guarantees, which
    are long overdue.
        The CNE in question was composed by an illegitimate body--a
    national assembly Maduro installed based on fraudulent elections on
    December 6, 2020. The real test is whether the CNE guarantees the right
    of Venezuelans to freely choose their representatives, not merely its
    composition.
        Given Maduro's track record, if confirmed, I will work assiduously
    with our international partners to continue to press for the
    fundamental changes needed, including lifting bans on political
    parties, the unconditional release of political prisoners, invitations
    to credible international electoral observers, a public electoral
    calendar, and the unhindered access and distribution of humanitarian
    aid.

        Question. Can the humanitarian crisis affecting Venezuela be
    resolved under Maduro's watch?

        Answer. Venezuelans are suffering from one of the worst economic
    and humanitarian crises outside of a war in modern history. Since 2017,
    more than 5.6 million Venezuelans have been forced to flee their
    country.
        The illegitimate Maduro regime mismanages the economy, plunders
    public coffers, and impedes access to critical humanitarian assistance,
    including lifesaving food and nutrition aid. If confirmed, I will work
    to open more possibilities for humanitarian workers, organizations, and
    assistance to reach the Venezuelan people in Venezuela and beyond.
        Since 2017, the United States has provided more than $1.2 billion
    in humanitarian, economic, development, and health assistance to help
    Venezuelans, including more than $1 billion in humanitarian assistance,
    both inside Venezuela and throughout the region.

        Question. Has the Biden administration determined a specific
    timeline for completion of its ongoing review of U.S. policy in Cuba?

        Answer. I understand the administration has committed to carefully
    reviewing U.S.-Cuba policy, to ensure it advances the goals the
    administration is trying to achieve in empowering the Cuban people to
    determine their future. I understand there is no set timeline for the
    review, and the administration is eager to consider views from a
    variety of stakeholders from various sectors and viewpoints. If
    confirmed, I will support the Department's review with an eye toward
    assessing its impact on the political and economic wellbeing of the
    Cuban people as well as the promotion of democracy and human rights,
    and I look forward to consulting with Congress regularly on this issue.

        Question. Should Cuba be removed from the list of state sponsors of
    terrorism (SST) while they continue to provide safe harbor to violent
    U.S. fugitives?

        Answer. I understand the administration has committed to carefully
    reviewing decisions made in the prior administration, including the
    decision to designate Cuba as a State Sponsor of Terrorism. If
    confirmed, I look forward to supporting the administration's review of
    Cuba policy and consulting regularly with Congress. Our priority in
    Cuba, as the rest of the Hemisphere, needs to be democracy, human
    rights, and the rule of law. Countries should not be grandfathered
    because they have failed to respect those tenets.

        Question. If confirmed, would you support Cuba's removal from the
    SST list without verifiable assurances that it would cease to foster a
    permissive environment for international terrorists?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will carefully and thoroughly review all
    material related to the decision to designate Cuba as a State Sponsor
    of Terrorism, including the underlying rationale. I look forward to
    supporting the administration's review of Cuba policy, if confirmed.

        Question. The United States has extradition treaties with
    Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. These treaties cover crimes that
    are often committed in relation to human trafficking activities feeding
    the illegal migration crisis at our southern border. If confirmed, do
    you commit to consider and report to the committee ways in which the
    U.S. could better leverage existing bilateral extradition treaties with
    the countries in Northern Central America to combat illegal migration
    from the region?

        Answer. If confirmed, I plan to evaluate our extradition treaties
    with Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. These treaties can be
    powerful tools for combatting crime, including human trafficking and
    migrant smuggling. I will consider all available tools at the
    Department's disposal to help address the root causes of irregular
    migration in and from Central America, including corruption and
    impunity, and I will continue to consult closely with Congress on these
    issues.

        Question. The United States has leveraged sanctions and diplomatic
    efforts, but what other actions do you think are needed to
    significantly ramp up pressure ahead of the November general elections
    in Nicaragua?

        Answer. I believe we need to continue to work through diplomatic
    efforts, coordinated multilateral pressure, support for democratic
    actors, and targeted economic measures, as appropriate, to advocate for
    free and fair presidential and legislative elections in Nicaragua. The
    United States will continue working closely with our partners in the
    OAS, EU, and others to urge the Nicaraguan Government to implement free
    and fair elections. If the Ortega regime fails to take meaningful
    reforms by the May OAS deadline, if confirmed, I will work with our
    partners to use the diplomatic and economic tools at our disposal, and
    will continue to coordinate on targeted measures with Canada, the EU,
    and the United Kingdom. The United States will keep using our voice,
    vote, and influence so that international financial institution lending
    does not support non-democratic actors in Nicaragua. It is important
    that the United States and our allies clearly state that we will give
    credibility to and work with the winner of a free and fair election,
    but it will be extremely difficult to work constructively with a
    government emerging from a fraudulent election.

        Question. If confirmed, would you recommend reviewing Nicaragua's
    continued participation in--and access to--the full benefits afforded
    under the Dominican Republic-Central America FTA (CAFTA-DR) should the
    November elections fail to meet international standards?

        Answer. CAFTA-DR has improved the lives of the people of Nicaragua
    and the United States. In order to continue to build on that
    partnership and expand our economic partnership, the U.S. should make
    clear that Nicaraguans would benefit from good governance,
    transparency, and the rule of law. Given the deterioration of those
    democratic principles in Nicaragua, we are already ensuring that trade
    capacity building and technical assistance, including joint efforts on
    customs and border management, labor, environment, and agriculture, are
    not directed toward the Nicaraguan Government. If the November
    elections are not free and fair, the U.S. would continue to review the
    Nicaraguan Government's participation in these trade-related
    activities, with a view toward promoting good governance and
    transparency in the region.

        Question. According to the 2019 State Department Report on Human
    Rights in Nicaragua, ``there were numerous reports that the Government
    or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings'' in response to
    the April 2018 pro-democracy protests, where the Government's violent
    crackdown left at least 325 people dead; over 2,000 injured; hundreds
    illegally detained; tortured, and disappeared; and more than 80,000
    exiled in neighboring countries. An Inter-American Commission on Human
    Rights (IACHR) team concluded in July 2018 that the Nicaraguan security
    forces' actions could be considered crimes against humanity. The Office
    of the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights also describes Nicaragua
    as suffering from a ``climate of widespread terror.'' If confirmed,
    what specific actions would you support to hold members of the Ortega-
    Murillo regime accountable for serious human rights abuses and crimes
    against humanity?

        Answer. The administration is committed to promoting accountability
    for Ortega and his collaborators who undermine democracy or violate
    human rights, and will continue to call out abuses when they occur. The
    United States was a co-sponsor, along with 51 countries, of the March
    2021 U.N. Human Rights Council resolution which called for justice and
    accountability in Nicaragua. If confirmed, I will intensify our efforts
    to promote and protect freedoms of expression, association, and
    peaceful assembly, and I will urge the Ortega regime to fully and
    unconditionally release all arbitrarily detained persons. The United
    States will continue to use the economic and diplomatic tools at our
    disposal, including targeted sanctions and bilateral and multilateral
    engagement, to support Nicaraguans' calls for human rights, democracy,
    and justice.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work with my office to
    clear the backlog of extraditions from Mexico to the United States?

        Answer. U.S.-Mexico security cooperation remains a top national
    security priority. It is critical that the United States and Mexico
    work together to dismantle transnational criminal organizations and
    their operations, reduce impunity and corruption, and strengthen the
    rule of law in Mexico. If confirmed, I commit to working with you and
    other members of the U.S. Congress, my U.S. interagency colleagues, and
    Mexican Government officials to ensure we are working closely together
    to move extradition requests as quickly and effectively as possible.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Brian A. Nichols by Senator Tim Kaine

        Question. How can the State Department and interagency partners
    encourage Northern Triangle governments to promote a culture of tax
    compliance among their citizens and businesses? Will you commit to
    ensure that the State Department works with these governments to
    fulfill the legal and financial obligations necessary to foster an
    attractive investment environment and stimulate economic growth,
    including the timely refund of excess taxes paid by U.S. companies?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with interagency partners to
    provide technical assistance to host governments as they pursue more
    efficient, transparent, fair governance, including support for e-
    government solutions. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring the Department
    works with governments to foster a more attractive business environment
    as an important component of our efforts to address the root causes of
    migration.

        Question. How can we work with Central American governments to
    improve the operating environment for business, including U.S.
    companies? What steps will you take to promote the speedy and fair
    resolution of commercial disputes, especially in Honduras?

        Answer. I share your commitment to support U.S. investor and
    property interests in Central America. The Department urges foreign
    governments, including at the highest levels when appropriate, to
    resolve outstanding commercial disputes. The Department generally takes
    no position on the merits of any specific claim or dispute but
    advocates for a fair, transparent, and expeditious resolution. The
    Department will continue to assist in resolution of outstanding U.S.
    citizen claims as appropriate.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Brian A. Nichols by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. What is your view of the state of democracy in Latin
    America?

        Answer. Our hemisphere is overwhelmingly committed to democracy,
    but there are troubling signs of backsliding in the region that require
    sustained and serious attention. September 11 will mark the 20th
    anniversary of the 2001 Inter-American Democratic Charter, which
    reflects the commitment of OAS member states to promote and defend
    democracy in the region. Through public diplomacy, increased engagement
    by civil society, and coordination with like-minded partners, the
    United States is promoting accountability for the actions of the Maduro
    regime and Cuba that undermine democracy and human rights; using
    diplomatic and economic measures and working multilaterally with
    partners to urge Nicaragua to hold free and fair presidential and
    legislative elections in November; and holding the government of Haiti
    to its commitment to hold free and fair legislative and presidential
    elections in 2021 to put an end to Haiti's prolonged rule by decree and
    facilitate a peaceful transfer of power to a newly elected president in
    February 2022.
        The weakening of democratic institutions in El Salvador, Guatemala,
    and Honduras, is troubling. If confirmed, I will join the
    administration's commitment to supporting the rule of law and democracy
    in these countries, including through the use of Congressionally
    mandated corrupt actors lists to designate and sanction those
    responsible for the degrading of democracy in Central America. If
    confirmed, I will intensify efforts to work with allies and partners to
    further strengthen democratic institutions and support democracy
    throughout the region.

        Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to bolster our
    democratic partners in the region?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work toward our strategic goal of a
    more inclusive, secure, prosperous, and democratic hemisphere aligned
    with U.S. values and interests. I will lead our team to support
    independent civil society throughout the region, and will encourage
    governments to support and promote press freedom and the safety of
    journalists and to counter those who may seek to undermine democracy
    and security. We will seek to work with allies, partners, and
    multilateral institutions to promote a shared vision to respect human
    rights and fight corruption and impunity, such as we do with our
    support of the Citizen Corruption Observatory. This initiative stemmed
    from the 2018 Summit of the Americas and builds the capacity of civil
    society to monitor governments' implementation of anticorruption
    efforts. In addition, we will work with USAID to enhance the region's
    anti-corruption efforts by bolstering the capacity of stakeholders to
    engage in advocacy, oversight, and monitoring.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to supporting ongoing U.S.
    programs which promote democracy and human rights in Cuba, such as
    through funding the office of Cuba Broadcasting?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to ensuring that support for
    democracy and human rights is at the core of our efforts to empower the
    Cuban people to determine their own future. I will also ensure the U.S.
    continues its steadfast support and engagement with Cuban human rights
    defenders, activists, and civil society members to bolster their
    important work; promote human rights, fundamental freedoms, and
    democracy; and facilitate the Cuban people's uncensored access to
    information.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensure that the U.S. does
    not lift restrictions or sanctions on Cuba until conditions are met
    pursuant to U.S. law?

        Answer. The administration has committed to carefully reviewing
    U.S.-Cuba policy, including how it implements relevant legislation and
    our posture regarding economic sanctions on Cuba, to ensure they
    advance the goals the administration is trying to achieve in empowering
    the Cuban people to determine their future. We will do so in adherence
    to U.S. law. If confirmed, I will support the Department's review of
    the policy with an eye toward assessing its impact on the political and
    economic wellbeing of the Cuban people and the promotion of democracy.
    If confirmed, I look forward to consulting regularly with Congress on
    this issue. Throughout my career, I have worked diligently to promote
    respect for the rule of law, human rights and democracy. Democracy and
    support for human rights will be at the core of our policy toward Cuba.

        Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to prioritize Venezuela,
    and continue to work with regional allies, to hold the Maduro regime
    and his cronies accountable?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly with international
    partners and regional allies to promote accountability for the Maduro
    regime by building multilateral pressure and implementing appropriate
    and coordinated sanctions against regime officials and their enablers
    who undermine democracy, abuse human rights, or engage in other corrupt
    or criminal activity. A secure, democratic, and prosperous Venezuela
    would mean a more secure, democratic, and prosperous region. In this
    fundamental aspect, Venezuela is a top priority for the region.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to supporting the legitimate
    government of Venezuela under President Juan Guaido and working to
    unify the opposition to the Maduro regime?

        Answer. If confirmed, my team and I will continue to support the
    efforts of the interim government led by Juan Guaido to peacefully
    restore democracy and rule of law in Venezuela via free and fair
    presidential and parliamentary elections. We are encouraged by and will
    continue to support unity on the fundamental goal of free and fair
    elections, and the pursuit of the guarantees required to restore
    democracy and rule of law to the country.

        Question. If confirmed, what would you propose the United States do
    to support a free and fair elections?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to work through diplomatic
    efforts, coordinated multilateral pressure, support for pro-democracy
    actors, and targeted economic measures, as appropriate, to advocate for
    free and fair presidential and legislative elections in Nicaragua. The
    United States will continue to work closely with partners in the OAS,
    EU, and others to urge the Nicaraguan government to implement free and
    fair elections. If the Ortega regime fails to take meaningful reforms
    by the May OAS deadline, we will work with our partners to use the
    diplomatic and economic tools at our disposal. We will continue efforts
    to coordinate on targeted measures with Canada, the EU, and the United
    Kingdom. We will continue to use our voice, vote, and influence so that
    international financial institution lending does not support non-
    democratic actors in Nicaragua. It is important that the United States
    and our allies clearly state that we will give credibility to and work
    with the winner of a free and fair election, but it will be extremely
    difficult to work constructively with a government emerging from a
    fraudulent election.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to prioritizing efforts to
    counter vaccine diplomacy by China in the region?

        Answer. COVID-19 is the most pressing challenge to our collective
    health, well-being, and economic security in a century. If confirmed, I
    will continue the U.S. commitment to collaborate with partners across
    the globe, including Taiwan, to end the pandemic and mitigate its
    severe public health and economic impacts. The Biden administration has
    already loaned AstraZeneca vaccines to Mexico and Canada. If confirmed,
    I will work to support a science-based approach that prioritizes an
    equitable distribution of vaccines to countries in our region.
        President Biden announced the United States will donate at least 80
    million vaccine doses to meet global needs by the end of June, far more
    than any other nation has donated, including the People's Republic of
    China or Russia. Importantly, our shots do not come with strings
    attached; the United States views vaccines as a tool to end the
    pandemic, not a means to achieve political outcomes.
        The United States is also the largest donor to Gavi for the COVAX
    Facility, having contributed $2 billion with plans to donate an
    additional $2 billion by 2022. I understand all countries in Latin
    America and the Caribbean have received one or more COVAX shipments,
    except for Cuba and Haiti who do not participate in COVAX. If
    confirmed, I will continue to ensure our close coordination with COVAX
    and other partners to ensure safe and effective vaccines are delivered
    in a way that is equitable and follows the science and public health
    data.

        Question. What are your views on the need to prioritize the region
    for distribution of excess and surplus vaccines?

        Answer. Vaccine distribution is a priority in the region. If
    confirmed, I will work within the administration to coordinate with our
    partners in the region to combat the COVID-19 pandemic, including
    through the distribution of vaccines. The United States has loaned
    Canada and Mexico 1.5 million and 2.7 million doses of AstraZeneca
    vaccines, respectively, and the administration is currently considering
    the best manner in which to implement President Biden's further
    commitment to donate at least 80 million surplus vaccines. If
    confirmed, I will work to prioritize the region and advocate that it
    has the tools necessary, including via both bilateral and multilateral
    mechanisms, to bring a quick end to the current pandemic and prepare
    for, detect, and respond to the next pandemic.

        Question. How might the United States support Ecuador's efforts to
    diversify its economy and decouple from China?

        Answer. The United States remains Ecuador's largest trading
    partner, with $10.2 billion in total two-way trade in goods in 2020. In
    December of 2020, the United States and Ecuador finalized the
    negotiation of a Protocol on Trade Rules and Transparency, an agreement
    that is a positive step forward in our trade relationship.
        The United States is committed to increasing investment in Ecuador
    through projects that support long-term sustainable growth and
    prosperity. This includes enabling private sector investment in climate
    mitigation, adaptation, and resilience, as well as investments in clean
    energy. The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC)
    will also look to support investments in gender equality, financial
    inclusion, and recovery from COVID-19. The United States has provided
    funding and training to help the energy ministry and electric utility
    adopt new regulations to attract private investment in the electricity
    sector, as well as design and conduct Ecuador's first-ever competitive
    and transparent tenders for power sector projects, resulting in awards
    to qualified companies. The United States also is helping women with
    small businesses, through programs such as the Academy for Women
    Entrepreneurs and providing lines of credit to Ecuadoran banks to
    secure loans for small and medium enterprises. USAID in Ecuador is also
    working to pursue the most impactful projects investing in the most
    underserved communities. If confirmed, I will work with Ecuador to
    expand our partnership.

        Question. What steps can the administration take to support other
    countries that would like to develop 5G networks without Huawei or
    other Chinese tech support?

        Answer. The Biden administration is working throughout the region
    to communicate the risks associated with telecommunications equipment
    from untrusted, high-risk vendors and to support the growing number of
    governments and businesses concerned with safely capturing the benefits
    of 5G without jeopardizing national and economic security or personal
    privacy.
        If confirmed, I would connect countries interested in developing
    secure 5G networks with trusted equipment and service providers,
    highlight available U.S. government financing tools, and underscore the
    potential for emerging technologies like open radio access networks
    (open RAN) to increase diversity, innovation, and transparency in 5G
    supply chains.

        Question. As Colombia is facing many challenges, including the
    influx of almost 2 million Venezuelan refugees and migrants, in
    addition to violence presented in the country. What U.S. assistance to
    Colombia do you think would be most effective to ensure Colombia can
    face these challenges while also respecting the civil rights of
    protesters?

        Answer. Colombia is a vital strategic partner that shares our
    democratic values. I recognize the devastating impacts the COVID-19
    pandemic has had on the Colombian people and economy, as well as the
    fiscal challenges associated with its generous reception of Venezuelan
    refugees and migrants. If confirmed, I will ensure the United States
    continues to leverage diplomatic engagement and foreign assistance to
    help Colombia address urgent needs, including strengthening its health
    system, promoting inclusive economic growth to recover from the
    pandemic, facilitating an effective humanitarian response to the
    Venezuela crisis, and expanding security, state presence, and access to
    justice throughout the country, including continuing human rights
    training for security personnel.

        Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to encourage the
    government of Haiti conducts upcoming presidential elections in a
    manner that is free and fair?

        Answer. I believe the Haitian people deserve the opportunity to
    elect their leaders and restore Haiti's democratic institutions. If
    confirmed, I will prioritize efforts to hold the government of Haiti to
    its commitment to hold free and fair legislative and presidential
    elections in 2021, and to work with Haitian political, economic, and
    civil society stakeholders across the spectrum, as well as
    international partners, in support of elections this year.
        I recognize that the legitimacy of Haiti's 2021 elections and the
    government's credibility with the Haitian population will depend on
    factors such as whether there is consensus on a political accord, the
    participation of credible political actors, widespread voter
    registration, and security and voter turnout on election day. The U.S.
    government is providing more than $3 million to the Consortium for
    Elections and Political Processes Strengthening, which includes the
    National Democratic Institute, International Republican Institute, and
    International Foundation for Electoral Systems. The Consortium's pre-
    elections activities include focusing on improving electoral
    administration, strengthening the competitiveness of political parties,
    educating voters on electoral processes, promoting transparent
    electoral processes, and ensuring inclusive voter participation in
    Haiti. The United States also provides advice, training, and equipment
    to build the Haitian National Police's capacity to provide security.
    U.S.-supported training and equipment for the police's public order
    unit will help them prevent and respond to potential violence at voting
    centers.
        Observers from organizations such as the Organization of American
    States (OAS) provide a regional voice and can help ensure free and fair
    elections. If confirmed, I will seek support from multilateral
    organizations, such as the OAS, and would welcome other international
    observers.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Brian A. Nichols by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. What are the Biden administration's plans to address
    increasing COVID-19 concerns in Central and South America considering
    the growing number of illegal migrants who are currently crossing the
    border?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to rebuilding
    a safe, orderly, and humane immigration system while ensuring public
    safety during the COVID-19 pandemic. In the weeks ahead, working with
    the world's democracies, if confirmed I will help coordinate a
    multilateral effort to end the pandemic. The United States will
    continue to review non-essential travel restrictions at land borders to
    help protect against cross-border transmission of COVID-19 and will
    consider easing restrictions when it is safe to do so. The
    administration is considering the best manner in which to implement
    President Biden's further commitment to donate at least 80 million
    surplus vaccines. The United States is also the largest donor to Gavi
    for the U.N. COVAX Facility, having already contributed $2 billion with
    plans to donate an additional $2 billion by 2022.

        Question. Do you believe that the Biden administration should
    prioritize providing COVID-19 vaccines to countries in Central and
    South America given the proximity to the United States and the growing
    number of illegal migrants who are currently crossing the border?

        Answer. Vaccine distribution is a priority in the region, and if
    confirmed, I will work with the interagency, COVAX, and other partners
    to prioritize the equitable delivery of COVID-19 vaccines in a way that
    follows the science and public health data. The administration has
    loaned Canada and Mexico 1.5 million and 2.7 million doses of
    AstraZeneca vaccines, respectively, and is currently considering the
    best manner in which to implement President Biden's further commitment
    to donate at least 80 million surplus vaccines. If confirmed, I will
    work to prioritize the region and advocate that it has the tools
    necessary, especially vaccines, including via both bilateral and
    multilateral mechanisms, to bring a quick end to the current pandemic
    and prepare for, detect, and respond to the next pandemic.

        Question. What is the United States currently doing to counter
    China's growing influence in Central and South America and what can the
    United States do more?

        Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) represents a serious
    challenge to U.S. interests in the region, with its growing security
    ties and infrastructure investments. If confirmed, I will lead our team
    to meet this challenge by advancing our positive agenda for the
    hemisphere. We will build on our shared values of democracy, human
    rights, and the rule of law. We will welcome our allies and partners'
    expertise and resources to support the region's COVID-19 response,
    entrepreneurship, and sustainable infrastructure. We will support high-
    standard investment in infrastructure and transparent economic
    development that creates jobs essential for regional pandemic recovery.
        If confirmed, I will continue to work with our allies and partners
    in Central and South America to help the region address the pandemic
    and recover from the related economic crisis. We will work to ensure
    competitive and transparent investment environments that help level the
    playing field for U.S. and other trusted businesses, strengthen our
    security and law enforcement cooperation, and promote secure
    telecommunications networks. We will draw attention to and counter
    illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing. We will support and
    expand Taiwan's bilateral relationships in Central and South America.

        Question. Do you believe that Taiwan's ability to maintain formal
    diplomatic relations with countries in the Western hemisphere benefits
    U.S. strategic interests? Nine out of fifteen countries with formal
    diplomatic relations are in the Western hemisphere. As part of China's
    push to de-legitimize Taiwan, Beijing has used various tactics,
    including COVID-19 vaccine diplomacy, infrastructure assistance, elite
    capture, corrupt practices, to compel countries in the Western
    hemisphere to break diplomatic relations with Taiwan.

        Answer. As a strong democracy, Taiwan is an essential partner in a
    region overwhelmingly committed to democratic values, human rights, and
    the rule of law. If confirmed, I will continue U.S. efforts to support
    Taiwan's diplomatic and unofficial relationships across the Western
    Hemisphere region. Together with like-minded countries we can support
    good governance, transparent investments, and economic growth.

        Question. What is the Biden's administration's plans to address the
    increasing COVID-19 concerns in Central and South America considering
    the high number of migrants that are crossing the border each day?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration remains committed to
    rebuilding a safe, orderly, and humane immigration system while
    ensuring public safety during the COVID-19 pandemic. If confirmed, I
    look forward to working with the world's democracies to coordinate a
    multilateral effort to end the pandemic. The United States will
    continue to review non-essential travel restrictions at land borders to
    help protect against cross-border transmission of COVID-19 and will
    consider easing restrictions when it is safe to do so. The
    administration is considering the best manner in which to implement
    President Biden's further commitment to donate at least 80 million
    surplus vaccines. The United States is also the largest donor to Gavi
    for the U.N. COVAX Facility, having already contributed $2 billion with
    plans to donate an additional $2 billion by 2022.

        Question. Do you agree that the Biden administration should
    prioritize COVID-19 vaccines to countries in Central and South America
    considering the proximity to the United States and the high number of
    migrants that are crossing the border?

        Answer. I agree that the United States should continue to do more
    to help the world by taking a leading role in ending the pandemic
    globally and building a coordinated, multilateral effort around the
    world aimed at ending the pandemic. Our overarching aim is to get as
    many safe and effective vaccines to as many people as fast as possible.
    If confirmed, I will work with COVAX and other partners to prioritize
    the equitable delivery of COVID-19 vaccines that follows the science
    and public health data.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Hon. Brian A. Nichols by Senator Brian Schatz

        Question. The Caribbean region has abundant solar and wind
    resources, yet its electricity is overwhelmingly generated by fossil
    fuels. In 2012, Aruba set a target of 100 percent renewable energy by
    2020. In 2019, 81 percent of its electricity still came from fossil
    fuels. Likewise, in 2011, Grenada established a goal of 100 percent
    renewable energy by 2030. With diesel currently providing 98.5 percent
    of the island's electricity, it is not on track to meet its goal.

        Question. The United States works with Caribbean partners to
    promote energy supply diversification, to develop cost-effective and
    resilient power systems, and to help create investment opportunities
    for U.S. and Caribbean firms.
        The Department has identified diversification of energy supplies
    away from a single source of fuel and promotion of U.S. exports,
    particularly renewable energy, as two primary objectives in promoting
    Caribbean energy security.
        If confirmed, I will redouble our commitment to these efforts. The
    Caribbean's high dependency on imported diesel for power generation and
    low reliability of electric service and frequent power outages have led
    to the highest average electricity prices in the Western Hemisphere.

        Question. What are the barriers to renewable energy development in
    the Caribbean, and how will you work to address these barriers and
    expedite renewable energy development as Assistant Secretary of State
    of Western Hemisphere Affairs?

        Answer. Barriers to renewable energy development in the Caribbean
    include limited economies of scale, inadequate policy and regulatory
    frameworks, and antiquated transmission and distribution
    infrastructure. Integrating clean power generation also requires
    significant investments in transmission infrastructure and technologies
    such as battery storage to accommodate variable generation.
        Caribbean nations have nevertheless made progress in energy
    diversification and U.S. cooperation has worked to advance stronger,
    more resilient, and more efficient power systems.

        Question. Would it make sense to help an initial island or two
    decarbonize as models for the region?

        Answer. Several Caribbean islands, including Jamaica and Nevis,
    have engaged with the United States to develop renewable energy
    sources. These are indeed model projects.
        Our whole of government effort promotes energy diversification and
    resilient energy systems through improved governance, increased access
    to financing, and donor coordination. If confirmed, I will work with
    interagency partners, multilateral organizations, and Caribbean nations
    to advance those efforts.
        We address the barrier of high-cost financing for energy project
    development through a $25 million guarantee agreement with National
    Commercial Bank of Jamaica to help provide loans for clean energy
    projects across the Caribbean and a $10 million credit guaranty to
    catalyze $20 million in loans for clean energy borrowers, focused on
    off-grid solar projects.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Michele Jeanne Sison by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. President Biden's recent Presidential Memorandum on
    Advancing the Human rights of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender,
    Queer and Intersex Persons Around the World calls on the State
    Department to build coalitions of like-minded nations in international
    organizations to fight against LGBTQI+ discrimination. What more could
    the International Organization Bureau do to advance that mandate?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to utilizing the diversity and
    talent within the IO Bureau to play a leadership role in promoting the
    human rights and social inclusion of LGBTQI+ persons abroad. IO leads
    an Interagency Working Group on leveraging multilateral tools to
    address LGBTQI+ issues and, if confirmed, I will ensure this group
    works to advance these issues across various multilateral fora, to
    include the United Nations, regional organizations, international
    development banks, and multi-stakeholder coalitions, such as the Equal
    Rights Coalition as well as the U.N. LGBTI Core Group. If confirmed, I
    will also work to strengthen existing multilateral mandates like the
    U.N. Independent Expert on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity, and
    advance efforts to increase Global South support for the human rights
    of LGBTQI+ persons. If confirmed, I will also work to increase civil
    society engagement in the IO Bureau's efforts to advance the human
    rights of LGBTQI+ individuals.

        Question. Debates at the U.N., and the programmatic activities of
    U.N. agencies, often revolve around government repression that leads to
    refugee flows, terrorism, and civil conflict.? Some of the populations
    most directly impacted by that repression are minority populations--
    whether sexual, ethnic, gender or racial in character. How can the U.N.
    be more active and impactful in heading off the causes of this
    repression, and in condemning it when it occurs?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage U.N. leadership to enhance
    its advocacy as well as U.N. monitoring and implementation efforts to
    address such repression. I will work closely with our U.N. partners to
    condemn violations of international law and continue the United States'
    strong support for the promotion and protection of human rights,
    including through access to justice, and humanitarian response and
    durable solutions for displaced persons. I will maintain strong U.S.
    engagement with and support for key U.N. mechanisms and bodies such as
    the Human Rights Council. I will encourage U.N. partners to take
    concrete measures to protect minority rights and deepen partnerships
    with stakeholders to address the root causes of repression.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Michele Jeanne Sison by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. The upcoming U.N. Security Council (UNSC) Syria Cross
    Border mandate renewal is of grave concern to me and my colleagues in
    Congress. Not only should this administration work to renew the one
    remaining crossing, Bab Al-Hawa, but it should actively work to build
    consensus in the Security Council to re-open two previously closed
    crossings, Bab Al-Salam and Yarubiyah.

       If confirmed, how would you engage with partners in the UNSC to
            ensure this mandate renewal passes?

        Answer. Unhindered access to humanitarian assistance in Syria is an
    urgent priority for the United States, as it should be for all nations.
    If confirmed, I will ensure that the Department continues its sustained
    high-level engagement with Security Council members and regional
    stakeholders, as well as with U.N. leadership, to include Secretary-
    General Antonio Guterres, to underscore the importance of the
    reauthorization and expansion of the U.N. cross-border humanitarian
    assistance mechanism.

        Question. If confirmed, would you recommend that Secretary Blinken
    and even President Biden engage at the highest possible levels on this
    important issue?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will recommend that senior Department
    and White House officials continue to engage with key stakeholders on
    this issue, as that engagement is already underway. President Biden
    encouraged Security Council action on Syria when he hosted Permanent
    Representatives from the U.N. Security Council in March during the U.S.
    presidency of the Security Council. Also in March, Secretary Blinken
    represented the United States in the Syria humanitarian briefing to the
    Security Council and made clear the importance of this issue to help
    relieve the humanitarian crisis in Syria.

        Question. How will you, if confirmed, work to ensure that U.S.
    taxpayer dollars that fund U.N. humanitarian assistance are not being
    used to effectively subsidize the Assad regime, which blockades
    assistance to innocent Syrians through seizure of cross-line assistance
    attempts?

        Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work closely with Department of
    State and USAID colleagues, U.N. stakeholders, and NGOs to ensure that
    aid intended for Syrians in need reaches its intended recipients and
    does not benefit the Assad regime. The United States remains the single
    largest humanitarian donor to the Syrian people. The United States
    further supports all methods of delivering humanitarian assistance to
    the Syrian people throughout the country, including both cross-border
    and cross-line deliveries; however, cross-line deliveries from Damascus
    alone, even if executed properly and unhindered, do not have the
    capacity to fully address the needs of the Syrian people.

        Question. The recent establishment of the office of ``Multilateral
    Personnel and Strategy'' within the bureau of International
    Organizations structure presents new avenues to address the growing
    malign influence across the U.N. system.

       How will you empower this office to address the systematic Chinese
            and/or Russia malign influence within the U.N.?

        Answer. I believe the establishment of the new office of
    Multilateral Strategy and Personnel in the Bureau of International
    Organization Affairs will enable the United States to more
    strategically engage across the multilateral system to counter
    authoritarian countries' efforts to undermine its institutions, values,
    and principles. The U.S. approach toward China and Russia at the U.N.
    will derive from a clear and compelling affirmative U.S. policy agenda
    centered on human rights, individual freedoms, transparency, and good
    governance. When China and Russia seek to undermine the international
    rules-based order, the United States will take decisive action to
    oppose those efforts. If confirmed, I will work to empower the new
    office and look forward to working with Congress to ensure it is well-
    equipped to lead this work.

        Question. What is your strategy for increasing American
    representation in the U.N. system including through the Junior
    Professional Officer program, appointments, and elections?

        Answer. Successfully increasing the number of U.S. citizens
    employed at all levels of the U.N. system requires a multifaceted
    approach that will involve identifying and recruiting qualified
    candidates, providing information on the application or election
    process, and advocating for their selection where appropriate. If
    confirmed, I will institutionalize efforts to establish and expand
    these capabilities on behalf of qualified U.S. candidates, and to
    consult closely with Congress to ensure that these efforts are
    sufficiently resourced. I will also work with the interagency and our
    allies and partners to support the election of qualified, independent
    U.S. citizens and other likeminded candidates for key leadership roles
    in the U.N. system.

        Question. Do you believe that a designated U.N. Integrity
    Coordinator should be appointment and empowered to work across the
    Department to lead this effort?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize ensuring that the IO Bureau
    has the resources and staffing it needs to coordinate across the
    Department and with our partners and allies to advance an affirmative
    agenda and counter efforts by the People's Republic of China (PRC) and
    other countries to undermine the values at the foundation of the U.N.
    and multilateral system. That includes working with all relevant
    players, and in consultation with Congress. Addressing the challenges
    posed by these countries requires strong U.S. leadership to defend the
    foundational principles, values, and rules of the international system,
    and to support qualified and independent candidates for key leadership
    roles. I understand that IO appreciates the support that Congress has
    provided to date on strengthening these efforts, and has already begun
    to adapt its structure to prioritize this work.

        Question. Please detail your strategy for engaging with the
    International Criminal Court, including with relevant bureaus like
    Global Criminal Justice, regarding their ongoing investigations into
    U.S. forces in Afghanistan and Israel.

        Answer. I strongly agree with the administration's objection to
    attempts by the International Criminal Court (ICC) to assert
    jurisdiction over U.S. and Israeli personnel. President Biden and
    Secretary Blinken have been clear that the United States will continue
    to oppose attempts by the ICC to assert such jurisdiction. The United
    States and Israel are not States Parties to the Rome Statute, and the
    Palestinians do not qualify as a State.

        Question. U.S. Taxpayers have sent billions to U.N. Relief and
    Works Agency since the 1950s when it was originally established. Given
    the administrations resumption of funds without securing much needed
    reform, please detail your engagement plans to ensure no more taxpayer
    dollars are sent to a bloated organization straying from its mandate.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will insist that UNRWA adhere to the U.N.
    principles of neutrality, tolerance, anti-discrimination, and
    protection of human rights, as well as insist on strict UNRWA internal
    controls. The best way for the United States to influence UNRWA's
    operations and ensure its provision of quality education, health
    services, and emergency humanitarian relief consistent with U.N.
    principles is to maintain our close working relationship with and
    assistance to UNRWA. This allows the United States to direct funding to
    priority areas of focus, especially ensuring neutrality in teaching
    materials, staff activities, and operations, while strengthening
    transparency, accountability, and internal oversight. If confirmed, I
    commit to working with you to ensure the Agency has the capacity to
    fulfill its service delivery mandate from the U.N. General Assembly in
    line with U.N. principles, and to achieving meaningful and sustainable
    reforms to UNRWA's operations.

        Question. Preparations for the next scales of assessment
    negotiation are underway. The Biden administration should make this a
    top priority by negotiating a 25% cap on peacekeeping assessments
    without compromising the existing fixed rate of 22% for the regular
    budget. No one nation should pay over 25% for either budget. What
    strategies will you use, if confirmed, to negotiate our assessed
    peacekeeping dues to 25%?

        Answer. The next negotiations among member states on U.N.
    assessment rates will take place later in 2021, and I understand the
    administration is strategizing for engagement on this issue. If
    confirmed, I will work with Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield and her team
    to advance U.S. interests in reaching agreement in the U.N. General
    Assembly to lower the U.S. assessment rates and to make sure other
    countries pay their fair share.

        Question. Do you believe this administration should pay back
    arrears accrued before 2017?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to work with
    Congress to determine how best to meet our financial obligations,
    including addressing the substantial level of arrears that have
    accumulated over the past four years and the 25-percent cap on
    peacekeeping funding.

        Question. U.S.-assessed and voluntary contributions to the U.N., as
    appropriated under the Contributions to International Organizations
    (CIO), Contributions for International Peacekeeping Operations (CIPA),
    and International Organizations and Program (IO&P) accounts, represent
    only a small fraction of total U.S. contributions to the U.N. system.

       If confirmed, will you assist in compiling and sharing with
            Congress a comprehensive report on total U.S. contributions,
            from all sources, to the U.N. and its specialized agencies and
            programs?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will lead the efforts of the State
    Department's Bureau of International Organization Affairs to meet its
    statutory responsibility to publish annual reports to Congress on all
    U.S. Government contributions to international organizations.

        Question. Will you ensure that other donors remain apprised of the
    full depth and breadth of U.S. contributions from all sources?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the annual reports on
    contributions created by the Bureau of International Organization
    Affairs are published on the Department of State's public website,
    thereby ensuring that they are available to other donors and the public
    generally.

        Question. Whereas assessed contributions are determined on a scale
    and provide no discretion to nations, voluntary contributions are
    provided to advance specific U.S. goals and objectives. Moreover,
    voluntarily funded agencies, including the World Food Programme (WFP)
    and the U.N. Children's Fund (UNICEF), must compete for resources and
    are subject to rigorous transparency and accountability measures. If
    confirmed, will you seek to ensure that the Secretary General adopts a
    rigorous performance matrix, transparency requirements, and
    accountability measures that apply across the U.N. system, including to
    agencies and programs funded through assessed contributions?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to achieve a coordinated,
    government-wide effort to assess the performance of, and promote
    transparency and accountability at, international organizations in the
    U.N. system, including those funded through assessed contributions.

        Question. Last Congress, I introduced the Multilateral Aid Review
    Act to assess the value of U.S. taxpayer investments in multilateral
    entities, including the U.N. and its affiliated agencies. If confirmed,
    would you support a comprehensive review of U.S. investments in
    multilateral organizations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to reviewing this issue
    closely and working with Congress to ensure effective oversight of the
    U.N. and its affiliated agencies. I am committed to ensuring prudent
    management of U.S. taxpayer investments in multilateral entities,
    including a constant focus on results, accountability, and the
    elimination of waste, fraud, and mismanagement.

        Question. What is your view of the relationship between the United
    States and the United Nations (U.N.)?

        Answer. I agree with the view of President Biden and Secretary
    Blinken that many of the biggest threats we face are transnational in
    nature and must be addressed collectively, including through
    international organizations. Since the U.N.'s founding 75 years ago,
    the United States has been critical to the U.N.'s success, and the
    United Nations, in turn, has been central to U.S. efforts to secure
    international peace and security. If confirmed, I will look forward to
    working with Congress to ensure the U.S. relationship with the United
    Nations remains constructive, continues to serve America's national
    security interests, and promotes our core U.S. values.

        Question. What are your thoughts regarding the U.N. Human Rights
    Council (HRC)?

        Answer. The U.N. Human Rights Council plays an important role in
    promoting and protecting human rights, humanitarian access, and
    fundamental freedoms globally, but has serious flaws as well. I am
    committed to seeking HRC reforms, particularly regarding the Council's
    disproportionate focus on Israel, and to its membership. When the
    United States plays an active and constructive role on the Council, we
    can better advocate to protect Israel from unfair bias on the Council.
    Recently, our engagement has helped lead to a reduction in the number
    of resolutions targeting Israel. Our engagement also helps us in our
    efforts to keep some of the countries with the worst human rights
    records off the Council, and to encourage countries with better records
    to run.

       If confirmed, I will ensure the United States continues to
            prioritize needed reforms as part of our re-engagement with the
            Council.

        Question. Now that the Biden administration has stated its intent
    to run for re-election to the HRC, what reforms will the Biden
    administration seek?

        Answer. The United States is committed to seeking reforms of the
    U.N. Human Rights Council, particularly with respect to the Council's
    disproportionate focus on Israel and its problematic membership. When
    we have had a seat at the table, we have been able to advocate on
    Israel's behalf, and we have seen changes like a reduction in the
    number of resolutions targeting Israel. We have also seen that when the
    United States plays an active and constructive role on the Council, we
    have been able to engage with our allies and partners to keep off some
    of the countries with the worst human rights records and to encourage
    countries with better records to run for seats. If confirmed, I will
    ensure the United States prioritizes these specific reforms.

        Question. Does the Biden administration believe the HRC devotes a
    disproportionate amount of attention to criticizing Israel while
    ignoring more pressing human rights crises?

        Answer. Yes. The United States remains concerned about the
    disproportionate focus by the U.N. Human Rights Council on Israel,
    including Agenda Item 7. If confirmed, I will oppose efforts to
    unfairly single out or delegitimize Israel through one-sided
    resolutions, reports, and other actions across the United Nations,
    including at the Human Rights Council. It is critical that the U.S.
    show up and engage with the Council directly. U.S. engagement at the
    Council can be a force for positive change and for holding countries
    with the worst human rights records to account.

        Question. Understanding that the HRC has been ``broken,'' in large
    part, by allowing human rights abusers to obtain seats on the Council,
    do you believe that conditioning U.S. participation on reform is
    beneficial?

        Answer. I am committed to seeking reforms of the Human Rights
    Council, particularly with respect to the Council's membership and its
    disproportionate focus on Israel. We have seen that when the United
    States plays an active and constructive role on the Council, we can
    engage with our allies and partners to keep some of the countries with
    the worst human rights records off the Council and to encourage
    countries with better records to run for seats. We can also advocate on
    Israel's behalf. With U.S. engagement, we have seen changes such as a
    reduction in the number of resolutions targeting Israel. If confirmed,
    I will ensure the United States continues to prioritize needed reforms
    as part of our re-engagement with the Human Rights Council.

        Question. There have been efforts to have the United States rejoin
    the World Tourism Organization. If confirmed, would you support the re-
    entry of the United States to the World Tourism Organization? What
    benefits would the United States receive by re-joining this
    organization?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure careful consideration and
    review before any efforts are made to rejoin the World Tourism
    Organization.

        Question. What are your views on the need for management reform at
    the U.N.?

        Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to look hard at U.N. and
    international organization management and budgeting practices, and at
    how agencies implement their ethics rules, including whistleblower
    protections.

        Question. How will you work to address barriers to advancing U.N.
    management reforms, especially those created by the different
    priorities among member states?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to harness allies and likeminded
    member states who strongly support U.N. management reform to overcome
    any barriers that stand in the way of advancing reforms. It must be in
    the interests of all members to make implementation of reforms an
    urgent priority to make the United Nations the effective, efficient,
    and responsive organization it needs to be in the 21st century.

        Question. How will you measure success in implementing management
    reforms at the U.N.?

        Answer. If confirmed, my metric of success will be to ensure that
    U.S. taxpayer dollars are well-spent, and that our multilateral
    policies and programs improve the lives of the world's most vulnerable
    citizens, contribute to international peace and security, and serve the
    American people.

        Question. What policies does the U.N. need to implement to maintain
    fiscal responsibility and accountability within the U.N. system?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that international
    organizations within the U.N. system are accountable and responsible
    for the U.S. taxpayer resources they receive. This includes continuing
    the longstanding U.S. policy of promoting budget discipline, as well as
    continuing efforts to ensure that other countries pay their fair share.

        Question. While the U.N. has taken steps to improve its efficiency,
    operational effectiveness, and accountability, the continuing need for
    reform is obvious to most observers, including strong supporters of the
    institution. The U.N. Secretary-General has committed to an agenda of
    reform. The push for reform by the United States is one of the main
    drivers behind the reform movement's progress to date.

       In your opinion, what are the top three reforms that the U.N. could
            undertake over the next two years that will have the greatest
            impact?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure international
    organizations in the U.N. system adhere to the best management and
    oversight practices, including in the areas of protecting
    whistleblowers, addressing sexual exploitation and abuse, promoting
    zero tolerance for corruption, and ensuring financial and managerial
    transparency. This means greater transparency not only in budgeting
    practices, but also in U.N. procurement practices.
        The United States expects to see tangible results from management
    reforms, including improved program delivery and greater
    accountability. Delegating more authority to U.N. teams in the field,
    closer to the point of mandate implementation, is also a key and
    necessary reform.

        Question. The United States is the largest donor to the World Food
    Programme, the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, and other U.N.
    agencies. Will you continue this pattern of voluntary donations to
    address some of the world's most pressing issues?

        Answer. I am fully committed to upholding the Biden-Harris
    administration's promise to restore U.S. leadership and support for
    U.N. agencies, and to advance U.S. priorities in multilateral fora and
    at the United Nations. Voluntary contributions are an effective tool of
    U.S. leadership that allow us to ensure organizations are accountable,
    transparent, and responsive to humanitarian needs. The United States
    has long been the largest global contributor of humanitarian assistance
    and has increased its contributions due to the devastating impacts of
    COVID-19. Of course, we owe it to U.S. taxpayers and to the
    beneficiaries whose lives depend on U.N. programs to insist on
    continued reforms aimed at greater U.N. effectiveness and efficiency.

        Question. How do you plan to monitor the activities of the U.N.
    Population Fund (UNFPA) and ensure that it is not complicit in China's
    campaign of coercive abortion and sterilization of Uyghur women?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue our government's due
    diligence through our membership on the U.N. Population Fund's (UNFPA)
    Executive Board, including through the Board's country program document
    review mechanism. UNFPA does not condone China's coercive population
    policies nor does it operate in Xinjiang.

        Question. There have been credible allegations that the U.N. Office
    of the High Commissioner for Human Rights shared the names of Chinese
    dissidents who were attending U.N. Human Rights Council sessions with
    the Chinese Government.

       If confirmed, how will you investigate these allegations?

        Answer. President Biden has said he would defend the rights of
    activists, political dissidents, and journalists around the world to
    speak their minds freely without fear of persecution and violence. If
    confirmed, I will ask relevant Department officials for a detailed
    understanding of this issue and will ensure that U.S. Government
    personnel prioritize this matter in engagements with the Office of the
    High Commissioner for Human Rights.

        Question. What reforms will you seek to ensure that this practice
    is never again used?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ask relevant Department officials for
    a detailed understanding of this issue and will ensure that U.S.
    Government personnel prioritize this matter in engagements with the
    Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

        Question. The United States is the single largest financial
    contributor to U.N. peacekeeping activities. Congress authorizes and
    appropriates U.S. contributions, and it has an ongoing interest in
    ensuring such funding is used as efficiently and effectively as
    possible.

       Do you believe that any nation, including the United States, should
            pay more than 25 percent of the U.N. peacekeeping budget?

        Answer. The next negotiations among member states on U.N.
    assessment rates will take place later in 2021, and I understand that
    the administration is currently strategizing on how to engage on this
    issue. If confirmed, my team and I will do everything we can to make
    sure that other countries pay their fair share. If confirmed, I commit
    to consulting with you and your staff on this important matter.

        Question. What is your position on U.S. repayment of U.N.
    peacekeeping arrears? As memorialized in the 1999 Helms-Biden
    agreement, the Late Ambassador Holbrooke, then-President Clinton, then-
    Secretary General Kofi Anan, and then-Senator Biden all believed that
    the United States has no obligation to pay, and thus should not pay,
    the roughly $500 million in ``contested arrears'' that were explicitly
    excluded from the $1.6 billion Helms-Biden agreement. However, since
    then, the U.N. has insisted upon keeping on its books, and the Obama
    administration sought to pay over Congressional objections. Do you
    commit not to pay these ``contested arrears'' per Congressional intent
    as outlined in the Helms-Biden agreement?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would welcome the opportunity to work with
    Congress to allow the United States to meet our financial obligations,
    including addressing the substantial level of arrears that have
    accumulated over the past four years and the 25-percent cap on
    peacekeeping funding.

        Question. Are there any specific steps you believe the U.N. should
    take to reduce the overall size of the U.N. peacekeeping budget? If so,
    what are they?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to reviewing and assessing all
    existing peacekeeping missions to ensure they are still necessary for
    the promotion of international peace and security. I will also work to
    ensure they are as effective and efficient as possible, while providing
    they have the necessary resources to fully implement their mandates,
    including well-trained and well-equipped troops and police. I would
    press for structural changes, including aligning U.N. procurement with
    industry best practices, right-sizing mission support components, and
    reforming human resources to reduce staff costs. I would also press for
    the U.N. to implement financial reimbursement penalties for troop- and
    police-contributing countries for poor or under-performance, in line
    with the U.N. Security Council resolution 2436.

        Question. Are there any specific U.N. peacekeeping missions you
    would support reducing or terminating in order to reduce U.N.
    peacekeeping costs? If so, what active and ongoing missions do you
    believe should be reduced or terminated?

        Answer. U.N. peacekeeping operations are among the most effective
    mechanisms of burden-sharing in addressing the global challenges to
    international peace and security. We must ensure peacekeeping
    operations are using their resources as effectively and efficiently as
    possible to promote sustainable political solutions to conflict. Toward
    that end, I will, if confirmed, closely scrutinize missions, especially
    when their mandates come up for renewal by the U.N. Security Council.

        Question. There have been numerous proposals to expand U.N. support
    for regional peacekeeping operations-particularly those deployed under
    the auspices of the African Union-ranging from providing limited
    logistical support to fully financing training, equipment, deployment,
    and sustainment costs through the use of assessed U.N. peacekeeping
    contributions. Whether regional missions would initially be subject to
    approval by the U.N. Security Council (like the AMISOM mission in
    Somalia was) is a topic of debate. However, using the U.N. as a
    financing mechanism for peacekeeping operations that do not fall under
    the command and control of the U.N.; lack adequate accountability
    measures; and place long-term political and financial obligations upon
    Member states absent Security Council oversight is a matter of serious
    concern. If confirmed, will you pledge to ensure that any peacekeeping
    mission funded by U.N. peacekeeping dollars is mandated and overseen by
    the Security Council?

        Answer. The United States has long supported strengthening
    strategic AU-U.N. partnerships to better address collective peace and
    security threats on the continent. If confirmed, I will strive to
    ensure that any AU peace operation that receives U.N. financial support
    is mandated by and preserves the primacy of the U.N. Security Council
    and complies with applicable international human rights law and U.N.
    conduct and discipline standards.

        Question. The United Nations maintains several particular bodies
    and departments that focus on the Palestinians. These include the
    Division on Palestinian Rights (DPR), the Committee on the Exercise of
    the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People (CEIRPP), and the
    United Nations Information System on the Question of Palestine
    (UNISPAL).

       Will you work to challenge the existence and funding of these
            departments?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will oppose efforts to unfairly single out
    or delegitimize Israel through one-sided resolutions, reports, and
    other actions across the United Nations.

        Question. The United States lacks a veto over membership decisions
    in U.N.-specialized agencies that the Palestinians could target for
    membership. When the Palestinians obtain membership, the United States
    must cut funding to that organization as required under two laws
    enacted by a Democratic-led Congress in the early 1990's. U.S. Code
    Title 22, Section 287e note, states:

            No funds authorized to be appropriated by this Act or any other
            Act shall be available for the United Nations or any
            specialized agency thereof which accords the Palestine
            Liberation Organization the same standing as member states.''
            (Adopted as Public Law 101-246 in 1990.)
              The United States shall not make any voluntary or assessed
            contribution: (1) to any affiliated organization of the United
            Nations which grants full membership as a state to any
            organization or group that does not have the internationally
            recognized attributes of statehood, or (2) to the United
            Nations, if the United Nations grants full membership as a
            state in the United Nations to any organization or group that
            does not have the internationally recognized attributes of
            statehood, during any period in which such membership is
            effective.'' (Adopted as Public Law 103-236 in 1994.)

        The language in these provisions is clear and provides no
    discretion or waiver authority. Will you support their enforcement as
    U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support compliance with U.S. laws.

        Question. Over the past several years, the Palestinian Authority
    has received votes in various U.N. bodies to upgrade its status. Such
    attempts undermine the long-held belief that peace between Israel and
    the Palestinian Authority can only come about as a direct result of
    direct negotiations.

       What is your plan to stop initiatives like this from even coming
            before U.N. entities, or the General Assembly, for a vote?

        Answer. I believe that efforts by the Palestinians to join
    international entities are premature and counterproductive. There are
    no shortcuts to Palestinian statehood outside direct negotiations
    between the parties. If confirmed, I will continue to make clear, both
    with the parties and with international partners, that the only
    realistic path forward to end this conflict is through direct
    negotiations aimed at achieving a comprehensive and lasting peace.

        Question. How will you address future attempts by the Palestinian
    Authority to achieve statehood through the United Nations?

        Answer. I believe that efforts by the Palestinians to join
    international entities are premature and counterproductive. There are
    no shortcuts to Palestinian statehood outside direct negotiations
    between the parties. If confirmed, I will continue to make clear, both
    with the parties and with international partners, that the only
    realistic path forward to end this conflict is through direct
    negotiations aimed at achieving a comprehensive and lasting peace.

        Question. The United States has long maintained a policy of
    opposing many one-sided Security Council resolutions that, more often
    than not, criticize Israel but fail to address other issues such as
    Palestinian terrorism.

       Do you support the use of an American veto to block one-sided anti-
            Israel resolutions in the Security Council?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to uphold President Biden's
    strong commitment to Israel and its security. This includes opposing
    efforts to unfairly single out or delegitimize Israel through one-sided
    resolutions, reports, and other actions across the United Nations,
    including the Security Council, the General Assembly, the Human Rights
    Council, and other bodies.
        Each decision to employ the veto is considered on the basis of U.S.
    policy interests and how they relate to the issue under consideration.

        Question. What do you believe should be the standard employed in
    deciding whether to veto or not?

        Answer. Each decision to employ the veto is considered on the basis
    of U.S. policy interests and how they relate to the issue under
    consideration.

        Question. Do you believe that there is a disproportionate focus on
    Israel at the U.N.? How would you counter this at the U.N.?

        Answer. Yes, and if confirmed I will continue the United States'
    opposition to efforts to unfairly single out or delegitimize Israel
    through one-sided resolutions, reports, and other actions across the
    United Nations, including the Security Council, the General Assembly,
    the Human Rights Council, and other bodies. If confirmed, I also look
    forward to working with our Israeli diplomatic colleagues to promote
    the election of Israel to U.N. leadership posts, inclusion in U.N.
    working groups, and support for qualified Israeli candidates for U.N.
    positions.

        Question. In a report requested by the U.N. Human Rights Council,
    the Commission of Inquiry on Burundi said in September 2020 that there
    had been ``little'' in the way of ``positive changes'' since President
    Evariste Ndayishimiye ``assumed office'' in June 2020, and concerns
    remain about human rights abuses committed both domestically against
    Burundian citizens and through Burundi's engagements in the region.

       What are your views on the human rights situation in Burundi? Do
            you believe the United States is in a position to reset its
            relationship with Ndayishimiye's Government, given the seeming
            continuity in human rights abuses from the former Nkurunziza
            Government?

        Answer. I am deeply concerned by ongoing serious human rights
    violations in Burundi, while recognizing some recent positive signs.
    The Government has committed to releasing over 4,000 prisoners and
    released some journalists jailed during the 2020 elections, convicted
    perpetrators of elections related crimes, started dialogue with
    previously banned local media, and engaged the international community.
    If confirmed, I will carefully assess the human rights situation in
    Burundi and seek to build on that progress.

        Question. How would you evaluate the performance of Burundian
    troops in the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM)? How can the
    U.S. better monitor their human rights record in Somalia? Are there
    opportunities to build in stronger human rights reporting for AMISOM,
    including to better monitor the human rights record of Burundian troops
    in Somalia? How can the U.S. push for greater capabilities of AMISOM to
    monitor the human rights performance of Burundi and other peacekeeper
    contributing countries under mission? What can the U.N. do regarding
    the AMISOM Mission to decrease dependency on Burundian troops in
    Somalia?

        Answer. I share your concerns about AMISOM's abilities to monitor
    the performance and conduct of contingents assigned to it. Somalia is a
    very challenging operating environment. The United States attempts to
    mitigate these challenges by drawing on multiple sources, including
    NGOs, media, U.N. agencies, intelligence reporting, and diplomatic
    contacts. We also regularly urge the AU to monitor contingents'
    performance and conduct and investigate and respond to reported abuse.
    If confirmed, I will work with the U.N., the Bureau of African Affairs,
    and AMISOM to continue to improve these efforts.

        Question. The Anglophone conflict in Cameroon is one of the world's
    most neglected yet intensely brutal conflicts.

       How can the U.S. better push for the U.N. Security Council to hold
            regular formal briefings and discussions on the Anglophone
            crisis in Cameroon, adding it formally to its agenda? If so,
            how do you propose the U.S. engage member states that have
            worked to block previous efforts to prioritize and regularize
            the Anglophone crisis within the U.N. Security Council?

        Answer. The United States engages U.N. Security Council member
    states regarding the need to resolve the Anglophone crisis and the
    severity of the humanitarian crisis in Cameroon. For example, we raise
    the Anglophone crisis during briefings by the Secretary-General's
    Special Representative and Head of the U.N. Office for Central Africa
    (UNOCA) Francois Fall. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage UNOCA
    to engage the Government of Cameroon and ask other U.N. member states
    to play a constructive role to resolve the Anglophone crisis.

        Question. Do you agree that the U.N. has a vital role in supporting
    inclusive internationally-mediated dialogue among the many actors in
    the Anglophone Crisis to find a lasting and sustainable solution to the
    crisis, addressing root causes and underlying grievances? If yes, what
    precisely should that role be, and how will you push for that within
    the U.N.?

        Answer. Yes. The United States fully supports the U.N. Office in
    Central Africa (UNOCA)'s role in promoting inclusive political dialogue
    in Cameroon, which includes the resolution of the Anglophone crisis.
    The importance of this work was reinforced in the strategic review of
    UNOCA conducted in 2020. If confirmed, I will support UNOCA's role and
    priorities when its mandate expires on August 31, 2021. The United
    States also fully supports the Swiss-led mediation of the Anglophone
    crisis, which the U.N. also supports.

        Question. The Cameroonian Government has consistently failed to
    investigate and prosecute perpetrators of atrocities committed against
    its civilians. It has proven itself unable to hold high-ranking
    government and military officials responsible for these crimes. How can
    the U.S. engage other like-minded countries in the U.N. to pursue
    accountability for atrocities committed in Cameroon, both by government
    and armed group actors?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will review the tools we have at the United
    Nations to press for a resolution to this conflict and to hold
    accountable those responsible for human rights violations and abuses. I
    will also seek opportunities to engage with like-minded countries that
    share a desire to bring this conflict to an end. If confirmed, I will
    also engage other U.N. member states on the importance of the rule of
    law and ending impunity in Cameroon and explore ways we can work
    together to move toward a resolution.

        Question. How can the United States more effectively encourage
    France to use its significant leverage in Cameroon to encourage the
    government to engage in meaningful dialogue and end the Anglophone
    conflict?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will review the different tools we have to
    press for a resolution of this conflict, including through discussions
    with counterparts from France and the UK. The United States routinely
    raises the situation in Cameroon with French officials and will
    continue to pursue a peaceful resolution of the conflict in the
    Anglophone regions.

        Question. Russia's dominant presence in CAR is alarming on several
    fronts, not just as it relates to the Central African country's
    internal and regional security, but also vital U.S. national security
    interests. Will you commit to closely monitoring Russia's presence in
    CAR and corresponding activity at the U.N., particularly as it relates
    to internal and regional security arrangements and the arms embargo?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will closely monitor Russia's presence
    in CAR and corresponding activity at the U.N., with a particular focus
    on internal and regional security arrangements and the arms embargo.
    Russia's close ties to the Touadera Government, involvement in CAR's
    security sector, and stake in its natural resources are extremely
    concerning. If confirmed, I will carefully review all the diplomatic
    tools available to respond appropriately to Russia's activities in CAR.

        Question. How can the United States best protect its interests in
    CAR and the broader region while also ensuring that other members of
    the U.N. Security Council are prioritizing the MINUSCA mission over
    their own foreign military operations in the country?

        Answer. The humanitarian situation and ongoing conflict in CAR is
    deeply concerning. So, too, are reports of anti-MINUSCA propaganda and
    allegations that foreign security actors are failing to deconflict
    their activities with MINUSCA, committing human rights abuses, and
    impeding humanitarian access. MINUSCA continues to provide crucial
    stabilization support, human rights monitoring, assistance to CAR's
    justice sector, and support for elections. If confirmed, I will engage
    with our partners in the region and in Europe, as well as in the U.N.,
    to ensure that MINUSCA remains well-resourced and can fully carry out
    its mandate, especially the protection of civilians.

        Question. How does the United Nations Organization Stabilization
    Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) contribute to
    the peace and security of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)? How
    effective is MONUSCO's current mandate and what changes might you
    propose should you be confirmed? What should the U.S., our European
    allies, and the U.N. peacekeeping mission (MONUSCO) be doing to support
    a peace process and end of the conflict in Eastern Congo?

        Answer. MONUSCO serves U.S. national security interests by
    assisting the DRC Government in its stabilization and peace
    consolidation efforts and supporting DRC's security forces to combat
    threats posed by armed groups and transnational criminal networks. The
    mission also uses its good offices to assist President Tshisekedi's
    efforts to end impunity for certain human rights violations and to
    advance security sector reform. If confirmed, I will continue U.S.
    engagement through our ambassador, the U.N., and regional and
    international partners to support efforts to stabilize the region. I
    will also press for the Force Intervention Brigade (FIB) to implement
    reforms to improve performance and for MONUSCO's responsible and
    sustainable transition and drawdown.

        Question. How can the U.S. better push for the U.N. Security
    Council to hold regular formal briefings and make statements about the
    ongoing conflicts and humanitarian crises in Ethiopia, including but
    not limited to the conflict in the Tigray region? How should the US.
    engage member states that have worked to block previous efforts to
    prioritize and regularize discussion of Ethiopia by the U.N. Security
    Council?

        Answer. Opposition from Russia, China, and other member states to
    formal meetings and public statements on the deeply troubling
    humanitarian and security situation in Ethiopia impedes the Security
    Council from speaking with one voice. If confirmed, I am committed to
    calling out those member states for their unwillingness to uphold the
    fundamental responsibility of the Security Council to address threats
    to international peace and security like the crisis in Ethiopia. I will
    also work closely with likeminded partners to raise the profile of
    Ethiopia in other fora and press for other U.N. bodies like the Human
    Rights Council to take up this important issue.

        Question. There has been considerable discussion about modifying
    the mandate of the United Nations Support Office in Somalia (UNSOS) and
    AMISOM to better address the challenges faced in Somalia.

       In your view, how can the U.S. engage in future mandate renewal
            processes, including with the penholder (U.K.), to have frank
            discussions about what we hope to achieve through UNSOS/AMISOM
            and how to push the government of Somalia to make progress?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to reviewing AMISOM's mandate
    closely with the UK, the AU, and other key stakeholders to ensure that
    it advances an approach that is sustainable, holistic, and
    appropriately geared toward supporting stabilization, counterterrorism,
    and transitioning security responsibilities to more capable,
    professional, and accountable Somali security forces. While military
    operations remain critical, addressing the drivers of Somalia's
    persistent instability, and the evolving hybrid threat posed by al-
    Shabaab, will require the Somalis and the international community,
    including AMISOM and the U.N., to utilize a broader range of tools.

        Question. U.N. Special Representative James Swan commented in
    November 2020, following Somalia's decision to forgo direct universal
    suffrage elections for a selection process similar to that of 2016,
    that ``we urge Somali leaders to prepare consensually a roadmap with
    clear timelines and benchmarks to ensure one-person-one-vote elections
    take place in 2024/25.'' To what extent do you feel, in reviewing the
    mandate for AMISOM, that consideration should to be given as to how the
    U.N. could play a bigger role in supporting and making preparations for
    universal suffrage elections in the future?

        Answer. The U.N. plays a critical role in assisting Somalia with
    stabilization and democratic development reforms. Among the U.N.
    elements operating in Somalia, the U.N. Assistance Mission in Somalia
    (UNSOM) is mandated with advising and assisting Somalia on political
    reforms, and is best suited to lead U.N. efforts in preparing the
    country for universal suffrage in the future. If confirmed, when
    UNSOM's mandate comes up for renewal in August 2021, I will work to
    ensure that support for democratic and electoral reforms, including
    supporting preparations for universal suffrage elections, remain at the
    core of UNSOM's responsibilities.

        Question. The United States voted with other members of the
    Security Council in December to end the mandate of the United Nations--
    African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), despite warnings
    that Sudan's Government had not yet demonstrated its ability to protect
    civilians in Darfur. The U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights notes
    ``severe gaps in protection by State authorities, as well as a lack of
    accountability for violations.''

       What, in your view, should UNITAMS' role be in helping to address
            these issues?

        Answer. The United States is committed to supporting Sudanese
    efforts to address civilian protection concerns in Darfur and
    throughout the country. I believe UNITAMS can play an important role in
    supporting Sudan's civilian-led transitional government as it works to
    address protection concerns, strengthen rule of law institutions, and
    build trust among the Sudanese people. If confirmed, I will push the
    Security Council to provide UNITAMS the resources and tools to support
    these important initiatives.

        Question. What is your view of the request by Sudan's transitional
    government to lift the U.N. arms embargo on Darfur? What changes if any
    should be made to the U.N. sanctions regime established pursuant to
    resolution 1591 (2005)?

        Answer. U.N. sanctions remain an important tool in the
    international community's response to the situation in Darfur. With the
    adoption of resolution 2562, the U.N. Security Council has requested
    the Secretary-General to conduct a review of the situation in Darfur
    and to provide by July 31, 2021 a report containing recommendations for
    clear and well identified benchmarks that could serve in guiding the
    Security Council to review the measures on Darfur under the 1591
    regime. If confirmed, I will carefully assess the appropriateness of
    adjustments to the U.N. Sudan sanctions regime.

        Question. How does the United Nations Interim Security Force for
    Abyei (UNISFA) contribute to the peace and security of Sudan and South
    Sudan? How effective is UNISFA's current mandate and what changes might
    you propose should you be confirmed?

        Answer. UNISFA has effectively prevented tensions over the status
    of Abyei or other border areas from escalating into conflict between
    Sudan and South Sudan. It has also played an important role in
    preventing and responding to conflict between local communities in the
    absence of local administration. However, both Sudan and South Sudan
    need to renew efforts to establish interim administrative and security
    bodies and restart talks on resolving Abyei's political status. If
    confirmed, I will work with colleagues to ensure that UNISFA's mandate
    remains appropriately focused, particularly with regard to the
    protection of civilians.

        Question. One of the key lessons from the Brahimi Report was that
    if a peace operation is to be part of implementing a peace agreement,
    it should have a role in the process and a seat at the table--in South
    Sudan, though the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) does
    not. Should UNMISS's political strategy be reexamined, and if so how,
    and how would you go about building support within the Council for a
    more robust role for the mission? Should UNMISS have a greater role in
    disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) and/or security
    sector reform (SSR)?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will monitor closely the U.N. Mission in
    South Sudan (UNMISS) with a view to making it as efficient and
    effective as possible to fulfill its mandate of protecting civilians,
    facilitating humanitarian assistance, supporting implementation of the
    Revitalized Peace Agreement and supporting respect for human rights.
    Disarmament, demobilization and reintegration and security sector
    reform are essential building blocks for the peace process in South
    Sudan. If confirmed, I will evaluate the role of UNMISS in these areas.

        Question. The Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and
    Response recently released its final report, in which the authors
    evaluated the WHO's response to the COVID-19 pandemic and made
    recommendations to prevent future pandemics from occurring. Included
    were recommendations to reduce the WHO Director General's term to a
    single seven-year term and adopt merit-based recruitment standards for
    other leadership staff; refocus the WHO on its core capabilities
    (upholding norms, providing policy and technical guidance, collecting
    and sharing critical global health data, and coordinating--rather than
    implementing--emergency responses); strengthen the International Health
    Regulations, including by giving WHO the right to conduct assessments
    without advance approval by Member States; create a Heads of State-
    level Global Health Threats Council; and create a multilateral
    incentive fund to sustainably finance pandemic preparedness and
    response. Do you agree that the World Health Organization is in need of
    reform and, if so, what specific reforms should the United States seek
    to advance at the upcoming World Health Assembly?

        Answer. Yes, the World Health Organization is in need of reform,
    and if confirmed I will support our efforts to make the WHO stronger,
    more independent and efficient. Proposed reforms will be informed by
    assessments of the COVID-19 response and past outbreaks, including the
    Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response and the other
    two independent reviews of WHO and Member State performance. The United
    States is working with partners in bilateral and multilateral fora to
    improve WHO's functioning, transparency, and accountability. This
    includes a focus on core areas such as science, data collection, and
    evaluation and promotion of evidence-based approaches. Reform requires
    improved human resources and financial management practices. Reform
    proposals should also incorporate policies throughout the organization
    that are gender-sensitive and respect human rights as well as the
    social determinants of health. Member states also need to live up to
    their commitments as expressed within the International Health
    Regulations.

        Question. Do you agree with the recommendations of the IPPPR? Which
    ones?

        Answer. I understand that the State Department and other agencies
    are reviewing the IPPPR recommendations alongside those of other
    assessments. After so many lives lost, the global community and each
    country must take immediate, tangible actions to both end this pandemic
    and to prepare for the next by taking steps to improve preparedness and
    response capabilities, including by increasing sustainable financing,
    enhancing biosurveillance with clear ``triggers'' for action, and
    expanding pandemic-related manufacturing with rapid surge capacity. If
    confirmed, I will seek to strengthen the global health architecture to
    promote preparedness, transparency, accountability, innovation, and
    impact, so that the global community will be better prepared to
    successfully prevent the next outbreak from becoming a pandemic.

        Question. If the U.S. is unwilling to leverage contributions, how
    will you ensure that far-reaching reforms are enacted?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will advance reforms at the WHO through
    advocacy, diplomacy, and dialogue, and will work with a broad coalition
    of like-minded member states to ensure that WHO reforms advance and
    apply lessons learned from the pandemic response. I would also seek to
    implement innovative approaches such as the non-binding U.S.-WHO
    Partnership Arrangement, a model pioneered by the United Kingdom, to
    include defined metrics and timelines for improvement. If confirmed, I
    look forward to consulting with you and your staff on this important
    matter.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Michele Jeanne Sison by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. If confirmed, what will you advise the Biden
    administration do regarding UNRWA?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will advise that the administration
    continue to make clear to UNRWA that adhering to the U.N. principles of
    strict neutrality, tolerance, anti-discrimination and protection of
    human rights is non-negotiable. UNRWA's mandate is set by the U.N.
    General Assembly and is to provide essential services directly to
    Palestinian refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, the West Bank and Gaza
    Strip. U.S. resumption of aid allows the Department to ensure UNRWA
    provides cost-efficient and effective services to its beneficiaries and
    that UNRWA upholds the highest level of transparency, accountability,
    tolerance, and neutrality. If confirmed, I would work with others in
    the Department to advise the administration on meaningful and
    sustainable reforms to UNRWA's operations, including strengthening
    UNRWA internal controls and the Advisory Committee's oversight of UNRWA
    management.

        Question. If confirmed, will you continue U.S. efforts to push back
    against international organizations, like the U.N., as they single out
    and attack Israel?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the United States' work in
    opposing efforts to unfairly single out or delegitimize Israel through
    one-sided resolutions, reports, and other actions across the United
    Nations, including the Security Council, the General Assembly, the
    Human Rights Council, and other bodies. If confirmed, I also look
    forward to working with our Israeli diplomatic colleagues, to promote
    the election of Israel to U.N. leadership posts, inclusion in U.N.
    working groups, and support for qualified Israeli candidates for U.N.
    positions.

        Question. Iran was recently elected to the U.N. Commission on the
    Status of Women. Given Iran's treatment of women, this election damages
    the credibility of this institution. If confirmed, will you actively
    work to oppose Iranian membership in such international bodies?

        Answer. I deeply share the concern that is the premise of your
    question, which is that some U.N. bodies include countries that do not
    live up to the objectives of the organization. In some cases, this is
    because the objectionable country runs on a clean regional slate which
    the majority of U.N. member states are unwilling to oppose.
        For the CSW, the United States wants to see member state candidates
    who champion gender equality, oppose discrimination against women,
    promote women's empowerment, and further their well-being. In the case
    of this election, the U.S. called for a vote despite a clean regional
    slate due to the presence of countries on the slate that do not uphold
    these values. If confirmed, for each particular election, I will ensure
    we examine the entire list of candidates and determine who we should
    support and who we should oppose.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to direct U.S.
    representatives at international organizations to oppose growing
    Russian and Chinese influence at these institutions?

        Answer. At the U.N., the People's Republic of China drives an
    authoritarian agenda that stands in opposition to the values of the
    United States and is inconsistent with the founding documents and
    principles of the U.N. itself, including on human rights, labor rights,
    transparency, and coercive economic practices. The PRC's efforts harm
    international organizations and their transparency, efficiency, values,
    and influence. If confirmed, I commit to work with U.S. representatives
    to international organizations to oppose the influence of the People's
    Republic of China, Russia, and others and to work with our partners and
    allies to lead on an affirmative agenda that strengthens the
    international rules-based order and its foundational values and
    principles.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Michele Jeanne Sison by Senator Todd Young

        Question. Do you agree that international organizations and
    multinational forums have become a key battleground in the strategic
    competition between the United States and China?

        Answer. Yes, and strategic competition with the People's Republic
    of China is one of the central challenges of the 21st century. The
    United States is able to respond to this challenge from a position of
    strength when we are engaged and leading international organizations,
    not pulling back and ceding the terrain to China to write the rules and
    norms that animate international institutions. If confirmed, I will use
    our engagement in the U.N. system to push back against the influence of
    China, and any country that seeks to undermine the rules-based order. I
    will steadfastly oppose activities that undermine the values,
    principles, and rules of the U.N. and other international
    organizations, and I will promote U.S. values and interests alongside
    our allies and partners.

        Question. The United States has repeatedly been boxed out by
    China's comprehensive strategy of whipping votes for leadership
    positions of specialized agencies: how would you lead the IO Bureau to
    ensure that the United States is laying the groundwork years in advance
    of vacancies to increase American or allied representation of these
    agencies?

        Answer. The integrity of the U.N. and other international
    organizations is vital to U.S. multilateral interests. If confirmed, I
    will ensure that the IO Bureau, including the new Office of
    Multilateral Strategy and Personnel, prioritize and implement a robust
    and timely strategy to identify opportunities across the U.N. system to
    increase the representation of qualified and independent American and
    likeminded candidates at all levels. I will also coordinate closely
    with our allies and partners to plan for and support the election of
    qualified, independent candidates who will uphold the U.N.'s
    foundational principles, values, and norms, including a focus on human
    rights and economic transparency.

        Question. What lessons can be learned by the 2020 election for the
    Director General role at the World I.P. Organization--or, WIPO--and how
    the United States proactively helped win support for the Singaporean
    candidate, beating out a Chinese official?

        Answer. The World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) 2020
    election was a powerful example of the strength of U.S. diplomacy and
    the importance of ensuring strong leadership in standard-setting
    bodies. Coordinating with partners and allies to rally support for
    qualified and independent candidates who promote transparency,
    accountability, and the rule of law is and will continue to be a recipe
    for success in future leadership elections within U.N./international
    bodies. We also need to emphasize that the PRC is driving an
    authoritarian agenda that stands in opposition to the values of the
    United States and the U.N.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Michele Jeanne Sison by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. What more should the United States do to ensure China
    does not achieve its objective of reshaping and dominating
    international institutions? PRC nationals now lead four of the United
    Nations' 15 specialized agencies and groups, and have added many
    Chinese nationals to the staff of these organizations. Some 30 United
    Nations agencies and institutions have signed memorandums in support of
    China's Belt and Road project.

        Answer. I believe the United States must engage strategically to
    defend, strengthen, and revitalize the international order and its
    foundational values, rules, and principles, including through
    rebuilding and strengthening our alliances and partnerships. If
    confirmed, I will seek to improve the U.N.'s effectiveness and
    transparency, support qualified and independent candidates for key
    positions in U.N. agencies, advance strong reforms including
    whistleblower protections, and take targeted actions to oppose efforts
    by the PRC that undermine a rules-based international order. If
    confirmed, I commit to combatting PRC attempts to insert its domestic
    ideology and policy language into U.N. and multilateral policy
    documents. We must also work with the boards of U.N. organizations to
    increase oversight of the U.N.'s work in order to uphold the U.N.'s
    values rather than the promotion of a single country's flagship
    program.

        Question. If confirmed, do you support standing up an office within
    the Bureau of International Organization to specifically address the
    threat of growing Chinese influence in global institutions?

        Answer. Yes, I believe the establishment of the new office of
    Multilateral Strategy and Personnel in the Bureau of International
    Organization Affairs will enable the United States to more
    strategically engage across the multilateral system and uphold its
    foundational principles, values, and norms. Our approach toward the
    People's Republic of China (PRC) at the U.N. and other international
    organizations will derive from a clear and compelling affirmative U.S.
    policy agenda, and when the PRC seeks to undermine the international
    rules-based order, we will take action to oppose those efforts. If
    confirmed, I look forward to working closely with Congress to consider
    other ways to effectively outcompete the PRC and advance U.S.
    multilateral priorities.

        Question. Do you agree that China under the Chinese Communist Party
    is pursuing a systematic, decades-long campaign to achieve global
    preeminence and reshape the international order to the CCP's benefit?

        Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) engages in conduct
    around the world that undermines the international system that has
    supported global peace and security, stability, prosperity, and human
    rights for more than 75 years. The PRC drives an authoritarian agenda
    that stands in opposition to the foundational values and principles of
    the U.N. and other international organizations. If confirmed, pushing
    back against the PRC's attempts to reshape the international system
    will be a top priority of mine. I will rally support with allies,
    partners, and other countries to oppose the PRC's efforts to undercut
    international institutions, values, and rules, and will ensure that the
    United States advances an affirmative agenda centered on human rights,
    individual freedoms, transparency, and good governance.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to pushing the World Health
    Organization to conduct a transparent and thorough investigation
    regarding the origin of COVID-19 as a critical step to preventing the
    next pandemic?

        Answer. Yes. If I am confirmed, I will press the WHO to conduct a
    thorough second phase of the COVID-19 study in China. The world needs
    to understand how this pandemic originated so that we can better
    prepare our governments, our people and our public health institutions
    for future health crises. That is why we are continuing to work with
    the WHO and with other Member States to support a science-based and
    expert-driven study of the pandemic's origins that is free from
    interference or politicization.

        Question. Do you believe it is prudent for the United States to
    support gain-of-function research in China?

        Answer. As underscored by the COVID-19 pandemic, all nations,
    including China, must commit to cooperation that is rooted in openness,
    transparency, and scientific independence. As a general matter, I
    believe scientific cooperation between nations is crucial to addressing
    transnational threats to global health.
        On the particular matter of research funding, I would defer to the
    relevant authorities, including the Department of Health and Human
    Services and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

                                   __________

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                            WEDNESDAY, JUNE 9, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:30 p.m. via
    Videoconference, Hon. Chris Van Hollen, presiding.
        Present: Senators Van Hollen [presiding], Kaine, Booker,
    Young, and Rounds.

              OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN,
                       U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND

        Senator Van Hollen. The nominations hearing of the Senate
    Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
        Welcome, everybody, to the committee, and I do want to
    begin by giving a special salute and shout out to my colleague,
    Senator Mike Rounds, who is the ranking member of the Global
    Health and Africa Subcommittee, and look forward to working
    with him and all our colleagues on the subcommittee and the
    full committee on the large range of pressing issues that are
    before the subcommittee and the full committee.
        I see we have also been joined by my colleague, Senator
    Kaine from Virginia, and I am sure others will be joining us as
    we go.
        Let me acknowledge our nominees and congratulations to all
    of you on your nominations to be ambassadors to these
    countries, and thank you for your service.
        We have with us today Ambassador Larry Edward Andre, Jr.,
    to be the United States Ambassador to Somalia, Ambassador Maria
    E. Brewer to be the United States Ambassador to Lesotho,
    Ambassador Tulinabo Mushingi to be U.S. Ambassador to Angola
    and Sao Tome and Principe, and Ms. Elizabeth Moore Aubin to be
    the U.S. Ambassador to Algeria, and Mr. Eugene S. Young to be
    the United States Ambassador to the Republic of Congo, and
    finally, last but not least, Mr. Christopher John Lamora to be
    the United States Ambassador to Cameroon.
        Again, welcome everybody, and I am going to give some brief
    opening remarks, turn it over to my colleague, Senator Rounds,
    and then we will hear from each of you.
        Today's hearing is first and foremost a nominations
    hearing. But in the broader sense, it is an opportunity for us
    to reexamine our nation's diplomatic relationships with
    countries across Africa.
        President Biden has made clear his mission to restore
    America's role on the world stage as a force for democracy, for
    diplomacy, for human rights, and for international cooperation.
        Those principles must be front and center in our ongoing
    engagement with African countries and with their citizens. The
    best way to advance that cause is by focusing on the
    opportunities for action, opportunities to invest in and engage
    with some of the fastest growing countries and economies in the
    world.
        By 2050, the population of Africa is expected to double and
    will account for one quarter of the world's population. Africa
    is also the youngest continent in the world, and 60 percent of
    Africans are under the age of 25.
        These young people will be at the vanguard of the next
    global generation, helping to lead the charge in innovation,
    technology, business, and economic growth. Our investment in
    their futures will help ensure greater prosperity, opportunity,
    peace, and security, both abroad but also here at home.
        That cause holds an added measure of urgency as we confront
    the reality that many of our biggest threats are interconnected
    and global.
        As we have seen throughout the past year, viruses know no
    borders and our ability to defeat COVID-19 and tackle future
    outbreaks as well as outbreaks of other diseases requires our
    participation and our leadership in a global and coordinated
    response.
        The same is true for taking on the climate crisis, which,
    obviously, has impact here at home and everywhere in the world.
    It is a key driver of the plight of displacement in many
    countries like Somalia.
        It also represents a real opportunity at home and around
    the world for the production of new sources of clean energy,
    both for Africa and for the global economy.
        We are engaging in projects that advance these goals and
    others through ventures lie the Power Africa initiative and
    President Biden's pledge on the coronavirus fight front to
    donate now hundreds of millions of doses worldwide and our
    contribution to COVAX.
        So the United States has now pledged $4 billion to fight
    COVID-19 through COVAX. Prior to today, the president has
    announced 80 million doses that we would contribute to
    countries around the world, and just this afternoon it was it
    was indicated that tomorrow the president will announce the
    United States intends to purchase another 500 million doses to
    help defeat COVID-19 around the world.
        Of the 25 million original doses, the first tranche of
    doses that the United States will distribute 5 million will be
    devoted to Africa. So this is an important moment for the
    United States to take a leadership role in that area, and so
    many others.
        My colleagues on both sides of the aisle, Republicans and
    Democrats, have been right to also recognize that China is
    using its mercantilist and debt trap strategies to gain more
    influence in countries around the world, including Africa, and
    if we keep up business as usual we will give China a free pass
    to use that leverage to export its model of authoritarianism to
    governments in developing countries.
        I think we are all pleased that just yesterday the United
    States Senate passed on a bipartisan basis legislation to
    significantly increase our competitiveness here at home but
    also to reassert U.S. leadership in many of these areas
    overseas.
        So, for example, a part of that bill that emerged from the
    Senate Foreign Relations Committee included an increase of $100
    billion authorization for the U.S. International Development
    Finance Corporation, which we hope will be investing in Africa.
        Africa, of course, is not a monolith. All of you know that
    better than anybody. You are all going to countries that have
    their own unique histories and own complex issues and
    challenges.
        And so today gives us an opportunity both to address those
    individual issues as well as a take a look at the broader
    situation.
        So let me now turn it over to Senator Rounds for any
    opening statement he wishes to give, and then I will introduce
    our nominees and then turn it over to them for questioning.
        Senator Rounds?

                     STATEMENT OF HON. MIKE ROUNDS,
                     U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH DAKOTA

        Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I most
    certainly appreciate your opening comments, and I think that
    this is one of those committees where bipartisan agreement can
    be found and I think we begin today in a very good way.
        I am very pleased to see such a qualified panel of nominees
    before us today, with three previously confirmed by the
    committee to serve in ambassadorial posts as well as
    experienced State Department personnel with great records of
    service.
        I want to thank you and your families for your service to
    our country.
        Ambassador Andre, your deep background with Africa will
    serve you well if you are confirmed to be our next ambassador
    to Somalia. I look forward to hearing your views on Somalia, a
    country struggling to overcome 30 years of instability in order
    to achieve democratic development and viable national
    institutions.
        Somalia's successful revolution, socially, politically and
    economically, is vital for our interests in the region to
    include significant counterterrorism efforts against the
    violent extremist group al-Shabaab.
        If confirmed, it will be critical that you maintain a close
    relationship with Congress to help assure a prudent way
    forward.
        Ambassador Brewer, if confirmed, your experience as
    ambassador to Sierra Leone, a small nation where the U.S.
    relationship focuses on foreign assistance, particularly in the
    health sector, would make you well placed to serve as our
    ambassador to Lesotho, and I commend you for your desire to
    lead a U.S. embassy and a USAID team, a small mission to help
    mentor the next generation of the Foreign Service.
        Given the challenges in fully staffing posts in Africa,
    seasoned diplomats willing to serve in such a mentorship role
    are definitely needed. I look forward to hearing your thoughts
    on how USAID programs and trade relations with Lesotho can help
    that nation advance politically and economically.
        Ambassador Mushingi, if you are confirmed, I will be glad
    that we will be sending such an experienced diplomat with
    experience in five African countries to be our next ambassador
    to Angola and the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe.
        Seems to me that Angola's reformist President Lourenco
    continues to provide an opportunity to deepen our relationship
    with that nation. I look forward to hearing how you, if
    confirmed, would support those reform efforts.
        Ms. Aubin, your experience in Algeria would well qualify
    you, if confirmed, to be our next ambassador to that nation. I
    look forward to hearing from you about how you would lead our
    embassy in Algiers, in context of the problem sets facing the
    North African region, and Algeria's ongoing political
    challenges.
        Also Of particular interest to me are your views on how we
    can best meet the challenges of Morocco's unfortunate
    annexation with U.S. approval, I might add, of Western Sahara,
    an action which I find deeply troubling.
        Mr. Young, your experience in sub-Saharan Africa and as an
    economic and commercial officer at numerous posts will prepare
    you well, if confirmed, to be our next ambassador to the
    Republic of Congo. I look forward to hearing from you about
    Congo and particularly how you would advance our relationship
    with that nation in the face of tremendous corruption and
    increased Chinese influence.
        Mr. Lamora, your Africa experience makes you well prepared
    for the difficult post for which you have been nominated.
        I am interested in your views on how the U.S. can work with
    the Cameroonian institutions as well as with other nations to
    address violent extremism, as well as the Anglophone crisis
    affecting the northwest and southwest regions of Cameroon.
        I would also like to hear from you on the tremendous
    challenges to democratic development posed by the Government's
    crackdown on political opposition and press, the president's
    reelection to a seventh term in 2018 election marred by
    violence and absence of a clear successor with concerns for
    further instability should he die or become incapacitated.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you, Senator, and thank you
    for providing some background on each of these nominees.
        I am going to provide a little more background on each of
    them because I think it is important that people who are tuning
    in to the committee recognize the breadth and depth of
    experience that these diplomats have, and I think we can take
    great pride in the fact that the president has nominated this
    distinguished group of individuals.
        So Ambassador Andre, Jr., is currently the charge
    d'affaires ad interim at the U.S. Embassy in Juba, South Sudan.
    He is a former ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Mauritania
    and to the Republic of Djibouti, which has a majority ethnic
    Somali population and a peacekeeping contingent in Somalia.
        Ambassador Andre's earlier assignments also include service
    as the political counselor in Nairobi, Kenya, at which time his
    section oversaw Somali affairs.
        He is the recipient of more than a dozen notable senior
    State Department awards, including the Director General Award
    for reporting. So thank you for joining us.
        Ambassador Brewer recently served as the United States
    Ambassador to the Republic of Sierra Leone. Prior to that role,
    Ambassador Brewer was the Deputy Director of Career Development
    and Assignments at the State Department's Bureau of Human
    Resources, and she also served as the deputy chief of mission
    and charge ad interim at the U.S. Embassy in Abuja, Nigeria.
        In Nigeria, she oversaw a $500 million annual PEPFAR
    program as part of a global campaign to fight HIV/AIDS. She
    earned the State Department's Distinguished Honor Award.
        Ambassador Mushingi is currently the U.S. ambassador to
    Senegal and the Republic of Guinea Bissau. Earlier in his
    career, Ambassador Mushingi served as the United States
    Ambassador to Burkina Faso and as the deputy chief of mission
    to the United States Embassy in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
        In Washington, Ambassador Mushingi served as executive
    director at the Executive Office of the Secretary of State, and
    in 2017 he received the prestigious Palmer Award for the
    Advancement of Democracy.
        Ms. Aubin is currently the acting Principal Deputy
    Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs.
    Throughout her three decades of service she has held the posts
    as executive director of the Joint Executive Office of the
    Bureaus of Near Eastern Affairs and South and Central Asian
    Affairs, deputy chief of mission of the United States Embassy
    in Ottawa, Canada, executive director of the Bureau of Western
    Hemisphere Affairs, and deputy chief of mission at the United
    States Embassy in Algiers, Algeria.
        Ms. Aubin has received numerous State Department awards,
    including multiple performance awards for her work in the
    senior Foreign Service.
        Mr. Young is the economic counselor at the U.S. Embassy in
    Jerusalem, Israel. Previously, Mr. Young was the charge
    d'affaires and ad interim and deputy chief of mission at the
    United States Embassy in Vienna, Austria, and counsel and
    senior civilian representative at the U.S. consulate in Herat,
    Afghanistan, and deputy chief of mission at the U.S. Embassy in
    Ljubljana, Slovenia.
        He has also served as the economic counselor at the United
    States Embassy in Nairobi, Kenya, and U.S. Consul General in
    Durban, South Africa. His service has been honored with several
    State Department awards, and I welcome him as well.
        Mr. Lamora is currently the deputy chief of mission at the
    United States Embassy in Accra, Ghana, which is the fifth
    largest U.S. embassy in sub-Saharan Africa. Previously, he was
    Acting Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Central Africa
    and African Security Affairs.
        Mr. Lamora has nearly 30 years of Foreign Service
    experience, 12 of which has been spent focused on African
    policy security, economic development, and partnerships, and he
    has served in three African countries including Cameroon. He is
    the recipient of numerous State Department awards as well.
        So thank you all very much, again, for your prior service.
    We look forward to the discussion today.
        And with that, I call upon Ambassador Andre to deliver an
    opening statement.
        Ambassador Andre?

      STATEMENT HON. LARRY EDWARD ANDRE, JR., OF TEXAS, A CAREER
        MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINSTER-
        COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
    PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE FEDERAL
                          REPUBLIC OF SOMALIA

        Mr. Andre. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished
    members of the committee, greetings from South Sudan. I am
    honored to come before you today as President Biden's nominee
    to be the next United States Ambassador to the Federal Republic
    of Somalia.
        I am grateful to the president and Secretary Blinken for
    their confidence in me. My wife, Ouroukou Andre, and my
    children, Ruhiyyih and Isidore Andre, are watching online.
        I thank all my family, friends, and colleagues for their
    support.
        Mr. Chairman, I first came to Africa in 1983 as a Peace
    Corps volunteer in Senegal. I then worked in Chad on post-war
    reconstruction. I joined the State Department in 1990,
    intending to continue my focus on Africa. I am now serving my
    tenth tour on the continent.
        My three domestic assignments were also Africa related. I
    have served at our embassies in each of the countries that
    border Somalia.
        If confirmed, I will draw on these experiences to lead our
    U.S. Embassy Mogadishu team in advancing our partnership with
    Somalia's people and their federal and state governments for
    greater peace and prosperity.
        I commit to keep you and your staff informed of our
    progress.
        Mr. Chairman, having spent much of my career serving in
    dangerous places, I feel deeply the responsibility of an
    ambassador toward all resident Americans and toward all U.S.
    Government employees in country.
        If confirmed, I will promote the safety of American
    citizens and of my embassy colleagues.
        Mr. Chairman, the United States needs a stable Somalia as
    do the Somali people, East Africa, and the international
    community. If confirmed, I will work with Somalia's federal and
    state governments, Somali civil society, regional organizations
    and like-minded international partners to promote stability
    through credible elections and governance reforms that advance
    peace and prosperity.
        Mr. Chairman, among other needed reforms, Somalia would
    benefit from a compromise leading to national consensus on the
    relationship between the federal government and state
    governments. The nature of Somali federalism has remained an
    open question for too long.
        Mr. Chairman, the people of Somalia and their neighbors are
    attacked regularly by al-Qaeda's East Africa branch al-Shabaab.
    There is a smaller ISIS Somalia presence in the north. Both
    international terrorist networks threaten our interests in the
    region and aspire to attack Americans.
        If confirmed, I will continue the work of Ambassador
    Yamamoto, applying the full range of tools to help Somalis
    defend themselves and rid their country of terrorism.
        I will also coordinate with the African Union's
    peacekeeping operation in Somalia. I will be guided by our
    shared goal of more operationally capable and professional
    Somali security forces that respect human rights, protect
    civilians, and hold accountable those responsible for abuses.
        In recent years, Somali security forces have made progress
    in this direction. The U.S. military, the European Union, and
    the United Nations has contributed to that progress.
        Mr. Chairman, aside from political and security challenges,
    Somalis also confront a variety of natural calamities, economic
    dysfunction, and deficient educational and other public
    services. These difficulties contribute to poverty, hunger, and
    displacement.
        If confirmed, I would support the work of our development,
    humanitarian, and economic professionals in coordination with
    Somali authorities and international organizations to provide
    aid from the American people to Somalis in need and to promote
    inclusive economic growth.
        Ethnic Somali communities around the world are known for
    their resourcefulness, dynamism, and entrepreneurial spirit.
    Under the right conditions, Somalia will thrive due to the
    qualities of the Somali people.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, I
    thank you for this opportunity to appear before you. I am eager
    to respond to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Hon. Larry Edward Andre
    follows:]

               Prepared Statement of Hon. Larry Edward Andre, Jr.

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
    committee, greetings from Juba, South Sudan. I am honored to come
    before you today as President Biden's nominee to be the next United
    States Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Somalia. I am grateful to
    the President and Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me.
        My wife, Ouroukou Andre, and my children, Ruhiyyih Andre and
    Isidore Andre, are watching online. I thank all my family, friends, and
    colleagues for their support.
        Mr. Chairman, I first came to Africa in 1983 as a Peace Corps
    Volunteer in Senegal, and then in Chad working on post-war
    reconstruction. I joined the State Department in 1990. I am now serving
    my tenth tour in Africa. With an additional three domestic Africa-
    related assignments, my over 31-year diplomatic career has focused
    almost exclusively on the continent. I have served at our embassies in
    each of the countries that border Somalia. If confirmed, I will draw on
    these experiences to advance our partnership with Somalia's people and
    their federal and state-level governments toward greater peace and
    prosperity.
        The United States needs a stable Somalia, as do the Somali people,
    East Africa and the international community. If confirmed, I will work
    with the Somali federal government, Somalia's state governments,
    regional organizations, and like-minded international partners to
    promote stability through credible elections that advance peace and
    prosperity. Mr. Chairman, Somalia's political stability also requires
    compromise leading to national consensus on the relationship between
    the federal government and state governments. The nature of Somali
    federalism has remained an open question for too long.
        Mr. Chairman, the people of Somalia and their neighbors are
    attacked regularly by al-Qaeda's East Africa branch, al-Shabaab. There
    is a smaller ISIS-Somalia presence in the north. Both international
    terrorist networks threaten our interests in the region and aspire to
    attack our country. If confirmed, I will continue the work of
    Ambassador Yamamoto to bring to bear the full range of tools to help
    Somalis defend themselves and rid their country of terrorism. I will
    also coordinate with AMISOM, the African Union's peacekeeping
    operation. I will be guided by our shared goal of more operationally
    capable and professional Somali security forces that respect human
    rights, protect civilians, and hold accountable those responsible for
    abuses. In recent years, the Somali National Army has made progress in
    this direction. The U.S. military, the European Union, and the United
    Nations have contributed to that progress.
        Mr. Chairman, having spent much of my career serving at U.S.
    embassies in dangerous places, I feel deeply the responsibility of an
    Ambassador toward all resident Americans and to all U.S. Government
    employees and contractors. If confirmed, I will lead our team in
    Somalia to take all necessary measures to promote the security of
    American citizens and of U.S. Government colleagues while we work with
    the Somali people, their government, and our international partners to
    advance shared objectives.
        Aside from political and security challenges, Somalis also confront
    a variety of natural calamities, economic dysfunction, and deficient
    educational and other public services that contribute to poverty,
    hunger, and displacement. If confirmed, I would support the work of our
    development, humanitarian, and economic professionals, in coordination
    with Somali authorities and international organizations, to provide aid
    from the American people to Somalis in need and to promote inclusive
    economic growth.
        If confirmed, I will lead our U.S. Embassy Mogadishu team to
    advance peace and prosperity through diplomacy, defense, and
    development efforts in partnership with the Somali people and their
    federal and state governments. I commit to keep you and your staff
    informed.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, I thank you
    for this opportunity to appear before you. I am eager to respond to
    your questions.

        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
        And next, we will hear from Ambassador Brewer.

    STATEMENT OF HON. MARIA E. BREWER OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER
      OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
    NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
         THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF LESOTHO

        Ms. Brewer. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds,
    members of the committee. It is an honor to appear before you
    as you consider my nomination as U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom
    of Lesotho.
        I thank President Biden for this opportunity and for the
    trust that he and Secretary Blinken have shown in my ability to
    serve our country again as U.S. Ambassador.
        If confirmed, I look forward to collaborating with this
    committee as we advance U.S. objectives in Lesotho. I would
    like to thank my husband, Mark, and our 12-year-old daughter,
    Arina, for their love and support, along with my parents,
    William and Maria Pallick, who are watching from their home in
    Texas. Also, today is my father's 77th birthday. So I would
    like to say happy birthday, Dad.
        Having served nearly 25 years with the U.S. Department of
    State, I have substantial experience working on African
    affairs, most recently as the U.S. Ambassador to Sierra Leone.
        My experience has taught me the need to develop diverse
    teams that reflect the countries we serve and to foster high
    morale in challenging environments.
        If confirmed, I will draw on this experience to pursue U.S.
    goals and protect U.S. interests in Lesotho. Promoting
    democratic governance is at the core of U.S. values and of what
    we wish to accomplish in Lesotho.
        Lesotho seeks to implement reforms to reduce political
    instability, strengthen its institutions, and professionalize
    its military. These goals align with our own.
        Our embassy has made great strides in promoting the rule of
    law, civilian control of the Lesotho's military, and government
    accountability.
        If confirmed, I will collaborate with this committee, the
    interagency, and the Government of Lesotho to strengthen
    Lesotho's institutions, reinforce its ability to meet the needs
    of its people, and build capacity to be a better partner to us.
        Last year taught every country that promoting the health of
    its people is a core imperative. In Lesotho, health system
    strengthening is at the center of our assistance.
        With one in four adults afflicted by HIV/AIDS, and many
    children orphaned by it, shoring up the Lesotho's capacity to
    fight HIV/AIDS will remain a critical component of U.S.
    engagement.
        The President's Emergency Plan For AIDS Relief, or PEPFAR,
    generously funded by Congress, has transformed the Lesotho.
    Lesotho is one of the first countries to reach epidemic
    control, surpassing U.N. AIDS targets and cutting new
    infections by half. Our health partnerships have also bolstered
    Lesotho's capacity to confront COVID-19.
        Curbing the spread of these pandemics contributes to global
    health security, which benefits Americans here at home. To
    increase internal stability and its ability to be an effective
    partner, Lesotho needs economic development.
        AGOA, the African Growth and Opportunity Act,
    revolutionized Lesotho's economy, creating more than 45,000
    private sector jobs. More progress is needed improving work
    conditions and preparing Lesotho for its post-AGOA future.
        I will support economic diversification, continued progress
    on AGOA eligibility criteria, and overall improvement of the
    business climate, if confirmed. Doing so not only improves the
    lives of Basotho, but also improves conditions for U.S.
    companies seeking to do business with Lesotho.
        The Department of State in 2020 ranked Lesotho among the
    countries whose governments do not fully comply with the
    minimum standards in the Trafficking Victims Protection Act.
    The State Department has worked with the Government of Lesotho
    to urge it to devote resources to combating trafficking in
    persons. Lesotho and its people are receptive to this message
    and we are seeing real progress.
        If confirmed, I commit to pressing Lesotho for increased
    prevention and prosecution of these crimes and increased
    protection for victims. I will paramount the safety and
    security of U.S. citizens in Lesotho and the entire U.S.
    Embassy team, including U.S. citizen employees, their families,
    and our Lesotho colleagues.
        If confirmed, I would do all within my power to ensure the
    security of our mission and oversee its operation.
        Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you.
    If confirmed, I welcome the challenge and privilege of
    protecting and advancing U.S. interests in Maseru as the U.S.
    ambassador. I look forward to any questions you may have.
        Thank you.
        [The prepared statement of Hon. Maria E. Brewer follows:]

                   Prepared Statement of Hon. Maria E. Brewer

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the committee,
    It is an honor to appear before you as you consider my nomination as
    U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Lesotho. I want to thank President
    Biden for this opportunity and for the trust that he and Secretary
    Blinken have in my ability to serve our country again as U.S.
    ambassador. If confirmed, I look forward to collaborating with this
    committee as we advance U.S. foreign policy objectives in Lesotho. I am
    honored and fortunate to have my husband, Mark, and our twelve-year-old
    daughter, Arina, here with me today. I thank them for their constant
    love and support, along with my parents, William and Maria Pallick, who
    are watching from their home in Texas.
        Having served nearly 25 years with the U.S. Department of State, I
    have substantial experience working on African affairs, most recently
    as U.S. Ambassador to Sierra Leone. My experience has taught me the
    need to develop diverse teams that reflect the country we serve and to
    foster high morale in challenging environments. If confirmed, I will
    draw upon this wealth of knowledge and management experience to pursue
    U.S. goals and to protect U.S. interests in Lesotho.
        Promoting democratic governance is at the core of U.S. values and
    of what we seek to accomplish in Lesotho. As Secretary Blinken noted,
    ``strong democracies are more stable, better partners to us, more
    committed to human rights, less prone to conflict, and more dependable
    markets for our goods and services.'' Along with its Southern African
    Development Community partners, Lesotho seeks to implement reforms to
    reduce political instability, strengthen its institutions, and
    professionalize its military. Our embassy has already made great
    strides in promoting the rule of law, civilian control of Lesotho's
    military, and government accountability. If confirmed, I will
    collaborate with this committee, the interagency, and the Government of
    Lesotho to strengthen Lesotho's institutions, to reinforce its ability
    to meet the needs of its people, and to build its capacity to be a
    better partner to us.
        The last year taught every country that promoting the health of its
    people is a core imperative. In Lesotho, health system strengthening is
    at the center of our assistance efforts. With one in four adults living
    with HIV/AIDS and many more children orphaned by it, shoring up
    Lesotho's capacity to confront HIV/AIDS will remain a critical
    component to U.S. engagement. PEPFAR, which Congress generously funds,
    has transformed Lesotho, which was one of the first countries to reach
    epidemic control, surpassing UNAIDS targets and cutting new infections
    by half. Our health partnerships have also bolstered Lesotho's capacity
    to confront COVID-19. Curbing the spread of these pandemics in Lesotho
    contributes to global health security which benefits Americans at home.
    If confirmed, I will seek to sustain momentum in these areas.
        To increase internal stability and its ability to be an effective
    partner, Lesotho needs economic development. AGOA--the African Growth
    and Opportunity Act--revolutionized Lesotho's economy, creating over
    45,000 private sector jobs in Lesotho, making it the second largest
    sub-Saharan supplier of textiles and apparel to the United States.
    Nevertheless, there is still important progress to be made,
    particularly improving work conditions and preparing Lesotho for its
    post-AGOA future once the Act expires in 2025. I will work diligently
    to support economic diversification, continued progress on AGOA
    eligibility criteria, and overall improvement of the business climate,
    if confirmed. Doing so not only improves the lives of Basotho, but also
    improves conditions for U.S. companies seeking to do business with
    Lesotho.
        The Department of State in 2020 ranked Lesotho among the countries
    whose governments do not fully comply with the minimum standards in the
    Trafficking Victims Protection Act and which are not making significant
    efforts to comply. The Department has worked assiduously with the
    Government of Lesotho to urge it to devote resources to combatting
    trafficking in persons. Lesotho and its people are receptive to this
    message and making real progress. If confirmed, I will commit to
    pushing Lesotho for increased prevention and prosecution of these
    crimes and increased protection for victims.
        In addition to these policy aims, I hold paramount the safety and
    security of U.S. citizens in Lesotho, and the entire U.S. Embassy team,
    including U.S. citizen employees, their families, and our Basotho
    colleagues. If confirmed, I would do all within my power to ensure the
    security of our Mission and oversee its operations.
        In closing, I would like to thank you all again for the opportunity
    to appear before you today. If confirmed, I would welcome the challenge
    and privilege of protecting and advancing U.S. interests in Maseru as
    the U.S. Ambassador. I look forward to any questions you may have.

        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Madam Ambassador. I think
    the full committee would like to extend a happy birthday to
    your father.
        And now we will turn to Ambassador Mushingi. The floor is
    yours.

     STATEMENT OF HON. TULINABO S. MUSHINGI OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER
    MEMBER OF THE FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO
     BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
       STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF ANGOLA, AND TO SERVE
    CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS AMBASSADOR
       EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
      AMERICA TO THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF SAO TOME AND PRINCIPE

        Mr. Mushingi. Thank you, sir.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
    committee, it is a privilege, indeed, to appear before you
    today as President Biden's nominee to serve as the U.S.
    Ambassador to the Republic of Angola and to the Democratic
    Republic of Sao Tome and Principe.
        I thank the president and the secretary of state for their
    confidence in me. I am equally grateful for this distinguished
    committee's consideration.
        I appear today with unfailing support of my wife of 40
    years, Rebecca, who has also served our country, working for 13
    years with the U.S. Peace Corps, and of our beloved daughter,
    Furaha.
        My work across Africa, from Mozambique to Morocco, from
    Ethiopia to Senegal, as well as through various assignments in
    Washington, D.C., have prepared me to deliver meaningful
    results for the American people in the role for which I have
    been nominated.
        If confirmed, I will work to foster stronger ties between
    the United States and Angola and Sao Tome and Principe.
        President Lourenco's economic and political reform agenda
    aligns with U.S. interests and presents us a unique opportunity
    to develop a mutually beneficial partnership with this fast-
    emerging economy and rising African nation.
        As the Government of Angola fosters a better business
    climate, U.S. companies seek tremendous trade and investment
    opportunities, and recently, U.S. companies have achieved major
    successes in the energy and IT sectors.
        Angola's legacy of land mines continues to impede economic
    development and conservation efforts. Since 1995, U.S.A. has
    been the largest donor to demining efforts in Angola, investing
    more than $145 million dollars to clear land mines.
        The 2018 Defending Economic Livelihoods and Threatened
    Animals Act helps to combat wildlife trafficking and to protect
    land and water resources.
        If confirmed, I will reinforce our commitment to help
    Angola eliminate the threat of land mines and protect its
    natural resources.
        Deep ties bind the United States and Angola. An estimated
    one-quarter of all African Americans have Angolan roots. In
    fact, the first enslaved Africans to arrive in what is now the
    United States in 1619 were from what is now Angola.
        If confirmed, I will look to be honest about this history
    while sharing the experience of the United States of America as
    we continue to seek to improve our nation.
        Turning to Sao Tome, Sao Tome and Principe has a small land
    footprint but a large and strategically important maritime
    domain in the Gulf of Guinea shipping lanes.
        Enhancing the country's ability to monitor its waters and
    share information on maritime activity and piracy is a key
    component to improve regional security. Sao Tome and Principe
    also has a long tradition of democracy and peaceful transfers
    of power.
        I will focus on these priorities, if confirmed. As the
    world hopefully emerges from the COVID-19 pandemic, we expect
    to see more Americans coming to Angola and Sao Tome and
    Principe. The safety of our staff and U.S. citizens is always
    paramount.
        Finally, American diplomacy works best when our diplomats
    best exemplify our nation. If confirmed, I will promote an
    interagency embassy team that reflects the values of our
    country.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished
    members of the committee, for the opportunity to appear before
    you today. I look forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Hon. Tulinabo S. Mushingi
    follows:]

                Prepared Statement of Hon. Tulinabo S. Mushingi

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
    committee, it is a privilege and an honor to appear before you today as
    President Biden's nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the
    Republic of Angola and to the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and
    Principe. I thank the President and the Secretary of State for their
    confidence in me. I am equally grateful for this distinguished
    committee's consideration.
        I appear today with the unfailing support of my wife Rebecca, who
    has also served our country working for 13 years with the U.S. Peace
    Corps, and our beloved daughter Furaha.
        My work across Africa, from Mozambique to Morocco, Ethiopia to
    Senegal, as well as through assignments in Washington, DC, has prepared
    me to deliver meaningful results for the American people in the role I
    have been nominated for. If confirmed, I will work hard to foster
    stronger ties between the United States and Angola and Sao Tome &
    Principe.
        Bilateral relations between the United States and Angola have
    markedly improved in recent years. President Lourenco's economic and
    political reform agenda aligns with U.S. interests and presents a
    unique opportunity to develop a mutually beneficial partnership with
    this fast-emerging economy and rising African nation.
        Angola plays an influential role in Africa and is looking to
    diversify its ties away from historic alliances. As such, it has
    attracted high-level U.S. visits and interaction since 2019, and if
    confirmed, with your help, I will work to deepen the U.S.-Angola
    partnership.
        Angola has made tangible progress towards transparency and good
    governance, while initiating the fight against corruption and promoting
    accountability for human rights violations. Angola still faces many
    challenges as it addresses a stagnant economy, exacerbated by the
    impacts of the COVID pandemic. If confirmed, I will continue to press
    for political and economic reforms, support the fight against
    corruption, and buttress Angola's development efforts.
        As the Government of Angola fosters a better business climate, U.S.
    companies see tremendous trade and investment opportunities. Recently,
    U.S. companies have achieved major successes in the energy and IT
    sectors. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. interagency team to
    advocate for U.S. businesses while supporting Angolan efforts to comply
    with international standards and improve regulatory adherence.
        Angola's legacy of land mines continues to impede economic
    development and environmental conservation. Since 1995, the United
    States has been the largest donor to demining efforts in Angola,
    investing more than $145 million to clear landmines and other dangerous
    explosive hazards so the people of Angola can advance a wide range of
    social and economic development efforts safe from buried bombs. The
    2018 Defending Economic Livelihoods and Threatened Animals (DELTA) Act
    helps to combat wildlife trafficking and coordinate with transboundary
    land and water resource governance authorities. If confirmed, I will
    reinforce our commitment to help Angola eliminate the threat of
    landmines and protect its natural resources.
        Deep ties bind the United States and Angola: an estimated one-
    quarter of African-Americans have Angolan roots. The first enslaved
    Africans to arrive in what is now the United States in 1619 were from
    what is now Angola. If confirmed, I will look to be honest about this
    history, while sharing the experience of the United States as we
    continue to seek improve our nation. I will seek to expand our growing
    people-to-people ties and promote programs focusing on talented Angolan
    youth.
        Sao Tome and Principe (STP) has a small land footprint but a large
    and strategically important maritime domain in the Gulf of Guinea
    shipping lanes. Enhancing the country's ability to monitor its waters
    and share information on maritime activity and piracy is a key
    component to improve regional security. STP successfully completed a
    Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Threshold Program in 2011, and
    further MCC engagement is a priority for the future. STP also has a
    long tradition of democracy and peaceful transfers of power. I will
    focus on these priorities if confirmed.
        As the world hopefully emerges from the COVID pandemic, we expect
    to see a resurgence in the number of Americans coming to Angola. The
    safety of our staff and U.S. citizens is always paramount.
        Finally, American diplomacy works best when American diplomats best
    exemplify our nation. If confirmed, I will promote an interagency
    Embassy team that reflects the values of the United States.
        Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look
    forward to your questions.

        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
        Next, we will turn to Ms. Aubin for her testimony.

     STATEMENT OF HON. ELIZABETH MOORE AUBIN OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER
        MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
        COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
    PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE PEOPLE'S
                     DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF ALGERIA

        Ms. Aubin. Thank you, Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member
    Rounds, and members of this committee for the opportunity to
    appear before you today.
        As the Texas-born child of a U.S. Air Force officer, I feel
    an immeasurable debt of gratitude to my parents, Tom and
    Virginia Moore, who raised me to put country over self, and I
    owe them everything for preparing me to take on my chosen
    vocation 31 years ago as a Foreign Service officer, and to my
    husband, Daniel Aubin, for his incredible love and support.
        It is a huge honor to be nominated by President Biden to
    serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Democratic People's
    Republic of Algeria, and I appreciate deeply the confidence he
    and Secretary Blinken have shown.
        I served in Algeria from 2011 to 2014 as the Deputy Chief
    of Mission, so I was there for the 2013 terrorist attack at the
    Amenas gas production facility, and I, along with every member
    of the embassy, did not stop working until American hostages
    were released and three deceased Americans brought back to
    their families.
        It was a formative experience. If confirmed, my highest
    priority will be to keep all Americans in Algeria safe.
        If confirmed, I hope to advance three critical priorities:
    first, strengthening our security cooperation to fight
    terrorism and promote regional stability; second, expanding
    investment opportunities for U.S. companies to deliver economic
    benefits to the American people; third, advocating for
    necessary political and economic reforms to foster stability as
    Algeria navigates a post-COVID economy.
        Although it rarely makes the front page, we have an
    important relationship with Algeria, and I will work to
    increase the impact of U.S. activities there. I also believe in
    the enduring value of deepening people-to-people ties. Embassy
    Algiers supports an ever-growing spectrum of programs that
    strengthen our security, economic governance, educational, and
    cultural ties.
        Algeria's large youth population is curious about America
    and wants to learn English. That is an opportunity I hope to
    make the most of.
        If confirmed, I will return to a country that has changed
    in important ways since I last lived there. Last year, the
    Algerian Government adopted a package of constitutional reforms
    to strengthen Algeria's political system. Legislative elections
    will occur in three days. The Algerian public continues to
    demonstrate peacefully for core civil rights and liberties.
        I will continue to press for expanding observance of human
    rights, including freedoms of expression and association and
    space for civil society.
        Algeria fought against violent extremism in the 1990s and
    it has maintained its stability through rigorous
    counterterrorism efforts, national reconciliation programs, and
    de-radicalization initiatives.
        Algeria has found ways to export this peace dividend in a
    difficult neighborhood. It played a critical role in brokering
    reconciliation in Mali with the 2015 Algiers Accord.
        Algeria provides security assistance to Tunisia and Niger.
    It actively participates in the African Union, the Arab League,
    the OIC, and it hosts AFRIPOL and the African Union Center for
    Study and Research on Terrorism.
        While new investments are essential, Algeria also remains
    one of the key regional producers of oil and gas, ranking ninth
    in the world in gas reserves and sixteenth in oil reserves, and
    has vast promise for renewables.
        If confirmed, I will promote U.S. companies as they seek to
    partner with Algerian firms to advance development of this
    vital energy sector for our mutual benefit.
        The United States and Algeria have a rich history on which
    to continue to build. From the Treaty of Peace and Amity with
    the U.S. signed in Algiers in 1795 to American troops
    liberating Algeria in World War II, to the United States being
    the first country to recognize Algerian independence on July
    3rd, 1962 to Algeria playing a role of creative and active
    mediation to help release the 52 American diplomat hostages
    from Iran, we have an enduring partnership that can face the
    opportunities and the challenges of the 21st century together.
        Thank you, Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Rounds, and
    members of the committee for this opportunity to address you.
    If confirmed, it will be the honor of my life to represent
    America to the Algerian people and to lead our tremendous and
    talented mission there.
        I look forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Hon. Elizabeth Moore Aubin
    follows:]

                Prepared Statement of Hon. Elizabeth Moore Aubin

        Thank you, Chairman Van Hollen and Ranking Member Rounds, and
    members of this committee for the opportunity to appear before you
    today. As the Texas-born child of a U.S. Air Force officer, I feel an
    immeasurable debt of gratitude to my parents, Tom and Virginia Moore,
    who raised me to put country over self, and I owe them everything for
    preparing me to take on my chosen vocation 31 years ago as a Foreign
    Service Officer; and to my husband, Daniel Aubin, for his incredible
    love and support.
        It is a huge honor to be nominated by President Biden to serve as
    the U.S. Ambassador to Algeria, and I deeply appreciate the confidence
    he and Secretary Blinken have shown in me.
        I served in Algeria from 2011-2014 as the Deputy Chief of Mission,
    so I was there for the 2013 terrorist attack at the In Amenas gas
    production facility. I, along with every member of the Embassy, did not
    stop working until American hostages were released, and three deceased
    Americans brought back to their families. It was a formative
    experience. If confirmed, my highest priority will be to keep every
    American safe in Algeria.
        If confirmed, I hope to advance three critical priorities. First,
    strengthening our security cooperation to fight terrorism and promote
    regional stability. Second, expanding investment opportunities for U.S.
    companies to deliver economic benefits to the American people. Third,
    advocating for necessary political and economic reforms to foster
    stability as Algeria navigates a post-COVID economy.
        Although it rarely makes the front page, we have an important
    relationship with Algeria, and I will work to increase the impact of
    U.S. activities there.
        I also believe in the enduring value of deepening people-to-people
    ties. Embassy Algiers supports an ever-growing spectrum of programs
    that strengthen our security, economic, governance, educational and
    cultural ties. Algeria's large youth population is curious about
    America and wants to learn English. That's an opportunity I hope to
    make the most of.
        If confirmed, I will return to a country that is changed in
    important ways since I last lived there. Last year, the Algerian
    Government adopted a package of constitutional reforms to strengthen
    Algeria's political system. Legislative elections will occur in three
    days. The Algerian public continues to demonstrate peacefully for core
    civil rights and liberties. I will continue to press for expanding
    observance of human rights, including freedoms of expression and
    association, and space for civil society.
        Algeria fought against violent extremism in the 1990s. It has
    maintained its stability through rigorous counterterrorism efforts,
    national reconciliation programs, and de-radicalization initiatives.
    Algeria has found ways to export this peace dividend in a difficult
    neighborhood: it played a critical role in brokering reconciliation in
    Mali with the 2015 Algiers Accord; it provides security assistance to
    Tunisia and Niger; it actively participates in the African Union, the
    Arab League, and the OIC; and it hosts AFRIPOL and the African Union
    Center for Study and Research on Terrorism.
        While new investments are essential, Algeria also remains one of
    the key regional producers of oil and gas ranking ninth in the world in
    gas reserves and 16th in oil reserves, and has vast promise for
    renewables. If confirmed, I will promote U.S. companies as they seek to
    partner with Algerian firms to advance development of this vital energy
    sector for our mutual benefit.
        The United States and Algeria have a rich history on which to
    continue to build. From the Treaty of Peace and Amity with the U.S.
    signed in Algiers in September of 1795, to American troops liberating
    Algeria in World War II; from the United States being the first country
    to recognize Algerian independence on July 3, 1962, to Algeria playing
    a role of creative and active mediation to help release the 52 American
    diplomat hostages from Iran. We have an enduring partnership that can
    face the opportunities and challenges of the 21st century together.
        Thank you, Chairman Van Hollen and Ranking Member Rounds, and
    members of the committee for this opportunity to address you. If
    confirmed, it will be the honor of my life to represent America to the
    Algerian people and to lead our tremendous and talented mission there.
        I look forward to your questions.

        Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you very much for your
    testimony.
        Next, we are going to hear from Mr. Young.

     STATEMENT OF EUGENE S. YOUNG OF NEW YORK, A CAREER MEMBER OF
       THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
    NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
         THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF CONGO

        Mr. Young. Thank you, sir.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of
    the committee, it really is an honor to appear before you today
    as the president's nominee to be Ambassador to the Republic of
    the Congo.
        I am very grateful for the trust and confidence that
    President Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in me. I want
    to acknowledge my remarkable wife, Zoe, and our two boys today.
    I know they are watching and I thank them for their enduring
    support and love.
        I believe my mother, Margaret, is also watching from home
    and I am so grateful to her and my late father, Sanford, for
    their encouragement, their care, and their rock-solid
    upbringing. I think my brother, Roland, is out there too, and I
    am grateful to him as well with his family. So thanks for this
    chance.
        Thanks to the hard work of our diplomats on the ground in
    Brazzaville and the local staff at the embassy, the United
    States has built a strong relationship with the Republic of the
    Congo. We have been able to deepen the ties between our
    governments, engage in regular and serious dialogue, and work
    on issues of mutual concern.
        Our countries are working together to effectively fight
    COVID, to protect our shared environmental heritage, and to
    combat trafficking in persons. If confirmed, I will seek to
    maintain this improved U.S.-Congo partnership.
        Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, as you well
    know, the Republic of the Congo occupies a vital but tenuous
    position in Central Africa. Congo itself is stable, but it lies
    in a region beset with challenges.
        In the past year, Congo has dealt with a suspected Ebola
    outbreak from across the Congo River and accommodated refugees
    fleeing the Central African Republic.
        Congo is also home to the Great Congo Rain Forest, an
    invaluable ecological treasure known as the second lung of the
    world, but one--I am sorry, sir.
        Senator Van Hollen. It is okay. Take your time.
        Mr. Young. Congo is also home to the Great Congo Rain
    Forest, an invaluable ecological treasure known as the second
    lung of the world, but one that is in danger of imprudent
    exploitation.
        Congo's significant oil reserves, which have boosted its
    economy but also fueled corruption, will still be crucial to
    the country's immediate future.
        Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will work tirelessly to
    address these challenges and to ensure the safety and security
    of American citizens in Congo as well as for our American and
    Congolese staff at the embassy.
        Working with this committee, the various agencies of the
    U.S. Government active in Congo, other donor nations, and
    multilateral organizations, I will continue the good work our
    mission is supporting across key economic and social sectors in
    Congo.
        If confirmed, I will focus on encouraging democratic
    progress, supporting efforts to protect the Congo Basin,
    working with Congo to protect against this, our current
    pandemic and future pandemics, as well as encouraging the
    diversification of the Congolese economy.
        And for U.S. business, I will continue the efforts of our
    embassy team in seeking a level playing field and a more
    transparent and inviting business environment.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee,
    thank you once again for the opportunity to appear before you
    today.
        If confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee
    and other interested members of Congress to advance U.S.
    interests in Congo, and I am very happy to respond to any
    questions you may have.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. Young follows:]

                     Prepared Statement of Eugene S. Young

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
    committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as the President's
    nominee to be Ambassador to the Republic of the Congo. I am grateful
    for the trust and confidence that President Biden and Secretary Blinken
    have placed in me.
        I would like to acknowledge my wife, Zoe, and our two sons today
    and thank them for their enduring support and love. I believe my mother
    Margaret is also watching from home and I am so grateful to her and my
    late father, Sanford, for their encouragement, care and rock solid
    upbringing.
        Thanks to the hard work of our diplomats on the ground in
    Brazzaville and the local staff at the Embassy, the United States has
    built a strong relationship with the Republic of the Congo. We've been
    able to deepen the ties between our governments, engage in regular and
    serious dialogue, and work on issues of mutual concern. Our countries
    are working together to effectively fight COVID, to protect our shared
    environmental heritage, and to combat trafficking in persons. If
    confirmed, I will seek to maintain this improved U.S.-Congo
    partnership.
        Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, as you well know, the
    Republic of the Congo occupies a vital but tenuous position in Central
    Africa. Congo itself is stable, but it lies in a region beset with
    challenges. In the past year, Congo has dealt with a suspected Ebola
    outbreak from across the Congo river and accommodated refugees fleeing
    the Central African Republic. Congo is also home to the great Congo
    rainforest, an invaluable ecological treasure, known as the second lung
    of the world, but one that is in danger of imprudent exploitation.
    Congo's significant oil reserves, which have boosted its economy, but
    also fueled corruption, will still be crucial to the country's
    immediate future.
        Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will work tirelessly to address these
    challenges and to ensure the safety and security of American citizens
    in Congo as well as for our American and Congolese staff at the
    Embassy. Working with this committee, the various agencies of the U.S.
    Government active in Congo, other donor nations and multilateral
    organizations, I will continue the good work our mission is supporting
    across key economic and social sectors in Congo. If confirmed, I will
    focus on encouraging democratic progress, supporting efforts to protect
    the Congo Basin, working with Congo to protect against this and future
    pandemics, as well as encouraging the diversification of the Congolese
    economy. And for U.S. business, I will continue the efforts of our
    Embassy team in seeking a level playing field and a more transparent
    and inviting business environment.
        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank
    you once again for the opportunity to appear before you today. If
    confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee and other
    interested members of Congress to advance U.S. interests in Congo and I
    am happy to respond to any questions you may have.

        Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you for your testimony.
        And now we will turn to Mr. Lamora. The floor is yours.

    STATEMENT OF CHRISTOPHER JOHN LAMORA OF RHODE ISLAND, A CAREER
        MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
        COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
    PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC
                              OF CAMEROON

        Mr. Lamora. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rounds,
    distinguished members of the committee, it is a privilege and
    an honor to appear before you today as President Biden's
    nominee to serve as U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of
    Cameroon.
        I thank the president and the secretary of state for their
    confidence in me, and I am equally grateful for this
    distinguished committee's consideration.
        While the virtual nature of this hearing precludes my
    family from joining us in person, I nonetheless want to
    recognize my husband, Eric, my sister, Michelle, and my
    nephews, Jack and Patrick, who have all supported and
    encouraged me over many years and who are watching today from
    home.
        I also want to pay homage to my late parents, Thomas and
    Elizabeth Lamora, without whose love and support I would not be
    here today.
        The United States was one of the first countries to
    establish diplomatic relations with Cameroon in 1960. Since
    then, nearly 4,000 Peace Corps volunteers have served in
    Cameroon. It is a country with great cultural and geographic
    diversity, a capsule of the entire continent: active volcanoes,
    rain forest jungles teeming with wildlife, broad savannas, and
    a beautiful coastline.
        I was fortunate to have had the opportunity to experience
    much of this personally when I served in Cameroon previously.
    Unfortunately, this beautiful, warm, and welcoming country that
    launched my love of Africa nearly 30 years ago also faces
    significant challenges, as you well know.
        The United States is deeply concerned by the continued
    violence in Cameroon's Anglophone regions. What began as
    peaceful protests in late 2016 have tragically escalated into a
    protracted violent crisis with more than 3,000 persons killed
    and more than 1 million internally displaced.
        Children have been threatened and in some places killed for
    attending school. Schools, hospitals, and religious sites have
    been attacked. Humanitarian actors continue to face numerous
    obstacles in carrying out their work.
        We condemn violence in all its forms regardless of who is
    perpetrating it, and call for an end to the suffering of the
    civilian population, regardless of their location or
    affiliation.
        No one undermining peace in Cameroon has our support or our
    tolerance, whether members of the security forces or of armed
    separatists groups. We are acting vigorously to help resolve
    the crisis and, if confirmed, I commit that that will be my
    highest priority.
        This week, secretary of state established a policy imposing
    visa restrictions on those undermining efforts to peacefully
    resolve the situation.
        We continue to have discussions about Cameroon with the
    Cameroonian Government and to other Cameroonians, as well as
    with key international partners to foster greater, stronger,
    and more unified engagement. This will remain our highest
    priority in our Cameroon policy.
        Cameroon also faces a number of other challenges that are
    all too common in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa, including
    health, security, and governance.
        The Cameroonian people have enormous potential. I have seen
    it firsthand. If I am confirmed, our embassy team and I will do
    everything we can to help the people and Government of Cameroon
    make that potential a reality.
        The coronavirus pandemic has added a layer of difficulty to
    reaching that day. As a global health security agenda Phase 1
    country, Cameroon partners with the United States to strengthen
    its ability to prevent, detect, and respond to infectious
    diseases with pandemic potential.
        Cameroon also benefits from U.S. assistance through PEPFAR
    and the president's Malaria Initiative, such that it has
    reduced its HIV prevalence and is working to achieve epidemic
    control within the next two years.
        On security, the United States continues to support
    Cameroon and its Lake Chad Basin neighbors in their joint
    effort to defeat Boko Haram and its offshoot, ISIS West Africa.
        This is a key element of the fight against global
    terrorism. Our support, however, is neither limitless nor
    without conditions. Cameroonian security forces must abide by
    accepted human rights norms and those who violate those norms
    must be held appropriately accountable.
        In the same vein, there is still substantial work to be
    done to promote democracy, human rights, combat corruption, and
    ensure accountability of those who violate Cameroonian laws or
    the citizens' trust.
        We must continue to press on all these important issues
    while helping the Cameroonian Government and people, including
    civil society, to find a path to peace.
        Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the committee,
    I thank you once again for this opportunity to appear before
    you, and if confirmed, I look forward to working with you and
    others in Congress to advance U.S. interests in Cameroon.
        I would be happy to answer any questions. Thank you.
        [The prepared statement of Christopher John Lamora
    follows:]

                      Statement of Christopher John Lamora

        Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
    committee, it is a privilege and an honor to appear before you today as
    President Biden's nominee to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the
    Republic of Cameroon. I thank the President and the Secretary of State
    for their confidence in me. I am equally grateful for this
    distinguished committee's consideration.
        While the virtual nature of this hearing precludes my family from
    joining us in person, I nonetheless want to recognize my husband Eric,
    my sister Michelle, and my nephews Jack and Patrick, who have all
    supported and encouraged me over many years and who are watching today
    from home. I also want to pay homage to my late parents, Thomas and
    Elizabeth Lamora, without whose love and support I would not be here
    today.
        I'm grateful as well to my Africa Bureau family, whose
    collegiality, confidence, friendship, and mentoring have sustained me
    and fostered my personal and professional growth for nearly three
    decades -- from my first assignment at the U.S. Consulate in Douala,
    Cameroon from 1992-1993 to my past three years as Deputy Chief of
    Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Accra, Ghana.
        The United States was one of the first countries to establish
    diplomatic relations with Cameroon in 1960. Since then, nearly 4,000
    Peace Corps Volunteers have served in Cameroon. It is a country with
    great cultural and geographic diversity, a capsule of the entire
    continent: active volcanoes, rainforest jungles teeming with wildlife,
    broad savannahs, and a beautiful coastline. I was fortunate to have had
    the opportunity to experience much of this personally when I served in
    Cameroon previously.
        Unfortunately, this beautiful, warm, and welcoming country that
    launched my love of Africa nearly 30 years ago also faces significant
    challenges, as you well know.
        The United States is deeply concerned by the continued violence in
    Cameroon's Anglophone regions. What began as peaceful protests in late
    2016 has tragically escalated into a protracted violent crisis with
    more than 3,000 persons killed and more than one million internally
    displaced. Children have been threatened, and in some cases killed, for
    attending school. Schools, hospitals, and religious sites have been
    attacked. Humanitarian actors continue to face numerous obstacles in
    carrying out their work.
        We condemn violence in all its forms, regardless of who is
    perpetrating it, and call for an end to the suffering of the civilian
    population regardless of their location or affiliation. No one
    undermining peace in Cameroon has our support or tolerance, whether
    members of the security forces or of armed separatist groups.
        We are acting vigorously to help resolve the crisis. This week, the
    Secretary of State established a policy imposing visa restrictions on
    those undermining efforts to peacefully resolve the crisis. We continue
    to have discussions about Cameroon with the Cameroonian Government and
    other Cameroonians, as well as with key international partners to
    foster greater, stronger, and more unified engagement. Working to
    resolve this crisis is, and will continue to be, the single highest
    priority in our Cameroon policy.
        Cameroon also faces a number of other challenges that are all too
    common in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa, including health, security,
    and governance. The Cameroonian people have enormous potential; I've
    seen it first-hand. If I am confirmed, our Embassy team and I will do
    everything we can to help the people and Government of Cameroon to make
    that potential a reality.
        The coronavirus pandemic has added a layer of difficulty to
    reaching that day. As a Global Health Security Agenda Phase I country,
    Cameroon partners with the United States to strengthen its ability to
    prevent, detect, and respond to infectious diseases with pandemic
    potential. Cameroon also benefits from U.S. assistance through PEPFAR
    and the Presidential Malaria Initiative, such that it has reduced its
    HIV prevalence and is working to achieve epidemic control within the
    next two years.
        On security, the United States continues to support Cameroon and
    its Lake Chad Basin neighbors in their joint effort to defeat Boko
    Haram and its offshoot, ISIS-West Africa. This is a key element of the
    fight against global terrorism. Our support, however, is neither
    limitless nor without conditions. Cameroonian security forces must
    abide by accepted human rights norms, and those who violate these norms
    must be held appropriately accountable.
        In that same vein, there is still substantial work to be done to
    promote democracy, and human rights, combat corruption, and ensure
    accountability of those who violate Cameroonian laws or the citizens'
    trust. We must continue to press on all these important issues while
    helping the Cameroonian Government and people, including civil society
    find a path to peace.
        Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I thank you once again
    for this opportunity to appear before you. If confirmed, I look forward
    to working with you and others in Congress to advance U.S. interests in
    Cameroon. I would be happy to answer any questions.

        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Lamora, and thank you
    all very much for your testimony. And as somebody who grew up
    in a Foreign Service family, I understand and grateful you
    acknowledged that representing United States is a family affair
    and a team effort.
        With that, given my colleague's, Senator Rounds, time
    constraints, I think I will just turn it over to you, Mike, if
    you want to begin the questioning. I understood you said you
    had to leave shortly. So I do not know how much time you have
    got.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. You were cutting
    out a little bit there. But if you would allow me, I would make
    quick work of my time and ask a few questions if that is okay
    with you, sir.
        Senator Van Hollen. Absolutely. No, I want to make sure you
    have a chance to ask whatever you want. So why do you not lead
    off?
        Senator Rounds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate the
    courtesy.
        Ambassador Andre, as you know, Somalia is wracked by a
    political crisis over the September 17th agreement to forego a
    ``one person one vote'' election in favor of an indirect
    selection process similar to that of 2016 and 2017.
        However, I am particularly curious about how you see
    Somalia as a longer-term political situation. Looking past the
    current political crisis, what are the reasonable benchmarks
    the United States should expect with regard to Somalia's
    democratic development?
        Mr. Andre. Thank you, Senator, for that question. Looking
    forward to the immediate situation, as you said, we need to
    assist the Somalis to develop a permanent constitution.
        They are using a provisional one right now. The Somali
    political class recognizes that the indirect method that they
    have used in the past and that they are intending to use this
    time is a stop-gap measure until they are able to have the
    ``one person one vote'' direct elections, which all seem to
    agree is their ending point.
        They do not control all of their territory at this point
    and they do not want to disadvantage Somalis who, having
    nothing to do with their own will, are trapped behind the lines
    and territory controlled by terrorist networks.
        So the constitution and getting to that direct election
    that you refer to.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you, sir.
        Ms. Aubin, I am very concerned about the recent U.S. policy
    change to recognize Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara.
        I have been to the Sahrawi people's refugee camps twice. I
    was impressed by their strong desire for independence and
    frustration with the long delay of the time period for a
    referendum to determine whether Western Sahara should become a
    part of Morocco or be an independent nation.
        Please tell me how you think this change in U.S. policy has
    impacted U.S.-Algeria relations, and also under what
    conditions, if any, might Algeria increase military assistance
    to the Polisario to support it against Morocco?
        Ms. Aubin. Thank you for the question, Senator Rounds.
        Algeria has supported the political process led by the U.N.
    and by the U.N. Secretary General's personal envoy for Western
    Sahara.
        So I think Algeria welcomes the fact that we are resuming
    active diplomacy and supported of the U.N., and together with
    our international partners want to bring a halt to the violence
    and restart a credible U.N. process.
        We are working privately with all the parties involved and
    discussing the path forward. To your question about military
    assistance, I do not believe Algeria is providing military
    assistance. It is not something they highlight.
        But, most definitively, they have called for a de-
    escalation of violence and for the political process to
    continue.
        Senator Rounds. Thank you.
        And, Mr. Chairman, I have a couple questions that I will
    offer for the record. But I appreciate your courtesy in
    allowing me to move forward first and I thank you, and at this
    point I will have to step out of the meeting.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to all the nominees
    before us. I most certainly have appreciated your comments
    today.
        Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you, Senator, and thank you
    for your questions, and look forward to working with you. So I
    am going to also start with Ambassador Andre.
        And, you know, as was referenced earlier in this hearing,
    we have a continued al-Shabaab presence in Somalia. We also
    have the withdrawal of U.S. military personnel from Somalia, a
    decision made by the previous president.
        How has that decision to withdraw U.S. forces impacted the
    situation in Somalia, in your opinion?
        Mr. Andre. Well, Senator, in my capacity as ambassador in
    Djibouti, I was present in January when AFRICOM took on that
    instruction. It was a repositioning of U.S. forces from Somalia
    to elsewhere in the region, which has slowed the tempo of our
    efforts to assist the Somali people with their security but it
    has not stopped it.
        We continue to build the capacity of Somalia security
    forces, support AMISOM, African Union's peacekeeping force, and
    to keep the U.S. embassy open and operational.
        Senator Van Hollen. Well, I appreciate that. In fact, I was
    just speaking the other day with the mayor of the city of
    Salisbury, Maryland, who happens to be a member of the Maryland
    National Guard and was recently deployed to Djibouti as well,
    and we talked a little bit about that sort of redeployment, as
    you said.
        I have also heard concerns from others in the region that
    there has been some vacuum created, although there is,
    obviously, an attempt to compensate for that.
        You referenced in your testimony Somali federalism. So how
    does the--and we are heading into elections here. Can you just
    talk a little bit about how the situation in Somalia compares
    with the regional situation in Somaliland and then Puntland?
    And I know that Somaliland and Puntland have different
    relationships than with the national sort of government, at
    least as seen by Puntland.
        So could you just describe that and what the challenges are
    and what role, if any, the United States should play in
    mediating this effort, especially in the context of elections?
        Mr. Andre. Yes, Senator.
        I want to emphasize, as I said in the testimony, the
    importance of establishing, through consensus and compromise, a
    consistent pattern, a framework, for the relations between the
    central government and the states.
        Twenty years ago, I spent some time in Puntland. I was
    there looking mostly at fisheries issues, and they have been
    able to govern themselves well.
        They see themselves very much as a part of Somalia. But
    they are also very interested in having significant control
    over their own governance.
        There are other federal states of Somalia that have
    different understandings and different relationships.
    Somaliland, as you know, does not consider itself part of
    Somalia.
        The United States recognizes a single Somalia, which
    includes Somaliland. So the picture here is a bit confused
    because there is not a consistent relationship between the
    center and the states.
        That is something for Somalis to work out. They have many
    international examples to choose from, to consider, as the
    Somali people build that compromised national consensus on what
    the nature of Somali federalism should be.
        Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. Thank you, Mr.
    Ambassador.
        Turning to Ambassador Brewer and Lesotho, you referenced in
    your testimony the AGOA agreement, which has helped the Lesotho
    economy. But at the same time, I think Lesotho would like to
    see greater diversification in its economy outside the textile
    sector.
        Are there things that the United States can do to be
    helpful to that effort by the Government of Lesotho?
        Ms. Brewer. Thank you, sir, for that question. Thank you,
    Senator.
        We do see that AGOA has been a massive help to that
    country. About 12 percent of the GDP in 2019 came from AGOA
    from the export of mainly textiles, as you note, sir.
        But there are many opportunities for U.S. companies, and
    one of the challenges of serving in Africa, particularly in
    smaller countries such as Sierra Leone and Lesotho, is how to
    attract those U.S. companies, how to encourage them that they
    will have their goods and services treated fairly and they will
    have a level playing field when they get there.
        So one of the issues that, if confirmed, I will be carrying
    forward with the host nation will be the need to have a
    welcoming climate, a business climate that encourages
    international companies, including those from the U.S., to
    come. That means anti-corruption. That means a rule of law.
    That means political stability.
        All of these are ingredients that lead to, you know,
    diversification. So, certainly, we see potential in the energy
    sector through Power Africa, through a whole of U.S. Government
    engagement.
        We understand that the Government of Lesotho would like to
    increase their agricultural output.
        I am originally from Indiana, a state with a proud
    agricultural tradition, and I think there is a lot that America
    can do, certainly, through the commercial sector to be able to
    help them with goods, services, and equipment.
        So I think there is great potential and I believe that the
    U.S. is there ready to help. We are the partner of choice, we
    have a great reputation, and I think we can assist them through
    a commercial context, not just through foreign assistance.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
        And you mentioned also the success of our efforts on HIV/
    AIDS in Lesotho and we look forward to keeping in touch with
    you on that, especially the extent to which Lesotho has been
    able to take ownership of that.
        I am told that there are no other committee members on
    right now. And if that is the case, I will continue asking
    questions of our nominees.
        Ambassador Mushingi, the United States has signed a number
    of cooperative agreements with Angola in recent years,
    including engagements with Prosper Africa, the Women's Global
    Development and Prosperity Initiative, Young African Leaders
    Initiative.
        Could you talk about the areas that you think create the
    most, you know, fruitful opportunities of engagement with
    Angola and also what you see is our biggest challenges? And I
    should say a lot of you covered a lot of our questions in your
    opening statements.
        That will cut down on the questions. But I do want to talk
    to you about some of the issues that do remain.
        Mr. Mushingi. Thank you, Senator. Clearly, we see an
    opportunity here to engage now with Angola, especially since
    the new regime took over about three years ago.
        Where we have a big opening here is really on promoting
    economic recovery, promoting a two-way trade between our two
    countries, and opening these opportunities to U.S. companies in
    Angola, a country of more than 30 million people, and we see
    this desire of the Angolans to move away from their traditional
    historic alliances and that is where we come in as the U.S.
        The majority of the Angolans, as you described in your
    opening remarks about the youth born in Angola or in many of
    the other African countries, know what is going on outside of
    Angola, know what the U.S. can bring to the table.
        And each American company, what I call the U.S. model, has
    these three ingredients that so far have been missing in Angola
    and that really--Angolans want to take advantage of.
        One of them is the transparency, the second one is the
    transfer of technology, and the third one is creation of jobs.
    So those are the opportunities that I see for American
    companies in Angola.
        But moving forward as far as extending the cooperative
    agreement you were talking about, on the security cooperation
    we see also an opportunity here to get into the door because
    the history of Angola has been--their security cooperation with
    Russia has been there for a long time, and now the signing of
    our cooperative agreement a few years ago between the ministry
    of defense and our DOD we see an opening where the security
    forces are eager to be trained by us, are eager to be equipped
    by us, are eager to see the intelligence technologies and how
    they can use that for their own security in the region.
        Finally is, of course, the security of the region and to
    everyone that Angola can help us in the region, whether we are
    talking about southern Africa region but also Central Africa
    and what is in that, in the Central African Republic, in the
    DRC--Democratic Republic of the Congo--in Uganda and Rwanda as
    well.
        Over to you.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador. I think you
    have covered some of this. You mentioned Russia. But I think of
    all the countries that we are talking about at this hearing,
    China probably has established the greatest amount of influence
    and footprint in Angola.
        To what extent does China's economic and diplomatic and
    military influence in Angola impact our interests there?
        Mr. Mushingi. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
        Yes, China and Russia have these traditional relations with
    Angola. It is no secret to anybody that, indeed, when we look
    at the major infrastructure projects many of them have been
    developed by China. But also, when we look at the debt issue,
    again, China is at the top of the list for that country.
        Now, where we come in is, again, as I said, for our U.S.
    companies, and we saw a few successes that I referred to
    earlier in my testimony, in the last few months three American
    companies that have been able to penetrate the market and win
    over the competition in various sectors.
        We have looked at telecommunication, IT, solar energy, but
    also energy, and both were U.S. companies, the latest three
    successes we have seen. And I think, for me, the way I see this
    is for us to talk about what we, the U.S.A, are bringing to the
    table and let the Angolans decide themselves.
        At the end of the day, I am confident that we can compete
    in this market and, indeed, not only compete, but we can win in
    this market. Over to you, sir.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Ambassador.
        Just one question on Sao Tome and Principe, which is you
    mentioned their sort of government structure and process, which
    has been, I think, one that we have encouraged and supported.
        With respect to their economy, my understanding is they
    would also like to diversify their economy a little bit more.
    What role can the United States play with respect to that
    objective?
        Mr. Mushingi. Thank you, Senator.
        One role that we can play is, really, to build on what we
    already have. As I said, it is a small land footprint but the
    long maritime borders and for us talking about maritime
    security, that is one thing where, really, we can play the
    biggest role.
        But I was really happy to see that when I looked at the
    American companies that are on the ground--Kosmos Energy,
    Caterpillar, Dell--so that gives me an idea of the openness
    that Sao Tome has to American businesses with American models
    and, if confirmed, that is what I will be pushing, and
    especially many of those companies or agencies that work in the
    security area when we are talking about maritime security in
    the Gulf of Guinea. Over.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
        Ms. Aubin, the United States, as you know, has praised
    Algeria for its cooperation on counterterrorism issues and
    regional matters, and you referenced in your testimony its role
    as a mediator, notably, in Mali in 2015.
        At the same time, its close ties to and its arms deals with
    Russia, especially in the aftermath of the CAATSA legislation
    passed here in Congress, have been concerning.
        So what do you see as the main areas of agreement between
    the United States and Algeria and some of the areas of
    friction?
        Ms. Aubin. Thank you for the question, Senator Van Hollen.
        I see the U.S. and Algeria having a lot of areas of
    agreement: regional stability in the Maghreb, the desire to
    have a more inclusive economic environment, and, certainly,
    they are very interested in the Human Rights Report--
    Trafficking in Persons Report and other reports that we do, and
    they are working to make gains in those areas.
        You are right about Russia and Algeria's military
    relationship. Algeria procured two-thirds of its arms from
    Russia between 2015 and 2019. So that is an issue, and the sale
    of C-130s were part of the United States' larger policy goal of
    deterring Algeria from engaging in sanctionable activity.
        And if confirmed, I will prioritize that in my
    conversations with Algerian officials.
        Senator Van Hollen. No, I appreciate that, because there
    were the arms sales, as you say, dating back to 2015 and
    before. But I think more concerning have been some of the arms
    sales since the CAATSA legislation passed.
        What impact, if any, have you seen has that had on the
    calculations of the Algerian Government in terms of purchases?
        Ms. Aubin. So thank you for allowing me to clarify that I
    think the C-130 sales helped deter that, and I think the United
    States needs to continue conversations with Algeria to explain
    what Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act
    really means and how that will impact our relationship, moving
    forward.
        And so that is something that I will prioritize in my
    conversations when I get there. Algeria has had a policy of
    sovereignty and noninterference in domestic affairs and that is
    how they have moved forward in their bilateral relationships.
        But I think this is a really important point and if
    confirmed, I will continue to raise that with Algerian
    colleagues.
        Thank you.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. No, I appreciate that, and
    Senator Rounds mentioned his opposition to the former
    administration's policy change with respect to recognition of
    Moroccan sovereignty over the Western Sahara.
        You already answered that question. I do want to go on
    record in agreement with my colleague, Senator Rounds, on that
    matter.
        So let me turn now to Mr. Young, if I may, and a couple
    questions, because you covered a lot of it in your testimony
    with respect to the Republic of Congo.
        One of the concerns I am sure you have seen expressed here
    on the Hill, in the United States, and elsewhere, has been the
    regional impact of weak control over the security sector and
    abuses committed by Congolese peacekeepers and park rangers.
        Can you speak a little bit to that issue and, you know,
    what role you can play in expressing our concerns and what kind
    of changes that we can expect?
        Mr. Young. Thank you, Senator. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        I think it is really important that we continue to direct
    dialogue with the Government on issues like these that my
    predecessor and our embassy is still having at this point, to
    have that regular dialogue, to have an open discussion.
        In terms of the peacekeepers that you mentioned, sir, my
    understanding, and this is one of the positive signs that we
    have seen, and that is that those peacekeepers that I think you
    are referring to were, in fact, held accountable for the crimes
    that they committed.
        So that was one plus that we have seen recently. But it is
    important that we--across this and across all of these issues
    around democratic progress that we have a dialogue with the
    Government, we have dialogue with civil society, with youth,
    with the security and maintain some of the training programs we
    have had with security forces and with law enforcement. I think
    those can help address the issues that you are referring to,
    sir.
        Senator Van Hollen. Well, right. No, I am referring to the
    situation in Central African Republic, their troops there, and
    we do look forward to working with you to make sure that
    everyone is held accountable in what happened there.
        Let me turn to Mr. Lamora. And as you referenced in your
    testimony, Cameroon has seen significant violence in recent
    years owing to the Anglophone Conflict as well as the Boko
    Haram insurgency in the far north.
        I represent a very active and engaged and terrific
    Cameroonian-American constituency in the state of Maryland and
    I have been engaged with them in conversations about their
    concerns about what is happening.
        Can you talk a little more about what the United States can
    do to support a peaceful resolution of Cameroon's Anglophone
    Conflict?
        Mr. Lamora. Thank you, Senator.
        Yes. One of the things that we have been trying to do and
    will try to do with Cameroon is to bring the parties together
    to get them to talk. There has not been complete willingness on
    any side thus far to come to the table.
        As you are aware I know, sir, the Swiss have led a process
    of trying to do that and we have supported and aligned
    ourselves with that. I think an important thing that we have
    been doing increasingly in recent weeks is to engage the French
    at higher levels.
        France has a long-standing close relationship with the
    Government in Yaounde. Secretary Blinken recently raised his
    concerns, our concerns, about Cameroon with his French
    counterpart. I think greater French engagement certainly would
    help. We are hopeful that we can move that forward.
        As I mentioned in my testimony also, following on the
    resolution that the Senate passed, S.R. 684, that talked about
    the possibility of sanctions, Secretary Blinken announced these
    visa sanctions, visa restrictions, earlier this week on those
    who are impeding peace in the Anglophone regions, in
    particular.
        So I think there is a variety of things that we can do and
    that our international partners can do. But, ultimately, we can
    help move them all in the best direction we can.
        But it will have to be the Cameroonian Government, the
    parties to the violence, and the Cameroonian people who really
    commit themselves to finding a peaceful way forward.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
        Thank you all. I am getting word that another committee I
    serve on with the attorney general may be wrapping up and I
    hope to get over there and have a chance to ask him some
    questions.
        So let me thank all of you, again, for your previous
    service to our country. I look forward to supporting your
    nominations and, again, thank you for what you do and to your
    families.
        And with that, this hearing is adjourned.

        [Whereupon, at 3:46 p.m., the committee was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Larry Edward Andre by Senator Robert Menendez

    Gulf Influence in Somalia
        Question. Countries such as the UAE, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and
    Turkey are playing an increasing role in the Horn of Africa,
    particularly in Somalia, though much of their efforts remain bilateral
    and somewhat opaque. What seems certain, however, is that despite all
    four of these countries being allies and friends of the United States,
    their agendas and efforts often do not align with our own.

       What is your assessment of the influence of these actors in the
            Horn of Africa?

        Answer. The Gulf states, particularly the UAE and Qatar, have
    significant influence in Somalia by virtue of their political,
    economic, and security engagement.
        Our NATO ally Turkey's relationship with Somalia is strong. Turkey
    has built schools, hospitals, and infrastructure in Somalia. It also
    provides extensive security assistance focused on the recruitment,
    training, and equipping of both police and Somali National Army forces.

        Question. Are their collective efforts contributing to or taking
    away from peace and stability in the region?

        Answer. The Gulf rift has had a destabilizing impact on Somalia, as
    Gulf states vied for influence with the Federal Government (FGS) in
    Mogadishu and Federal Member States (FMS). The dispute distracted the
    FGS and its FMS from implementing security sector, political, and
    economic reforms critical to stabilizing the country, including
    countering the influence of al-Shabaab and ISIS.
        Meanwhile, in recent months Turkey joined other countries when the
    United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) issued a joint
    statement welcoming the May 20 Summit. It did not join statements of
    concern about President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo's term extension or
    subsequent violence in Mogadishu, which were issued immediately prior.

        Question. If the latter, what is the United States doing to try and
    bring their efforts more in line with our own?

        Answer. The United States repeatedly has urged external actors,
    including the Gulf states, not to use Somalia as a proxy battleground
    for bilateral disputes. We hold regular consultations with these
    governments and demarche them to join us and likeminded partners in
    seeking political progress and stability in Somalia.

    Vision for Somalia
        Question. Infighting between Somalia's Federal Member States and
    the central member states continues to threaten the stability of the
    country; the United States conducted airstrikes in Somalia against Al
    Shabab and Al Qaeda for over a decade while Al Shabab continues to
    carry out major attacks in cities and in the countryside; and Gulf
    actors compete for influence. Tensions between Ethiopia, Sudan,
    Eritrea, Kenya, and Somalia threaten the stability of the entire Horn
    of Africa.

       What are the United States' goals in Somalia in the short, medium,
            and long term?

       With the grave potential for instability in yet another country in
            the Horn of Africa, what will be your priorities if confirmed?

       How do you plan to work with Special Envoy Feltman and other
            Ambassadors in the region to develop a coherent and integrated
            approach to U.S. policy in the Horn?

        Answer. The United States' near- and medium-term objectives in
    Somalia are to degrade terrorist groups that pose a threat to U.S.
    persons and interests; strengthen Somalia's security forces so that
    they can assume greater responsibility from the African Union Mission
    in Somalia (AMISOM); advance political reconciliation and governance
    reforms necessary for lasting stability; and promote economic growth
    and opportunity that will reduce Somalia's dependence on U.S. and
    international assistance, while delivering humanitarian aid to people
    in need. It is our hope that, over time, these efforts will lead to a
    peaceful, stable, democratic Somalia that respects human rights and
    fundamental freedoms and that can provide security and services for its
    citizens.
        If confirmed, I will build on the work of Ambassador Yamamoto to
    bring to bear the full range of tools to help Somalis defend themselves
    and rid their country of terrorism. I will support Somalia's completion
    of a peaceful, inclusive, transparent, and timely electoral process and
    strengthened cooperation among Somalia's national and federal member
    state governments. And I will support the work of our development,
    humanitarian, and economic professionals to provide aid to Somalis in
    need and to promote inclusive economic growth.
        The stabilization of Somalia is an international challenge that
    requires close coordination with its neighbors and other international
    stakeholders. I am committed to working closely with our Special Envoy
    for the Horn of Africa Envoy Jeffrey Feltman and our ambassadors in
    East Africa and in other critical partner capitals to ensure a cohesive
    and coordinated approach.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Larry Edward Andre, Jr. by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 Trafficking in Persons
    Report, Somalia was identified as a special case due to ongoing
    conflict, insecurity, and protracted humanitarian crises. Given the
    complicated security situation and sustained insurgency by Al-Shabaab
    across the country, how will you work with the host government and U.S.
    Government interagency to help Somalia improve efforts of protection,
    prosecution, and prevention?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the U.S. Government's
    interagency commitment to working with the Somali federal and member
    state governments to help build the capacity of Somali institutions to
    prevent trafficking, prosecute those engaged in the illicit activity,
    and protect victims.

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
    Freedom report, the Somalian Government is listed as continuing to
    discriminate against non-Islamic religions, including Christianity. In
    addition, Al-Shabaab has committed egregious crimes against those who
    practice religions other than Islam. What is your assessment of this
    particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work with the Office of
    International Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-
    country?

        Answer. Al-Shabaab's brutal treatment of those whose beliefs differ
    from their own is appalling. If confirmed, I would condemn Al-Shabaab's
    ruthless acts and urge that Somalia's laws allow all people to worship
    in a manner of their choosing. If confirmed, I would engage senior
    officials in the Federal Government of Somalia, as well as its Federal
    Member States, to advocate for religious freedom and express concern
    over actions by authorities against individuals and groups attempting
    to practice their faith freely. If confirmed, my team will continue to
    work closely with the Office of International Religious Freedom.

        Question. In the 2020 Human Rights Report, Somalia was identified
    as having committed or baring witness to severe human rights abuses
    specifically committed by Al-Shabaab.

       If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
            with the host government?

       How will you direct your embassy to work with civil society
            organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
            ground?

        Answer. Al-Shabaab is the leading perpetrator of human rights
    violations in Somalia. Working with the Somali Government, AMISOM, and
    like-minded partners to degrade al-Shabaab militarily and economically
    while bolstering Somali governance and institutions should reduce their
    operational space to commit abuses against Somali and foreign
    nationals.
        If confirmed, I would continue to engage with the highest levels of
    the Somali Government, sub-national authorities, and local communities,
    members of the diplomatic corps, the U.N., and NGOs to promote respect
    for human rights for all Somalis.

    AMISOM
        Question. There is much discussion about AMISOM's mandate in
    Somalia and potential realignments. If your opinion, what adjustments
    to AMISOM's mandate are needed to improve its effectiveness?

        Answer. AMISOM remains critical to Somalia's stabilization, and its
    continued presence is necessary to provide time and space to build
    effective Somali security institutions. The United States supports a
    smart and deliberate conditions-based transition from AMISOM to Somali
    security forces. If confirmed, I am committed to working closely with
    the African Union, AMISOM troop contributors, the U.N., EU, and other
    international stakeholders to support revisions to AMISOM's mandate to
    enable it to conduct more effective operations against al-Shabaab,
    while supporting the development of Somali security forces that can
    ultimately take over the country's security.

    Somaliland
        Question. What is your perspective on U.S. policy toward
    Somaliland? Do you think the U.S. has missed an important opportunity
    over the last several years to support and engage more fully with a
    more stable and democratic entity at the behest of Mogadishu?

        Answer. The United States recognizes a single Somalia, which
    includes Somaliland. Given Somalia's federal system, I believe it is in
    the U.S. interest to maintain positive engagement with Somalia's
    national and regional government authorities, while also encouraging
    those authorities to strengthen cooperation with one another. In June
    2020, in my capacity as U.S. Ambassador to Djibouti, I attended
    Djibouti-hosted talks between senior representatives of Somaliland and
    Somalia. This experience provided insights into the points of view of
    both sides and where their interests overlap. If confirmed, I am
    committed to continuing to engage with regional administrations like
    Somaliland to promote good governance, stability, and economic
    development, and to explore opportunities to strengthen cooperation.

                                   __________

          'Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Larry Edward Andre by Senator Cory A. Booker

    Violence and Instability in Cameroon and Beyond
        Question. U.S. relations with Cameroon have been mostly positive,
    although?they have been adversely affected by concerns over human
    rights abuses, in particular in the Anglophone Northwest and Southwest
    Regions, and the pace of political and economic liberalization.
    Cameroon plays a key role in regional stability and remains a regional
    partner in countering terrorism in the Lake Chad Region.

       Last year, I joined with 19 of my Senate colleagues to sign a
            resolution calling for a ceasefire in Cameroon, and remain
            deeply concerned by the ongoing violence there. I am curious as
            to what you think it will take to conclude and uphold a
            ceasefire, guaranteed humanitarian access, and establish a
            process of political dialogue?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will make resolving the Anglophone crisis
    my top policy priority. Our position remains that all sides must end
    violence and engage in an inclusive dialogue without preconditions. The
    Government is focused on countering armed separatists in the field and
    maintains that its convening of a Grand National Dialogue in 2019 and
    decentralization efforts thus far, including regional elections in late
    2020 and the establishment of a special status for the two Anglophone
    regions, address the root causes of the crisis. I believe the
    Government must do more to resolve the crisis. Specifically, it must be
    willing to engage in an inclusive dialogue without preconditions. The
    armed separatist groups, as well, must be willing to engage peacefully
    in such a dialogue and cease human rights abuses, as called for in the
    Senate resolution.
        If confirmed, I will consider all potential diplomatic tools to
    advance dialogue and end violence in the Anglophone Northwest and
    Southwest Regions. We will engage in discussions with other partners on
    the ground and look for tangible ways to advance peace in Cameroon.

        Question. In 2019, the United States took the relatively rare step
    of terminating Cameroon's AGOA eligibility due to persistent gross
    violations of human rights. Unfortunately, this does not appear to have
    impacted the Government's behavior in the ongoing conflict. If
    confirmed, what other measures do you plan to take to hold state and
    non-state actors in Cameroon accountable for human rights abuses?

        Answer. On June 7, 2021, Secretary Blinken announced that the
    United States was taking steps to impose visa restrictions on
    individuals who are believed to be responsible for, or complicit in,
    undermining the peaceful resolution of the crisis in the Anglophone
    regions of Cameroon. This decision reflects the continuing U.S.
    commitment to advance dialogue and promote respect for human rights.
    This decision followed cuts in security assistance in recent years,
    and, as you noted, the determination that Cameroon was ineligible for
    AGOA starting on January 1, 2020. These actions demonstrate the U.S.
    Government's resolve to back up words with actions.
        If confirmed, I will consider all potential diplomatic tools to
    advance dialogue and end violence in the Anglophone Northwest and
    Southwest Regions. We will engage in discussions with other partners on
    the ground, as well as the Cameroonian Government and people, to
    identify tangible ways to advance peace in Cameroon.

        Question. In addition to the internal violence related to the
    Anglophone Crisis, Cameroon is also facing threats from Boko Haram and
    ISIS West Africa. How do we square our support for Cameroon's efforts
    against Boko Haram and ISIS West Africa with our concerns about human
    rights abuses and political abuses inside Cameroon? In other words, how
    can the State Department ensure that President Biya does not use
    foreign counterterrorism assistance to fund its efforts against
    Anglophone separatists in the Southwest and Northwest part of the
    country?

        Answer. Cameroon has long played a crucial role in regional
    stability. With the protracted crisis in the Central African Republic,
    instability in Nigeria, the terrorist threat posed by Boko Haram and
    ISIS-West Africa, and increasing incidents of piracy in the Gulf of
    Guinea, Cameroon's role as a partner in securing and maintaining
    stability in the region is even more important. Since early 2019, we
    have significantly reduced security assistance because the Government
    of Cameroon had not taken sufficient action to investigate credible
    accusations of gross violations of human rights by its security forces
    or hold the perpetrators accountable. The United States continues to
    review security assistance on a case-by-case basis so that assistance
    we provide aligns with U.S. interests, including promotion of respect
    for human rights. We vet potential recipients of security assistance,
    consistent with the Leahy laws, and do not provide assistance to
    Cameroonian security force units where there is credible information
    that the unit has committed a gross violation of human rights. U.S.-
    granted assistance is explicitly prohibited from being used in the
    Anglophone regions. We have made this prohibition clear at all levels
    of the Cameroonian Government and we carefully monitor the use of U.S.
    assistance to ensure this commitment is followed. Risk of misuse or
    potential diversion to the Anglophone regions are key criteria in our
    security assistance decision-making.
        Since our cuts, the Cameroonian Government has taken some limited
    steps towards holding security forces accountable, including the
    conviction of four soldiers for murder in August 2020 and the arrest of
    soldiers believed to be responsible for one case of extrajudicial
    killings and one case of alleged torture of a detainee. While we hope
    these steps indicate a willingness to address the problem, abuses by
    government forces continue.
        Between FY 2019 (the last year for which there is full obligation
    data) and FY 2020 funding, the State Department has obligated
    approximately $8.3 million in assistance to support the Cameroonian
    military. This funding supported professional military education;
    technical support for unarmed intelligence, surveillance, and
    reconnaissance platforms; small boat training; communications training;
    and air-to-ground integration training. If confirmed, I would work to
    ensure that U.S.-provided equipment is not misused by Cameroonian
    security forces, and would actively and fully address verified reports
    of such misuse.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Larry Edward Andre by Senator Mike Rounds

        Question. Ambassador Andre, The U.S. maintains a very modest
    embassy on the compound of the Mogadishu International Airport, and our
    diplomats are extremely limited in their ability to leave the airport
    complex.
        What is your perspective on this posture, and what do you believe
    is its impact on U.S. diplomatic relations with Somalia and our allies?

        Answer. If confirmed, the safety of U.S. citizens in Somalia and of
    U.S. Embassy personnel will be my highest priority. I will work with
    the Diplomatic Security Service to maximize the ability of our
    diplomats to advance our goals and interests through engagements
    throughout Somalia whenever possible through effective risk mitigation
    and management decisions. I am doing that now in my role as Charge
    d'affaires in South Sudan, which can be a dangerous place. I will
    consider both the security environment in Somalia and specific
    opportunities to advance the goals assigned to us through an
    interagency process. I will ensure we remain able to engage effectively
    with all levels of the Somali Government as well as with our
    international partners, many of whom are also located on the Mogadishu
    International Airport compound.

                                   __________

          Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Maria E. Brewer by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. Ambassador Brewer, as you know, Lesotho has been plagued
    with political instability since independence in 1966, and no prime
    minister has served a full term for the past decade.

       In light of Lesotho's recurrent political instability, what are
            some opportunities that you see for the U.S. to support the
            development of Lesotho's democratic institutions?

        Answer. Promoting democratic governance is at the core of U.S.
    values and of what we seek to accomplish in Lesotho. Lesotho has a
    complicated history with several instances of political and armed
    instability, driven in part by politicians pulling the security
    services into political disputes and the security sector's inability to
    remain neutral. In recent years, Embassy Maseru has worked to improve
    civilian-military relationships, encourage the neutrality of security
    and law enforcement bodies, and support Lesotho's ongoing efforts to
    depoliticize its security forces. The mission also collaborates with
    like-minded partners (including the UK) to advance these goals.
    Building on existing U.S. Embassy efforts to promote civilian control
    of Lesotho's military and government accountability, if confirmed, I
    look forward to working with this committee, the interagency, and the
    Government of Lesotho to strengthen Lesotho's institutions, to further
    promote the professionalization of Lesotho's security forces and to
    foster improved civilian oversight of the military and law enforcement.
    I will also continue to work with the interagency to identify ways to
    reinforce Lesotho's ability to meet the needs of its people and build
    its capacity to be a better partner to us.

        Question. Ambassador Brewer, support to the health sector, mainly
    through the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, is a
    significant element of the U.S./Lesotho bilateral relationship.

       What is your assessment of the importance and effectiveness of U.S.
            support to combatting HIV/AIDs and other public health
            emergencies in Lesotho, including the COVID pandemic?

        Answer. America's interests at home are strengthened by improving
    lives globally. Investments in preventing disease and improving public
    health and nutrition are among our best means to articulate and embody
    our values, while simultaneously pursuing our national security
    interests. U.S. support to combat HIV/AIDS and other public health
    emergencies in Lesotho is important because it is both the right and
    the smart thing to do. In Lesotho, our PEPFAR investment has seen a
    remarkable return in terms of lives saved and increased social
    stability.
        Largely because of U.S. support, Lesotho is one of the first PEPFAR
    countries to achieve the UNAIDS targets for epidemic control; moreover,
    it has cut its rate of new HIV infections in half since 2016. These
    historic achievements lay the groundwork for an HIV/AIDS-free
    generation and are landmarks in PEPFAR's 18-year history.
        U.S. health and development investments in Lesotho, including but
    not limited to PEPFAR, are important and effective, certainly in terms
    of controlling the HIV/AIDS pandemic, but also in terms of combatting
    COVID-19, TB and other communicable diseases; confronting health-
    related issues such as immunizations, clean water, and sanitation; and
    enhancing health security by preventing, detecting, and responding to
    infectious disease threats.
        If confirmed, I will ensure good stewardship of U.S. taxpayers'
    investment in health and development in Lesotho. Building on the
    outstanding success achieved through our previous and existing
    partnerships with the Government and people of Lesotho, I will also
    work to secure sustainability and help Lesotho move towards self-
    reliance in meeting the future needs of its population.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Maria E. Brewer by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 Trafficking in Persons
    Report (TIP), Lesotho was identified as Tier 3 due to lack of
    significant efforts by the Government to increase prosecution,
    protection, and prevention. How will you work with the Lesotho
    Government to address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

        Answer. I understand Lesotho was placed on Tier 3 due to chronic
    poor progress towards addressing our recommendations and credible
    allegations of official complicity. The Government of Lesotho has taken
    many steps to combat trafficking in persons since the release of the
    2020 TIP Report. The Government convicted and sentenced the first
    trafficker in four years; closed key legislative gaps in anti-
    trafficking laws; criminalized all forms of sex trafficking and
    outlined stringent penalties; increased its investigations into
    official complicity; and launched a five-year anti-trafficking national
    action plan. The Secretary will release the 2021 TIP Report with
    updated tier rankings and updated prioritized recommendations this
    summer. If confirmed, I will continue to press for progress on
    recommendations in the TIP Report.

        Question. Given Lesotho's enclosure by South Africa, a Tier 2
    country, are there connections to be made with South Africa and the
    U.S. Embassy there to improve trafficking regionally?

        Answer. Trafficking is indeed a regional problem that demands a
    regional response. If confirmed, I will not only lead our bilateral
    engagement urging the Government of Lesotho to pursue and punish
    traffickers and better protect victims, but will also work with the
    State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons
    and the U.S. Embassy in Pretoria to encourage regional solutions and
    inter-governmental cooperation to combat cross-border trafficking.

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
    Freedom report, Lesotho was identified as partially tolerant of
    religious freedom. What is your assessment of this particular issue and
    if confirmed, how will you work with the Office of International
    Religious Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-country and expand on
    the work the U.S. Embassy is currently undertaking to prevent further
    discrimination of religious minorities?

        Answer. As noted in the 2020 International Religious Freedom
    report, the constitution of Lesotho prohibits religious discrimination
    and provides for freedom of conscience, thought, and religion,
    including the freedom to change religion or belief and to manifest and
    propagate one's religion. Religious leaders of all faiths have told the
    U.S. Embassy that there is broad religious tolerance among the people
    of Lesotho.
        Some business and government leaders occasionally express distrust
    of entrepreneurs of South Asian origin, many of whom are Muslim.
    Nonetheless, the U.S. Embassy is unaware of any act of discrimination
    targeting Lesotho's Muslims, whether those who have recently immigrated
    to Lesotho or the longstanding Muslim communities in the north of the
    country.
        If confirmed, I will continue the U.S. Embassy's regular contact
    with religious, government, business, and civil society leaders to
    discuss religious freedom and tolerance and the need to be proactive in
    preventing discrimination against adherents of the country's growing
    minority religions, particularly Islam.

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report,
    Lesotho was identified as having committed human rights abuses,
    including using the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent lockdown as a
    fac*ade to stifle freedom of assembly and movement.
        If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
    with the host government?

        Answer. Many observers argued that Lesotho's previous
    administration used the COVID-19 pandemic as a pretext to stifle
    freedoms of peaceful assembly and movement. That was a clear human
    rights concern, as are ongoing problems such as trafficking in persons,
    police brutality, and child labor. The United States is also concerned
    about prolonged pretrial detentions and prison conditions. Some other
    concerns detailed in the 2020 Human Rights Report include reports of
    unlawful or arbitrary killings by security forces, arbitrary arrest and
    detention, and mistreatment while in custody. There are also issues
    with official corruption, a lack of judicial independence, violence
    against women, and continued criminalization of consensual same-sex
    sexual conduct between adults.
        The mission pushes for greater accountability in cases of police
    abuse and encourages the Lesotho Mounted Police Service to strengthen
    its police complaints board, with some success. The mission also works
    to promote better understanding of community-based policing via
    training programs at the International Law Enforcement Academy in
    Botswana. If confirmed, I will continue these efforts as I engage the
    Government of Lesotho to address concerns detailed in the 2020 Human
    Rights Report.

        Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
    society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
    ground?

        Answer. The U.S. Embassy maintains excellent relationships with all
    of Lesotho's major civil society organizations, who rely on us to act
    as a voice of conscience both in the public sphere and in our private
    consultations with the Government. If confirmed, I will continue to
    work closely with Lesotho's community of civil society organizations. I
    will also encourage them to focus their attentions on the most pressing
    human rights concerns and will look for synergistic opportunities to
    cooperate with these groups to advocate for reform, accountability, and
    protection of human rights.

        Question. In your opinion, is Lesotho a potential target for
    improved U.S. trade and investment? What tools should the U.S. apply in
    Lesotho to encourage export diversification and investment by American
    firms?

        Answer. Yes. Several economic sectors in Lesotho have growth
    potential, including water (hydropower and pipeline infrastructure),
    diamonds, tourism, agriculture, and power generation. The Government
    has also noted that it seeks to improve transportation and its
    information technology infrastructure. In 2019, the United States
    exported about $1 million in goods to Lesotho, mostly machinery,
    medical instruments, and aircraft. In the same year, the United States
    imported around $325 million in goods, mostly apparel, precious stones,
    and some machinery.
        Lesotho is a long-time beneficiary of trade benefits under the
    African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), which has helped create over
    45,000 jobs in the textile industry. According to 2019 numbers, AGOA
    exports accounted for approximately 12% of Lesotho's GDP ($325 million
    out of $2.7 billion). One of the AGOA eligibility requirements is that
    a country must have established, or make progress towards establishing,
    a market-based economy. This creates a more-level playing field for
    U.S. companies and serves as a useful counterweight to actors seeking
    to influence Lesotho to adopt policies that would be counter to U.S.
    interests. By creating a more-level playing field for U.S. companies
    overseas, we contribute to economic prosperity at home, too. Several
    U.S. brands already manufacture products in Lesotho. If confirmed, I
    will utilize initiatives such as Prosper Africa to actively seek
    opportunities to increase reciprocal trade and investment.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                 to Hon. Maria E. Brewer by Senator Mike Rounds

        Question. Ambassador Brewer, As you know, Lesotho has been plagued
    with political instability since independence in 1966, and no prime
    minister has served a full term for the past decade.

       In light of Lesotho's recurrent political instability, what are
            some opportunities that you see for the U.S. to support the
            development of Lesotho's democratic institutions?

        Answer. Promoting democratic governance is at the core of U.S.
    values and of what we seek to accomplish in Lesotho. Lesotho has a
    complicated history with several instances of political and armed
    instability, driven in part by politicians pulling the security
    services into political disputes and the security sector's inability to
    remain neutral. In recent years, Embassy Maseru has worked to improve
    civilian-military relationships, encourage the neutrality of security
    and law enforcement bodies, and support Lesotho's ongoing efforts to
    depoliticize its security forces. The mission also collaborates with
    like-minded partners (including the UK) to advance these goals.
    Building on existing U.S. Embassy efforts to promote civilian control
    of Lesotho's military and government accountability, if confirmed, I
    look forward to working with this committee, the interagency, and the
    Government of Lesotho to strengthen Lesotho's institutions, to further
    promote the professionalization of Lesotho's security forces and to
    foster improved civilian oversight of the military and law enforcement.
    I will also continue to work with the interagency to identify ways to
    reinforce Lesotho's ability to meet the needs of its people and build
    its capacity to be a better partner to us.

        Question. Ambassador Brewer, Support to the health sector, mainly
    through the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, is a
    significant element of the U.S./Lesotho bilateral relationship.
        What is your assessment of the importance and effectiveness of U.S.
    support to combatting HIV/AIDs and other public health emergencies in
    Lesotho, including the COVID pandemic?

        Answer. America's interests at home are strengthened by improving
    lives globally. Investments in preventing disease and improving public
    health and nutrition are among our best means to articulate and embody
    our values, while simultaneously pursuing our national security
    interests. U.S. support to combat HIV/AIDS and other public health
    emergencies in Lesotho is important because it is both the right and
    the smart thing to do. In Lesotho, our PEPFAR investment has seen a
    remarkable return in terms of lives saved and increased social
    stability.
        Largely because of U.S. support, Lesotho is one of the first PEPFAR
    countries to achieve the UNAIDS targets for epidemic control; moreover,
    it has cut its rate of new HIV infections in half since 2016. These
    historic achievements lay the groundwork for an HIV/AIDS-free
    generation and are landmarks in PEPFAR's 18-year history.
        U.S. health and development investments in Lesotho, including but
    not limited to PEPFAR, are important and effective, certainly in terms
    of controlling the HIV/AIDS pandemic, but also in terms of combatting
    COVID-19, TB and other communicable diseases; confronting health-
    related issues such as immunizations, clean water, and sanitation; and
    enhancing health security by preventing, detecting, and responding to
    infectious disease threats.
        If confirmed, I will ensure good stewardship of U.S. taxpayers'
    investment in health and development in Lesotho. Building on the
    outstanding success achieved through our previous and existing
    partnerships with the Government and people of Lesotho, I will also
    work to secure sustainability and help Lesotho move towards self-
    reliance in meeting the future needs of its population.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Tulinabo S. Mushingi by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. What role can the United States play in efforts of the
    Lourenco administration to root out corruption and repatriate stolen
    assets?

        Answer. The Government of Angola needs to continue to improve its
    public financial management capacity as well as to strengthen
    accounting, oversight, and auditing capabilities. It should also
    increase law enforcement and judicial capacity to investigate and
    prosecute corruption and financial crimes and better coordinate the
    efforts of public institutions working on the investigations. The
    Government should also ensure that private sector financial
    institutions are regularly reporting suspicious transactions to the
    appropriate authorities for action.
        U.S. engagement includes technical assistance for Angola's
    Financial Intelligence Unit and Ministry of Finance. If confirmed, I
    would seek to expand cooperation on potential corruption
    investigations, capacity building in the justice system in constructing
    corruption cases, and capacity building in the Extractive Industry
    Transparency Initiative (EITI) reporting mechanisms.

        Question. In advance of elections in 2022, what can the U.S.
    Embassy do to ensure free political expression and the conduct of fair
    elections?

        Answer. The U.S. Government has encouraged the Government of Angola
    to follow through on its commitment to hold local government elections,
    which would be a positive step in the democratization process of
    Angola, giving people direct representation at the local level of
    government. If confirmed, I will continue to communicate this message.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you ensure that Embassy Luanda
    exercises proper management and oversight of the U.S. presence in Sao
    Tome and Principe?

        Answer. If confirmed, with your help, I will work to deepen the
    U.S. partnership with both Angola and Sao Tome and Principe. I have
    experience being accredited as ambassador to two countries
    concurrently, and will draw on that experience to ensure proper
    management and oversight of the U.S. presence in Sao Tome and Principe.

        Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
    your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
    been the impact of your actions?

        Answer. Promoting democracy, the rule of law, and respect for human
    rights has been a central theme throughout my 30-year career at the
    Department of State. From my early postings to the current one, I have
    endeavored to share with host country counterparts the U.S. position on
    human rights and democracy. My strategy has always been to honestly
    explain our position showing the benefits of respecting human rights
    and promoting democratic principles, a winning proposition for the host
    country as well.
        I have supported the conduct of peaceful elections, passing laws on
    inclusive participation in elections, and raising disability awareness.
    I have advocated against restrictive LGBTQI+ laws, empowered women's
    participation in elections, given a voice to civil society, and
    emphasized the importance of a free press.
        As Ambassador to Guinea-Bissau, our promotion of free and fair
    elections with credible and appropriately transparent processes led to
    the first ever peaceful transition of power between two civilian
    presidents in the history of the country.
        During my tenure as Ambassador in Burkina Faso, I advised against a
    proposed constitutional amendment to presidential term limits, designed
    to extend the time in office of an already long-term sitting president.
    Additionally, I pushed the Government of Transition of Burkina Faso for
    timely elections during a sensitive time when some voices were
    considering a delay. Finally, following the free and fair presidential
    election, Burkina Faso and its people witnessed the first ever peaceful
    transition of power from one civilian government to another.
    Previously, in Mozambique I participated as an international observer
    in the country's first-ever democratic elections and worked closely
    with the rest of the Embassy team to empower the Mozambican people as
    they freely elected their leaders.
        As the Deputy Chief of Mission in Ethiopia from 2009-2011, I
    encouraged the Ethiopian Government to allow civil society and
    opposition political parties to operate freely. Our Embassy efforts
    helped provide a path for opposition parties in Ethiopia to publicize
    their platforms, thus allowing a broader range of Ethiopian citizens to
    have a voice in their government, resulting in an increase in voter
    registration and participation.
        Based on my dedication to promote and support respect for human
    rights and democracy during my career, I am honored to have been
    selected for the AFSA's Mark Palmer Award for the Advancement of
    Democracy in 2017. This award is given to members of the Foreign
    Service, by their peers, for the promotion of U.S. policies focused on
    advancing democracy, freedom and governance through bold, exemplary,
    imaginative and effective efforts during one or more assignments.

        Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
    or democratic development in Angola and Sao Tome and Principe? These
    challenges might include obstacles to participatory and accountable
    governance and institutions, rule of law, authentic political
    competition, civil society, human rights and press freedom. Please be
    as specific as possible.

        Answer. Angola has made tangible progress towards transparency and
    good governance, while initiating the fight against corruption and
    promoting accountability for human rights violations and abuses.
    However, the legacy of corruption, lack of capacity and weak
    institutions are the biggest challenges, along with the need for
    increased professionalism in law enforcement. Civil society, press
    freedoms and political competition exist in Angola, but would benefit
    from further strengthening.
        Sao Tome and Principe (STP) has a small land footprint but a large
    and strategically important maritime domain in the Gulf of Guinea
    shipping lanes. Enhancing the country's ability to monitor its waters
    and share information on maritime activity and piracy is a key
    component to improve regional security. If confirmed, I will continue
    to encourage Sao Tome's support for democracy, human rights, and rule
    of law and to support its development efforts.

        Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
    democracy in Angola and in Sao Tome and Principe? What do you hope to
    accomplish through these actions? What are the potential impediments to
    addressing the specific obstacles you have identified?

        Answer. The Government of Angola has made significant improvements
    on human rights-related issues over the last few years, and if
    confirmed, I will continue to engage with Angolan Government officials
    to support progress in this area. I will work to ensure the United
    States and Angola hold a human rights dialogue in 2021, which will give
    the United States an opportunity to assess progress and press on
    remaining human rights and democracy issues. Finally, the United States
    has encouraged the Government of Angola to follow through on its
    commitment to hold local government elections in 2022, which would be a
    positive step in the democratization process of Angola, giving people
    direct representation at the local level of government and if
    confirmed, I will continue to encourage the Government to prioritize
    forward progress in this area.
        Sao Tome and Principe has a long record of good governance and
    support for democracy and human rights, and if confirmed, I will work
    with its government to encourage and support these priorities.

        Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
    at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
    program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
    support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
    processes to administer such assistance?

        Answer. U.S. Government assistance to Angola currently advances
    democracy and governance through several avenues, including by
    providing assistance to advance electoral reforms, enhance fiscal
    transparency and accountability, and promote increased participation by
    women in the political process. Additionally, the United States
    supports the introduction and expansion of good governance within
    financial administration and service delivery systems, which bolsters
    transparency, citizen participation, and accountability within planning
    and financial management processes. If confirmed, I will continue to
    engage within the Department and with interagency partners to support
    the establishment and continuation of complementary and expanded
    programs that advance U.S. interests in Angola and Sao Tome and
    Principe. I also will emphasize the importance of making continual
    progress on democracy and governance as an element of both countries'
    AGOA eligibility.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
    members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
    U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
    society in Angola and in Sao Tome and Principe? What steps will you
    take to pro-actively address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and
    civil society via legal or regulatory measures?

        Answer. Human rights NGOs--local, regional, and international--are
    active in both Angola and Sao Tome and Principe. Civil society
    organizations, regardless of where they are registered or where they
    operate, can be critical allies in advancing democratic governance,
    expanding respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and
    assisting the United States to strengthen its bilateral and
    multilateral relationships. If confirmed, I am committed to engaging
    broadly to help advance these objectives. I will leverage our strong
    relationships in Angola and in Sao Tome and Principe to communicate
    privately or publicly (as the situation dictates) to proactively
    address efforts to restrict or penalize civil society through legal or
    regulatory measures.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
    oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
    take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
    access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
    parties?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to meet with democratically
    oriented political opposition figures and parties, and I will advocate
    openly in support of access and inclusivity for all individuals in
    Angola and in Sao Tome and Principe, including women, minorities, and
    youth. If confirmed, I will work with the host governments, civil
    society, and like-minded missions to encourage genuine political
    competition. I will emphasize the importance of promoting diverse
    viewpoints and supporting an open arena for peaceful, good faith
    discussions of political differences.

        Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
    Angola and Sao Tome and Principe on freedom of the press and address
    any government efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom
    through legal, regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting
    regularly with independent, local press in both Angola and Sao Tome and
    Principe?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with media practitioners, like-
    minded missions, civil society, government, and international partners
    to underscore the importance of an independent, professional, and open
    media to a free and democratic society. I will seek resources to
    continue support to Angola and Sao Tome and Principe's media, including
    professional exchanges, targeted training programs, and seminars to
    educate journalists and media stakeholders about their rights. Angolan
    and Sao Tomean journalists have participated in U.S. Government-
    sponsored professional exchange programs on investigative reporting,
    safeguarding freedom of expression, and the media's role in
    strengthening democratic institutions.

        Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
    society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
    propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
    country?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with civil society and
    government actors on countering disinformation and malign propaganda by
    foreign state and non-state actors. I also will commit to working with
    like-minded partners in Angola and in Sao Tome and Principe to counter
    disinformation and malign propaganda campaigns.

        Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
    Angola and Sao Tome and Principe on the right of labor groups to
    organize, including for independent trade unions?

        Answer. The United States has a long and proud tradition of
    supporting the rights of workers, including to form labor
    organizations, internationally. If confirmed, I will commit to engage
    with unions, relevant government offices, and the private sector to
    support labor rights.

        Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
    defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Angola and Sao
    Tome and Principe, no matter their sexual orientation or gender
    identity?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will strive to defend the human rights
    and dignity of all individuals in Angola and Sao Tome and Principe, no
    matter their sexual orientation or gender identity.

        Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
    transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Angola and in Sao Tome and
    Principe?

        Answer. President Lourenco has expanded legal protections for
    LGTBQI+ persons since he was elected, including decriminalization of
    homosexuality. However, LGBTQI+ persons in Angola tell us culturally
    they face resistance in being accepted, even at the family level. While
    not criminalized, homosexuality is stigmatized in Sao Tome and
    Principe. Members of the LGBTQI+ community can face ostracism and
    violence.

        Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
    people in Angola and Sao Tome and Principe?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to defend the human rights and
    dignity of all individuals in Angola, no matter their sexual
    orientation or gender identity. I will seek ways to expand Embassy
    support for the efforts of LGBTQI+ NGOs in Angola, including through
    advocacy, leadership development opportunities, and programmatic
    support. Similarly, I will reach out to the LGBTQI+ community in Sao
    Tome and Principe to respond to its concerns.

        Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
    brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
    Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
    to Angola and Sao Tome and Principe?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State
    Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to appropriately respond to
    requests for briefings and information by this committee.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Tulinabo S. Mushingi by Senator James E. Risch

    Strengthening Angola and the Region
        Question. After decades of corrupt and authoritarian rule under
    former President dos Santos, Angola has undergone a remarkable
    transition since President Lourenco came to power in 2017. Under
    Lourenco, Angola has undertaken an economic and political reform agenda
    that aligns with U.S. interests and presents a unique opportunity to
    develop a mutually beneficial partnership.

       Four years into President Lourenco's term, Angola appears headed in
            the right direction with a growing economy, tangible efforts at
            political reform, and a focus on combatting corruption. What
            can the United States do to help Angola as it seeks to
            diversify its economy, improve governance, and continue
            combatting corruption?

        Answer. Angola still faces many challenges in the form of high
    debt, a legacy of corruption, lack of capacity, and weak institutions,
    along with the need for increased professionalism in law enforcement.
    Civil society, press freedoms and political competition exist in
    Angola, but would benefit from further strengthening. If confirmed, I
    will continue to press for political and economic reforms, support the
    fight against corruption, and buttress Angola's development efforts.
    Opportunities exist for the U.S. Government to continue providing
    technical assistance and to cooperate further on potential corruption
    investigations, and on capacity building in the justice system in
    constructing corruption cases. As Angola explores options to diversify
    its economy and to create an environment more welcoming to investors, I
    will seek to foster continued U.S. investment if confirmed.

        Question. Angola has a reasonably strong military, and recently
    played a helpful role in mediating conflict between Uganda and Rwanda.
    Is Angola prepared to take more of a leadership role in the region? Do
    you see potential for Angola increasing its participation in
    peacekeeping or other stability operations on the continent?

        Answer. I understand that under President Lourenco, Angola has
    systematically raised its level of active participation in
    international organizations such as the African Union (AU), the
    International Conference of the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), the
    Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), and the Southern
    Africa Development Community (SADC), successfully proposing candidates
    for leadership roles. Using these leadership roles, Angola has shown a
    willingness to be at the forefront of resolving some of the continent's
    most difficult crises, including its current role in encouraging
    stability in the Central African Republic and Chad.
        Angola also recently enacted legislation which provides the
    structure for its military to be deployed in peacekeeping operations.
    The United States can better engage Angola to serve as a constructive
    voice in Southern and Central Africa by consulting with the Angolan
    Government in Luanda and in Washington, exchanging views and
    encouraging mutually beneficial courses of action.

        Question. Despite Angola's vast natural resource reserves and
    economic reforms that have pleased international financial
    institutions, much of the country still lives in poverty and remains in
    need of assistance? How can the United States help ensure that Angola's
    wealth and opportunity reach all corners of the country?

        Answer. U.S. Government assistance programs in health and landmine
    clearance improve the health and living conditions for Angolans
    throughout the country. Our programs stress capacity building within
    the Angolan Government and reinforce the need to address the issues of
    all Angolans. In addition, multiple small grant programs target
    economic development throughout the country. If confirmed, I will
    continue to engage within the U.S. Government to support the
    establishment and continuation of complementary and expanded programs
    that advance U.S. interests in Angola.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Tulinabo S. Mushingi by Senator Cory A. Booker

    Strengthening Angola and the Region
        Question. After decades of corrupt and authoritarian rule under
    former President dos Santos, Angola has undergone a remarkable
    transition since President Lourenco came to power in 2017. Under
    Lourenco, Angola has undertaken an economic and political reform agenda
    that aligns with U.S. interests and presents a unique opportunity to
    develop a mutually beneficial partnership.

       Four years into President Lourenco's term, Angola appears headed in
            the right direction with a growing economy, tangible efforts at
            political reform, and a focus on combatting corruption. What
            can the United States do to help Angola as it seeks to
            diversify its economy, improve governance, and continue
            combatting corruption?

        Answer. Angola still faces many challenges in the form of high
    debt, a legacy of corruption, lack of capacity, and weak institutions,
    along with the need for increased professionalism in law enforcement.
    Civil society, press freedoms and political competition exist in
    Angola, but would benefit from further strengthening. If confirmed, I
    will continue to press for political and economic reforms, support the
    fight against corruption, and buttress Angola's development efforts.
    Opportunities exist for the U.S. Government to continue providing
    technical assistance and to cooperate further on potential corruption
    investigations, and on capacity building in the justice system in
    constructing corruption cases. As Angola explores options to diversify
    its economy and to create an environment more welcoming to investors, I
    will seek to foster continued U.S. investment if confirmed.

        Question. Angola has a reasonably strong military, and recently
    played a helpful role in mediating conflict between Uganda and Rwanda.
    Is Angola prepared to take more of a leadership role in the region? Do
    you see potential for Angola increasing its participation in
    peacekeeping or other stability operations on the continent?

        Answer. I understand that under President Lourenco, Angola has
    systematically raised its level of active participation in
    international organizations such as the African Union (AU), the
    International Conference of the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), the
    Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), and the Southern
    Africa Development Community (SADC), successfully proposing candidates
    for leadership roles. Using these leadership roles, Angola has shown a
    willingness to be at the forefront of resolving some of the continent's
    most difficult crises, including its current role in encouraging
    stability in the Central African Republic and Chad.
        Angola also recently enacted legislation which provides the
    structure for its military to be deployed in peacekeeping operations.
    The United States can better engage Angola to serve as a constructive
    voice in Southern and Central Africa by consulting with the Angolan
    Government in Luanda and in Washington, exchanging views and
    encouraging mutually beneficial courses of action.

        Question. Despite Angola's vast natural resource reserves and
    economic reforms that have pleased international financial
    institutions, much of the country still lives in poverty and remains in
    need of assistance? How can the United States help ensure that Angola's
    wealth and opportunity reach all corners of the country?

        Answer. U.S. Government assistance programs in health and landmine
    clearance improve the health and living conditions for Angolans
    throughout the country. Our programs stress capacity building within
    the Angolan Government and reinforce the need to address the issues of
    all Angolans. In addition, multiple small grant programs target
    economic development throughout the country. If confirmed, I will
    continue to engage within the U.S. Government to support the
    establishment and continuation of complementary and expanded programs
    that advance U.S. interests in Angola.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Tulinabo S. Mushingi by Senator Mike Rounds

        Question. Ambassador Mushingi, the election of a new president in
    Angola in 2017 provided a clear opportunity for the U.S. to support
    political and economic reforms, including in the areas of anti-
    corruption and human rights. While the Angolan administration continues
    to make progress, there continues to be limited U.S.-support for Angola
    in the democracy and governance space.

       What opportunities do you see for U.S. engagement and assistance in
            this space?

        Answer. The Government of Angola needs to continue to improve its
    public financial management capacity as well as to strengthen
    accounting, oversight, and auditing capabilities. It should also
    increase law enforcement and judicial capacity to investigate and
    prosecute corruption and financial crimes and better coordinate the
    efforts of public institutions working on the investigations. The
    Government should also ensure that private sector financial
    institutions are regularly reporting suspicious transactions to the
    appropriate authorities for action.
        U.S. engagement in this space will include technical assistance for
    Angola's Financial Intelligence Unit and Ministry of Finance.
    Additional opportunities exist for the USG to cooperate further on
    potential corruption investigations and possible sanctions, capacity
    building in the justice system in constructing corruption cases/
    prosecutions in international courts, and capacity building in the
    Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (EITI) reporting
    mechanisms.
        The Government of Angola has made significant improvements on human
    rights-related issues over the last few years, and if confirmed, I and
    the Embassy will continue to engage with Angolan Government officials
    to support progress in this area. In 2020, the United States and Angola
    held their third ministerial level dialogue on human rights, discussing
    the need for respect for freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of
    expression as well as the continued need for training of law
    enforcement, which the U.S. will continue to support, consistent with
    Leahy law and Department policy. I understand the United States and
    Angola are planning the 2021 human rights dialogue, which will give the
    U.S. an opportunity to assess progress and press on any remaining
    issues. Finally, Post has encouraged the Government of Angola to follow
    through on its commitment to hold local government elections, which
    would be a positive step in the democratization process of Angola,
    giving people direct representation at the local level of government.

        Question. Ambassador Mushingi, China's presence looms large in
    Angola. Angola is one of China's largest borrowers in Africa, with more
    than $20 billion in outstanding debt to some Chinese entities.

       How can the United States help Angola to begin chipping away at
            that debt and the restraint put on Angola's economy and
            political system by China?

        Answer. As a key condition of its IMF program, Angola cannot hold
    new oil collateralized debt. The United States supports the Debt
    Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI) agreed to by the G-20 which has
    suspended official bilateral debt payments for 40 countries including
    Angola since May 2020. Rolling back dependency on oil will require
    significant investment in other economic sectors to stimulate growth.
    The Embassy has leveraged U.S. interagency technical assistance and
    high-level messaging to support Angola's anti-corruption campaign and
    economic reforms, especially ongoing efforts to improve transparency
    and compliance in the financial sector. An improved environment will
    make U.S. firms more competitive in Angola. I understand that the
    Embassy has successfully advocated for U.S. investors to break into
    sectors long dominated by Chinese companies, such as
    telecommunications. President Lourenco lobbied U.S. private sector
    representatives in a December 2020 virtual roundtable to invest in
    Angola, demonstrating the high-level desire to attract U.S. investment
    in various sectors. If confirmed, I will lead the Embassy to continue
    reporting on opportunities for American companies and advocate for them
    to compete for tenders and other investment opportunities as the
    Angolan economy diversifies. Programs such as the DFC and Prosper
    Africa will also help target alternatives to Chinese investment and
    commercial interests.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Elizabeth Moore Aubin by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 Trafficking in Persons
    Report, Algeria was identified as Tier 3 due to lack of significant
    efforts to combat human trafficking in the reporting period. The
    Government made little to no attempts to improve resources for victims,
    including punishing victims for crimes their traffickers forced them to
    commit. What steps would you take as Ambassador, if confirmed, to
    engage with the host government and civil society organizations on
    bolstering efforts to improve prosecution and protection efforts?

        Answer. If confirmed, improving Algeria's efforts to combat human
    trafficking will be one of my highest priorities. The Embassy is
    already working with the Algerian Government to improve its efforts to
    investigate, prosecute, and convict traffickers and proactively
    identify and assist trafficking victims, including by offering
    technical support. If confirmed, I will urge Algerian officials to pass
    a standalone Trafficking in Persons (TIP) law this year to bring their
    legal framework in line with international commitments and to formalize
    their victim referral mechanism. We will continue to support Algerian
    efforts to raise awareness of TIP in the law enforcement community,
    including through trainings for prosecutors and judges.

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
    Freedom Report and the 2021 U.S. Commission on International Religious
    Freedom Annual Report, the U.S. identified Algeria as having poor
    religious freedom conditions, with the Government continuing its
    repression of Christian and minority Muslim communities. What is your
    assessment of this particular issue and if confirmed, how will you work
    with the Office of International Religious Freedom to bolster religious
    freedom in-country?

        Answer. Government-led persecution of marginalized minorities,
    including Christian and minority Muslim and non-Muslim religious
    groups, continues to be a significant issue in Algeria. Our Embassy is
    in regular contact with a wide variety of religious leaders in Algeria
    and maintains an active dialogue with the Algerian Government on
    religious freedom issues. The United States Government has publicly and
    privately stressed the importance of religious tolerance and the equal
    and transparent application of the laws governing religious
    organizations. If confirmed, I will raise issues of religious
    persecution identified by the Office of International Religious Freedom
    with the Algerian Government and encourage embassy reporting on
    specific cases.

        Question. Algeria was subsequently designated as a Special Watch
    List country by USCIRF for its actions to systematically repress
    religious minorities. If confirmed, will you suggest Algeria for the
    State Department's Special Watch List for engaging and tolerating
    severe violations of religious freedom?

        Answer. USCIRF's Special Watch List (SWL) functions as a warning to
    avoid possible Country of Particular Concern (CPC) designation by the
    Department of State. For countries designated as CPCs, the
    International Religious Freedom Act provides the Secretary of State
    with a range of policy options to address serious violations of
    religious freedom. The SWL applies to countries that we deem to have
    engaged in or tolerated severe violations of religious freedom, but
    that do not meet all of the CPC criteria. If confirmed, I will
    prioritize the promotion of religious tolerance and impress upon the
    Algerian Government the seriousness of the potentiality of a SWL or CPC
    designation, and actions that could be taken now to preclude these
    designations.

        Question. If confirmed, will you encourage embassy officials to
    attend public country proceedings on church closures to emphasize USG
    concern regarding this issue?

        Answer. The Algerian Government continues to use COVID-19
    restrictions and the status of churches as un-registered associations
    to justify closures. If confirmed, I will encourage embassy officials
    to attend public proceedings on church closures, as appropriate, to
    emphasize U.S. Government concern regarding this issue and to urge the
    Algerian Government to allow the legalization of religious minority
    groups by approving their requests to be registered associations.

        Question. The constitutional referendum passed in November
    indicates a further erosion of religious freedom conditions in country.
    Please describe your potential engagement with the Algerian Government
    regarding this referendum.

        Answer. The Algerian constitution provides for freedom of worship,
    but religious minorities continue to face difficulty registering as
    legally recognized organizations. Though the new constitution allows
    for the creation of a religious organization by declaration, the
    Government needs to amend the 2012 Law of Associations to implement
    this change. The State Department's Annual Human Rights and Religious
    Freedom Reports for Algeria cite this need and, if confirmed, I will
    continue to advocate for religious freedom.

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report,
    Algeria was identified as having committed severe human rights abuses,
    including government sanctioned attacks on freedom of assembly for
    protestors in early 2020. If confirmed, what steps will you take to
    address these instances with the host government?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize the promotion of human
    rights and impress upon Algerian leaders the importance of these
    issues. The annual Human Rights Report regularly garners press
    attention and is studied carefully in Algeria. If confirmed, I commit
    to continuing my predecessors' tradition of meeting with human rights,
    civil society, and other non-governmental organizations in the United
    States and in Algeria to support their efforts on advancing human
    rights. Our embassy is in regular contact with human rights activists
    and journalists in Algeria and maintains an active dialogue with the
    Algerian Government on human rights issues.

        Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
    society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
    ground?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will direct my embassy to maintain contact
    with civil society organizations in Algeria to support civil society
    development. Funding for the Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI)
    and other civil society assistance programs will empower nascent civil
    society in Algeria, building capacity to better represent citizens'
    interests and hold the Government accountable. If confirmed, I will
    also urge the Algerian Government to issue an updated NGO law to ease
    restrictions on registering and operating civil society organizations.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Elizabeth Moore Aubin by Senator Mike Rounds

        Question. During the last two years we have seen significant
    political events in Algeria. These include a mass leaderless protest
    movement, a contentious election resulting in a successor to the long
    serving former president and a new constitution. What are your thoughts
    about how the events of the past two years have affected the U.S.-
    Algeria partnership and what opportunities do you think it creates for
    the U.S.?

        Answer. The U.S.-Algeria bilateral relationship has remained strong
    through the momentous events of the last two years. Algeria has taken
    steps towards political and economic reform and the United States will
    continue to support efforts that expand observance of human rights,
    including freedoms of expression and association. We will also work to
    facilitate U.S. investment opportunities to deliver economic benefits
    to the American and the Algerian people. If confirmed, I will also
    promote the embassy's entrepreneurship programs for youth and women as
    well as pursue a grant-funded project to expand English language
    instruction in Algeria to better prepare Algerians for professional and
    commercial opportunities at home and abroad.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                  to Eugene S. Young by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 Trafficking in Persons
    Report, Republic of the Congo was upgraded to Tier 2 due to increased
    efforts to eliminate trafficking, but the Government still lacks
    adequate resources to screen vulnerable populations and lacks a
    national action plan and clear understanding of anti-tracking laws. How
    will you work with the host government and local civil society
    organizations to address these issues if you are confirmed as
    Ambassador?

        Answer. As you note, the Congolese Government has shown the
    political will to address trafficking issues. The Government has
    drafted a national action plan against Trafficking in Persons but has
    yet to ratify it. The Congolese successfully prosecuted seven human
    traffickers and successfully repatriated eight victims in the past
    year. If confirmed, I will continue the positive work begun under my
    predecessor. My team and I will use the resources available from the
    State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons
    to help train and equip the Congolese police, judiciary, and
    legislators, as well as support the NGOs on the ground doing the heroic
    day-to-day work of identifying trafficking victims and their
    traffickers.

        Question. The U.S. Embassy is actively engaging with government
    officials and organizations on religious freedom issues, including
    supporting virtual events with religious leaders and youths. How will
    you, if confirmed, continue this work and bolster efforts already
    underway?

        Answer. One of the major components of Congo's stability is the
    ability of different religious groups to coordinate and work together
    to promote civil society and meet the needs of the Congolese people.
    This collaboration dates all the way back to the 1960s at the formation
    of Congo as an independent country. If confirmed, I will continue our
    Embassy team's efforts to bring together religious organizations,
    international partners, private businesses, and members of the
    Government to ensure international religious freedom continues to be a
    priority of our bilateral relationship.

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, the
    Republic of the Congo was identified as having committed human rights
    abuses, notably that political activists and civil society members,
    including human rights defenders, continued to face intimidation,
    harassment and arbitrary detention by the Government or other state
    actors.

       If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
            with the host government?

       How will you direct your embassy to work with civil society
            organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
            ground?

        Answer. I share your concern about these developments and the
    treatment of journalists and human rights activists in the Republic of
    the Congo. This concern is something repeatedly conveyed by our staff
    at Embassy Brazzaville to the highest levels of the Government. This
    focus on human rights is a practice that I will continue if confirmed.
        While Congo's human rights record is far from clean, we have seen
    some progress. Congolese peacekeeping troops who were accused of human
    rights violations while in CAR in 2016 did face consequences, and our
    ongoing training with the Congo military educates troops about human
    rights protections. If confirmed I would work alongside civil society
    organizations to bring increased attention to human rights violations
    and abuses and to offer what we can in terms of training programs and
    other resources to promote respect for human rights.

        Question. As U.S. Ambassador, how will you engage with the
    international financial institutions, including the IMF, in the
    Republic of Congo over their engagement with the Sassou Nguesso
    administration despite significant corruption and lack of transparency
    in finances and debts?

        Answer. Across Africa our goal is to increase debt transparency.
    Debt transparency is vital for maintaining debt sustainability,
    facilitating resolutions when necessary, and minimizing corruption. The
    Republic of Congo is in debt distress in part due to non-transparent
    Chinese lending. We can't always stop governments from excessive and
    corrupt borrowing, but setting the standard of transparency makes it
    harder to borrow corruptly and unsustainably. In fora such as the IMF
    where we can better control the terms of loan and financial programs,
    if confirmed, I will seek to engage in the process to insist on the
    inclusion of transparency measures.

        Question. The Congo River Basin is one of the major focuses of U.S.
    supported conservation and environment programming, including through
    the Central Africa Regional Program for the Environment (CARPE). How
    can the U.S. better engage with the Republic of Congo these efforts?

        Answer. Our embassy in Brazzaville has been hard at work ramping up
    our environmental cooperation with the Congolese. Thanks to the team's
    efforts, Congo's Minister of Tourism and Environment was the first
    African to speak at the international round table discussion before the
    recent Leaders' Summit on Climate. Our embassy is also working with the
    Congolese to develop side events focusing on the Congo rainforest for
    the upcoming COP 26 conference. Finally, a new USAID position in
    Brazzaville is set to come online later this summer. If confirmed, I
    will continue these efforts to engage Congo on this important area of
    bilateral cooperation.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                   to Eugene S. Young by Senator Mike Rounds

        Question. As you know, Congo's president is one of Africa's longest
    serving leaders with power vested in him and a network of family and
    associates. One result has been prolific corruption in the oil sector.
    I'm curious about your thoughts on what tools you think you would
    employ as U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Congo to encourage anti-
    corruption and democratic development in one of the most kleptocratic
    and closed political and civic environments in Africa?

        Answer. Corruption inhibits economic and democratic development and
    runs counter to American values. It damages trade, guts institutions,
    and destroys citizens' confidence in their government. Recent calls for
    more American investment in Congo to counter malign influence show me
    the Congolese people want to address this problem as well. If
    confirmed, I will push hard for that investment, and the transparency
    and fair dealing it brings. In addition, I will work with international
    partners such as the World Bank and IMF to increase transparency in
    Congo's borrowing, procurement, and financial systems.

        Question. Congo has seen a rapid accumulation of debt over the past
    decade--much of it owed to China. Given this increase in China's
    influence, what opportunities do you think there are for us to increase
    our engagement with the Republic of Congo, both to support development
    in line with American values and to counter China's role in the
    country?

        Answer. China's investment in the Republic of Congo is
    considerable. Chinese debt of over $4 billion risks permanent damage to
    Congo's future growth. However, there are important strengths in the
    U.S.-Congolese relationship that we can focus and build on to help
    counter Chinese influence. America's continued appeal as a country of
    ideas, future trends, and freedom resonates with the Congolese,
    especially the youth. Drawing a distinction with China by highlighting
    and demonstrating America's strengths is our best way of countering
    China's influence over the long term. Our areas of collaboration with
    the Government of Congo include environmental protection, human rights,
    and health development, among many others. These are areas where we
    believe the United States can do the most good for the American and
    Congolese people.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Christopher John Lamora by Senator Robert Menendez

    Politics and Economy
        Question. How do you intend to capitalize on the heightened
    attention Secretary Blinken and recent sanctions have brought to the
    Anglophone crisis, and how will you advance engagement with the French
    to work toward a peaceful resolution?

        Answer. The Secretary's decision to impose visa restrictions on
    those involved in undermining peace in Cameroon reflects the U.S.
    commitment to advance dialogue to peacefully resolve the Anglophone
    crisis and support respect for human rights. This decision followed
    cuts in security assistance in recent years and the determination that
    Cameroon was ineligible for AGOA starting on January 1, 2020. These
    actions demonstrate the U.S. Government's resolve to back up words with
    actions. The United States will continue to consider all potential
    diplomatic tools to advance dialogue and end violence in the Anglophone
    Northwest and Southwest Regions.
        We continue to engage other UN member states, particularly the
    French, in bilateral and multilateral fora and at all levels on the
    importance of rule of law and ending impunity in Cameroon and to
    explore ways we can work together to move towards a resolution of the
    violence in the Northwest and Southwest Regions. If confirmed, I will
    make resolving the Anglophone crisis my top policy priority and will
    engage in discussions with France and other partners on the ground and
    look for tangible ways to advance peace in Cameroon.

        Question. What have been the impacts on Cameroon's economy and
    U.S.-Cameroon commercial ties of the termination of Cameroon's AGOA
    eligibility, and how would you seek to expand and protect U.S.
    commercial interests there?

        Answer. Cameroon was found ineligible for AGOA in 2019 and lost
    AGOA benefits starting on January 1, 2020 under the criterion that
    excludes countries that engage in gross violations of internationally
    recognized human rights. Cameroon can regain AGOA eligibility by
    preventing such violations, by strengthening human rights protections
    in the law, and by impartially and transparently investigating reports
    of such violations and holding accountable those responsible.
        In 2018, Cameroon exported roughly $220 million in goods and
    services to the United States; of that figure, $63 million was exported
    under AGOA, over 90 percent of which was crude petroleum. The United
    States will continue to pursue robust and diverse commercial ties,
    deploying other tools at our disposal toward realizing the enormous
    potential of this relationship for our mutual prosperity and economic
    growth. More than any government program, however, the entrepreneurial
    initiative of Cameroonian and American businesses and a business
    climate that helps them flourish will be the key to stronger commercial
    ties between the United States and Cameroon. If confirmed, I will urge
    the Government to take tangible steps to improve the business climate,
    advocate on behalf of U.S. companies, and direct our embassy to
    continue to look for opportunities to expand commercial ties, using all
    the tools and resources that we have at our disposal.

        Question.  It was recently reported that most of a $335 million
    loan to fight COVID-19 from the IMF could not be accounted for. How
    will you address endemic corruption and work to increase transparency
    and accountability of the Government of Cameroon?

        Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the challenges in the
    fight against corruption in Cameroon. The United States is concerned
    about allegations about misuse of funding aimed at helping Cameroon
    respond to the pandemic. The Embassy provides financial and technical
    support to the fight against corruption. The Department of Treasury's
    Office of Technical Assistance assists the Ministry of Finance,
    specifically the Taxation Directorate, to identify and manage
    compliance and institutional risks and facilitate the efficacy of
    internal audit and employee anti-corruption investigations. Another
    transparency and good governance activity is the Fiscal Transparency
    Innovation Fund (FTIF). In 2018, the Department of State, through the
    FTIF, granted $276,500 to a financial auditing firm to train financial
    practitioners in the public and public sector on modern financial
    reporting norms and develop a plan for the adoption of International
    Financial Reporting Standards.
        If confirmed, I would continue to explore opportunities like these
    to address endemic corruption in Cameroon and engage other diplomatic
    and international missions with a view to leveraging our resources and
    voices to advocate for change. I would also urge the Government to take
    meaningful steps to hold those complicit in corrupt practices
    accountable, change institutional practices that facilitate corruption,
    and do so transparently to help restore public faith in governance
    practices.

    COVID-19
        Question. How has COVID-19 impacted our health programs, and how do
    you intend to leverage U.S. Government bilateral global health program
    platforms to help the people of Cameroon respond to and address the
    impacts?

        Answer. Cameroon has made significant efforts in managing the
    COVID-19 outbreak, despite challenges around national coordination,
    resurgence of cases fueled by limited adherence by the general
    population to mitigation measures, and concerns about mismanagement of
    COVID-19 funds. The COVID-19 pandemic has interrupted routine
    immunizations and service delivery across Cameroon's health sector, but
    we continue to support recovery of health systems and sustain gains
    made through the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, the Global
    Health Security Agenda, the President's Malaria Initiative, and other
    global health programs.
        Across U.S. agencies present in the health sector, including the
    Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the United States
    Agency for International Development (USAID), the Department of Defense
    (DOD), and Peace Corps, we have invested over $600 million since 2010
    to strengthen the health system and fight HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis,
    malaria, and other diseases, including COVID-19. U.S. public health
    experts have worked hand-in-hand with Cameroonian officials on COVID-19
    preparedness and response efforts, helping to build capacity for
    emergency management, surveillance, laboratory testing, case
    management, and infection prevention and control. If confirmed, I will
    ensure that health diplomacy remains a priority. I will encourage the
    Government of Cameroon to increase spending on health, support efforts
    to improve accountability in the provision of health care nationwide
    and continue to work towards reaching epidemic control of HIV/AIDs
    within the next two years.

    Democracy & Human Rights
        Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
    your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
    been the impact of your actions?

        Answer. I have spent most of my career as a consular officer,
    focused on the protection of U.S. citizens and the application and
    enforcement of U.S. immigration law. I also served as an election
    observer in both Cameroon (1992) and the Central African Republic
    (1993), and I worked to improve prison conditions in the Dominican
    Republic (2002-05). In Ghana, where I was Deputy Chief of Mission
    (2018-21), we dedicated significant effort to combatting child labor in
    the fishing and cocoa sectors, addressing trafficking in persons, and
    promoting respect for the human rights of all individuals in Ghana.
    Through our DOJ Resident Legal Adviser, we also worked with the
    Ghanaian Ministry of Justice and court system to implement reforms on
    pre-trial detention, alternative dispute resolution mechanisms, and
    strengthening the public defender corps, all of which gave Ghanaians
    greater and more equitable access to justice.

        Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
    or democratic development in Cameroon? These challenges might include
    obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
    rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
    rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.

        Answer. Many Cameroonians and outsiders perceive poor governance to
    be the root of most problems in the country. They view the bureaucracy
    as slow-moving and suffering from internal competition, cite corruption
    as an endemic problem, and point to the ongoing investigation into the
    alleged misused of funds aimed at helping Cameroon to combat the COVID-
    19 pandemic as a tangible example of the issue. There are also concerns
    about the lack of space for political opposition leaders, human rights
    defenders, journalists, and others to operate in if they espouse views
    that run counter to the Cameroonian Government's views and policies.
    Cameroonians are also frustrated with lapses or failure of delivery of
    public services, deteriorating infrastructure, poverty, and lack of
    progress on decentralization. They hope that the Government will
    address the root causes of extremism in the Far North and those that
    led to the crisis in the Northwest and Southwest Regions, and address
    allegations of human rights violations and abuses by security forces.

        Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
    democracy in Cameroon? What do you hope to accomplish through these
    actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
    obstacles you have identified?

        Answer. Building the capacity of civil society to promote respect
    for human rights and democracy is a top priority for our mission in
    Cameroon. The United States provides funding to local organizations
    focused on supporting dialogue and peace initiatives related to the
    crisis in Anglophone regions, strengthening the rule of law, improving
    the legislative process, promoting access to justice, enhancing anti-
    trafficking efforts, monitoring elections, and promoting civil
    engagement and human rights.
        Civil society actors focused on the protection of human rights and
    the promotion of democracy and good governance operate in a difficult
    political environment. They often face consistent harassment and
    arrests for exercising their oversight role and exposing human rights
    violations and abuses committed by the Government.
        If confirmed, I will continue to advance opportunities to
    strengthen the capacity of civil society organizations and amplify
    their voices, encourage the Government to collaborate with these
    organizations for the betterment of Cameroon, and ensure that we
    coordinate our efforts with diplomatic and international missions.
    Strengthening civil society will allow them to better advocate for
    change to improve the lives of ordinary Cameroonians.

        Question. How will you utilize U.S. Government assistance resources
    at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
    program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
    support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
    processes to administer such assistance?

        Answer. Supporting democracy and governance is a priority for our
    mission in Cameroon. Through a $550,000 grant from the Bureau of
    Conflict and Stabilization Operations, we conducted programming from
    August 2019 through December 2020 that sought to strengthen civil
    society's capacity to support dialogue and peace initiatives related to
    the crisis in Anglophone regions. Each year, we support organizations
    with an estimated $400,000 through Africa Regional Democracy funding,
    with projects focused on strengthening the rule of law, improving the
    legislative process, promoting access to justice, enhancing anti-
    trafficking efforts, monitoring elections, and promoting civil
    engagement. We use Ambassador's Special Self-Help Funds, approximately
    $75,000 each year, to support grassroots community organizations to
    find local solutions to basic problems.
        In 2019, USAID launched for the first time the Civil Society
    Sustainability Index (CSO SI) in Cameroon. The CSO SI assesses the
    capacity of civil society to serve as both a short-term partner in
    implementing development solutions and a long-term actor in ensuring
    that development outcomes are sustained. To further bolster the
    capacity of the civil society sector, USAID designed a new Civil
    Society Strengthening and Community Resilience program. The anticipated
    program will primarily focus on strengthening civil society capacity to
    deliver services and promote citizen engagement.
        If confirmed, I will continue these efforts to bolster Cameroon's
    civil society capacity, exploring all potential funding options that
    could help us achieve this objective. I will also assess what
    additional resources we can tap and programs we can undertake to
    advance democracy.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
    members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
    U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
    society in Cameroon? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
    efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
    regulatory measures?

        Answer. The promotion of respect for human rights is a central
    pillar in our relations with Cameroon. If confirmed, I will continue
    and strengthen the relationships built by the mission and the
    Department of State more broadly with civil society members, human
    rights and other non-governmental organizations in the United States
    and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil society in
    Cameroon. I will continue to advance opportunities to strengthen the
    capacity of civil society organizations and amplify their voices,
    encourage the Government to collaborate with these organizations for
    the betterment of Cameroon, and ensure that we coordinate our efforts
    with diplomatic and international missions.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
    oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
    take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
    access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
    parties?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continue and strengthen the
    relationships our mission has built with democratically oriented
    political opposition figures and parties. I will strive to support the
    efforts of these figures and parties to develop a more inclusive
    political environment in Cameroon, including their efforts to advance
    electoral reform. I will urge the Government to ensure the freedoms of
    association and peaceful assembly for all political actors, even those
    who do not agree with the Government. Through public statements, small
    grants and other programming, and direct engagements, I will advocate
    for a political environment that is inclusive of women, youth,
    minorities, and Cameroonians who might otherwise be marginalized.

        Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
    Cameroon on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
    designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
    regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
    independent, local press in Cameroon?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage with Cameroon on press
    freedom issues. I will call on the Government to prevent and stop the
    harassment and arrests of journalists whose reporting is critical of
    the Cameroonian Government's policies, which has a negative impact on
    press freedom. I will also underscore the need for the Government to be
    transparent as doing so would make independent media outlets better
    positioned to share accurate information with ordinary Cameroonians. We
    will also continue to prioritize providing training and other capacity
    building opportunities for journalists. If confirmed, I will commit to
    meeting regularly with independent, local press in Cameroon.

        Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
    society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
    propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
    country?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue and, as appropriate, expand
    upon the Embassy's ongoing engagements with civil society and
    government counterparts to promote the importance of countering
    disinformation and propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-
    state actors in the country.

        Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
    Cameroon on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
    independent trade unions?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will commit to actively engage with
    Cameroon on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
    independent trade unions, and call out incidents when this right is
    restricted.

        Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
    defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Cameroon, no
    matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?

        Answer. Promoting human rights and democracy is a priority for our
    mission in Cameroon. If confirmed, I will use all diplomatic tools at
    my disposal to defend the human rights and dignity of all people in
    Cameroon, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity.

        Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
    transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Cameroon?

        Answer. Cameroonian society is conservative, with many Cameroonians
    vehemently opposed to the idea that basic civil, legal, and human
    rights extend to Cameroon's LGBTQI+ citizens. The constitution provides
    for equal rights for all citizens, but Cameroonian laws do not
    explicitly prohibit discrimination against LGBTQI+ persons in housing,
    employment, and access to government services such as health care.
    Since 2020, there has been an uptick in arrests of LGBTQI+ individuals.
    The overwhelming majority of these cases do not meet basic due process
    standards. Defendants have been accused and convicted based on their
    manner of walking or appearance, as well as unsubstantiated rumors. The
    recent sentencing of two transgender women to five years in prison for
    ``attempted homosexuality'' highlights the threats and stigma LGBTQI+
    Cameroonians face.

        Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
    people in Cameroon?

        Answer. Promoting the basic human rights of LGBTQI+ people is a
    challenging endeavor in a society as conservative as Cameroon. It is,
    however, a priority of the Biden-Harris administration, and, if
    confirmed, I commit to carrying out the President's mandate. It is
    critically important that we remain aware and take account of the local
    context in carrying out this mandate. As I saw most recently in Ghana,
    the embassy's overriding principle must always be ``First, Do No
    Harm.'' Even as we have the best intentions, we must not inadvertently
    make the situation worse. For instance, it may not always be
    appropriate to issue public statements in response to a given arrest,
    but to engage in quiet, closed-door diplomacy that minimizes additional
    risks to LGBTQI+ people. In gauging how, when, and whether to engage on
    this topic, it is invaluable to understand the local LGBTQI+ community,
    and I commit that, if confirmed, the Embassy team and I will engage
    with the LGBTQI+ Cameroonians and their allies.

    Congressional Consultations
        Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
    brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
    Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
    to Cameroon?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit, in coordination with the State
    Department's Bureau of Legislative Affairs, to appropriately respond to
    requests for briefings and information by this committee. As a former
    Pearson Congressional Fellow, I firmly believe that Congress has an
    important role to play not only in foreign policy legislation but also
    during the implementation process. It cannot be a one-way street in
    which the State Department merely advises Congress after the fact of
    the actions we have undertaken. Our foreign policy is stronger when the
    two branches of government coordinate.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Christopher John Lamora by Senator James E. Risch

    Anglophone Crisis Negotiations
        Question. In January, the Senate passed a bipartisan resolution
    (S.Res.684), which calls on the State Department to engage other
    partners in helping end the Anglophone conflict, and specifically calls
    out the French, whom the Senate believes could get all the parties to
    the table. Secretary Blinken reportedly raised Cameroon with his French
    counterpart at a recent G7 meeting.

       How is the Department mobilizing other partners to assist Cameroon
            to find peace and justice, and how do you plan to lead such an
            effort once in-country?

        Answer. The Secretary's decision to impose visa restrictions on
    those involved in undermining peace in Cameroon reflects the U.S.
    commitment to advance dialogue to peacefully resolve the Anglophone
    crisis and support respect for human rights. This decision followed
    cuts in security assistance in recent years and the removal of
    Cameroon's AGOA eligibility on January 1, 2020. These actions
    demonstrate the U.S. Government's resolve to back up words with
    actions. The United States will continue to consider all potential
    diplomatic tools to advance dialogue and end violence in the Anglophone
    Northwest and Southwest Regions.
        We continue to engage other U.N. member states, particularly the
    French, in bilateral and multilateral fora and at all levels on the
    importance of rule of law and ending impunity in Cameroon and to
    explore ways we can work together to move towards a resolution of the
    violence in the Northwest and Southwest Regions. If confirmed, I will
    make resolving the Anglophone crisis my top policy priority and will
    engage in discussions with France and other partners on the ground and
    look for tangible ways to advance peace in Cameroon.

        Question. What is your stance regarding U.S. leadership in
    mediating an end to the conflict in the Anglophone regions of Cameroon
    and do you classify it as an armed conflict at this stage of the
    crisis?

        Answer. The United States has an important role to play in pushing
    for a resolution to the crisis in the Anglophone regions. If confirmed,
    I will continue to support the Swiss Government's efforts to advance
    dialogue with all sides and explore ways with the international
    community to move this effort forward. I will also support other
    meaningful initiatives that could advance peace on the ground,
    including local initiatives, and to amplify the voices of Anglophones
    who support peace. The United States stands ready to provide additional
    support if asked to do so and if appropriate.
        Per the Geneva Conventions, which the United States has ratified,
    the International Committee of the Red Cross has the purview to
    designate a conflict as a non-international armed conflict. To date,
    they have not done so.

        Question. Why do you think the Government of Cameroon has not
    heeded the U.S. calls for cessation of hostilities and a negotiated
    resolution of the conflict in the North West and South West regions?

        Answer. The Cameroonian Government continues to focus on
    neutralizing the armed separatists through combat in the field and to
    advance disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration efforts in both
    regions to put an end to the violence and insecurity. The Government
    also believes that implementation of the recommendations offered during
    the Grand National Dialogue held in 2019 will address the grievances
    held by many Anglophone Cameroonians. This includes advancing
    decentralization, such as by holding regional elections in December
    2020. If confirmed, I will continue to call for an inclusive dialogue
    without preconditions and for all parties to end violence.

        Question. Would you support mediation or accountability efforts by
    international organizations such as the U.N. Security Council or the
    African Union?

        Answer. The United States regularly engages U.N. Security Council
    member states and other countries regarding the need to resolve the
    Anglophone crisis. We also regularly raise the Anglophone crisis with
    the Secretary General's Special Representative and Head of the U.N.
    Office for Central Africa (UNOCA) Francois Fall. The United States
    supports UNOCA's role in promoting inclusive political dialogue in
    Cameroon and the resolution of the Anglophone crisis. We will continue
    to encourage UNOCA to engage the Government of Cameroon and encourage
    other U.N. member states, specifically including our P3 partners France
    and the UK, to play a constructive role to resolve the crisis. The
    United States has engaged and will look to increase our engagement with
    the African Union on Cameroon. If confirmed, I will highlight the need
    for efforts by international actors to be complementary and not compete
    with one another.

    Sanctions
        Question. On June 7, 2021, Secretary Blinken announced that the
    United States would impose visa restrictions on individuals who are
    believed to be responsible for, or complicit in, undermining the
    peaceful resolution of the crisis in the Anglophone regions of
    Cameroon. While I did applaud this important first step, I believe
    additional accountability measures are needed.

       What is your view regarding the use of sanctions to bring those
            responsible to account for their abuses and undermining of
            peace in Cameroon?

        Answer. The decision to impose visa restrictions on those involved
    in undermining peace in Cameroon reflects U.S. commitment to advance
    dialogue to peacefully resolve the Anglophone crisis and support
    respect for human rights. This decision followed cuts in security
    assistance in recent years and the removal of Cameroon's AGOA
    eligibility on January 1, 2020. These actions demonstrate the U.S.
    Government's resolve to back up words with actions. The United States
    will continue to consider all potential diplomatic tools to advance
    dialogue and end violence in the Anglophone Northwest and Southwest
    Regions.

    Trafficking in Persons
        Question. In the State Department's 2020 Trafficking in Persons
    Report, the U.S. downgraded Cameroon to Tier 2 Watch List for
    recruiting child soldiers, a lack of standard operating procedures and
    convicting fewer trafficking crimes. Additionally, the Government has
    not passed anti-trafficking legislation to conform to international
    law. Yet, the Government did investigate more trafficking cases and
    identify more victims.

       If confirmed, how will you build on Cameroon's successes and
            strengthen their weaknesses, most notably, aiding in
            establishing a national framework for anti-trafficking?

        Answer. The United States regularly engages with Cameroon on the
    issue of human trafficking. We have provided training to government and
    civil society stakeholders through the International Visitors
    Leadership Program and presented draft language for anti-trafficking
    legislation that would bring national law in line with international
    norms. We will continue to work with the Government of Cameroon to
    ensure that its security forces do not violate their internal
    regulations and recruit or use child soldiers. We will also encourage
    the Government to urge vigilance committees to refrain from doing so.
        If confirmed, I will ensure that we will continue to engage
    constructively with the Inter-ministerial Committee on Trafficking in
    Persons and encourage the Government to make progress in the fight
    against human trafficking by focusing on milestones that need to be
    achieved on key deficiencies and by engaging more robustly with civil
    society.

    International Religious Freedom
        Question. In the State Department's 2020 International Religious
    Freedom Report, the Department noted Cameroon as having poor religious
    tolerance, including threats of non-state actors like ISIS-WA and Boko
    Haram.

       What is your assessment of this particular issue, and if confirmed,
            how will you work with the Office of International Religious
            Freedom to bolster religious freedom in-country?

        Answer. Religious leaders wield significant influence and are
    potential allies in bringing peace to the Northwest, Southwest, and Far
    North Regions where persistent violence from non-state actors, armed
    separatists, and government actors infringes upon religious freedom and
    all aspects of life in the affected communities. The United States will
    continue to work with religious leaders and the Government to encourage
    greater cooperation and respect for the right to practice religion
    freely and unencumbered.
        If confirmed, I will look for opportunities to resolve the ongoing
    conflict in the Anglophone regions through a framework that supports an
    inclusive peace process. Peaceful resolutions to the many ongoing
    conflicts in Cameroon will be pivotal in reducing the incidence of
    abuses against religious freedom. Under my direction, if confirmed, the
    embassy will also engage with the Office of International Religious
    Freedom and other key offices to determine how best we could assist
    religious leaders.

    Human Rights
        Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, the
    Department identified Cameroon as having committed severe human rights
    abuses. Amnesty International categorized the state-sanctioned behavior
    as ``Security forces and armed groups continued to commit human rights
    violations and abuses. Hundreds of thousands of people were displaced
    due to violence; and gender-based violence against women was
    widespread.''

       If confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances
            with the host government?

        Answer. Promotion of human rights remains a key element of our
    bilateral relations with Cameroon. While we have seen some progress in
    this area with specific cases, we would like the Government of Cameroon
    to share information about what it is doing to address human rights
    violations by security forces and to take steps to address violations
    writ-large beyond training. If confirmed, I will continue to call for
    accountability and transparency related to allegations of human rights
    violations committed by the Government. I will direct the embassy to
    look for opportunities to work with the Government to reduce incidences
    of human rights violations and urge them to hold accountable those
    found responsible for these violations.

        Question. How will you direct your embassy to work with civil
    society organizations to improve the human rights situation on the
    ground?

        Answer. Building the capacity of civil society is a top priority
    for our mission in Cameroon. We provide funding to local organizations
    focused on supporting dialogue and peace initiatives related to the
    crisis in Anglophone regions, strengthening the rule of law, improving
    the legislative process, promoting access to justice, enhancing anti-
    trafficking efforts, monitoring elections, and promoting civil
    engagement and human rights.
        If confirmed, I will continue to advance such opportunities to
    strengthen the capacity of civil society organizations and amplify
    their voices, encourage the Government to collaborate with these
    organizations for the betterment of Cameroon, and ensure that we
    coordinate our efforts with diplomatic and international missions.

        Question. In December 2019, the Trump administration curtailed U.S.
    military assistance to Cameroon because of gross human rights
    violations, including women and children's extrajudicial killings. To
    date, has there been an improvement in the Cameroon military's human
    rights record? If confirmed, how do you intend to work with the
    Government of Cameroon and its military leadership to improve on this
    issue?

        Answer. Since early 2019, the United States has significantly
    reduced security assistance due to the Government of Cameroon's
    unwillingness to share information in response to credible accusations
    of gross violations of human rights by its security forces. The
    Government has since taken some steps towards holding security forces
    accountable, which we commend. These include the murder conviction in
    August 2020 of four soldiers for the 2015 killing of two women and two
    children in the Far North, the arrest and ongoing prosecution of
    soldiers believed to be responsible for the February 2020 extrajudicial
    killings in Ngarbuh, Northwest Region, and the arrest of soldiers
    involved in a case of alleged torture of a detainee in early 2021.
    However, the United States would like to receive more information from
    the Government of Cameroon on actions it has taken and plans to take to
    address allegations of human rights violations and to put measures in
    place that advance human rights that go beyond human rights training.
        If confirmed, I will continue to encourage the Government to
    provide updates on investigations into allegations of human rights
    violations and continue to work with Cameroonian armed forces on areas
    of mutual interest. I will continue to review security assistance on a
    case-by-case basis so that assistance we provide aligns with U.S.
    interests, including promotion of human rights, and U.S. law requires
    those receiving our security assistance be vetted prior to receiving
    assistance.

    Biya Succession
        Question. If confirmed, you will arrive in Cameroon at a time when
    there is a lot of speculation about the wellbeing of the country's
    president, Paul Biya, who is 88 years old and has been in power for
    four decades. Does the State Department have a contingency plan in
    place should the country be thrust into a succession battle during your
    tenure?

        Answer. President Biya's current term of office doesn't end until
    2025, and Biya has not made clear whether he intends to run for
    reelection at that time. The State Department has a plethora of
    experience responding to various political transitions around the
    world, should such a scenario arise. We will draw on that experience,
    and our regularly updated emergency plans for all scenarios, including
    natural disasters or other major events. If confirmed, I will ensure
    that crisis management planning will remain a top priority for our
    Mission.

        Question. In several Francophone African countries--Togo, Gabon,
    Democratic Republic of Congo, and recently Chad--dying and long-serving
    presidents have manipulated fragile constitutions to pave the way for
    their sons to replace them should they pass away while in office. Is
    such a scenario likely in Cameroon, and if so, what should be the U.S.
    position if this occurred?

        Answer. The United States supports peaceful, timely, and civilian-
    led transitions of power to a democratically elected government
    throughout the world. We advocate for free, fair, and secure elections
    that reflect the will of the people in all countries, including
    Cameroon. President Biya is serving a seven-year term, and the next
    elections are to be held in 2025. The Cameroonian constitution outlines
    a democratic process in the event of a succession. If confirmed, I will
    advocate for good governance, peace, prosperity, and the promotion of
    human rights in Cameroon, as well as for efforts by Cameroon to support
    stability in the region despite the ongoing conflicts within its
    borders.

    Security
        Question. Another crisis that confronts Cameroon is in the Far
    North region, where the country is part of the multinational Task Force
    battling Boko Haram and other violent extremists in the Lake Chad
    Basin. In the past year, Boko Haram attacks on civilian populations
    have increased. Some analysts believe that Cameroon may have moved
    military equipment and personnel initially assigned to this region of
    the country into the Anglophone areas of the North West and South West.

       To what extent is this divided focus undermining Cameroon's
            contribution to fight against Boko Haram and broader
            counterterrorism efforts in the Sahel?

        Answer. Cameroon has always played a crucial role in regional
    stability. With the protracted crisis in the Central African Republic,
    instability in Nigeria, the terrorist threat posed by Boko Haram and
    ISIS-West Africa and increasing incidents of piracy in the Gulf of
    Guinea, Cameroon's role as a partner in securing and maintaining
    stability in the region is even more important.
        Cameroon has been a leader in both the efforts to address piracy in
    the Gulf of Guinea and the fight against terrorism and has contributed
    troops to the United Nation's peacekeeping mission in the Central
    Africa Republic since 2014. The ongoing violence in the Anglophone
    regions and the Far North, along with insecurity on its eastern border,
    could put at risk Cameroon's ability to continue to lead these efforts
    to ensure the security of Central African region.
        If confirmed, I will continue to push for the Government to pursue
    dialogue with separatists armed groups in order to end the violence in
    the Northwest and Southwest. We will also continue to push the
    Government hold those found responsible for violations of human rights
    accountable for these violations.

        Question. While restrictions currently exist, which security
    assistance, if any, should the U.S. prioritize to Cameroon in the
    future?

        Answer. All U.S. security cooperation activities with Cameroon take
    place in full coordination with the Government of Cameroon. The United
    States works with Cameroonian armed forces on areas of mutual interest.
    If confirmed, I will ensure that our security assistance will continue
    to focus on assisting the Cameroonian military in its efforts against
    ISIS-West Africa and Boko Haram as part of the Multinational Joint Task
    Force, maritime security, training, and assistance to develop
    professional military forces, and health security through disease
    vector research and HIV/AIDS assistance.

    Regional Impact
        Question. Do you agree that a further escalation of the conflict in
    the Anglophone regions of Cameroon contributes to greater instability
    in neighboring Nigeria and could soon jeopardize vital U.S. interests
    in the Gulf of Guinea and most of West and Central Africa?

        Answer. Cameroon has always played a crucial role in regional
    stability. With the protracted crisis in the Central African Republic,
    instability in Nigeria, the terrorist threat posed by Boko Haram and
    ISIS-West Africa and increasing incidents of piracy in the Gulf of
    Guinea, Cameroon's role as a partner in achieving and maintaining
    stability in the region is even more important, despite the continuing
    crises within the country's borders.
        Cameroon has been a leader in both the efforts to address piracy in
    the Gulf of Guinea and the fight against terrorism. The country has
    also contributed troops to the United Nation's peacekeeping mission in
    the Central Africa Republic since 2014. The ongoing violence in the
    Anglophone regions of the country, combined with the need to address
    the continuing threats posed by Boko Haram and ISIS-WA in the Far North
    Region and insecurity on its eastern border, could put Cameroon's
    ability to continue to lead these efforts to ensure the security of the
    Central Africa region at risk.
        If confirmed, I will continue to urge the Government to pursue
    dialogue with separatists armed groups in order to end the violence in
    the Northwest and Southwest Regions. We will also continue to call on
    the Government to hold those found responsible for violations of human
    rights accountable for these violations.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Christopher John Lamora by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Anglophone Crisis
        Question. The Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon has killed thousands,
    displaced more than 800,000, and kept more than one million children
    out of school. In January, the Senate passed S.Res.684, which I
    introduced with Senator Risch, calling on the Government of Cameroon
    and separatist armed Anglophone groups to end all violence, respect the
    human rights of all Cameroonians, and pursue a genuinely inclusive
    dialogue toward resolving the ongoing conflict. The resolution also
    called on the U.S. Government to help bring about and support that
    dialogue.

       If confirmed as Ambassador to Cameroon, what steps would you take
            to help initiate the dialogue process, and how would you ensure
            that all relevant stakeholders are represented?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to urge all parties to end
    violence and to engage in an inclusive dialogue without preconditions.
    I would make clear U.S. support for the Swiss Government's efforts to
    advance mediation between the Government and separatist armed group
    leaders and encourage the Government to take concrete steps to move
    this effort forward.
        The United States regularly engages U.N. Security Council member
    states regarding the need to resolve the Anglophone crisis. We raise
    the Anglophone crisis regularly during briefings by the Secretary-
    General's Special Representative and Head of the U.N. Office for
    Central Africa (UNOCA) Francois Fall. We will continue our engagement
    with France and other key allies both bilaterally and in multilateral
    fora to find ways to work together to achieve tangible progress towards
    peace. The U.S. Government will continue to consider all the tools at
    our disposal aimed at promoting a peaceful resolution of the ongoing
    violence, which has resulted in much suffering.

        Question. I appreciate Secretary Blinken's recent decision to
    impose visa restrictions on some of those responsible for undermining
    peace in Cameroon. Are any financial measures, such as Global Magnitsky
    sanctions, also being considered?

        Answer. The recent decision to impose visa restrictions on some of
    those responsible for undermining peace in Cameroon is one of many
    possible approaches we can take to push for peace and dialogue. It is
    yet another sign of our commitment to back up words with actions. The
    U.S. Government will continue to consider all the tools at our disposal
    to encourage a peaceful resolution of the crisis in the Northwest and
    Southwest Regions.

        Question. How could we be better engaging our international
    partners, especially France, to address this conflict?

        Answer. The United States remains closely engaged with France and
    other international partners regarding the crisis in Cameroon,
    including at the highest levels. For example, Secretary Blinken
    discussed Cameroon in May with French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le
    Drian, and Undersecretary for Political Affairs Victoria Nuland
    discussed Cameroon in high-level meetings with the French. We continue
    to support the efforts by the Swiss-led process to encourage dialogue
    between the Government and the armed separatist groups. We also support
    efforts by the U.N. Office in Central Africa (UNOCA) to advance peace
    in Cameroon.
        If confirmed, I will engage with all of these actors and determine
    how best we can work together to make a positive difference on the
    ground. Advancing peace in Cameroon will be my top priority.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Christopher John Lamora by Senator Mike Rounds

        Question. As you know, the U.S. has limited leverage with Cameroon
    regime, particularly since the suspension of security assistance. With
    these limitations, I am curious about your view on potential U.S.
    leadership in mediating an end to the crisis in the Anglophone regions?

       If this is even feasible, are there resources you think could help
            mediation?

        Answer. The United States is deeply concerned about continued
    violence in Cameroon and condemn all attacks against civilians. There
    is no military solution to this crisis; dialogue is needed to restore
    peace and improve respect for human rights. The United States appeals
    to all parties to enter into a broad-based dialogue without pre-
    conditions.
        The United States has an important role to play in pushing for a
    resolution to the crisis in the Anglophone regions. If confirmed, I
    will continue to support the Swiss Government's efforts to mediate
    dialogue and explore ways with the international community to advance
    this effort and other meaningful efforts. I will also review the
    different tools, including the implementation of appropriate measures
    under U.S. law such as the visa restrictions that the Secretary
    recently announced and coordinating with appropriate Department of
    Justice prosecutions of those inciting violence. We have to press for a
    resolution to this crisis, including through discussions with French
    Government officials and P3 counterparts. The United States has
    provided and will continue to provide strong support for peace, but the
    responsibility for the resolution of the crisis in the Northwest and
    Southwest Regions ultimately lies with the Cameroonian people.

        Question. In the north of Cameroon, terrorism has accelerated.
    Meanwhile, in other regions, violence between security forces and armed
    separatists claiming to represent the Anglophone minority has spurred
    concerns over Cameroon's territorial unity.

       Do you think the U.S. is adequately leveraging diplomatic and
            assistance tools, both with Cameroonian stakeholders and our
            European and African allies, to address these challenges as
            well as challenges to democratic development?

        Answer. I understand we continue to engage Cameroonian stakeholders
    and key international actors bilaterally and multilaterally on the
    importance of the rule of law and ending impunity in Cameroon and to
    explore ways we can work together towards a peaceful resolution of the
    violence in the Northwest and Southwest Regions, and advance good
    governance and promote respect for human rights nationwide.
        Our diplomatic engagement is deployed at various levels, including
    at the most senior level of the U.S. Government. For example, Secretary
    Blinken discussed Cameroon in May with French Foreign Minister Jean-
    Yves Le Drian, and Undersecretary for Political Affairs Victoria Nuland
    discussed Cameroon in high-level meetings with the French. We also
    engage regularly with U.N. Special Representative Francois Fall who
    heads the U.N. Office for Central Africa.
        The United States regularly reviews our assistance to ensure that
    we do no harm, that we support civil society, human rights defenders,
    and humanitarian workers, and that we comply with Leahy laws. We have
    consistently said all those responsible for human rights violations and
    abuses must be held accountable, and we have taken actions to back up
    this principle. If confirmed, I will continue to consider what more can
    be done to address Cameroon's complex challenges, always with a view to
    benefit the Cameroonian people.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Christopher John Lamora by Senator Cory A. Booker

    Violence and Instability in Cameroon and Beyond
        Question. U.S. relations with Cameroon have been mostly positive,
    although they have been adversely affected by concerns over human
    rights abuses, in particular in the Anglophone Northwest and Southwest
    Regions, and the pace of political and economic liberalization.
    Cameroon plays a key role in regional stability and remains a regional
    partner in countering terrorism in the Lake Chad Region.

       Last year, I joined with 19 of my Senate colleagues to sign a
            resolution calling for a ceasefire in Cameroon, and remain
            deeply concerned by the ongoing violence there. I am curious as
            to what you think it will take to conclude and uphold a
            ceasefire, guaranteed humanitarian access, and establish a
            process of political dialogue?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will make resolving the Anglophone crisis
    my top policy priority. Our position remains that all sides must end
    violence and engage in an inclusive dialogue without preconditions. The
    Government is focused on countering armed separatists in the field and
    maintains that its convening of a Grand National Dialogue in 2019 and
    decentralization efforts thus far, including regional elections in late
    2020 and the establishment of a special status for the two Anglophone
    regions, address the root causes of the crisis. I believe the
    Government must do more to resolve the crisis. Specifically, it must be
    willing to engage in an inclusive dialogue without preconditions. The
    armed separatist groups, as well, must be willing to engage peacefully
    in such a dialogue and cease human rights abuses, as called for in the
    Senate resolution.
        If confirmed, I will consider all potential diplomatic tools to
    advance dialogue and end violence in the Anglophone Northwest and
    Southwest Regions. We will engage in discussions with other partners on
    the ground and look for tangible ways to advance peace in Cameroon.

        Question. In 2019, the United States took the relatively rare step
    of terminating Cameroon's AGOA eligibility due to persistent gross
    violations of human rights. Unfortunately, this does not appear to have
    impacted the Government's behavior in the ongoing conflict. If
    confirmed, what other measures do you plan to take to hold state and
    non-state actors in Cameroon accountable for human rights abuses?

        Answer. On June 7, 2021, Secretary Blinken announced that the
    United States was taking steps to impose visa restrictions on
    individuals who are believed to be responsible for, or complicit in,
    undermining the peaceful resolution of the crisis in the Anglophone
    regions of Cameroon. This decision reflects the continuing U.S.
    commitment to advance dialogue and promote respect for human rights.
    This decision followed cuts in security assistance in recent years,
    and, as you noted, the determination that Cameroon was ineligible for
    AGOA starting on January 1, 2020. These actions demonstrate the U.S.
    Government's resolve to back up words with actions.
        If confirmed, I will consider all potential diplomatic tools to
    advance dialogue and end violence in the Anglophone Northwest and
    Southwest Regions. We will engage in discussions with other partners on
    the ground, as well as the Cameroonian Government and people, to
    identify tangible ways to advance peace in Cameroon.

        Question. In addition to the internal violence related to the
    Anglophone Crisis, Cameroon is also facing threats from Boko Haram and
    ISIS West Africa. How do we square our support for Cameroon's efforts
    against Boko Haram and ISIS West Africa with our concerns about human
    rights abuses and political abuses inside Cameroon? In other words, how
    can the State Department ensure that President Biya does not use
    foreign counterterrorism assistance to fund its efforts against
    Anglophone separatists in the Southwest and Northwest part of the
    country?

        Answer. Cameroon has long played a crucial role in regional
    stability. With the protracted crisis in the Central African Republic,
    instability in Nigeria, the terrorist threat posed by Boko Haram and
    ISIS-West Africa, and increasing incidents of piracy in the Gulf of
    Guinea, Cameroon's role as a partner in securing and maintaining
    stability in the region is even more important. Since early 2019, we
    have significantly reduced security assistance because the Government
    of Cameroon had not taken sufficient action to investigate credible
    accusations of gross violations of human rights by its security forces
    or hold the perpetrators accountable. The United States continues to
    review security assistance on a case-by-case basis so that assistance
    we provide aligns with U.S. interests, including promotion of respect
    for human rights. We vet potential recipients of security assistance,
    consistent with the Leahy laws, and do not provide assistance to
    Cameroonian security force units where there is credible information
    that the unit has committed a gross violation of human rights. U.S.-
    granted assistance is explicitly prohibited from being used in the
    Anglophone regions. We have made this prohibition clear at all levels
    of the Cameroonian Government and we carefully monitor the use of U.S.
    assistance to ensure this commitment is followed. Risk of misuse or
    potential diversion to the Anglophone regions are key criteria in our
    security assistance decision-making.
        Since our cuts, the Cameroonian Government has taken some limited
    steps towards holding security forces accountable, including the
    conviction of four soldiers for murder in August 2020 and the arrest of
    soldiers believed to be responsible for one case of extrajudicial
    killings and one case of alleged torture of a detainee. While we hope
    these steps indicate a willingness to address the problem, abuses by
    government forces continue.
        Between FY 2019 (the last year for which there is full obligation
    data) and FY 2020 funding, the State Department has obligated
    approximately $8.3 million in assistance to support the Cameroonian
    military. This funding supported professional military education;
    technical support for unarmed intelligence, surveillance, and
    reconnaissance platforms; small boat training; communications training;
    and air-to-ground integration training. If confirmed, I would work to
    ensure that U.S.-provided equipment is not misused by Cameroonian
    security forces, and would actively and fully address verified reports
    of such misuse.

                                   __________

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                             TUESDAY, JUNE 15, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:04 a.m. in
    Room SD-106, Hon. Robert Menendez, chairman of the committee,
    presiding.
        Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
    Kaine, Schatz, Van Hollen, Risch, Johnson, Portman, Young,
    Cruz, and Hagerty.

              OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

        The Chairman. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee will come to order.
        We are here today to consider nominees for three important
    positions, Ambassador Todd Robinson to be Assistant Secretary
    of State for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement
    Affairs, Ambassador Daniel Kritenbrink to be Assistant
    Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, and Mr.
    Brett Holmgren to be Assistant Secretary of State for
    Intelligence and Research.
        So congratulations to the three of you on your nominations.
    We appreciate your commitment and willingness to serve our
    country and your families as well.
        Ambassador Robinson, it is nice to have you back before
    this committee for another confirmation hearing, this time as
    the nominee to lead the Bureau of International Narcotics and
    Law Enforcement Affairs, which we know as INL, one of the most
    important offices for strengthening democratic governance and
    the rule of law globally.
        INL's work around the world is critical to countering
    narcotics trafficking, criminal syndicates, money laundering,
    and other financial crimes, addressing the criminal use of
    ransomware and malware, combating illegal mining and fishing,
    and supporting efforts to combat gender-based violence.
        Over the last decade, authoritarian leaders have
    increasingly wielded criminality and kleptocracy as tools to
    debilitate democracy at home and foment instability beyond
    their borders.
        I welcome President Biden's recent directorate establishing
    the fight against kleptocracy as a key national security
    priority and making it clear that we will tackle its corrosive
    impact.
        INL has a central role to play in that fight. INL is also
    at the forefront of our international efforts to combat
    narcotics trafficking. CDC data shows that over 70,000
    Americans died from drug overdoses in 2019, including over
    2,800 in my home state of New Jersey.
        I am particularly concerned about the lethal impact of
    fentanyl as well as the illicit production and trafficking
    routes that extend through Mexico and back to China. While we
    must improve our public health responses to address drug abuse
    domestically, INL's work is essential to countering drug
    trafficking by transnational criminal organizations.
        So I look forward to hearing from you about your vision for
    the Bureau and your plans for strengthening justice systems and
    law enforcement cooperation to advance our national security
    interests.
        Ambassador Kritenbrink, I am also pleased to have you back
    before this committee for another confirmation hearing. I think
    the last time we saw each other was in China, and your post
    there--your career as a public servant and your extensive
    experience in the region will be critical as you take on this
    important role.
        In recent years and under administrations and Congresses of
    both parties the United States has reassessed and rebalanced
    our approach to the Indo-Pacific to take into account the
    reality of our competitive relationship with China.
        Although this new era of strategic competition may not be
    what many of us had hoped for in the U.S.-China relationship,
    it is our reality and we must deal with it with clear-eyed
    pragmatism, starting with rebuilding and replenishing the
    sources of our national strength here at home and our alliances
    and partnerships abroad.
        The recently passed Senate China competition package,
    including the Strategic Competition Act that the ranking member
    and I and other members of this committee authored, marks our
    effort to contribute to that process.
        Beyond China, the region you will be responsible for is
    rich with pressing challenges, from North Korea's nuclear and
    missile programs, which only grew stronger under President
    Trump's ill-conceived North Korea policy, to a coup plunging
    Burma back into chaos, to a roll back in human rights and
    democracy across the region.
        I know that you are intimately familiar with these issues
    and we look forward to hearing your thoughts on how we can best
    position the United States for success there in the years
    ahead.
        Mr. Holmgren, the independent analysis of the State
    Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research has long been
    recognized as among the best, most reliable, and most careful
    of the intelligence community.
        We have today a nominee for the Assistant Secretary of INR
    that brings a great breadth of experience to its mission.
        Mr. Holmgren has held significant experience relevant to
    INR's mission, including serving as a senior director for
    intelligence and for counterterrorism at the National Security
    Council, as well as service at the Central Intelligence Agency
    and the Pentagon.
        I have little doubt that such experience would be of
    immense benefit to the State Department Bureau.
        INR is an invaluable resource for the Secretary of State,
    senior officials, and department overall. Indeed, the Bureau
    could also be of immense benefit to this committee.
        Our oversight of U.S. foreign policy would be better served
    by more regular contact and briefings from INR, and I look
    forward to that engagement with you should you be confirmed,
    something that has been missing in the past and I hope, under
    your leadership, we can engage with the committee more
    robustly.
        In closing, the three of you have an immense task ahead,
    but I have no doubt about your knowledge and experience will
    serve you well and the nation well as you take on these new
    responsibilities.
        I look forward to each of your testimony. Let me turn to
    the ranking member for his opening remarks.

                   STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                        U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Certainly, these
    are important nominations we are hearing today. There is a
    broad swath of responsibility here and an important
    responsibility.
        Personally, my top two foreign policy priorities are China
    and global health. Regarding China, my main concerns are the
    Chinese Communist Party's aggression and coercion in the Indo-
    Pacific and the urgency of the Taiwan issue.
        To counter Chinese aggression, I believe we must ensure
    that the State Department is appropriately resourced in terms
    of funding and personnel in the Indo-Pacific.
        I am interested to hear from you, if confirmed, plans to
    advocate for this critical region in this--in the State
    Department budgeting process.
        Additionally, our network of alliances and partnerships is
    key to advancing a free and open Indo-Pacific. The U.S.
    security commitments, including extended deterrence and
    commitments to help allies and partners develop advanced
    capabilities, are crucial to this effort, and it is important
    to remember U.S. policy will only be successful if we work
    closely with our allies.
        Also, I am particularly concerned about Chinese aggression
    against Taiwan. Taiwan is an important democratic partner, and
    how we support and work with Taiwan will have significant
    implications for our strategy in the region and our alliance
    system. Taiwan must be a main focus of the administration and
    the State Department.
        Regarding global health, the Indo-Pacific region is in
    great need of more COVID-19 vaccines, especially given China's
    aggressive vaccine diplomacy.
        Supporting our partners as well as countries in need during
    this global health crisis will be a mark of U.S. commitment to
    the region.
        Finally, I believe it would be a mistake to use U.S.
    taxpayer dollars to buy and distribute Chinese vaccines.
        Moving on to the nomination of Assistant Secretary of State
    for Intelligence and Research, I am concerned about reports of
    directed energy attacks against State Department personnel,
    both abroad and here at home.
        This has been widely written about, greatly discussed, but
    the amount of information available is pretty de minimis. The
    Bureau of Intelligence and Research will play an important role
    in helping to identify the perpetrator and the means of these
    attacks.
        The Assistant Secretary also has a responsibility to
    provide our committee and the Intelligence Committee with up to
    date information on all investigations into these attacks.
        If confirmed, I expect to be in regular contact on this
    important issue. In addition to supporting the intelligence
    needs of the Secretary of State, INR must also work closely
    with the intelligence community.
        It is imperative that the Bureau maintain its analytical
    independence from policymakers within the State Department to
    ensure information is objective and accurate.
        Finally, the nomination of Assistant Secretary of State for
    International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs.
    Transnational criminal organizations, money laundering, and
    trafficking of people, narcotics, and weapons undermine
    international stability and pose complex threats to U.S. public
    health and security.
        INR plays an important role in improving the capacity of
    our foreign partners to disrupt and dismantle transnational
    criminal activity. But these efforts do not exist in a vacuum.
        I am concerned about the negative impact the
    administration's decision to reduce our military presence in
    Afghanistan will have on narcotics production and associated
    criminal activities, including funding terrorism.
        I am also concerned that the administration's open borders
    policy has incentivized record-breaking waves of illegal
    migrants and undermine U.S. efforts to improve governance,
    security, and economic prosperity in Mexico and in the North
    and Central America.
        I look forward to hearing plans you have to overcome these
    and other international law enforcement challenges, should you
    be confirmed.
        We have a lot to cover today, and with that, I yield back
    my time, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
        With that, we will start with our nominees and their
    testimony. All of your full records will be included in the--I
    am sorry. Your full statements will be included in the record.
    We ask you to summarize in about five minutes or so so we can
    have a conversation with you.
        We will start with Ambassador Robinson and work our way
    down. Thank you.

      STATEMENT OF HON. TODD D. ROBINSON OF NEW JERSEY, A CAREER
    MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER MINISTER,
    NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (INTERNATIONAL
       NARCOTICS AND LAW ENFORCEMENT AFFAIRS), VICE KIRSTEN DAWN
                                MADISON

        Mr. Robinson. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
    members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to
    appear before you today as the nominee to be the Assistant
    Secretary of State for International Narcotics and Law
    Enforcement Affairs.
        I am honored by President Biden's nomination and the
    support of Secretary Blinken for the opportunity to continue to
    serve the American people.
        I would like to take the opportunity to recognize the
    support of my friends, colleagues, and, most importantly, my
    family, my mother, Willetta BaCote, and my brothers, Mark
    Robinson and Jeffrey BaCote. Their encouragement has been
    invaluable to me.
        The Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement
    Affairs, INL, which I called home for three and a half years as
    the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, is a key component in
    protecting the American people by countering crime and
    supporting the rule of law to maintain stability abroad.
        I look forward to the possibility of leading my Foreign
    Service, civil service, contractor, and local staff INL
    colleagues working in Washington and more than 90 countries.
        If confirmed, I commit to working with Congress to tackle
    the great challenges laid out in the president's national
    security agenda, including combating narcotics trafficking,
    addressing transna-tional organized criminal threats,
    corruption and cybercrime, countering Chinese malign influence,
    and tackling issues of bias and discrimination in criminal
    justice systems.
        Stopping illegal drugs like synthetic opioids from reaching
    America will be among my highest priorities. We know some
    terrorist organizations traffic drugs to fund their illicit
    activities. Transna-tional criminal organizations have
    seemingly limitless appetites for illicit profits from
    synthetic drugs.
        If confirmed, I will prioritize INL's critical engagement
    with partners and allies to combat this threat. Transnational
    criminal organizations are not static, so INL cannot be either.
        Working with our interagency partners, such as the
    Departments of Justice and Homeland Security, INL can lead the
    effort to ensure that our programs are better coordinated and
    show results.
        Example--after the People's Republic of China scheduled
    fentanyl as a regulated chemical class in 2019, direct flows of
    fentanyl from the PRC to the United States dropped
    precipitously.
        However, nonfentanyl opioids and precursor chemicals
    continue to flow from the PRC to Mexican criminals that
    manufacture the fentanyl and traffic it to the United States.
        If confirmed, I will prioritize continued diplomatic
    engagement at all levels to decrease the shipment of these
    precursors from the PRC and to reinvigorate shared security
    cooperation between the United States and Mexico.
        In fact, U.S.-Mexico cooperation must continue to address
    another high priority issue, the management of migration across
    the region and to the U.S. southern border.
        Strategic thinking and data will help us address irregular
    migration and build a smarter border. INL is working closely
    within the administration to shape a central America--Central
    America root causes strategy to look at the drivers of this
    migration.
        I know this topic is a high priority to members of the
    committee and I look forward to hearing your thoughts on how we
    can make our foreign assistance dollars more effective on this
    issue.
        If confirmed, I vow to respond to these complex challenges
    using the experience gained in relationships built over my 35-
    year Foreign Service career.
        Another global challenge we confront today is corruption.
    Simply put, corruption kills. I saw its effects in Guatemala
    where political, economic, and social elites, at times working
    with criminal organizations, buy judges and threaten
    independent and courageous judicial actors.
        I saw it in Venezuela, where the Maduro regime reaps ill-
    gotten profits by selectively distributing food and pillages
    that nation's natural resources.
        As President Biden and Secretary Blinken have noted,
    corruption undermines U.S. foreign policy and national security
    interests around the world, and damages the credibility of
    countries where U.S. businesses may want to invest.
        INL, with our interagency partners, acts as a bulwark
    against global corruption, and if confirmed, I would seek to
    enhance this work by identifying like-minded crime fighters
    around the world, build their capacity to prevent, investigate,
    and prosecute corruption, and reinvigorating multilateral
    global anti-corruption networks.
        INL can also use rewards and visa restrictions to promote
    accountability for corrupt actors globally. If confirmed, I
    commit to working with the Congress on advancing America's
    interests at home and abroad.
        Thank you for this opportunity and I look forward to your
    questions.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. Robinson follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Hon. Todd D. Robinson

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today as
    the nominee to be the Assistant Secretary of State for International
    Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs. I am honored by the President's
    nomination and the support of Secretary Blinken for the opportunity to
    continue to serve the American people.
        I would like to take the opportunity to recognize the support of my
    friends, colleagues and, most importantly, my family--my mother,
    Willetta BaCote, and my brothers Mark Robinson and Jeffrey BaCote.
    Their encouragement has been invaluable to me.
        The Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs--
    INL--which I called home for three and a half years as a Deputy
    Assistant Secretary, is a key component in protecting the American
    people by countering crime and supporting the rule of law to maintain
    stability abroad. I look forward to the possibility of leading my
    foreign service, civil service, contractor, and local staff INL
    colleagues working in Washington and more than 90 countries.
        If confirmed, I commit to working with Congress to tackle the great
    challenges laid out in the President's national security agenda
    including combating narcotics trafficking; addressing transnational
    organized criminal threats, corruption and cybercrime; countering PRC
    malign influence; and tackling issues of bias and discrimination, in
    criminal justice systems.
        Stopping illegal drugs, like synthetic opioids, from reaching
    America will be among my highest priorities. We know some terrorist
    organizations traffic drugs and other commodities to fund their illicit
    activities. Transnational criminal organizations have seemingly
    limitless appetites for illicit profits from synthetic drugs. If
    confirmed, I will prioritize INL's critical engagement with partners
    and allies to combat this threat.
        Transnational criminal organizations are not static, so INL cannot
    be either. Working with our interagency partners such as the
    Departments of Justice and Homeland Security, INL can lead the effort
    to ensure that our programs are better coordinated and show results.
    Example: after the People's Republic of China (PRC) scheduled fentanyl
    as a regulated chemical class in 2019, direct flows of fentanyl from
    the PRC to the United States dropped precipitously. However, non-
    fentanyl opioids and precursor chemicals continue to flow from the PRC
    to Mexican criminals that manufacture the fentanyl and traffic it to
    the U.S. If confirmed, I will prioritize continued diplomatic
    engagement at all levels to decrease the shipment of these precursors
    from the PRC, and to reinvigorate shared security cooperation between
    the United States and Mexico.
        In fact, U.S.-Mexico cooperation must continue to address another
    high priority issue--the management of migration across the region and
    to the U.S. southern border. Strategic thinking and data will help us
    address irregular migration and build a smarter border. INL is working
    closely within the Administration to shape a Central America Root
    Causes Strategy to look at the drivers of this migration. I know this
    topic is a high priority to many Committee Members and I look forward
    to hearing your thoughts on how we can make our foreign assistance
    dollars more effective on this issue. If confirmed, I vow to respond to
    these complex challenges using the experience gained and relationships
    built over my 35-year Foreign Service career.
        Another global challenge we confront today is corruption. Simply
    put, corruption kills. I saw its effects in Guatemala where political,
    economic, and social elites--at times working with criminal
    organizations--buy judges and threaten independent and courageous
    judicial actors. I saw it in Venezuela where the Maduro regime reaps
    ill-gotten profits by selectively distributing food rations and
    pillages that nation's natural resources. As President Biden and
    Secretary Blinken have noted, corruption undermines U.S. foreign policy
    and national security interests around the world and damages the
    credibility of countries where U.S. businesses may want to invest.
        INL, with our interagency partners, acts as a bulwark against
    global corruption. If confirmed, I would seek to enhance this work by
    identifying like-minded crime fighters around the world; building their
    capacity to prevent, investigate, and prosecute corruption; and
    reinvigorating multilateral global anticorruption networks. INL can
    also use rewards and visa restrictions to promote accountability for
    corrupt actors globally.
        Criminals and state-actors use technology to target the American
    people, our institutions, and critical infrastructure. The detrimental
    impact of cybercrime on America is clear, with one in four U.S.
    households affected, and annual losses reported to the FBI last year of
    $4.2 billion. If confirmed, I will want INL to build the necessary
    know-how and cross-border cooperation to address 21st century
    transnational security challenges.
        Finally, given its decades of criminal justice sector reform
    experience, INL has a unique responsibility to work with foreign
    partners to recognize, prevent, and counter bias and discrimination
    within their criminal justice systems. If confirmed, INL programs and
    partnerships will continue to reflect a respect for human rights and
    best practices in balancing individual rights with public safety.
        If confirmed, I commit to working with the Congress on advancing
    America's interests at home and abroad. Thank you for this opportunity
    and I look forward to your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Mr. Holmgren?

    STATEMENT OF BRETT M. HOLMGREN OF MINNESOTA, NOMINATED TO BE AN
    ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (INTELLIGENCE AND RESEARCH), VICE
                           ELLEN E. MCCARTHY

        Mr. Holmgren. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
    members of the committee, it is an honor to appear before you
    today as the nominee to be Assistant Secretary of State for the
    Bureau of intelligence and Research.
        I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary
    Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me, and to
    Director of National Intelligence Avril Haines for supporting
    my nomination.
        I would not be here today if it were not for the love and
    support of my family, my wife, Dana, my son, Teddy, my parents,
    Michael and Mary, and my siblings, Stacy, Christa and Ryan.
    Each of them has inspired me to live my life with a sense of
    purpose, love, and humility.
        Like many Americans of my generation, the tragic events of
    9/11 were a turning point in my life. I left my home state of
    Minnesota 18 years ago to pursue a career in public service, to
    defend the freedoms, values, and liberties we all cherish.
        I came to Washington with a sense of optimism, and a deep
    and abiding belief in the ideals of this country, that America
    is a force for good in the world and that all men and women are
    created equal with the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit
    of happiness.
        Those ideals derived from my upbringing in Minnesota, where
    I was surrounded by family who believed deeply in the role of
    public service.
        Both of my grandfathers were World War II veterans, and my
    parents, both of whom were public school teachers for 40 years,
    instilled in my siblings and me the importance of service.
        I still share that same sense of optimism and commitment to
    public service that I brought with me to Washington two decades
    ago.
        While I may be a new face to members of this committee, I
    have a long track record of working on intelligence and foreign
    policy issues. As an analyst first at the Defense Intelligence
    Agency and later at the CIA, I authored all sorts of analytic
    products to inform policy decisions.
        Through deployments overseas, including in war zones, I
    have seen firsthand the key role that intelligence plays in
    shaping national security and the tremendous sacrifices of our
    diplomats, intelligence officers, and warfighters.
        Throughout my career, I have also served in policy roles in
    the Pentagon and on the National Security Council staff at the
    White House.
        These experiences gave me a richer understanding of the
    vital role and the limitations of intelligence in shaping
    policy. Most significantly, I gained through these experiences
    a greater appreciation for the importance of analytic
    objectivity and the need for the intelligence community to tell
    the policymaker what they need to know, not what they want to
    hear.
        I have been nominated for this position at a time when the
    United States and its allies are facing a diverse
    interconnected array of threats against the backdrop of a
    global pandemic that is straining governments and societies,
    fueling unrest, and accelerating global competition.
        From China, Russia, Iran, North Korea, the continuing
    threat of terrorism, cyber, emerging technologies, these
    threats pose new challenges and opportunities.
        Mr. Chairman, I believe that INR has a unique role to play
    in addressing these challenges. As the oldest civilian
    intelligence agency in the United States, the Bureau has a long
    and proud history of providing policymakers with valuable
    insights into America's most pressing national security issues,
    while empowering diplomats with the information and analysis
    needed to advance U.S. foreign policy.
        If confirmed, I look forward to leading this remarkable
    institution. I understand the role comes with important
    responsibilities, including serving as the principal
    intelligence adviser to the Secretary of State and as the head
    of one of the nation's 18 intelligence agencies, providing
    timely objective all-source information to inform consideration
    of foreign and national security policies, and finally,
    assuring that intelligence and sensitive law enforcement
    activities are conducted consistent with and supportive of U.S.
    foreign policy objectives.
        If confirmed, four inter-related imperatives will shape my
    approach to leading INR.
        First, I will ensure that INR's capabilities and resources
    are aligned and strategically prioritized to address the most
    pressing challenges and opportunities to include China, Russia,
    Iran, North Korea, as well as global health security, cyber,
    climate change, and how to capitalize on the revolution in open
    source intelligence.
        Second, I will prioritize investments in INR's greatest
    assets, its people. We must continue to attract, train, and
    retain the best and brightest while placing much greater
    emphasis on diversity recruitment.
        Third, I will focus on upgrading INR's technology to
    empower its analysts with the tools they need to improve the
    delivery of INR's products and services to better support its
    customers, especially U.S. diplomats overseas.
        Finally, I will insist on strong cybersecurity practices
    throughout INR to safeguard the confidentiality, integrity, and
    availability of its data systems and networks.
        In closing, Mr. Chairman, I want to recognize the important
    role that I believe congressional oversight plays in ensuring
    that U.S. intelligence activities are lawful, ethical, and
    consistent with our values.
        If confirmed, I look forward to partnering closely with
    Congress as we confront the many challenges ahead.
        Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. Holmgren follows:]

                    Prepared Statement of Brett M. Holmgren

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as the nominee to
    be Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Intelligence and
    Research. I am deeply grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken
    for the confidence they have placed in me, and to Director of National
    Intelligence, Avril Haines, for supporting my nomination.
        I would not be here if it were not for the love and support of my
    family: my wife, Dana, our son Teddy, my parents, Michael and Mary, and
    my siblings Stacie, Krista and Ryan. Each of them has inspired me to
    live my life with a sense of purpose, love, and humility.
        Like many Americans of my generation, the tragic events of 9/11
    were a turning point in my life. I left my home state of Minnesota
    nearly 18 years ago to pursue a career in public service to defend the
    freedoms, values, and liberties we all cherish. I came to Washington
    with a sense of optimism and a deep and abiding belief in the ideals of
    this country--that America is a force for good in the world, and that
    all men and women are created equal with the right to life, liberty,
    and the pursuit of happiness.
        Those ideals derive from my upbringing in Minnesota, where I was
    surrounded by family who believed deeply in the role of public service.
    Both of my grandfathers were World War II veterans. My parents, both of
    whom were public school teachers for 40 years, instilled in my siblings
    and me the importance of service. I still share the optimism and
    commitment to public service that I brought with me to Washington
    nearly two decades ago.
        While I may be a new face to many of the members here today, I have
    a long track record of working in and with the Intelligence Community.
    As an analyst, first at the Defense Intelligence Agency and later at
    Central Intelligence Agency, I authored all-source intelligence
    products to inform policy decisions. Through deployments overseas,
    including in warzones, I have seen firsthand the key role that
    intelligence plays in shaping national security and the tremendous
    sacrifices of our diplomats, intelligence officers, and warfighters.
        Throughout my career, I have also served in policy roles at the
    Pentagon and on the National Security Council staff at the White House.
    These experiences gave me a richer understanding of the vital role and
    the limitations of intelligence in shaping policy. Most importantly, I
    gained a greater appreciation for the importance of analytic
    objectivity and the need for the Intelligence Community to tell the
    policymaker what they need to know, not what they want to hear.
        I have been nominated for this position at a time when the United
    States and its allies are facing a diverse, interconnected array of
    threats against the backdrop of a global pandemic that is straining
    governments and societies, fueling unrest, and accelerating global
    competition. From China, Russia, North Korea and Iran, to terrorism,
    cyber, climate change, and evolving technologies, these threats pose
    new challenges and opportunities for the Intelligence Community.
        INR plays a unique role in addressing these challenges. As the
    oldest civilian intelligence agency in the United States, the Bureau
    has a long and proud history of providing policymakers valuable
    insights into America's most pressing national security issues, while
    empowering our diplomats with the information and analysis to advance
    U.S. foreign policy.
        If confirmed, I look forward to leading this remarkable
    institution, serving as the principal intelligence advisor to the
    Secretary of State and the head of one of the Nation's 18 intelligence
    agencies. INR's responsibility to provide timely, objective, all-source
    analysis and to assure that intelligence and sensitive law enforcement
    activities are consistent with, and supportive of, our foreign policy
    objectives is more critical than ever.
        If confirmed, four interrelated imperatives will shape my approach
    to leading INR. First, I will ensure that our capabilities and
    resources are aligned and strategically prioritized to address the most
    pressing challenges and opportunities, to include China, Russia, Iran
    and North Korea, as well as global health, cyber, climate change and
    how to capitalize on the revolution in open-source intelligence.
        Second, I will prioritize investments in INR's greatest asset--its
    people. We must continue to attract, train, and retain top talent while
    placing greater emphasis on diversity recruitment.
        Third, I will focus on upgrading INR's technology infrastructure to
    empower our analysts with the tools they need to improve the delivery
    of our products and support our customers, especially our diplomats
    overseas.
        Finally, I will insist on strong cybersecurity practices throughout
    INR to safeguard the confidentiality, integrity, and availability of
    our data, networks, and systems.
        In closing, I want to recognize the important role that
    Congressional oversight plays in ensuring that U.S. intelligence
    activities are lawful, ethical, and consistent with our values. If
    confirmed, I look forward to partnering with Congress as we confront
    the many challenges ahead.
        Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Holmgren. Thank you.
        Ambassador Kritenbrink?
        Am I pronouncing your name correctly?
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, sir.
        The Chairman. Okay. Thank you.
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

     STATEMENT OF HON. DANIEL J. KRITENBRINK OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER
        MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
      COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE
         (EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS), VICE DAVID STILWELL

        Mr. Kritenbrink. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
    members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to
    appear before you today. I am deeply grateful to President
    Biden, Vice President Harris, and Secretary Blinken for their
    confidence in me.
        I want to thank my wife, Nami, children, Mia and Joe, my
    parents, Don and Joyce, and sisters, Kay and Nancy, for their
    love and support.
        It would be the honor of a lifetime to serve as Assistant
    Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, a region
    in which I have been engaged for 24 out of my 27 years in the
    U.S. Foreign Service.
        If confirmed, I look forward to consulting closely with the
    Senate and, of course, with this committee.
        President Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed diplomacy
    at the center of U.S. foreign policy and emphasize the
    centrality of a free and open Indo-Pacific to the security and
    prosperity of the American people.
        If confirmed, I would focus on the following six
    priorities.
        First, revitalizing ties with allies and partners. Our
    network of alliances and partnerships is our greatest strategic
    asset, enabling us to pool our strengths to advance shared
    interests, deter common threats, and promote universal values,
    to include our commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific that
    is rules based and unconstrained by coercion, the peaceful
    resolution of disputes, freedom of navigation and over flight,
    and respect for human rights.
        If confirmed, strengthening these relationships will be my
    top priority. The priority placed on our treaty alliances was
    demonstrated by President Biden's hosting of his Japanese and
    Republic of Korea counterparts in April and May.
        The president's hosting of the first ever Quad leaders
    summit in March showed the resolve of the Indo-Pacific
    democracies--Australia, India, Japan and the United States--to
    work together to support the region.
        I support ASEAN's centrality and, if confirmed, will work
    to strengthen our partnership, our strategic partnership, with
    ASEAN, including treaty allies Thailand and the Philippines.
        If confirmed, I will reinforce our partnership with friends
    in the Pacific Islands, including our unique relationship with
    the Freely Associated States. I will also further develop our
    robust ties with our democratic partner Taiwan.
        Second, prevailing in our strategic competition with China.
    The People's Republic of China is our biggest geopolitical
    test.
        I support approaching the PRC from a position of strength
    by working with allies and partners, engaging with
    international organizations, standing up for our values, and
    investing in our diplomatic and military capabilities and the
    American people.
        Secretary Blinken has said our approach to China will have
    competitive, adversarial, and cooperative aspects. The United
    States will counter PRC attempts to erode the international
    rules-based order, push back on unfair PRC trade practices,
    secure critical supply chains, protect sensitive U.S.
    technology, and build our strength at home.
        We will continue holding Chinese authorities responsible
    for the ongoing genocide in Xinjiang, the trampling of autonomy
    and civil liberties in Hong Kong, and systematic repression in
    Tibet.
        We will bolster partners' capacity to resist PRC
    intimidation and oppose China's unlawful maritime claims. We
    will also cooperate with Beijing when in our interests, such as
    on the climate crisis, counter narcotics, and nonproliferation.
        As President Biden has said, we are not looking for
    conflict, but welcome stiff competition and will defend U.S.
    interests across the board.
        Third, reducing the threat posed by North Korea's nuclear
    and missile programs. President Biden has stated we remain
    committed to the complete denuclearization of the Korean
    Peninsula and will work with allies to address that threat
    through diplomacy and deterrence.
        If confirmed, I will work to ensure North Korea and others
    abide by U.N. Security Council resolutions while supporting a
    calibrated and practical diplomatic approach that prioritizes
    the security of the United States, our allies, and our deployed
    military forces.
        Fourth, supporting inclusive economic policies that benefit
    all Americans. If confirmed, I will ensure that our diplomats
    in the region fight for every job in the interests of American
    workers by insisting on market access and fair treatment,
    stopping intellectual property theft and currency manipulation,
    and combating corruption.
        Fifth, promoting democracy and human rights. Our values and
    our example are critical to successful diplomacy in Asia.
        If confirmed, I would work with our allies and partners to
    support democracy, promote human rights, and stand against
    abuses wherever they occur.
        In Burma, I would work with partners to press the military
    to reverse course following the February 1 coup, cease
    violence, release those unjustly detained, including American
    citizens, and return Burma to the democratic path chosen by its
    people.
        I would work to support the people of Burma by holding
    accountable those responsible for violence. I would also
    promote accountability for PRC officials responsible for human
    rights violations across China.
        Sixth, if confirmed, I pledge to address global priorities
    in the region, particularly combating COVID-19 and the climate
    crisis.
        If confirmed, I will also prioritize the safety and well
    being of my team, maintain their focus on top goals, and ensure
    they represent the diverse talents of the American people.
        Thank you for inviting me to testify here today. I look
    forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. Kritenbrink follows:]

                Prepared Statement of Hon. Daniel J. Kritenbrink

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
    am deeply grateful to President Biden, Vice President Harris, and
    Secretary Blinken for their confidence in me. I want to thank my wife
    Nami, children Mia and Joe, my parents Don and Joyce, and sisters Kay
    and Nancy, for their love and support.
        It would be the honor of a lifetime to serve as Assistant Secretary
    of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, a region in which I have
    been engaged for 24 out of my 27 years in the Foreign Service. If
    confirmed, I look forward to consulting closely with the Senate.
        President Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed diplomacy at the
    center of U.S. foreign policy, and emphasized the centrality of a free
    and open Indo-Pacific to the security and prosperity of the American
    people. If confirmed, I would focus on the following six priorities.

        First, revitalizing ties with allies and partners. Our network of
    alliances and partnerships is our greatest strategic asset, enabling us
    to pool our strengths to advance shared interests, deter common
    threats, and promote universal values--including our commitment to a
    free and open Indo-Pacific that is rules-based and unconstrained by
    coercion; the peaceful resolution of disputes; freedom of navigation
    and overflight; and respect for human rights. If confirmed,
    strengthening these relationships will be my top priority. The priority
    placed on our treaty alliances was demonstrated by President Biden's
    hosting of his Japanese and Republic of Korea counterparts in April and
    May. The President's hosting of the first-ever Quad Leaders Summit in
    March showed the resolve of the Indo-Pacific democracies Australia,
    India, Japan, and the United States to work together to support the
    region. I support ASEAN centrality and, if confirmed, will work to
    strengthen our strategic partnership with ASEAN, including treaty
    allies Thailand and the Philippines. If confirmed, I will reinforce our
    partnership with friends in the Pacific Islands, including our unique
    relationship with the Freely Associated States. I will also further
    develop our robust ties with our democratic partner Taiwan.

        Second, prevailing in our strategic competition with China. The
    People's Republic of China is our biggest geopolitical test. I support
    approaching the PRC from a position of strength, by working with allies
    and partners, engaging with international organizations, standing up
    for our values, and investing in our diplomatic and military
    capabilities--and the American people. Secretary Blinken has said our
    approach to China will have competitive, adversarial, and cooperative
    aspects. The United States will counter PRC attempts to erode the
    international rules-based order, push back on unfair PRC trade
    practices, secure critical supply chains, protect sensitive U.S.
    technology, and build our strength at home. We will continue holding
    Chinese authorities responsible for the ongoing genocide in Xinjiang,
    the trampling of autonomy and civil liberties in Hong Kong, and
    systematic repression in Tibet. We will bolster partners' capacity to
    resist PRC intimidation and oppose China's unlawful maritime claims. We
    will also cooperate with Beijing when in our interests, such as on the
    climate crisis, counternarcotics, and nonproliferation. As President
    Biden has said, we are not looking for conflict but welcome stiff
    competition and will defend U.S. interests across the board.

        Third, reducing the threat posed by North Korea's nuclear and
    missile programs. President Biden has stated we remain committed to the
    complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and will work with
    allies to address that threat through diplomacy and deterrence. If
    confirmed, I will work to ensure North Korea and others abide by U.N.
    Security Council resolutions while supporting a calibrated and
    practical diplomatic approach that prioritizes the security of the
    United States, our allies, and our deployed military forces.

        Fourth, supporting inclusive economic policies that benefit all
    Americans. If confirmed, I will ensure our diplomats in the region
    fight for every job and the interests of American workers by insisting
    on market access and fair treatment, and by stopping intellectual
    property theft and currency manipulation. We will also work with
    regional partners to foster economic development that is transparent
    and sustainable, including via APEC.

        Fifth, promoting democracy and human rights. Our values and our
    example are critical to successful diplomacy in Asia. If confirmed, I
    would work with our allies and partners to support democracy, promote
    human rights, and stand against abuses wherever they occur. In Burma, I
    would work with partners to press the military to reverse course
    following the February 1 coup, cease violence, release those unjustly
    detained, including American citizens, and return Burma to the
    democratic path chosen by its people. I would work to support the
    people of Burma by holding accountable those responsible for violence.
    I would also promote accountability for PRC officials responsible for
    human rights violations across China. Throughout the region, we will
    champion transparency, the rule of law, civil society, and independent
    media.

        Sixth, addressing global priorities, particularly combating COVID-
    19 and the climate crisis. On COVID-19, if confirmed, I pledge to
    support our work with regional partners and international initiatives
    such as COVAX and the Quad Vaccine Partnership to provide U.S.
    leadership in the fight to end the pandemic. On the climate crisis, I
    would work to advance climate solutions with countries in the region,
    which include some of the world's largest emitters as well as those
    most vulnerable to climate change.

        If confirmed, I will also prioritize the safety and well-being of
    my team, maintain their focus on top goals, and ensure they represent
    the diverse talents of the American people.
        Thank you for inviting me to testify. I look forward to your
    questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you all. We will start a round with
    five minutes. I am going to ask, first, before that some
    perfunctory questions that we ask all of our nominees.
        It is very brief questions that speak to the importance
    that this committee places on responsiveness by all officials
    in the executive branch and that we expect and will be seeking
    from you.
        So I would just simply ask you each to provide a yes or no
    answer.
        Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
    officials from your office available to the committee and
    designated staff when invited?
        Mr. Robinson. Yes.
        Mr. Holmgren. Yes.
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes.
        The Chairman. Do you commit to keep the committee fully and
    currently informed about the activities under your purview?
        Mr. Robinson. Yes.
        Mr. Holmgren. Yes.
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes.
        The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
    consultation while policies are being developed, not just
    providing notification after the fact?
        Mr. Robinson. Yes.
        Mr. Holmgren. Yes.
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes.
        The Chairman. And finally, do you commit to promptly
    responding to requests for briefings and information requested
    by the committee and its designated staff?
        Mr. Robinson. Yes.
        Mr. Holmgren. Yes.
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes.
        The Chairman. All right. Thank you very much.
        Now, Ambassador Kritenbrink, as you know, and I think the
    Senate has spoken with collectively and nearly one voice and
    that is not easy these days, we believe that China is our major
    geostrategic challenge in the world, and you address some of
    that in your remarks.
        The Senate passed a sweeping China competitive bill. That
    includes the strategic competition that this committee put out
    led by the ranking member and myself and supported by the 19
    members of the committee, a truly bipartisan effort.
        What do you think of that legislation? What tools would
    you, if confirmed, want to see in your toolbox that Congress
    can provide? And can you elaborate on how you plan on
    approaching the China challenge?
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Let me say again what an honor it is to be here today and I
    think, Mr. Chairman, you have identified, obviously, very
    correctly the major challenge that the United States faces
    today, and I would argue that our friends and partners around
    the world face today.
        I do believe, Mr. Chairman, as I attempted to outline in my
    statement, for us to prevail in this strategic competition with
    China we need to do so from a position of strength.
        I think we are stronger when we do that together with our
    like-minded partners around--our like-minded partners and
    allies around the world.
        But, Mr. Chairman, I think we will do our best when we are
    fully united here at home as well. I am very grateful to you
    and members of this committee for the support and leadership
    that you have shown on these issues. I know when Secretary
    Blinken testified last week he stated his strong support for
    the bill that you described.
        And I might say, as a career diplomat, the more tools and
    resources that the Senate and other members of Congress can
    give us as diplomats the more effective we can be.
        Of course, to prevail in this long-term competition with
    China, I think it will be, largely, determined by how we do as
    a nation together and many of the investments we make here at
    home.
        But I am very grateful for the leadership that the Senate
    has shown on these issues, and I can pledge to you that with
    the resources made available to us we will compete and we will
    prevail in this competition with China in every domain.
        The Chairman. Let us talk about some of the elements of
    that competition. In Taiwan, given the increased muscle flexing
    and threatening rhetoric from Beijing, some policymakers and
    analysts have called for an end to the policy of strategic
    ambiguity with regard to Taiwan.
        There is increasing concern that Beijing may seek to make
    the cross-straits an early test for this administration. How
    can the United States most effectively signal our resolve and
    deter Chinese aggression towards Taiwan?
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Mr. Chairman, thank you.
        I do think showing strength and clarity and deterrence is
    key. What I think is crystal clear to me, Senator, is the
    United States commitment, rock-solid commitment, to meeting our
    obligations under the Taiwan Relations Act, to provide Taiwan
    with the means to maintain a credible self-defense.
        If I were confirmed, I pledge to the committee that I will
    work very hard to support meeting those obligations and,
    further, to support further developing our very robust
    unofficial relationship with our Taiwanese democratic partners.
    It is one of our most important partners in----
        The Chairman. Let me ask you--I agree. Do you support
    strategic ambiguity or do you think we need additional clarity
    or a new framework for managing the cross-strait relations?
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Mr. Chairman, my own view is that the
    framework outlined by our long-standing one-China policy based
    on the Taiwan Relations Act, the three joint communiqus, and
    the six assurances to Taiwan provides the framework that has
    ensured cross-strait stability and Taiwan security for these
    many decades.
        I do think that maintenance of that status quo and of that
    security is a dynamic situation. As the threat from the PRC
    grows, as Beijing's aggressive and bullying behavior vis-a-vis
    Taiwan grows, I think that our response has to be calibrated as
    well.
        But I am confident that the framework that we have and
    meeting those obligations in the Taiwan Relations Act gives us
    the tools to do so.
        The Chairman. Mr. Holmgren, let me ask you, we rely on the
    Bureau of Intelligence and Research for insights and particular
    perspective that sometimes varies from the rest of the
    intelligence community, and when there is an opinion or
    assessment that is different for the IC, it is critical that we
    understand those differences.
        Do you agree to be candid with the committee when those
    differences occur and to make sure we understand where and why
    INL comes to different conclusions?
        Mr. Holmgren. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        I think that, as you know, INR has a long and proud history
    of speaking truth to power and telling it like it is, and if
    there are instances where INR reaches a conclusion that is
    different than the rest of the intelligence community, I
    believe, absolutely, that it would require informing and
    engaging with this committee.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        One other question. The Bureau of Intelligence and
    Research's analysis is going to be critical to our
    understanding as policymakers and in response to a number of
    pressing issues, including the apparent attacks on U.S.
    personnel and the origins of COVID-19.
        Do you commit to engaging proactively with the committee as
    INR's work on these matter advances and to keep us fully
    informed on your assessments both on these and other critical
    matters?
        Mr. Holmgren. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Risch?
        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        I want to follow up, Mr. Kritenbrink, on the Taiwan issue
    that was raised by the chairman.
        What--I had the same questions he had, and I think all of
    Congress does, really. But what--from your expertise and your
    experience in this area, what do you think the end game is here
    for the--for the Chinese Communist Party as far as Taiwan is
    concerned? And what do you think the end game is and how do you
    think they intend to achieve it?
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, Mr. Ranking Member, I am reluctant
    to try to put myself in the shoes of the leadership in Beijing,
    but they have stated that their long-term goal is
    reunification.
        I think where I believe that we should remain focused and,
    if confirmed, where I would remain focused as EAP Assistant
    Secretary would be on meeting our obligations and
    responsibilities under the Taiwan Relations Act. I am confident
    that we have the tools to do so.
        For example, through the support of this committee and
    others in Congress, the United States has made available to the
    authorities on Taiwan more than $30 billion in arms sales since
    2009.
        I think it is also incumbent upon us to further develop our
    robust relationship with Taiwan in every sector. They are a top
    10 trading partner, which is vitally important. We have
    important cultural and other relations as well.
        They play a very critical important role, we believe, in
    international health and, therefore, we should support growing
    Taiwan's international space as well to make sure that they
    fully participate in organizations where sovereignty is not
    required and have a meaningful role in those that do.
        So I believe, Mr. Ranking Member, that we have the tools to
    continue to grow this robust partnership with Taiwan and to
    meet our commitments to ensure that Taiwan can maintain a
    credible self-defense.
        Senator Risch. I appreciate your thoughts in that regard.
    All good thoughts. I guess what crosses my mind is that we all
    know that the Communist Party wants reunification.
        We also know that that is not the same view that Taiwan
    has, and, obviously, where you have two different views that
    are very much opposed, at some point in time it is going to
    come to a crossroads and that is what I am concerned about is
    what happens at that point.
        What--how is that resolved?
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, sir, Mr. Ranking Member.
        I think the best thing that we can do is to continue to
    demonstrate our resolve and our commitment to meeting our rock-
    solid obligations, and I think by doing so I am confident that
    we can continue to effect the stability across the strait that
    we have benefited from for many years.
        But, Mr. Ranking Member, I would, again, reemphasize we are
    deeply concerned by the increase in aggression and harassment
    and coercion that we have seen directed at Taiwan, and we
    continue--we intend and if I were confirmed I would intend to
    continue to show our resolve to, again, meeting our obligations
    under the Taiwan Relations Act.
        Senator Risch. I appreciate that. There is no doubt that
    the coercion and harassing and everything else has ratcheted up
    tremendously to the point, for instance, where Taiwan is having
    trouble scrambling jets every time that there is an incursion
    into airspace.
        And that is done intentionally, there is no doubt, and that
    is something that is going to be on our plate, I think, sooner
    rather than later.
        Mr. Holmgren, the matter of the Havana syndrome issue, as
    you know, has been kicking around for some time and, obviously,
    we are in an open session and cannot talk about all the details
    of it.
        But I am assuming that you have been involved in that in
    some fashion. Am I right on that or not?
        Mr. Holmgren. Thank you, Ranking Chairman. I very much
    share the concerns about these incidents. I have spoken to some
    of the victims of these attacks, and I can tell you they are
    they are suffering and their families are suffering.
        And, if confirmed, I would have no higher priority than
    ensuring the safety and security of U.S. citizens, their
    families, and U.S. personnel overseas and would commit to
    ensure that INR is continuing to support the department and the
    interagency, especially CIA and DOD, with information and
    analysis around the origins of these incidents. So I believe it
    is a serious increase.
        As a testament, I have committed to asking for a classified
    briefing, if confirmed, on my first day in office.
        Senator Risch. Well, thank you. This is, certainly a vexing
    problem and I can tell you it is very high up on the priority
    of this committee and the Intelligence Committee, particularly
    since it affects our hard-working people around the world and
    outside the United States.
        Mr. Robinson, the--Afghanistan produced and, I guess,
    continues to produce about 90 percent of the world's opium, and
    with us downsizing in Afghanistan, this is going to be the
    problem that it was before we ratcheted up there. It is going
    to raise its ugly head again.
        What are your thoughts on this?
        Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
        I share your concerns, frankly, about the production and
    distribution of opioids from Afghanistan. We know that they are
    also interested in, perhaps, trying to get back into government
    and my--what I would say to the Taliban and to anybody there
    who is producing narcotics or opioids is that, you know, if you
    want to be seen as credible and you want to be treated as part
    of the international community, then you cannot do these
    things.
        The other part of that, though, is while we may be drawing
    down in Afghanistan, there are programs that INL would wish to
    continue in that region. The hard part is figuring out how to--
    how to do that and keep our people safe.
        So those are the two--sort of the two priorities we would
    have. One, you know, making sure that we are continuing
    programs that would go against, obviously, narcotics
    trafficking and sending very strong messages to those in
    government that they also have to commit to fighting against
    the narcotics trafficking.
        But it is also very important if we are going to continue
    our programs there, and we want to continue our programs there,
    to make sure that we are taking care of our people and making
    sure that they can be there safely.
        Senator Risch. Thank you very much.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        I understand that Senator Cardin is with us virtually.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        And let me start by thanking all three of our nominees for
    their prior service to our country and their willingness to
    serve in these critical positions that they have been appointed
    to.
        I want to talk about the issue of fighting corruption, and,
    Ambassador Robinson, I must tell you, I think you said it very
    succinctly in your--in your statement--in your testimony when
    you said that corruption kills. It also is the fuel for
    autocrats in fighting democracies and trying to bring our
    democratic countries down.
        Freedom House just recently issued their 2021 report that
    shows that we have the continuing trend of erosion of
    democratic states, and one of the principal reasons has been
    the growth of corruption that fuels this type of activity.
        I enjoyed our conversation, but I just really want to drill
    down a little bit more on specifics. You laid out part of that
    in your comments to our committee. But I want to just get your
    assurance that you will work with Congress and leverage both
    branches of government in fighting corruption.
        There is legislation pending in the United States Senate
    that I have introduced with Republican colleagues, bipartisan
    legislation that would establish a greater capacity within our
    missions and State to understand the circumstances of
    corruption in each country, to use a rating system similar to
    what we do in trafficking in persons so that we can have
    consequences and international standards as to what we expect
    countries to do to fight corruption.
        We have legislation that would establish specific funds so
    we can respond quickly to opportunities to help countries deal
    with corruption, and we have the Magnitsky sanctions to make
    them permanent.
        So do I have your assurances that you will work with
    Congress to strengthen our tools to fight corruption globally?
        Mr. Robinson. Absolutely, Senator. You have a firm
    commitment to work with Congress, to use all of the tools that
    we have in our toolbox to fight corruption, and I will further
    commit that you will not find a more stronger advocate to fight
    corruption than me.
        It was to my--to my great joy to see the Biden/Harris
    administration raise corruption to the national security level.
    I think that that will--that will help us go after official
    corruption, unofficial corruption, in the region and around the
    world.
        And further, it will give us greater tools to identify
    crime fighters around the world that we can partner with to
    fight this--to fight this scourge. There is no doubt corruption
    undermines democratic institutions around the world, and I know
    the bread and butter--INL's--one of INL's main jobs is going
    after those who would--who would take part in corrupt acts.
        Senator Cardin. I would just quote from my friend, Kara-
    Murza, who is one of the leading opposition leaders in Russia,
    who says that Putin steals from the Russians to spend it in the
    West.
        So he uses the corrupt resources in order to try to
    undermine our system, and we have got to speak out against
    that. The Magnitsky sanctions are, of course, one area at some
    of these other tools that we are suggesting can help.
        I just really want to underscore that we are all sincere
    about this. But we need the push of Congress to help prioritize
    within each of the missions countries that have significant
    problems of corruption to focus on this issue.
        So I am going to hold you to your commitment to work with
    us to strengthen those tools so that we can all fight this a
    little bit more effectively.
        Mr. Kritenbrink, Asia--China, of course, is the most
    significant country in that region from the point of view of
    concern about the United States on the erosion of governance.
        Their One Road policy is, certainly, based upon using
    marketing--government-controlled economies and corruption to
    try to control the economics of the world. The Belt and Road
    Initiative really needs to be addressed.
        Do you--are you committed to working with us to root out
    the way that it is based in corruption, stealing intellectual
    property, intimidating countries, so that we can take China on
    in a more aggressive way?
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, Senator, absolutely. I would--I would
    simply say that I agree with you wholeheartedly that we need to
    counter China's Belt and Road Initiative, as it is offered
    through means of coercion, corruption, lack of transparency,
    unsustainable debt loads, and the like.
        Countries, I think, need to be very careful in signing on
    to the Belt and Road. But I think even more importantly,
    Senator, we need to have an affirmative agenda, affirmative
    programs that we can offer as an alternative, and I am very
    grateful to you and other members of Congress for giving us
    those tools, whether it is the BUILD Act or other resources we
    have at our disposal.
        I would also note, Senator, that I was encouraged by the
    communiqu that came out of the G-7, and it is quite clear to me
    that our democratic partners around the world see eye to eye
    with us on this challenge.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you. I look forward to working with
    you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Hagerty?
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I want to
    thank each of you for your service.
        I would like to start with you, Mr. Robinson, if I might.
    The issue that I have been deeply concerned about is fentanyl,
    and the impact on youth in my home state has been significant,
    particularly so since the borders have collapsed. In late
    January, we have seen an increase not only in overdoses but in
    deaths from fentanyl.
        And I would like to read a definition to you, if I might,
    to see if we are on the same page. According to United States
    law, a weapon of mass destruction is defined as the following.
    One of these definitions is a weapon that is designed to cause
    death or serious injury through toxic or poisonous chemicals.
        Would you define fentanyl as a weapon of mass destruction
    under these sort of circumstances?
        Mr. Robinson. Senator, that is a great question. I do not
    know if I would define it as a weapon of mass destruction. But
    I absolutely am heartbroken by what fentanyl is doing to our
    communities across the United States.
        I think--I think that we have a lot of work to do here at
    home on the demand side. But, more importantly, I think that
    there is very much we can do in terms of diplomatic engagement
    to work with our partners in Mexico, to work with our partners
    in--well, to work with China to stop the flow of precursors to
    Mexico and stop the distribution from Mexico by narcotic----
        Senator Hagerty. Yes. I was just in Mexico about two weeks
    ago meeting with their foreign minister and economic minister,
    and they are deeply concerned at the increase in inflow of
    fentanyl and its precursors from China coming into Mexico. It
    is being mixed there, shipped across the borders, and killing
    our children.
        So as a parent, as an American, I very much appreciate your
    efforts here and I look forward to working with you, should you
    be confirmed, in pushing back against what I would call a
    weapon of mass destruction that is being unleashed against our
    population here.
        Thank you.
        Mr. Robinson. Thank you, sir.
        Senator Hagerty. Ambassador Kritenbrink, it is wonderful to
    see you again. My regards to Nami and to your two children.
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you.
        Senator Hagerty. Again, thank you for your service at a
    most challenging time. I think you are the perfect person----
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you.
        Senator Hagerty.--be brought forward for this position. I
    would like to talk with you about an area that you and I have
    had plenty of conversations before, and that is--that is the
    Quad and the Indo-Pacific.
        I think that we have made great strides with our allies in
    the Quad. I think there is a lot more that we can do. I would
    love to get your perspective on how we might engage other
    nations in that effort.
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you, Senator, very much for your
    comments.
        I fully agree. I think the Quad is a vitally important
    mechanism. I was deeply impressed and grateful for the
    president's hosting of the first ever leaders level Quad
    summit, and I think it truly has shown that the four Quad
    democracies in the region have decided to stand together and
    advance these interests and these values that we share.
        But they have also agreed, we have also agreed, to work in
    very practical areas, and I think, as a career diplomat, I am
    focused on the ways in which we, together with our partners,
    can move the needle in the region in practical ways.
        So the Quad leaders summit issued a roadmap and a work plan
    for the rest of the year focused on public health,
    particularly, combating COVID-19, focusing on climate, but also
    issues related to technology, and I know you and I have
    discussed that in detail.
        I think--I think we need to focus in those practical ways,
    but I do agree with you, Senator, it cannot be just the Quad.
    It has to be all of our like-minded partners, whether it is our
    treaty allies, whether it is our important friends and partners
    in ASEAN or across the region.
        I think most of the region is united behind the vision of a
    region that is peaceful, stable, where countries large and
    small play by the rules, large countries do not bully small
    countries. I think that is where we need to focus our energy.
        Senator Hagerty. I appreciate your perspective on----
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Senator, the Quad is central.
        Senator Hagerty. Yeah, I appreciate your perspective on
    that.
        I would just like to turn to one more thing and that is the
    movement of supply chains from China out--you know, companies
    that are trying to derisk their exposure to China.
        Of course, I want every one of those companies to come back
    to American shores, to see those jobs back in America. But to
    the extent that those jobs do not come back here, what are the
    opportunities that we might have with some of our allies in the
    region to work together for joint economic prosperity, to work
    together to strengthen our economic ties, and that will bring
    our national security ties even closer?
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you, Senator.
        I fully agree. I think we need to focus on supply chain
    resiliency, security, to make sure that neither we nor the
    world are completely dependent upon and vulnerable to one
    country.
        Again, as we do that, the preference, of course, would be
    to bring most of those home. Where that is not possible, I
    think ensuring that those supply chains are diversified and
    resilient and strong is key, particularly, working with like-
    minded democratic partners, I think, especially in the
    technology space, especially related to semiconductors, but
    also, as we discovered in COVID-19, even personal protective
    equipment and other medical equipment as key.
        But I think--when I think about our competition with China,
    I do think these issues related to our economic competition,
    particularly related to technology and the resilience of our
    supply chains, will probably be central to that competition.
        And I would be committed to doing everything possible, both
    within the State Department and across the U.S. Government, to
    advance----
        Senator Hagerty. Should you be confirmed, I look forward to
    working with you closely.
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you, Senator.
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you for your service, Ambassador
    Kritenbrink.
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you, Senator.
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Kaine?
        Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and thanks to this
    panel of nominees. I think you are all very highly qualified
    for these positions. Look forward to supporting you.
        Ambassador Kritenbrink, I think I am going to spend my five
    minutes with you talking about a topic that matters a lot to
    me, the Chinese persecution of Uighurs in the Xinjiang
    province.
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes.
        Senator Kaine. There is a sizable Uighur population in
    Virginia, and I have talked to many of my constituents as well
    as just following news about this.
        The leadership of Xi Jinping has seen China not only become
    bolder and more effective in projecting malign influence and
    power worldwide, but the Government has become more ruthless in
    many ways--uses of technology, forced sterilization, separation
    of families, and attempting to reduce and disperse its Uighur
    Muslim population.
        Both Secretaries of State Pompeo and Blinken have indicated
    that this is a genocide under the technical term, an
    intentional and very strategic effort, in the words of China's
    own officials, to, basically, carry out the elimination or
    reduction of the Uighur population and other Muslim populations
    in Xinjiang province.
        Last week, we had a joint subcommittee hearing in this
    committee. It was the first joint subcommittee hearing we had
    had in seven years and it was about China's atrocities in the
    Xinjiang province.
        The chair--the subcommittee I chair on Western Hemisphere,
    Global Democracy, and Human Rights worked together with the
    Subcommittee on East Asia, chaired by Senator Markey. Senators
    Rubio and Romney were very involved in this.
        And we heard from a number of witnesses in very powerful
    ways. One was my constituent, Ms. Rushan Abbas. She spoke very
    movingly about her sister, Dr. Gulshan Abbas, who has been in
    detention for three years. Her birthday was last Saturday, her
    third birthday in prison.
        They know she is in prison. They do not know where she is,
    but they did find out that she was secretly sentenced in a
    secret trial to a 20-year prison term. She is a physician who
    had made her career in the Xinjiang province just helping
    patients.
        U.S. efforts, global efforts thus far to combat the
    terrible atrocity have not been effective. So what more can we
    do as a committee, as an administration, as a country, to
    increase pressure on China to end this grim persecution of the
    Uighur and other Muslim populations in Xinjiang?
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Senator, thank you very much for your
    comments and your leadership on this issue.
        I agree completely with your assessment of the challenge. I
    had the privilege of viewing most of your hearing last week and
    I, too, was moved by the testimony, particularly of Ms. Abbas.
        The ongoing genocide in Xinjiang shocks the conscience. We
    estimate more than 1 million Uighurs have been forcibly
    detained, put into reeducation camps, forced to provide labor,
    and many other disturbing allegations about how they are being
    treated.
        I think, Senator, working together with this committee, our
    obligation is to continue to shine a very bright light on this
    ongoing genocide, and I have been gratified to see that our
    other partners around the world, whether it is the G-7 or
    Japanese and Korean partners or our Quad partners as well have
    all spoken out against the abuses happening there.
        But more importantly, Senator, I think we need to continue
    to take steps using all the tools that the U.S. Government has
    at its disposal to hold to account the leaders who are carrying
    out these atrocities.
        And if I were confirmed, I would be committed to doing just
    that. I know that we have used a variety of tools, including
    Global Magnitsky tools, to sanction a number of the leaders,
    officials, and entities who are carrying out this repression in
    Xinjiang, including the Xinjiang party secretary, Chen Quanguo.
        And if I were confirmed, Senator, I pledge that we will
    continue to work not just to shine a bright light on the
    abuses, but also to take steps to hold those responsible
    accountable.
        Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
        Two additional items in my last 40 seconds is related to
    the same topic.
        First, a lot of U.S. companies may be directly or
    indirectly, even unknowingly, facilitating this persecution in
    Xinjiang through their contacts in the region.
        Human Rights Watch had witness before us last week, Dr.
    Sophie Richardson, who indicated that they have written U.S.
    companies to get information to try to make sure the companies
    are aware of the dangers and they, generally, have not gotten
    responses.
        It is my hope that we might work together with you, should
    you be confirmed, so that a request by the U.S. Government
    might produce a response from some of these companies.
        And then, in addition, we need to work with allies outside
    the region. China is engaged in a pretty aggressive practice of
    having Uighurs arrested----
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes.
        Senator Kaine.--in countries like the UAE and Egypt and
    Saudi Arabia, allies in the United States, and then deported
    back to China, and we need to work with our allies to make sure
    that they do not facilitate the long arm of this gruesome
    persecution campaign all over the globe.
        And I would look forward to working with you on that
    together as well.
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, sir.
        Senator, again, I fully agree with your assessment and your
    recommendation on both points. If confirmed, I look forward to
    working with you and members of the committee on both of those
    issues.
        Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you so much.
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you.
        Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        I understand Senator Young is with us virtually.
        Senator Young. Yes, Mr. Chairman. Thank you so much.
        Ambassador Robinson, in the midst of this global pandemic,
    Americans have continued to suffer under the scourge of
    narcotics trafficking, much of that being trafficked through
    our southern border.
        Despite some public calls for the designation, the Trump
    administration notably refrained from designating the Mexican
    drug cartels as a foreign terrorist organization.
        As the cartels use kidnapping, execution-style killings,
    the targeted killing of journalists and politicians, and with
    the flow of narcotics and violence into the United States
    continuing unabating it seems clear that the legal standard for
    this designation of foreign terrorist organization has been
    met.
        But I understand that Mexico may oppose such a designation.
    If confirmed, Mr. Ambassador, would you consider such a
    designation?
        Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Senator, for that--for that
    question, and I absolutely share your concerns with--about the
    malign influence of narcotics traffickers and the threats they
    pose to communities throughout the region.
        I think, you know, it is probably worth, you know, looking
    at. I am not a lawyer so I do not know what the legal
    definition is.
        But there is no doubt that the influence of narcotic
    traffickers throughout the region is crushing to communities,
    not just in the United States but in Mexico, in Colombia, and
    throughout Central America.
        And I will, certainly, commit to you that we will use all
    of the necessary tools to go after these criminal organizations
    and traffickers.
        Senator Young. Well, I thank you for that. Perhaps you
    could--I understand you are not being--you are not an attorney,
    and you will want to refer to others' analysis.
        I am an attorney. I do not want to overstate my
    qualifications to make this assessment, and attorneys can
    disagree.
        But it seems to me that the legal definition is, indeed,
    met as I look at the different pillars that need to be
    analyzed. Time does not permit me to get into those.
        But I also understand that there will be diplomatic
    considerations that play into this. What secondary effects may
    undermine the effectiveness of such a designation? This would
    be diplomatic analysis on your part.
        Mr. Robinson. I think that is--I think that is a great
    question. I would--you know, I would have to talk to--you know,
    should I be confirmed, I would make it my--one of my missions
    to talk to governments in the region to find out what secondary
    effects there may be.
        I, certainly, do not see why there would be obstacles to
    using maximum efforts to go after the narcotics traffickers and
    criminal organizations, and if this is a tool that we could
    effectively use, I would, certainly, want to engage with the
    governments in the region and governments globally to see what
    further we could do to sanction these groups.
        Senator Young. Like I said, I will look forward to working
    with you on that. I am encouraged by what seems to be an
    aggressive bias for action on this. I expect the Mexicans may
    indicate a lack of motivation to work with us on other matters
    if we go this direction.
        That can be a concern, and there may be some--an increased
    migration flow into this country of Mexican nationals fleeing
    terrorism if the terrorist designation is made.
        But with that said, would you commit to working with my
    office in working through this matter should you be confirmed,
    sir?
        Mr. Robinson. Should I be confirmed, absolutely, Senator. I
    will work with your office.
        Senator Young. Okay, thank you. I know our time is winding
    down. I just wanted to put one other matter, a stake sort of in
    the ground about my interest in it. Perhaps we can work
    together, should you be confirmed.
        One of the missions of your bureau is to enforce maritime
    rights and practice law enforcement at sea in the Indo-Pacific
    region. Admittedly, Ambassador Robinson, this is a mission
    larger than any single federal agency.
        It will involve collaboration and cooperation with the Navy
    and the Coast Guard and other entities and agencies and
    individuals.
        And given China's predatory actions at sea throughout the
    Pacific, I would be interested in exploring your priorities for
    INL's practicing of maritime law enforcement throughout the
    Pacific, especially in Oceania, and seeing where INL might
    better coordinate with the Coast Guard, moving forward. I would
    like to help do anything I can to ensure that INL is successful
    in this mission.
        So thank you for your desire to serve.
        Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Senator. And I agree, I think that
    that INL has a fairly good story to tell about cooperation in
    that region on maritime security.
        I know when I was deputy assistant secretary we worked very
    closely with partner countries, allies in the region, on that
    issue. We did the same in West Africa.
        And so I would be happy to, should I be confirmed, work
    with your office on this.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Young. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Senator Shaheen?
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to
    each of you for your willingness to be considered for these
    critical posts at this time.
        I would like to begin with you, Ambassador Robinson,
    because I come from a state that has been very hard hit by the
    opioid epidemic, and fentanyl has been the killer.
        We have one of--have had one of the highest overdose death
    rates in the country, and so I share the concerns that have
    been expressed on both sides of the aisle about how we respond
    to this and I appreciated your comments.
        Senator Portman, who is also a member of this committee,
    and I recently introduced legislation to build the capacity of
    foreign law enforcement agencies to detect an interdict
    fentanyl and other synthetic drugs, and also to try and
    increase collaboration between the United States and foreign
    countries.
        As someone who has worked in this arena in the past, can
    you tell me if you think there are particular best practices or
    areas where cooperation has really worked to make a difference
    to address this issue?
        Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Senator, and it is a very
    important point. I just want to emphasize how heartbreaking it
    is to know--to see the ravages of this drug on American
    communities and, particularly, communities like your state--in
    your state.
        Actually, INL, working on the--with the interagency,
    working with our partners in DEA and the Department of Justice,
    we have been able to do lots of training and capacity building
    globally, working with like-minded police organizations in
    countries around the world on training, identifying strategies,
    you know, making sure they are looking at going after the money
    and going after governments that participate in these things.
        So there is a--there is a whole range of tools that we can
    use to work with police organizations on these issues, and I
    would be happy to explore that with your office, should I be
    confirmed.
        Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. Perhaps you could look at
    the legislation that we are introducing and see if there are
    ways that we can make it more effective and other
    authorizations or other needs that you might have at INL.
        Mr. Robinson. Yeah, absolutely, Senator.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
        Mr. Holmgren, you have been asked about Havana syndrome,
    and this is something that my office heard about almost
    immediately after the attacks because I have some constituents
    who have been affected by it.
        And I am still concerned that six months into this new
    administration that we are still hearing from some of those
    people who have been affected about the lack of coordination,
    about the inability to meet with leadership, and particularly
    at State about the willingness of State to cooperate with the
    Department of Defense and the red tape that is still involved
    with getting treatment.
        So can you commit to not just trying to get to the bottom
    of that but to finding out what is causing it and why there is
    not more, at this point, coordination around how we are
    responding to this serious concern that is affecting too many
    employees within the federal government?
        Mr. Holmgren. Thank you, Senator, for that important
    question and for your leadership--excuse me--on this issue.
        I absolutely commit to understanding if there are ways in
    how we can improve the interagency coordination process on this
    and, in particular, what role INR can and should be playing to
    both support the department but also, as you mentioned, the
    interagency.
        I understand that the NSC has established a coordination
    cell. I think that is a good--a very good positive development
    to bring together the different parts of the interagency and
    that State has now--has a lead, a person responsible for
    coordinating the State Department's efforts.
        And so, if confirmed, I am--I am eager to be involved in
    that. As I said up front, I have friends and former colleagues
    from CIA and other places that are affected by this, and so I
    think it is--I take it as a personal responsibility to address
    the issue.
        Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I really appreciate that.
        And I will say to you what I have said to others, that I
    think one of the challenges with this issue is the classified
    nature of all of the information, and it makes it very
    difficult when there is an unwillingness of our State
    Departments and agencies to share with members of Congress what
    is going on and also to share with members of the public.
        So I would urge you to look at ways in which we can
    unclassify information that is not going to be harmful so that
    people really understand what is going on.
        Mr. Holmgren. Thank you, Senator. I hear your concern and I
    pledge to do that.
        Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Ambassador Schatz?
        Senator Schatz. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Senator Schatz. I was giving you--I do not
    know if it is a promotion.
        [Laughter.]
        The Chairman. Some would consider it a promotion.
        Senator Schatz. We can ask Ambassador Hagerty if that is a
    promotion or not.
        The Chairman. He is here, so I do not know. That may be the
    answer. I am sorry.
        Senator Schatz?
        Senator Schatz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you all for
    your service.
        Ambassador Kritenbrink, I want to start with Oceania.
    Secretary Blinken spoke at the Pacific Island Conference of
    Leaders a week ago.
        These kinds of engagements are really meaningful. They
    underscore our commitment to the region, including helping them
    to confront COVID and the climate crisis.
        Can you just talk about how you will engage in Oceania and
    your role to ensure that it will be elevated in our Indo-
    Pacific strategy?
        And I think, you know, generally speaking, as we think on
    this committee, in the broader Senate, in the media, when we
    think about our Asia Pacific strategy, when we think our Indo-
    Pacific strategy, everyone is immediately thinking about China
    and China only.
        And it occurs to me that there is a vast ocean full of
    nations----
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, sir.
        Senator Schatz.--that we need to reengage with that are our
    longtime partners and allies and friends, and for both moral
    reasons and strategic reasons, we need to reengage, and I am
    wondering if you can comment on that.
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Senator, thank you very much for your
    comments and for your leadership on these issues.
        I fully agree with your assessment. If confirmed, I would
    be committed to making sure we expand our robust engagement
    with the countries--with the Pacific Island countries.
        I think, Senator, the first issue that you identified is
    one of the most important. First, we have to show up. We have
    to demonstrate our commitment by engaging and participating in
    meetings and organizations like the PIF.
        Secondly, Senator, I believe that we need to engage across
    the board because we have a number of vital national interests
    that are implicated amongst our Pacific Island friends.
        You mentioned climate, of course. Important security issues
    at play, issues related to illegal and unregulated fishing. Of
    course, climate change is an existential threat for many of
    these partners and, of course, COVID-19 is a great challenge
    across the region.
        If I were confirmed, Senator, I would be committed to
    upping our engagement across the board to advance those
    interests and to ensure that our strategic competitors like
    China as well do not take advantage or use their malign
    influence to advance their interests at the expense of ours or
    our partners in the Pacific Islands.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you.
        Ambassador Robinson, I want to stay on Oceania for the
    moment. I introduced a bill with Senator Murkowski to elevate
    all of Oceania in U.S. foreign policy.
        One aspect of this bill is to increase our ability to
    counter the Chinese Government's foreign practices--foreign
    corrupt practices in Oceania, and much of that work runs
    through INL.
        We have heard, though, that INL does not have the resources
    to be present in the Oceania region to the extent that you may
    wish and that they have had to make quote/unquote, ``hard
    choices'' about not prioritizing the Pacific Islands.
        I was glad, however, to see that the president's budget
    carves out funding in INL to counter the Chinese Government's
    global malign influence campaign. But we need to make sure that
    Oceania is part of that effort.
        Can you talk about what you see in Oceania and what we
    ought to do about it through INL?
        Mr. Robinson. Thank you, Senator. I think that is a--that
    is a very important question.
        You know, as you have pointed out, most of our focus has
    been on focusing on the malign influence of China in the
    region. I suspect I would have to look more closely, but I
    suspect much of the work we are going to do INL would do in the
    region, if I am confirmed, would focus on China's malign
    influence.
        But there are--you know, there are other issues in the
    region that we can--that we can and should focus on, and we
    spoke about it a little earlier. Working with like-minded
    partners on maritime safety, for instance, will be key.
        And, you know, INL can take a look at issues a little bit
    outside of our area. We do work on wildlife trafficking. We do
    work on illegal mining. We do work on illegal fisheries.
        And so all of those issues or many of those issues might
    get us closer to the region and closer to the issues that you
    are raising.
        Senator Schatz. Final question. I will make it quick.
        You know, I have been working on Lacey Act amendments. I
    know Senator Merkley and others have prioritized this over the
    many, many years.
        The thing with the Lacey Act is it does not quite get to
    about half of all of the tropical deforestation, which is the
    result of illegal deforestation for commercial agriculture.
        And so I am wondering if we can work with you and the other
    relevant federal agencies to get more supply chain transparency
    and also to dig into the root causes that result in
    deforestation, clear cutting for agriculture and for commodity
    development.
        The Lacey Act was a very important start, but we are sort
    of stuck there, and even our partners in the business community
    who want to do the right thing have great difficulty in terms
    of the supply chain transparency.
        So I think it is time for another round of collective
    thinking about what is the next iteration of the Lacey Act so
    that we can actually make sure that we do not just declare that
    we find illegal deforestation offensive to us and to the globe
    but that we are actually going to crack down on it, and I am
    wondering if I can have your commitment to work with us on
    that.
        Mr. Robinson. Absolutely, Senator, you have my commitment.
        Senator Schatz. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Van Hollen?
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking
    Member. Congratulations to all of you on your nominations.
        Let me start with you, Ambassador Kritenbrink.
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, sir.
        Senator Van Hollen. I was pleased to see the statements
    made by President Biden and others at the recent NATO summit
    regarding a more coordinated coherent strategy with respect to
    China's efforts to use its centralized economic power to export
    its authoritarian model, and I was pleased to hear your
    response to Senator Hagerty with respect to the Quad and you
    also mentioned other allies in the area including, of course,
    South Korea and others.
        One of the important issues that has come up with respect
    to the situation in the South China Sea is the importance of
    something many of us have been in favor of for a long time,
    which is ratifying the Law of the Sea Treaty.
        In your opinion, would that be an important step that the
    United States could take along with the international community
    to provide clear rules of the road that would benefit not just
    the United States but others in the region and around the
    world?
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Senator, thank you very much for your
    question.
        I know that when Secretary Blinken was asked that same
    question in testimony last week, he stated that he was not yet
    aware if there was an administrative--administration position,
    but that he personally supported the ratification and believed
    it would be helpful.
        I think what I would say, Senator, is whatever we can do to
    reinforce the rules-based international order where countries
    large and small play by the rules the better.
        The great irony, of course, is that even though the United
    States has not ratified UNCLOS we do abide by it because we
    believe it represents customary international law.
        China, of course, has ratified it and violates it on a
    daily basis.
        Nonetheless, Senator I am--I would be supportive of any
    action that strengthens our position on maritime issues,
    including our legal rates.
        Senator Van Hollen. So would not it put the United States
    in a stronger position vis-a-vis China and its violations of
    the Law of the Sea Treaty if the United States were a party to
    the agreement?
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, I would associate myself with
    Secretary Blinken's comments on that last week.
        Senator Van Hollen. I will take that--I understand. He said
    he was personally in favor of it and I----
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you, Senator.
        Senator Van Hollen. So----
        Mr. Kritenbrink. But can I just underscore? I think you
    have hit the nail right on the head that we have to advance our
    interests in supporting the rules-based international order.
        Many other things we need to do in the maritime domain as
    well, but that is a key one. Thank you, sir.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
        Let me ask you about a piece of legislation that we passed
    a couple years ago here. It was called the BRINK Act. I
    authored it together with Senator Toomey, and it was designed
    to close some of the loopholes in the sanctions that we have
    imposed on North Korea.
        There was a recent U.N. panel of experts report on the
    implementation of international sanctions against North Korea,
    and they painted a picture of a very leaky sanctions regime,
    especially with respect to some goods flowing from China.
        They also mentioned key imports, refined petroleum and
    coal, had surged into North Korea last year. So the BRINK Act
    establishes a secondary sanctions regime similar to the earlier
    Iran sanctions regime that helped bring Iran to the table for
    the JCPOA.
        Could you commit to working with us and the Department of
    Treasury to make sure that we fully apply this law? And what is
    your current assessment of, you know, the role sanctions can
    play in putting pressure on the North Korean regime?
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Senator, thank you very much.
        If confirmed, I can assure you that I would look forward to
    working with you and your team on these issues.
        As I noted at the outset, the Biden ministration--Biden/
    Harris administration is committed to the denuclearization of
    the Korean Peninsula, and, if confirmed, I would support an
    approach that relies both on sanctions enforcement and
    deterrence as well as a practical calibrated approach open to
    democracy.
        If confirmed, I would be delighted to learn more about the
    BRINK Act and how we can strengthen the sanctions regime.
        But, Senator, I do agree, enforcing the sanctions regime
    with tools that we have, together with U.N. tools, I think is
    vitally important to the denuclearization goals that we have.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. And again, thank all of you
    for your service.
        And Mr. Holmgren, let me just say I think INR is one of
    those great agencies in the federal government that punches way
    above its weight.
        So I hope you will hold your own within the IC because, in
    my experience, INR has called it right more than the other
    agencies, on average.
        Mr. Holmgren. Thank you, Senator. It is an honor to be
    nominated to lead INR.
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator Cruz?
        Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Congratulations to
    each of the three of you.
        Mr. Holmgren, let us start with you. If confirmed, you
    would be the principal intelligence adviser to the secretary
    and other State Department principals.
        You would be charged with driving the intelligence
    apparatus advising the secretary of state on the risks and the
    benefits of reentering any nuclear deal with Iran.
        I want to ask you about that. One of the most troubling
    aspects of the catastrophic Obama Iran nuclear deal were the
    enormous holes in verifying Iranian compliance.
        Some of those holes were obvious, such as giving Iran weeks
    to clean up sites before inspections and functionally
    prohibiting inspection of military facilities.
        Others were less obvious but even more damaging. One side
    deal forced the IAEA, the United Nations' nuclear watchdog, to
    prematurely close investigations into past Iranian nuclear
    weapons work, leaving the scope and the nature of Iran's
    weapons program unknown.
        According to Bloomberg, the Obama administration provided
    Congress with a classified annex, saying that the deal could
    still be verified if Iran fully complied and did not cheat.
        Today, we know, of course, the deal failed to detect vast
    portions of Iran's nuclear weapons program. We know it because
    of daring raids and revelations by our Israeli allies.
        We know that between the implementation of the deal in
    January 26 to May 2018 the IAEA was not aware that Iran was
    concealing a nuclear weapons archive, nor was the IAEA aware
    that Iran was contained--had containers at a warehouse called
    Turqazabad where the IAEA later reportedly discovered traces of
    man-altered uranium.
        The agency subsequently visited three other undisclosed
    sites and found nuclear material at two of them. The IAEA has
    never inspected any facility run by the SPND, a military
    organization employing nuclear weapons scientists, which, until
    last year, was run by the founder of Iran's nuclear weapons
    program. That is unknown sites and zero military facilities
    inspected.
        Despite all of this, the Biden administration is rushing to
    reenter the Iran deal.
        Mr. Holmgren, do you support reentering the deal in light
    of those failures?
        Mr. Holmgren. Senator Cruz, thank you for that question.
        As a former intelligence analyst who focused on the Middle
    East, I very much appreciate the multi-dimensional threat that
    Iran poses--their state sponsorship of terrorism, their nuclear
    ambitions, cyber, human rights violations, and their ballistic
    missile capabilities.
        So I very much appreciate the threat. If confirmed to lead
    INR, which is part of the intelligence community, my commitment
    to you and to this entire committee is that we will supply
    objective information and analysis regarding all of Iran's
    malign activities to include its compliance with the--with the
    nuclear requirements as part of the JCPOA even if those
    conclusions diverge from your policy interests, but especially,
    because I think it is even more important, if the intelligence
    community has a different view based on all sorts of
    information of where policymakers are that we would absolutely
    provide that information to support the secretary but also
    other policymakers as well as this committee.
        Senator Cruz. In your assessment, what additional measures
    would be required to close the loopholes that allowed these
    failures in the prior deal?
        Mr. Holmgren. Senator, I am not--I am not privy to--I have
    not been in government the last few years so I am not privy to
    the--any classified details and additional measures.
        But what I could tell you is that, from an intelligence
    perspective, I think having an incredibly strong collection and
    analytic regime focused on Iran's compliance would be--
    certainly, would be a top priority.
        As I mentioned in my opening remarks, I view Iran as one of
    the top big four threats we face, and so making sure that INR
    has the resources and the expertise to provide objective
    analysis would absolutely be a priority for me, sir.
        Senator Cruz. Okay.
        And, Mr. Kritenbrink, the Obama administration implemented
    a policy that forbade our Taiwanese allies from displaying
    symbols of their sovereignty, whether flags or medals or
    uniforms, on U.S. soil.
        During the Trump administration, I pressed the Trump
    administration to change that policy to reverse the ban, and
    they did so.
        Unfortunately, after Secretary Blinken came through his
    confirmation hearing where I asked him about it and he
    committed to maintaining the policy of allowing Taiwan to
    display its symbols of sovereignty, subsequently, the Biden
    State Department reversed that policy and now prohibits our
    Taiwanese allies from displaying their symbols of sovereignty.
        This committee just a few weeks ago took up legislation I
    had to reverse the new Biden ban and to return to the
    preexisting policy that allowed Taiwan, like our other allies,
    to display their symbols of sovereignty.
        This committee passed that overwhelmingly. The Senate
    passed it overwhelmingly in a bipartisan manner. If confirmed,
    will you restore the previous policy allowing our Taiwanese
    allies to display their symbols of sovereignty, and if not, why
    not?
        Mr. Kritenbrink. Senator, thank you very much for the
    question.
        I want to emphasize at the outset, Senator, if confirmed, I
    would be absolutely committed to growing our robust and vitally
    important partnership with democratic Taiwan.
        I would argue that our partnership with Taiwan is perhaps
    stronger than it has ever been, from our commitments
    demonstrated under the Taiwan Relations Act, including $30
    billion in arm sales since 2009, to the provision of vaccines,
    to our close health cooperation to the visit by three members
    of the Senate in just the last few weeks.
        I think we have made clear our commitment to growing that
    partnership with Taiwan.
        Senator, since 1979, for decades now, the United States has
    followed a set of contact guidelines for our engagement with
    Taiwan, and my understanding, Senator, is for decades now those
    guidelines have outlined that during our important engagements
    with our unofficial--our Taiwan counterparts to advance our
    unofficial relationship that symbols of sovereignty are not
    allowed on U.S. Government property.
        And those guidelines, as I understand them, Senator, have
    been in place for decades and were in place for the vast
    majority of the previous administration as well.
        Based on the briefings and discussions that I have had,
    Senator, the new guidelines that have been enacted under the
    Biden administration are significantly liberalized. They are
    explicitly designed to further develop our relationships and
    our partnership with Taiwan, and they have been welcomed by the
    Taiwan leadership, including President Tsai herself.
        So I can assure you, Senator, that I am committed in every
    way to growing our partnership with Taiwan and I will hasten to
    add that, of course, I will always enforce U.S. law.
        Senator Cruz. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Thank you.
        Ambassador Robinson, I am going to close up with you, I
    think, because this will be the last set of questions. I do not
    want you to think I--you have no--none of my attention. So let
    me just, briefly, make a statement about Mexico.
        I had some deep concerns about Mexico over the last year.
    In the fall, the United States arrested Mexico's former defense
    minister on drug trafficking charges. Very literally this case
    highlighted that Mexican drug trafficking organizations are
    capable of co-opting individuals at the highest levels of
    Mexico's Government.
        When we released General Cienfuegos, albeit under some
    rather murky circumstances, the Lopez Obrador government
    responded by publishing U.S. law enforcement documents, in
    violation of our mutual legal assistance treaty and then
    pushing a law to the Mexican Congress that seemed intent on
    constraining bilateral law enforcement cooperation.
        I understand how important the U.S. trade, economic,
    political, and security relationship is with Mexico and I am
    fully supportive of efforts to strengthen it.
        However, we have to be clear eyed. We cannot ignore
    evidence about the links between certain members of Mexico
    security forces and drug traffickers.
        So, if confirmed, I trust you will give these issues your
    full attention?
        Mr. Robinson. Absolutely, Mr. Chairman.
        I share your concerns and look forward, should I be
    confirmed, to working with the interagency and working with the
    Congress to addressing and focusing on these issues.
        The Chairman. And one last question for you. We had a very
    good in-depth discussion so a lot of the issues have been
    raised.
        As I thought, fentanyl and others have been raised. I am
    increasingly concerned by reports that the Assad regime is
    earning hard currency in the face of international sanctions
    and cratering currency and economy by manufacturing and
    exporting Captagon, a potent and addictive amphetamine, often
    with the cooperation of Hezbollah.
        This drug is being smuggled, often by Hezbollah, across
    Lebanon's border with Syria and through Lebanon's weak import
    and export controls to be distributed throughout Europe and the
    Middle East, prompting bans on Lebanese exports recently that
    the Lebanese economy can ill afford.
        What steps can we take to counter such drug smuggling,
    including assistance to strengthen the Lebanese border and
    customs enforcement?
        Mr. Robinson. Mr. Chairman, that is a great question.
        INL has a great track record on working with the government
    of Lebanon on training and capacity building, and we will
    continue. Should I be confirmed, I would make sure that we
    would continue to do that.
        I would also say that we can work with the interagency--we
    have been working with the interagency to track these
    shipments, particularly with DEA, and working with like-minded
    partners in the region.
        We know Saudi Arabia is particularly concerned about this,
    the trafficking of this drug, and we can continue to work with
    like-minded partners on this issue.
        The Chairman. Well, I just want to highlight it because, of
    course, we often hear about fentanyl, as we should because it
    is causing deaths in America. But in this case of this
    Captagon, you have got a lot of bad players.
        You have Hezbollah, you have Assad, and undermining what
    little is left of the Lebanese economy. That is a bad trifecta,
    at the end of the day.
        So I hope that you will make it one of your priorities upon
    confirmation.
        Mr. Robinson. I share your concern, Chairman, and should I
    be confirmed, we will absolutely track it.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Senator? All right.
        With that, with the thanks of the committee, this record
    will remain open until tomorrow at the close of business.
        There may be questions for the record. We would urge the
    nominees to answer those questions expeditiously so you can be
    considered for a business meeting.
        And with that, this hearing is adjourned.

        [Whereupon, at 11:37 a.m., the committee was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Todd D. Robinson by Senator James E. Risch

    Central America/Illegal Migration
        Question. Given your previous experience in Central America and at
    INL, can you describe the nexus between transnational criminal
    organizations and human smuggling/trafficking across Central America
    and Mexico? What financial benefits would you estimate drug trafficking
    groups are reaping from the increased flows of illegal migrants
    arriving at our Southwest border?

        Answer. Systemic corruption and impunity contribute to the
    permissive environments that enable the illicit activities of
    transnational criminal organizations across Central America and Mexico,
    some of which are involved in smuggling migrants across countries'
    borders or are profiting from the exploitation of individuals in sex
    trafficking or forced labor, including forced criminal activity. I
    understand corruption, insecurity, and low levels of trust in
    institutions are among the root causes driving irregular migration in
    the region, including to the United States, and undermine economic
    growth and development, weaken the rule of law, and lead to a loss of
    hope. If confirmed, I will continue to press these governments to take
    concrete actions to combat corruption and impunity, improve democratic
    governance, and strengthen the rule of law. Reliable estimates of the
    ill-gotten financial gains of drug trafficking groups or transnational
    criminal organizations are hard to confirm, but remain a concern.

    Mexico/Illicit Narcotics
        Question. What specific actions would you encourage Mexico take to
    meaningfully tackle transitional criminal activities through its
    territory, including trafficking of fentanyl and other illicit
    narcotics?

        Answer. INL strengthens Mexico's capacity to reduce the production
    and trafficking of fentanyl and other illicit drugs. I understand that
    INL supports Mexico's recent steps to regulate fentanyl precursor
    chemicals and encourages Mexico to increase and better integrate its
    investigations into precursor chemical diversion, drug production, and
    trafficking. If confirmed, I will ensure the Department works to
    strengthen cooperation on this vital issue through the cabinet-level
    security dialogue committed to during Vice President Harris' June 8
    meeting with Mexican President Lopez Obrador.

    Venezuela
        Question. Can you describe how the Maduro regime's involvement in
    transna-tional criminal activities impacts peace and stability in
    Colombia?

        Answer. Colombia has worked hard to extend effective state presence
    throughout its national territory, but the Maduro regime's
    mismanagement and its tolerance of illicit activities and evident lack
    of interest in controlling such activities within its own borders has
    made Colombia's task vastly more difficult. The Maduro regime's profit-
    seeking ties with dissident members of the Revolutionary Armed Forces
    of Colombia, the Colombian-origin National Liberation Army, and
    Venezuelan paramilitary groups facilitate illicit activity, public
    corruption, and graft schemes. These relationships, combined with
    historically weak government presence at the border between Colombia
    and Venezuela, have allowed Colombian terrorist groups and
    narcotraffickers to operate with impunity. Venezuelans and Colombians
    are the victims of the Maduro regime's inability or unwillingness to
    provide security within Venezuela and of the predatory behavior of
    these criminal groups.

    Cuba/State Sponsor of Terrorism
        Question. Should Cuba be removed from the list of state sponsors of
    terrorism (SST) while they continue to harbor U.S. fugitives and U.S.-
    designated Foreign Terrorist Organizations?

        Answer. I understand the administration has committed to carefully
    reviewing decisions made in the prior administration, including the
    decision to designate Cuba as a State Sponsor of Terrorism.
        If confirmed, I look forward to supporting the administration's
    review of Cuba policy. Our priority in Cuba, as the rest of the
    Hemisphere, needs to be democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.

    Afghanistan
        Question. Given the Biden administration's decision to withdraw
    troops from Afghanistan, how can INL realistically and effectively
    counter Afghanistan's opium problem or provide oversight of existing
    counternarcotic programs?

        Answer. I understand that most cultivation and production of poppy
    in Afghanistan occurs in areas under Taliban influence or control,
    compounding the challenge of implementing effective counternarcotics
    projects. INL has a constructive working relationship with the Afghan
    Government and supports specialized counter-drug enforcement units in
    Afghanistan, such as the National Interdiction Unit and the polygraphed
    Sensitive Investigative Unit, with enablers including a modern wiretap
    system and a team of U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration mentors.
    These units have mounted successful operations in insurgent-held areas.
    Additionally, INL funds border and customs police to effectively search
    and profile passengers and cargo at ports of entry, treatment for
    Afghans suffering from substance use disorders, licit alternatives to
    poppy for farmers, and capacity building for the Afghan Government. If
    confirmed, I look forward to continuing to utilize a tiered approach to
    monitoring existing projects, including third party monitors for end-
    use monitoring and implementation activities, and multiple
    organizations to provide assessments and evaluations on INL activities.

    Lebanon-Internal Security Forces (ISF)
        Question. As Lebanon faces a potential state collapse, please
    comment on continued assistance to the ISF in Lebanon.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to prioritize our support to
    the ISF, a key partner in maintaining peace in Lebanon. Following the
    August 2020 Port of Beirut explosion, I understand INL increased
    efforts to provide basic equipment support to the ISF, including PPE as
    it dealt with the COVID crisis, address internal corruption, and
    improve internal and external cooperation through cross functional
    collaboration. This includes human resource automation efforts, which
    can reduce administrative demands, increase productivity, reduce costs,
    and provide more transparency and accountability within the ISF.
    Continued support to the ISF can help mitigate further instability in
    Lebanon.

    West Bank-Palestinian Security Forces (PASF)
        Question. Is this an appropriate focus for the PASF without
    securing concessions on pay to slay? How have Israeli attitudes towards
    the PASF evolved following recent violence with Hamas and Gaza? USSC
    has also suggested that PASF should be allowed to attend US military
    training and schools. Is this an appropriate use of taxpayer dollars
    given the PASF's non-state status?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure INL delivers its assistance
    consistent with its authorities and other U.S. laws. The shift in focus
    reflects improved performance and maturity by the PASF since we began
    providing assistance in 2007. I understand that INL believes taking
    this new focus will sustain that trend. The PASF units INL assisted
    performed well in their daily missions as well as during crises,
    especially including the latest round of violence, when they had to
    coordinate with Israeli security forces. The PASF will receive their
    operational training at their own training centers in Jericho. If
    confirmed, I will ensure that any decision to send a small selection of
    well-vetted senior officers to U.S. military institutions is based
    solely on a commitment to provide them the best leadership training
    available that will make them better officers and further improve the
    performance of the PASF.

    Libya
        Question. How does INL plan to work with the MOI in Libya to re-
    establish a governmental monopoly on the use of force and reduce the
    presence of non-state militias and mercenaries?

        Answer. A move away from the informal and hybrid relationships that
    have developed over the past war-torn years will require a combination
    of different strengths across the Department to address these
    challenges, particularly with disbarment, demobilization, and
    deradicalization, and to facilitate the movement towards
    relegitimization of criminal justice institutions and law enforcement.
        To that end, I understand INL aims to help build the capabilities
    of legitimate institutions that can provide for civilian security
    focused on their needs, incorporate the rule of law, and include
    greater emphasis on appropriate use of force that is compliant with
    international standards on human rights. INL is developing
    opportunities with the Ministries of Interior and Justice to return
    criminal justice facilities previously damaged by the hostilities
    witnessed in Libya back to Ministry of Justice control and out of the
    hands of militias.

    Tunisia
        Question. How does INL plan to work to ensure allegations of police
    violence and credibility and transparently investigated, and those
    found responsible held to account? Are there ways in which INL can
    tailor programming to ensure police officers and unit commanders are
    held accountable for instances of excessive use of force? What role
    should Tunisia's police unions play moving forward?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure INL continues to work across
    the Tunisian criminal justice sector to foster and institutionalize
    transparency and accountability. INL's law enforcement programming
    incorporates international best practices, including the use of modern
    policing techniques, methods of internal accountability, transparency
    to the public, and citizen-oriented approaches. INL complies with
    statutory provisions to vet units and individuals for potential gross
    violations of human rights and encourages the Government to investigate
    and hold accountable those responsible. The 2014 Tunisian constitution
    permits internal security forces to unionize; however, it does not
    define the unions' role beyond the prohibition to strike, and INL does
    not work with the unions.

        Question. Are there specific steps that INL can take to advance
    security sector reform in Tunisia? What does INL consider to be the
    most pressing priorities in terms of advancing a wider security sector
    reform agenda?

        Answer. Given security challenges, the need for broad reform, and
    limited resources, security sector reform in Tunisia has not been
    linear. Within this dynamic environment, INL designs its programming in
    Tunisia to address civilian criminal justice sector reform holistically
    across law enforcement, justice, and corrections. INL prioritizes
    assistance to the Government of Tunisia to improve core operational
    capacities and competencies in support of fair, transparent, and
    independent criminal justice organizations responsive to citizens'
    needs.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Todd D. Robinson by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Addressing Corruption and Kleptocracy
        Question. The Combating Global Corruption Act obliges the Executive
    to identify corruption in countries and rank them; establishes minimum
    standards for combating corruption; and evaluates foreign persons
    engaged in grand corruption for consideration under the Global
    Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act.

       If confirmed, in what ways will you strengthen efforts at the State
            Department to focus on combating corruption abroad?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work across the department to combat
    corruption as a top foreignpolicy priority of the Biden-Harris
    Administration. The Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
    Enforcement Affairs plays a key role in the promotion of
    internationally recognized standards and commitments to prevent and
    combat corruption, provides targeted foreign assistance to strengthen
    criminal justice systems and institutions to both resist and root out
    corruption abroad, and implements visa restrictions to promote
    accountability for corrupt actors. I will work to expand these efforts
    and our partnerships and coordination across the interagency to ensure
    the range of foreign assistance and diplomatic tools are brought to
    bear in cultivating strong, transparent institutions to prevent and
    combat corruption abroad.

        Question. Do you see opportunities to improve our whole-of-
    government approach towards fighting corruption?

        Answer. The United States enforces one of the most robust
    anticorruption frameworks in the world. The President's National
    Security Study Memorandum on the fight against corruption presents a
    unique opportunity to further integrate the expertise of U.S. federal
    agencies into these efforts and create a more expansive and effective
    whole-of-government response to this complex threat. The Bureau of
    International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs maintains deep
    partnerships across the interagency in support of our shared mission to
    disrupt and deter transnational organized crime and corruption, both at
    home and abroad. If confirmed, I will continue to support these vital
    partnerships, and the State Department's commitment to this
    Administration priority.

    Strengthening the Global Magnitsky Act
        Question. The Global Magnitsky Act has proven valuable as a tool
    that can penalize human rights abusers and corrupt actors without
    rupturing bilateral relations. The Global Magnitsky Act sunset was
    removed in the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act of 2021.

       Do you agree that ``Magnitsky-like'' sanctions are an effective
            tool for countering human rights abusers and corruption around
            the world?

        Answer. The Global Magnitsky sanctions program is an effective and
    impactful tool as part of our broader efforts to combat corruption and
    promote human rights globally. The Global Magnitsky sanctions program,
    along with other similar tools, such as Section 7031(c) visa
    restrictions, promotes accountability of corrupt actors and human
    rights abusers and deters future corruption and human rights abuse
    abroad.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to robustly implementing
    the Global Magnitsky Act through high-impact sanctions designations,
    including by appropriately staffing relevant State Department offices
    and bureaus?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work across the Department and
    interagency to use all available tools, including the Global Magnitsky
    sanctions program, to combat corruption globally. The Bureau of
    International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) has a
    dedicated team focused on implementing a range of deterrence tools,
    including supporting implementation of the corruption prong of Global
    Magnitsky. If confirmed, I will continue to support robust
    implementation of these tools in conjunction with INL's foreign
    assistance and diplomatic efforts to disrupt and deter corruption
    abroad.

        Question. If confirmed, would you support the permanent
    authorization of Global Magnitsky sanctions?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would support the permanent authorization
    of the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act. This sanctions
    program has demonstrated its impact and supports our broader efforts to
    prevent and combat corruption and protect human rights abroad.

                                   __________

          Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Hon. Todd D. Robinson by Senator Marco Rubio

    Guatemala
        Question. Given your extensive background and experience in Central
    America, most recently as United States Ambassador to Guatemala, you
    understand the threats these nations are facing--not just from violent
    transnational criminal organizations, but also from external malign
    actors like China and Russia, which are trying to gain a foothold in
    our hemisphere.

       Do you believe that the United States' approach should be to
            disengage from these governments and cut our assistance to
            them?

        Answer. It is in the U.S. national interest for Central American
    countries to have strengthened democratic governance, expanded economic
    opportunity for their citizens, and the capacity to address the
    security challenges that cause many to flee the region and present
    direct harms to the United States. U.S. foreign assistance is an
    essential element of our regional strategy that includes strengthening
    civil society, promoting transparency and rule of law, combating
    corruption, and improving respect for human rights. If confirmed, I
    will work to ensure that our foreign assistance is accompanied by
    robust U.S. diplomatic engagement and appropriate oversight. President
    Biden is clear-eyed about the challenge and has insisted governments
    step up as true partners in creating the conditions for economic
    opportunity and security, which includes fighting corruption and
    impunity.

        Question. During your time as United States Ambassador to
    Guatemala, please describe your knowledge, if any, of Russia's
    involvement in Guatemala's mining sector.

        Answer. During my tenure, our embassy kept track of various issues
    affecting Guatemala's economy, including in the area of energy and
    mines. If confirmed, I will prioritize countering the malign influence
    of Russia and other actors in Guatemala and elsewhere as part of our
    efforts to bolster good governance and combat corruption.

        Question. What is your knowledge of the legal issues related to the
    EXIMBAL nickel mine, owned by Russian interests, and the (then)
    Canadian-U.S.-owned San Rafael mine?

        Answer. According to news reports, the Constitutional Court (CC)
    initially suspended operations of the EXIMBAL nickel mine in July 2019
    for failure to conduct consultations with affected indigenous
    communities under International Labor Organization convention 169 (ILO
    169), confirming the decision again in June 2020. However, the mine,
    owned by Switzerland-based Solway Investment Group, continued
    production until February, when the Ministry of Energy and Mining (MEM)
    suspended the mine's exploitation license to conform with the CC's July
    2019 ruling, confirmed again by the CC on March 1.
        Operations of the San Rafael mine have been suspended since 2017,
    also for failure to conduct community consultations in accordance with
    ILO 169. In 2018, the CC ordered the Guatemalan Government to conduct
    community consultations prior to reopening the mine.

        Question. Can you provide the most recent update on the cases
    mentioned above?

        Answer. I understand that in June, deputies from the political
    party Unidad Nacional de la Esperanza alleged to the MEM that Fenix
    mine continues to conduct some operations illegally, despite its
    ordered suspension. Pre-consultations with local indigenous groups
    under ILO 169 are scheduled to begin July 15 in Izabal. The pre-
    consultation process for the San Rafael mine began on May 21 in Santa
    Rosa. The next meeting is scheduled for June 20.

        Question. Can you describe the role played by Gazprombank and VTB
    Bank, two entities sanctioned by Treasury, in the mining sector in
    Guatemala?

        Answer. I do not have current information about the role played by
    Gazprombank and VTB in Guatemala's mining sector. On the issue of
    sanctions, if confirmed, I will prioritize working with colleagues
    across the interagency to pursue appropriate measures, including visa
    revocations and sanctions, to promote accountability for corruption.

        Question. Are you aware of any evidence that Guatemalan authorities
    worked with VTB Bank through CICIG?

        Answer. No. To my knowledge, CICIG was an independent, U.N.-backed
    commission that helped Guatemala build capacity and make progress in
    the fight against corruption during its tenure.

    Assistance with Law Enforcement Agencies
        Question. If confirmed, will you ensure strict oversight of U.S.
    support for security forces under the control of the Palestinian
    Authority and ensure any assistance complies with all U.S. legislative
    restrictions on these funds?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will ensure strict oversight of U.S.
    support for security forces under the control of the Palestinian
    Authority (PA). I will ensure any assistance complies with all U.S.
    legislative restrictions on these funds. I understand INL provides its
    assistance through letters of agreement that ensure strict oversight,
    and conducts end-use monitoring of the materials it supplies to ensure
    it is accounted for and being used for the purposes it was provided. I
    understand INL will implement a robust vetting process, including Leahy
    vetting and vetting through the Department's Risk Analysis and
    Management Office, to mitigate the risk that U.S. Government resources
    could benefit terrorist groups or their supporters. If confirmed, I
    will ensure INL also vets all recipients of PA assistance, including
    students enrolled in training programs, for suspected terrorist
    organization affiliation and human rights violations. If the vetting
    results show any level of doubt, INL will exclude them from the
    program.

        Question. If confirmed, what actions do you intend to take in order
    to combat Hezbollah?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continuing our support to Lebanon
    and exploring ways to adapt our support to address the pressing needs
    of key partners in the security and judicial sectors such as targeted
    interventions to improve criminal information collection, analysis, and
    sharing; build on efforts to eliminate security vacuums that criminals
    and terrorists exploit by expanding police professionalization efforts;
    and solidify and sustain anti-crime gains through the delivery of
    specialized skills. Such support bolsters legitimate institutions in
    Lebanon and can help counter Hezbollah's malign influence.

        Question. What is your position on reports of Hezbollah financing
    itself with networks involved in the drug trade in Latin America?

        Answer. I am concerned about Hezbollah's purported role as a
    facilitator of the narcotics trade. Financial supporters, facilitators,
    and sympathizers of Hezbollah operate in the Western Hemisphere,
    raising funds in support of the organization through a variety of
    illicit activities, including narcotics trafficking and trade-based
    money laundering. As a part of INL's broader efforts to combat
    transnational crime, I understand INL will continue to prioritize anti-
    money laundering and counternarcotics programming globally.

        Question. What is your view on U.S. cooperation with law
    enforcement authorities in Ukraine?

        Answer. I understand the United States has worked closely with
    Ukraine's Ministry of Internal Affairs to advance sweeping law
    enforcement reforms since 2014, starting with the creation of the
    Patrol Police. The Ministry continues to be a constructive partner on
    law enforcement reform, to include providing support and development of
    the Patrol Police in the major cities and rolling out the newly
    established Territorial Community Police Officer initiative in rural
    communities throughout Ukraine. The foundation of both reform efforts
    incorporates the respect for human rights and adopts international best
    policing practices to ensure officers are trained to be accountable,
    service-oriented, and transparent. If confirmed, I look forward to
    continuing this cooperation on advancing meaningful law enforcement
    reform in Ukraine.

        Question. What actions will you take to work with the law
    enforcement agencies of our partners and allies to prevent the export
    of products produced with the forced labor of Uyghurs in China?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to working
    with partners and allies to address the People's Republic of China
    (PRC) Government's ongoing atrocities in Xinjiang and will consider and
    support the use of all appropriate tools to promote accountability for
    those involved, including import restrictions for goods made with
    forced labor. If confirmed, I will support Secretary Blinken's call on
    other governments to take ``concrete actions'' to ensure no companies
    or governments provide the PRC with products or services that
    facilitate repression in Xinjiang or purchase goods from Xinjiang made
    with forced labor. If confirmed, I will also strengthen our law
    enforcement partnerships and coordination with allies to ensure we are
    taking a multilateral approach to stopping the genocide and crimes
    against humanity in Xinjiang, including by working with the interagency
    in its efforts to identify and block the import to the United States of
    goods produced through forced labor.

        Question. Please elaborate with specificity on the issues you kept
    track of with respect to energy and mines during your tenure.

       For example, did you discuss litigation involving the U.S.-based
            Tahoe Resources' El Esocabal silver mine (Minera San Rafael),
            owned by Canadian-U.S. interests, with anyone, and if so, with
            whom? Please detail what was discussed.

       Did you discuss the nickel mine owned by the Russian concern CGN,
            located in Izabal, known variously as EXIMBAL?

        Answer. I had several discussions on this issue with various
    persons during my time in Guatemala. In fact, for the purposes of
    advocacy for U.S. business, Tahoe Resources was treated as an American
    company despite its ownership being largely Canadian. I believe we made
    this determination after consultation with the Department of Commerce.
    I know I had at least two (maybe more) meetings with representatives of
    Tahoe Resources in Guatemala and one in Washington, DC. I discussed the
    issue with Guatemalan congressional representatives. I discussed the
    issue with members of Guatemala's court system (both Supreme Court and
    Constitutional Court). I also discussed the issue with members of
    Guatemala's executive branch (both the President, the Vice President,
    and cabinet members). In addition, I discussed the issue with visiting
    U.S. congressional delegations.
        Among the issues discussed were:

     1. The possibility of clearing a path for the mine to open or reopen
            successfully;

     2. The value of the mine to the community around the mine and the
            value of the mine to Guatemala to show it was open for foreign
            direct investment;

     3. The obstacles to full functionality of the mine and the role of a
            consultative process between the mining company and the local
            community;

     4. The mining company's journey through Guatemala's judicial process.

        I do not recall that I ever discussed EXIMBAL. However, that is not
    to say it was not discussed by other U.S. officials at the embassy.
    These issues--San Rafael and/or EXIMBAL--would have been largely
    handled by the Economic Section and/or the Commercial office.

        Question. Did you ever meet with any legal representative of either
    Gazprombank or VTB Bank?

       If so, what dates and how many times?

       Did you discuss Russia's involvement in the mining sector with
            them, or litigation involving EXIMBAL or Minera San Rafael? If
            so, please provide details.

        Answer. I do not recall that I ever met with any representative of
    Gazprombank or VTB Bank.

        Question. How frequently did you meet with the attorney general of
    Guatemala?

       In your meetings and conversations, did you discuss Russia's
            involvement in the mining sector with the attorney general?

       Did you discuss litigation involving Minera San Rafael? If so,
            when?

        Answer. I met formally and informally with the attorney general of
    Guatemala on a fairly regular basis between 2014-2017. I do not believe
    the attorney general and I ever discussed Russia's involvement in the
    mining sector. I also do not believe we discussed litigation involving
    Minera San Rafael.

        Question. How frequently did you meet with members of Guatemala's
    Constitutional Court?

       In your meetings and conversations, did you discuss Russia's
            involvement in the mining sector with them?

       Did you discuss litigation involving Minera San Rafael?

        Answer. Over the course of my three years in Guatemala, I met with
    members of the Constitutional Court both formally and informally on a
    regular basis. Other embassy representatives did as well. Apart from
    the political upheaval that occurred during that time, we had technical
    programs with the supreme and constitutional courts involving case
    tracking systems and equipment to expand the ability of the courts to
    reach beyond the capital.
        I do not believe I discussed Russia's involvement in the mining
    sector with any court members. The Minera San Rafael issue was
    discussed as the case wound its way through the Supreme and
    Constitutional Courts.

        Question. Did you meet with any non-governmental organizations
    involved in court-ordered consultations with respect to the Minera San
    Rafael to discuss issues related to the mining sector?

        Answer. Since I met with several NGOs on numerous topics during my
    time as Ambassador over four years ago, I do not recall specific
    conversations with respect to the Minera San Rafael issue. If this
    issue was discussed, it would have been to understand Tahoe Resources'
    concerns to see if any agreement could be brokered between the two
    sides.

        Question. What past information did you have with regard to the
    role played by Gazprombank and VTB in Guatemala's mining sector dating
    back to your tenure as U.S. Ambassador to Guatemala or as Senior
    Advisor for Central America in the Bureau of Western Hemisphere
    Affairs?

        Answer. I do not recall that I had any prior knowledge of either
    Gazprombank or VTB in Guatemala's mining sector. It was not something I
    was tracking during my time in Guatemala or later in Washington.

        Question. Did you meet with any agents of either Gazprombank or VTB
    bank? If so, how many times? Was CICIG discussed?

        Answer. To the best of my recollection, I have never met with any
    representatives of either bank.

        Question. According to testimony from Bill Browder before the CSCE
    in 2018, VTB Bank--an entity sanctioned by the U.S. Department of
    Treasury--gained legal status as an ``interested party'' in a legal
    case against the Bitkov family. In 2015, a criminal case was opened
    against the Bitkovs at CICIG's direction. Immediately after, officers
    raided the Bitkov's home and detained the family.
        During your time as Ambassador to Guatemala, were you ever briefed
    on this issue? If so, when? If so, what was your takeaway when you were
    in this post?

        Answer. To the best of my recollection, I was never briefed on this
    issue. Any knowledge I had of this issue came from open sources. There
    were some local newspaper articles on the Bitkovs and I also remember a
    long in-depth article about their case in either the Atlantic Monthly,
    Vanity Fair, or the New Yorker magazine. To my knowledge, while I was
    in Guatemala (2014-17), the State Department was not tracking the
    Bitkov case beyond the fact that they had been swept up in a larger
    probe of corruption within the Guatemalan Government.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Hon. Todd D. Robinson by Senator Ted Cruz

        Question. In recent months the Mexican Government has shifted to a
    confrontational and in some senses even adversarial approach to the
    United States, including by undermining the Drug Enforcement Agency's
    (DEA) capability to operate in Mexico, publishing sensitive information
    that had been shared by the Department of Justice (DOJ), and
    maneuvering to ensure the freedom of former Defense Minister Salvador
    Cienfuegos Zepeda from drug charges. To what degree are you concerned
    about the status of the U.S.-Mexican relationship in these dimensions?

        Answer. U.S.-Mexico security cooperation remains a top national
    security priority. If confirmed, I look forward to comprehensive
    conversations with the Mexican Government to deepen our security
    cooperation and ensure it works for the benefit of the United States
    and Mexico. I look forward to working to strengthen collaboration
    through the cabinet-level security dialogue committed to during Vice
    President Harris' June 8 meeting with Mexican President Lopez Obrador.

        Question. What steps will you take to ensure that the Mexican
    Government understands their recent actions against the DEA are
    unacceptable and returns to a posture of cooperation?

        Answer. Law enforcement cooperation between the United States and
    Mexico is vital to countering the shared threat of transnational crime.
    If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Mexican Government to
    strengthen this cooperation, including through the cabinet-level
    security dialogue committed to during Vice President Harris's June 8
    meeting with Mexican President Lopez Obrador.

    Nicaragua
        Question. What role, if any, should INL play in regards to the
    situation in Nicaragua?

        Answer. I condemn the Ortega regime's repression of its own people
    and the clear erosion of democratic norms in Nicaragua. Civil society
    must be supported to promote accountability for human rights abuses and
    corruption. INL engages with relevant elements of civil society in
    Nicaragua--including independent media, human rights, and
    anticorruption organizations--to address narcotics and criminal
    threats, improve civic education, and strengthen the rule of law
    through discreet programs aimed at minimizing the risk to individuals
    from government persecution. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing
    these efforts.

    Bolivia
        Question. How do you plan to engage with the Government of Bolivia
    on drug production, trafficking, and interdiction?

        Answer. I am concerned about drug production and trafficking in
    Bolivia. Should the Arce administration be interested in partnering
    with the United States to combat narcotics trafficking and associated
    criminality, if confirmed, I welcome the opportunity to enhance
    coordination with Bolivia.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Brett M. Holmgren by Senator James E. Risch

    Directed Energy Attacks/Havana Syndrome
        Question. INR plays a role in supporting the U.S. Government's
    efforts to identify the perpetrator and means of the directed energy
    attacks against State Department personnel, as well as a key role in
    providing SFRC with up to date information on all USG investigations
    into these attacks.

       How is INR contributing to the investigation into these nefarious
            sonic attacks on our US diplomats?

        Answer. My understanding is that INR has provided intelligence
    support to the Department on the anomalous health incidents since
    January 2017, and is facilitating the passage of available information
    and material between relevant elements of the Intelligence Community
    and the Department. If confirmed, I am committed to getting up to speed
    quickly on this matter, and I will have no higher priority than
    supporting the Department and the IC in ensuring the safety of U.S.
    personnel, their family members, and U.S. citizens overseas.

        Question. Will you commit to keeping this committee fully informed
    as this investigation progresses?

        Answer. Yes. Secretary Blinken has committed to working with
    Congress on this matter. If confirmed, I will also commit to working
    closely with Congress on this issue and will keep this committee fully
    informed of the Bureau of Intelligence and Research's assessment of
    these incidents.

        Question. Will you commit to redoubling efforts to identify the
    culprit? And will you do a survey of the policy issues/regional focus
    the victims were working on?

        Answer. My understanding is that INR is coordinating with multiple
    agencies to identify the cause and culprit of these incidents, to
    include understanding where the various incidents occurred. If
    confirmed, I will make sure INR continues to leverage its deep
    expertise to assist the Department, the Intelligence Community, and the
    interagency in protecting all U.S. personnel overseas.

    State Department and Membership in the Intelligence Community
        Question. INR also plays an important role in supporting the
    intelligence needs of the Secretary of State, but it also plays a role
    in the intelligence community (IC). It is imperative that INR maintain
    its analytical independence from policymakers within the State
    Department while also best supporting those same policymakers.

       How do you propose to ensure that INR remains in-step with the
            intelligence community while maintaining an autonomous
            analytical State Department point of view?

        Answer. I believe that constant training and adherence to the
    Intelligence Community's analytic tradecraft standards, as well as a
    willingness of leadership to support analysts in speaking truth to
    power, are at the core of protecting the independence and integrity of
    INR analysts and Intelligence Community products. INR has a well-earned
    reputation for deep expertise and analytic independence while still
    supporting State Department policymakers. If confirmed, I commit to
    ensuring that INR maintains both its analytic objectivity and quality
    and timely support to policymakers.

        Question. Do you feel that detailees from other IC components would
    be beneficial for INR? Will you commit to increasing the number of
    detailees at INR from other IC components to better plug into IC
    capabilities and improve the connection of intelligence to policy?

        Answer. Having served as a detailee when I was in the Intelligence
    Community (IC), I believe strongly in the value of exposing IC analysts
    to other departments and agencies and believe that the receiving
    agencies receive an extraordinary benefit from bringing in outside
    expertise and perspectives. Such detail assignments can build bridges
    across the IC and provide useful points of view to both agencies. If
    confirmed, I am committed to reviewing the status of detailees to INR
    and will look for ways to strengthen joint duty assignments to benefit
    both INR and the broader IC.

        Question. If confirmed, will you make more resources available to
    ensure the Department employees have more access to the classified
    email systems used by other agencies to share and discuss intelligence
    relevant to policy makers?

        Answer. I understand that INR allows appropriately cleared
    Department personnel to access intelligence reporting and analysis
    directly through a classified system, which includes an e-mail
    capability. I believe that we can balance the need to protect sensitive
    information with the need for access for appropriately cleared
    Department personnel. If I become aware of sensitive intelligence that
    Departmental personnel need to see in order to do their jobs, I would
    advocate for and seek to facilitate that access, consistent with
    appropriate clearances and the need to protect sensitive sources and
    methods.

        Question. How do you propose to better distribute timely
    intelligence to regional bureaus? Is there more INR can do to improve
    communication between INR and the regional bureaus to improve
    collection guidance?

        Answer. I believe INR has a responsibility to help facilitate
    access to intelligence and analysis by regional bureaus for
    appropriately cleared personnel. Customer feedback (including from
    regional bureaus) into collection guidance is also key to improving
    intelligence support to policy. If confirmed, I will review INR's
    existing processes for providing intelligence to regional bureaus and
    for receiving collection requirements and will make improvements, if
    necessary.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Brett M. Holmgren by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to fully uncover
    the origin of SARS-CoV-2? Do you commit to make this a priority?

        Answer. It is vital that we understand the origins of SARS-CoV-2 in
    order to prevent or minimize the risk of another global pandemic in the
    future. On May 26, 2021, the President asked the Intelligence Community
    (IC) to redouble its efforts to collect and analyze information that
    could bring us closer to a definitive conclusion, and to report back to
    him in 90 days on the origins of SARS-CoV-2. If confirmed, I am
    committed to prioritizing INR's efforts to support the IC's work to
    understand the origins of SARS-CoV-2.

        Question. What actions do you believe are important to take to
    prevent the next pandemic?

        Answer. I believe the Intelligence Community, of which INR is a
    component, has an important warning function to play in evaluating all
    sources of information and providing assessments that could shed light
    on an emerging pandemic in the future. If confirmed, I commit to
    reviewing INR's analytic resources and expertise related to global
    health security and will ensure that INR provides accurate and timely
    intelligence to policymakers on such matters moving forward.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
               Submitted to Brett M. Holmgren by Senator Ted Cruz

    JCPOA Verification
        Question. Under a plan aimed at facilitating the Joint
    Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the International Atomic Energy
    Agency (IAEA) prematurely closed its file on the Possible Military
    Dimensions (PMDs) of Iran's nuclear program. The decision rendered
    permanently opaque the scope and nature of Iran's weapons program, and
    was broadly criticized for foreclosing the possibility of baselining
    that program--a critical prerequisite to robust monitoring and
    verification. According to Bloomberg, the Obama administration provided
    Congress with a classified annex saying that the deal could still be
    verified if Iran fully complied and didn't cheat.
        It has now been confirmed that under the deal, the IAEA failed to
    detect vast portions of Iran's nuclear weapons program. Between the
    implementation of the deal in January 2016 to May 2018, the IAEA was
    not aware that Iran was concealing a nuclear weapons archive. Nor was
    the IAEA aware that Iran was storing containers at an alleged nuclear
    warehouse reportedly called Turquzabad, where the IAEA later reportedly
    discovered traces of man-altered uranium. The agency subsequently
    visited three other undisclosed sites and found nuclear material at two
    of them. According to public reports, the IAEA has never inspected any
    facility run by SPND, a military organization employing nuclear weapon
    scientists, which until last year was run by the founder of Iran's
    nuclear weapons program

       Do you support reentering the deal, in light of these failures?

        Answer. I believe it is critically important that the Intelligence
    Community (IC) and the Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) focus
    on the range of threats posed by Iran--from its state sponsorship of
    terrorism and nuclear ambitions to its development of ballistic
    missiles. If confirmed in my role as the Assistant Secretary for
    Intelligence and Research, I will ensure that INR, which is a component
    of the IC, provides the Secretary of State and other policymakers with
    the best available intelligence and analysis on Iran to inform
    policymakers as they assess the best possible options to address Iran's
    nuclear ambitions.

        Question. In your assessment what additional measures would be
    required to close the loopholes that allowed these failures?

        Answer. If confirmed in my role as the Assistant Secretary for
    Intelligence and Research, I will ensure that the Bureau of
    Intelligence and Research (INR), which is a component of the
    Intelligence Community, provides the Secretary of State and other
    policymakers with the best available intelligence and analysis on Iran
    to inform policymakers as they assess the best possible options to
    address Iran's nuclear ambitions. I would also ensure that INR has the
    resources and expertise to address this threat.

    Iran/NPT
        Question. As traditionally understood, Article IV of the NPT
    entitles member states to the benefits of peaceful civil-nuclear
    technology to the extent that they are members in good standing with
    the NPT. In the last administration, Special Representative of the
    President for Nuclear Nonproliferation Jeffrey L. Eberhardt confirmed
    to the SFRC in writing that ``Iran's standing as a non-nuclear-weapon
    State Party to the NPT cannot be described as `good.' ''

       Do you consider Iran's past possession of the Nuclear Archive
            seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
            relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute
            non-compliance by Iran of its obligations under the Treaty on
            the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). If yes, please
            explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. nuclear activities and will ensure that INR provides the
    best available intelligence and analysis that describes the actions and
    intentions of Iran to help inform treaty compliance verification.

        Question. Do you consider Iran's past concealment of the Nuclear
    Archive seized by Israel, including the materials in the Archive
    relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute non-
    compliance by Iran of its obligations under the NPT. If yes, please
    explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the Bureau of Intelligence
    and Research (INR) prioritizes analysis focused on Iran's nuclear
    activities and will ensure that INR provides the best available
    intelligence and analysis that describes the actions and intentions of
    Iran to help inform treaty compliance verification.

        Question. Do you consider Iran a member in good standing of the
    NPT? If yes, please explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the Bureau of Intelligence
    and Research (INR) prioritizes analysis focused on Iran's nuclear
    activities and will ensure that INR provides the best available
    intelligence and analysis that describes the actions and intentions of
    Iran to help inform treaty compliance verification.

        Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from
    nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes, please
    explain why. If no, please explain why.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the Bureau of Intelligence
    and Research (INR) prioritizes analysis focused on Iran's nuclear
    activities and will ensure that INR provides the best available
    intelligence and analysis that describes the actions and intentions of
    Iran to help inform treaty compliance verification.

        Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from
    nuclear technology for any reason? If yes, please explain why. If no,
    please explain why.

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the Bureau of Intelligence
    and Research (INR) prioritizes analysis focused on Iran's nuclear
    activities and will ensure that INR provides the best available
    intelligence and analysis with respect to its use of nuclear
    technologies.

    Iran/UNSCR 2231 snapback
        Question. UNSCR 2231 ended a long-standing international arms
    embargo against Iran, described across the previous six resolutions
    terminated by paragraph 7(a) of the resolution. After an effort to
    extend that embargo, the Trump administration took two measures. First,
    it invoked the ``snapback mechanism'' described in paragraphs 10-15 of
    UNSCR 2231, reversing the termination of those resolutions. You and
    others have publicly suggested that the U.S. was not entitled to invoke
    that mechanism. Second, the Trump administration implemented EO 13949,
    ``Blocking Property of Certain Persons with Respect to Conventional
    Arms Activities of Iran,'' which authorizes sanctions for transfers to
    and from Iran of arms or related material or military equipment. As a
    result, the U.S. established a baseline deterrent against major arms
    sales to Iran. Multi-billion dollar arms agreements publicly described
    and anticipated by Russia, China, and Iran did not occur.
        However, in February 2021, the Biden administration rescinded that
    decision. In June, it was revealed that Iran had dispatched two
    warships believed to be carrying arms intended for transfer to Caracas.
    The Biden administration declared it would take ``appropriate
    measures'' to counter this ``threat.''

       What measures does the administration believe it has to counter the
            reported shipment of arms to Venezuela by Iranian warships?

        Answer. I have never publicly suggested that the United States was
    not entitled to invoke the ``snapback mechanism.'' If confirmed in my
    role as the Assistant Secretary for Intelligence and Research, I will
    ensure that the Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR), which is a
    component of the Intelligence Community, provides the Secretary of
    State and other policymakers with the best available intelligence and
    analysis on Iran to inform policymakers as they assess the best
    possible options to address Iran's nuclear ambitions. I would also
    ensure that INR has the resources and expertise to address this threat.
        According to press reports on June 17, 2021, the Iranian ships
    believed to be headed towards Venezuela recently changed course and are
    currently headed towards the coast of Africa.

        Question. Do you agree with the decision to rescind invoking the
    snapback mechanism?

        Answer. If confirmed in my role as the Assistant Secretary for
    Intelligence and Research, I will ensure that the Bureau of
    Intelligence and Research (INR), which is a component of the
    Intelligence Community, provides the Secretary of State and other
    policymakers with the best available intelligence and analysis on Iran
    to inform policymakers as they assess the best possible options to
    address Iran's nuclear ambitions. I would also ensure that INR has the
    resources and expertise to address this threat.

        Question. Do you believe that Russia would be in violation of any
    UNSCR if Russia sold advanced weapons to Iran? If so, which ones?

        Answer. I believe it is vitally important for the Intelligence
    Community and the Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) to focus on
    destabilizing activities and cooperation between Iran and Russia. If
    confirmed, I will ensure that INR prioritizes analysis focused on
    Iran's destabilizing activities and cooperation with Russia and will
    ensure that INR provides the best available intelligence and analysis
    that describes the actions and intentions of Iran and Russia to help
    inform treaty compliance verification.

        Question. Do you believe that Russia would be in violation of any
    UNSCR if Russia purchased advanced weapons from Iran? If so, which
    ones?

        Answer. I believe it is vitally important for the Intelligence
    Community and the Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) to focus on
    destabilizing activities and cooperation between Iran and Russia. If
    confirmed, I will ensure that INR prioritizes analysis focused on
    Iran's destabilizing activities and will ensure that INR provides the
    best available intelligence and analysis that describes the actions and
    intentions of Iran and Russia to help inform treaty compliance
    verification.

        Question. Do you believe that China would be in violation of any
    UNSCR if China sold advanced weapons to Iran? If so, which ones?

        Answer. I believe it is vitally important for the Intelligence
    Community and the Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) to focus on
    destabilizing activities and cooperation between Iran and China. If
    confirmed, I will ensure that INR prioritizes analysis focused on
    Iran's destabilizing activities and will ensure that INR provides the
    best available intelligence and analysis that describes the actions and
    intentions of Iran and China to help inform treaty compliance
    verification.

        Question. Do you believe that China would be in violation of any
    UNSCR if China purchased advanced weapons from Iran? If so, which ones?

        Answer. I believe it is vitally important for the Intelligence
    Community and the Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) to focus on
    destabilizing activities and cooperation between Iran and China. If
    confirmed, I will ensure that INR prioritizes analysis focused on
    Iran's destabilizing activities and will ensure that INR provides the
    best available intelligence and analysis that describes the actions and
    intentions of Iran and China to help inform treaty compliance
    verification.

        Question. Do you believe that Iran would be in violation of any
    UNSCR if Iran conducted any activity related to ballistic missiles
    designed to be capable of delivering nuclear weapons, including
    launches using such ballistic missile technology?

        Answer. I believe it is critically important for the Intelligence
    Community and the Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) to focus on
    Iran's ballistic missile program and nuclear ambitions. If confirmed, I
    will ensure that INR prioritizes analysis focused on Iran's ballistic
    missile program and nuclear ambitions and will ensure that INR provides
    the best available intelligence and analysis that describes the actions
    and intentions of Iran to help inform treaty compliance verification.

        Question. Do you believe that Iran would be in violation of any
    UNSCR if Iran conducted any activity related to ballistic missiles
    capable of delivering nuclear weapons, including launches using such
    ballistic missile technology?

        Answer. I believe it is critically important for the Intelligence
    Community and the Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) to focus on
    Iran's ballistic missile program and nuclear ambitions. If confirmed, I
    will ensure that INR prioritizes analysis focused on Iran's ballistic
    missile program and nuclear ambitions and will ensure that INR provides
    the best available intelligence and analysis that describes the actions
    and intentions of Iran to help inform treaty compliance verification.
    EO 14034
        Question. On June 11, the Biden Administration published in the
    Federal Register Executive Order 14034, which revoked Executive Order
    13942 of August 6, 2020 (Addressing the Threat Posed by TikTok, and
    Taking Additional Steps To Address the National Emergency With Respect
    to the Information and Communications Technology and Services Supply
    Chain), Executive Order 13943 of August 6, 2020 (Addressing the Threat
    Posed by WeChat, and Taking Additional Steps To Address the National
    Emergency With Respect to the Information and Communications Technology
    and Services Supply Chain), and Executive Order 13971 of January 5,
    2021 (Addressing the Threat Posed by Applications and Other Software
    Developed or Controlled by Chinese Companies). Those three EOs had
    restricted applications controlled by Chinese companies. According to
    EO 13971, ``[b]y accessing personal electronic devices such as
    smartphones, tablets, and computers, Chinese connected software
    applications can access and capture vast swaths of information from
    users, including sensitive personally identifiable information and
    private information. This data collection threatens to provide the
    Government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese
    Communist Party (CCP) with access to Americans' personal and
    proprietary information--which would permit China to track the
    locations of Federal employees and contractors, and build dossiers of
    personal information.''

       Please assess the potential intelligence risks associated with
            these applications including the risk to State Department
            personnel and their families overseas.

        Answer. Since I have not been in government for the last five
    years, I am not privy to any classified assessments or intelligence
    that has informed this administration's or the last administration's
    executive orders. However, I take seriously the threat posed by the use
    of Chinese-developed software, hardware, firmware or Chinese-operated
    communication networks, and I believe it is vitally important that U.S.
    departments and agencies conduct threat and risk assessments of any and
    all foreign-owned--especially Chinese--software, firmware and hardware
    to minimize the risk posed to U.S. government employees and their
    family members.
        If confirmed, I will ensure that INR provides the best available
    intelligence and analysis to help inform policy decisions about what
    steps to take the minimize the Chinese counterintelligence risk to
    State Department personnel and their families.

    State Department
        Question. The Obama administration was broadly criticized,
    especially in the context of its Middle East policy, for co-mingling
    unclassified documents with classified documents. This practice
    requires that documents be placed in a secure location, unnecessarily
    limiting access to unclassified documents and stifling public debate.
    The Biden administration already seems to be repeating such practices:
    according to an exchange during the State Department press briefing on
    February 11, a notification describing the lifting of terrorism
    sanctions on Iran-controlled terrorists in Yemen was unnecessarily
    transmitted to a Congressional SCIF.

       Can you commit to ensuring that unclassified information is not
            unnecessarily comingled with classified information in
            notifications provided by the State Department to Congress? If
            not, why not?

        Answer. I have a deep and sincere commitment to transparency and
    Congressional oversight of intelligence activities. If confirmed, I am
    committed to working to ensure that information provided to Congress
    is, to the fullest extent possible, in a format that facilitates its
    access by authorized personnel, while complying with Executive Order
    13526, the Department of State classification guide, and the executive
    branch rules on the handling and storage of classified information.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Daniel J. Kritenbrink by Senator Robert Menendez

    North Korea
        Question. If confirmed, how would you recommend that the Biden
    administration approach North Korea?

        Answer. Our goal remains the complete denuclearization of the
    Korean Peninsula. Our policy toward the DPRK will not focus on
    achieving a grand bargain, nor will it rely on strategic patience.
    Instead, the United States will take a calibrated, practical approach
    that is open to, and seeks to establish diplomacy with, the DPRK to
    make progress that increases the security of the United States, our
    allies, and our deployed forces. At the same time, the United States
    will continue to implement sanctions and work with our partners and
    allies to promote the full implementation of U.N. Security Council
    resolutions. The United States will continue to consult closely with
    the Republic of Korea, Japan, and other allies and partners at every
    step of the way. If confirmed, I will work to support the
    administration's approach as we work toward this goal.

        Question. What is the pathway to denuclearization and a stable,
    peaceful and prosperous Korean Peninsula?

        Answer. The United States will pursue diplomacy and dialogue, based
    on previous commitments such as those in the 2018 Panmunjom Declaration
    and Singapore Joint Statement, while continuing to implement U.S.
    sanctions and working with partners and allies to promote
    implementation of U.N. Security Council resolutions. This will be
    essential to achieve the complete denuclearization of and a permanent
    peace on the Korean Peninsula. The United States will take a
    calibrated, practical approach to make progress that increases the
    security of the United States, our allies and our deployed forces. The
    United States has and will continue to consult closely with the
    Republic of Korea, Japan, and other partners as we pursue complete
    denuclearization and a stable, peaceful and prosperous Korean
    Peninsula. If confirmed, I will work to support that objective and
    advance our diplomacy to that end.

        Question. What does success with North Korea look like?

        Answer. Our goal remains the complete denuclearization of the
    Korean Peninsula. The United States will take a calibrated, practical
    approach that is open to and seeks to establish diplomacy with the DPRK
    to make progress that increases the security of the United States, our
    allies and our deployed forces. This will be essential to achieve the
    complete denuclearization of and a permanent peace on the Korean
    Peninsula. If confirmed, I will work to achieve that goal.

    Burma
        Question. If confirmed, what are the first three steps that you
    would recommend to the Secretary to reset our policy towards Burma?

        Answer. If confirmed, first, I will continue to use all tools
    available to exert pressure on the junta and deny the regime
    international credibility. I will encourage the international community
    to do the same in order to restrict the junta's access to financial
    institutions and enhance scrutiny of any financial ties to or
    transactions with the military. I will further strengthen our robust
    engagement within the U.S. interagency to identify ways to exert
    pressure on the military regime, including financial pressure applied
    both bilaterally and multilaterally. Second, if confirmed, I would work
    to continue to support Burma's pro-democracy movement, including the
    ``National Unity Government'' (NUG), various ethnic and religious
    groups, and others working peacefully to restore Burma's democratic
    transition. The United States will continue to encourage our partners,
    allies, and other members of the international community to engage
    representatives of the pro-democracy movement, including in
    international organizations and major international events. Third, if
    confirmed, I will continue to promote human rights, justice, and
    protections for members of Burmese civil society and all people from
    Burma, and encourage other countries to adopt programs similar to the
    Temporary Protective Status (TPS) extended to people from Burma in the
    United States in March for 18 months. In sum, if confirmed, I will
    utilize every tool and opportunity available to the United States and
    the international community to expose the junta's horrific brutality,
    deny the junta credibility, promote accountability, and support the
    human rights and aspirations of the people of Burma, who yearn for
    democracy and do not want to live another day under military rule.

    South China Sea
        Question. I welcomed the Trump administration's clarification of
    our legal position on China's unlawful claims in the South China Sea.
    But, as you know, international law is not self-enforcing, and having
    now taken this position, it is critical that we make our legal position
    a reality, not just rhetoric.

       What does the Biden administration intend to do to implement this
            new approach? What consultations are you planning with partners
            and allies on how to forge a unified approach to the South
            China Sea?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has reaffirmed the July
    2020 policy statement on the U.S. position on maritime claims in the
    South China Sea and regularly consults with partners and allies to
    support international law in this crucial waterway. The United States
    has made clear that we stand with Southeast Asian claimant states in
    resisting Chinese intimidation. The administration is committed to
    using all of the tools at its disposal--diplomatic, military, economic,
    and informational--to uphold a free and open South China Sea. If
    confirmed, I would support U.S. efforts across each of these domains.
        Freedom of navigation and adherence to international law in the
    South China Sea are vital interests for the entire international
    community. As a result of U.S. diplomatic efforts with allies and
    partners in Asia and beyond, we have seen a greater willingness by
    countries to underscore the importance of making and pursuing maritime
    claims in accordance with international law. Ten nations, including the
    United States, have formally protested China's unlawful maritime claims
    through the United Nations. An increasing number of countries are also
    demonstrating their commitment to freedom of navigation through
    transits, presence operations, and working with Southeast Asian
    claimants to strengthen their maritime domain awareness and law
    enforcement capacity. If confirmed, I would support the many U.S.
    programs designed to build our partners' maritime capacity. Moreover,
    if confirmed, I would also support the activities of the U.S. military,
    including freedom of navigation operations and presence operations,
    designed to demonstrate that U.S. forces will fly, sail, and operate
    anywhere that international law allows.

    Hong Kong
        Question. How can the United States--working with our partners in
    the international community--be effective in exercising leverage to
    support the people of Hong Kong?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will stand united with our allies and
    partners in speaking out for human rights and fundamental freedoms,
    promoting accountability for the PRC's assault on Hong Kong's autonomy,
    and seeking to support people in Hong Kong. I will strengthen
    coordination with allies and partners on joint actions and messaging,
    recognizing that a multilateral approach will have the greatest effect
    in promoting accountability and stopping Beijing's erosion of Hong
    Kong's autonomy. Together with partners and allies, I will continue to
    demonstrate the depth of international concern about Hong Kong and the
    strength of international support for Hong Kongers.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Hon. Daniel J. Kritenbrink by Senator James E. Risch

    Indo-Pacific Strategy
        Question. What should our main goals be in the short-, medium-, and
    long-term be in the Indo-Pacific? What are the areas in which the State
    Department can strengthen its role in pursuing these goals?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to a free and
    open Indo-Pacific region. If confirmed, to achieve this, I will work to
    revitalize ties with our allies and partners; prevail in our strategic
    competition with China; reduce the threat posed by North Korea's
    nuclear and missile programs; support inclusive economic policies that
    benefit all Americans; promote democratic resilience and respect for
    human rights; and address global priorities, particularly combating
    COVID-19 and the climate crisis. Investing in our capabilities and
    working with allies and partners, including in regional organizations,
    will be critically important to prevailing in our strategic competition
    with China and in defending the international rules-based order, its
    foundational values, and international law. If confirmed, I pledge to
    work closely with Congress in advancing these priorities.

        Question. In terms of specific regional initiatives, what aspects
    of the Trump administration's Indo-Pacific strategy will be retained;
    what will be changed; and what will be discarded?

        Answer. The Trump administration recognized that the United States
    has deep and enduring interests in the Indo-Pacific. The Indo-Pacific
    region accounts for half the world's population and two-thirds of
    global economic growth, and it sits on the front lines of our strategic
    competition with China. To protect U.S. interests in this important
    region, if confirmed, I will deepen ties with our allies and partners,
    including regional organizations, and promote the values we share,
    including the rules-based international order and freedom of the seas
    and skies, prosperity, good governance, and human rights. I will work
    to prevail in our strategic competition with China while countering PRC
    attempts to erode the international rules-based order. The United
    States will remain focused on enhancing U.S. economic engagement in the
    region, including on infrastructure, clean energy, and the digital
    economy. If confirmed, I will also work together with partners to
    address shared challenges such as transnational crime, climate change,
    pandemic recovery, global health security, and the threat posed by the
    DPRK's nuclear program.

    Vaccines for the Indo-Pacific
        Question. Several Indo-Pacific countries, such as the Philippines--
    a U.S. treaty ally-have purchased U.S. vaccines directly from U.S.
    companies. Do you believe the United States should lift export controls
    on its vaccines so that these countries can secure the supplies they
    have purchased? Do you believe U.S. allies and partners should receive
    priority for delivery of vaccines purchased?

        Answer. The administration's top priority is saving lives and
    ending the pandemic. The COVID-19 pandemic is a global challenge that
    requires a global response, and we have not imposed any bans on the
    export of vaccines or vaccine inputs. If confirmed, I will work with
    the rest of the U.S. Government to facilitate access to vaccines to
    countries in need. We are working with partners to increase vaccine
    manufacturing and distribution, as well as to respond to country
    requests. Our principles for sharing U.S. vaccines include achieving
    broad global coverage and responding to surges and other urgent
    situations and public health needs, while being responsive to country
    requests. The administration considered public health criteria,
    including the potential impact of the donated doses in reducing the
    global burden, incidence, and severity of COVID-19 and limiting the
    emergence and spread of SARS-CoV-2 variants of concern. We also
    considered factors such as the effect on U.S. national and economic
    security and recipient countries' access to other sources of vaccines.

        Question. Which countries would you consider to be priority
    countries for U.S. vaccines in the Indo-Pacific? What is the country-
    by-country breakdown of the vaccine donations that the Biden
    administration has already announced in the Indo-Pacific, whether
    through COVAX or through bilateral donations?

        Answer. On June 3, the administration announced that the United
    States will share at least three-quarters of its first 25 million
    donated vaccine doses (approximately 19 million) through COVAX. Of
    these doses, approximately seven million will go to the Indo-Pacific:
    India, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Maldives,
    Malaysia, Philippines, Vietnam, Indonesia, Thailand, Laos, Papua New
    Guinea, Taiwan, and the Pacific Islands. Of the remaining 25 percent of
    the 25 million vaccine doses (approximately six million) to be shared
    directly, the Republic of Korea has received one million Johnson &
    Johnson doses. Our principles for sharing U.S. vaccines include
    achieving broad global coverage and responding to surges and other
    urgent situations and public health needs, while responding to country
    requests. We also considered factors such as the effect on U.S.
    national and economic security and recipient countries' access to other
    sources of vaccines. If confirmed, I commit to making combating the
    COVID-19 pandemic and strengthening global health security in the
    region a top priority.

        Question. With regard to U.S.-purchased vaccines: Your answer
    indicates that the United States has not imposed any sort of export
    restrictions with respect to U.S. manufactured COVID-19 vaccines. Does
    this mean the administration has no restrictions--including de facto
    restrictions--on U.S. companies delivering vaccines purchased via a
    commercial contract? Please explain.

        Answer. The United States has not imposed any bans on the export of
    vaccines or vaccine inputs. The United States is committed to using all
    available tools, including the Defense Production Act (DPA), to expand
    domestic vaccine manufacturing and ensure that all Americans can be
    vaccinated quickly, effectively, and equitably. But these actions are
    not export prohibitions, and manufacturers in the United States are
    free to export such products so long as they first fulfill the terms of
    their contracts with the U.S. Government. What we're all dealing with
    here is a global shortage of materials-that's a very different issue
    and separate from the DPA. Pfizer and Moderna are now exporting doses
    abroad and we have already lifted the DPA priority ratings for
    AstraZeneca, Novavax, and Sanofi.

        Question. With regard to U.S.-donated vaccines: The United States
    is also buying up vaccine stocks and donating them to other nations.
    Are our donations being prioritized over commercial orders? If so, how
    are we prioritizing those donations (including for countries seeking
    vaccines commercially and through COVAX simultaneously)?

        Answer. On the 500 million Pfizer doses, thanks to our work scaling
    up Pfizer's manufacturing, they will be able to deliver on these 500
    million doses without relying on the Defense Production Act. The world
    is embarking on an unprecedented vaccine production effort and there is
    more production demand than can be supplied at this time. At the same
    time, the United States Government orders make up a small part of the
    demand on supply, and the manufacturing companies are making the
    allocation decisions.
        Our work on a vaccine supply strategy is guided by a three-part
    approach. First, having successfully secured enough vaccine supply for
    Americans, we are donating surplus U.S. vaccine supply and encouraging
    other countries with surplus supplies to do the same. We will continue
    to donate additional vaccine doses across the coming months as supply
    becomes available--but we know that won't be sufficient. So, second, we
    are working with U.S. vaccine manufacturers to significantly increase
    vaccine supply for the rest of the world. And third, we are working
    with our partners, investment entities, pharmaceutical companies and
    other manufacturers to create the kind of global vaccine production and
    manufacturing capacity and capabilities that can not only help the
    world beat this pandemic, but also help prepare the world to respond to
    potential future threats.

        Question. Please provide a country-by-country breakdown of vaccine
    donations to the Indo-Pacific as stated in the question. Of all the
    donations announced, how many doses will each country receive (and
    when)?

        Answer. On June 4, 1.1 million doses of the J&J vaccine arrived in
    the Republic of Korea. On June 20, 2.5 million doses of the Moderna
    vaccine arrived in Taiwan. We are in active conversations with
    potential recipient countries about needs, absorptive capacity, and
    national vaccine plans, as well as logistics and legal considerations,
    and that will in part determine allocation and distribution plans. As
    we do so, we will work through logistics like coordinating with country
    health ministries and organizations like UNICEF and the World Health
    Organization, as appropriate. Our immediate goal is to get doses on the
    ground as quickly as possible--but again, this is a complex logistics
    operation. We will continue to work to keep you all updated as these
    doses land in country.
        On June 21, the Biden-Harris administration announced plans to
    allocate the remaining 55 million doses towards the commitment to
    donate 80 million doses by the end of June, including: Afghanistan,
    Bangladesh, Bhutan, Cambodia, India, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia,
    Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, Philippines, Sri Lanka,
    Taiwan, Thailand, Vietnam, and the Pacific Islands. We continue to work
    with the White House and the interagency to facilitate access to these
    doses.

    COVID Origins
        Question. Do you support a thorough investigation by the U.S.
    Government into the origins of COVID-19? Do you commit, if confirmed,
    that EAP will prioritize this issue and contribute to any State
    Department or interagency processes? Will you commit that EAP will not
    prevent the release of findings or outcomes of the investigation that
    could potentially strain our relationship with China?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration has made clear it supports
    a robust and transparent investigation into the origins of the COVID-19
    pandemic. The administration has called for a second phase of the World
    Health Organization's investigation into COVID-19 that must take place
    in China and have full access to all information on the origins of the
    virus. An impartial public health investigation into the origins and
    early spread of any novel outbreak is vital to protecting against
    future health security threats. It is imperative to have transparency
    on the early events of the pandemic and determine how COVID-19 spread
    so future emergence events with pandemic potential can be averted. The
    Biden-Harris administration has committed to continuing to review all
    available information about the origins of COVID-19, and President
    Biden has requested the U.S. intelligence community redouble their
    efforts to collect and analyze information relevant to the origins of
    the virus, report back on their analysis and their recommendations for
    areas of further inquiry that may be required, including specific
    questions for the PRC. If confirmed, I commit to ensuring EAP continues
    supporting these efforts to identify the origins of the pandemic and
    will share relevant information with Congress as appropriate.

    Biosecurity Issues
        Question. Do you believe that the U.S. Department of State has a
    role to play in determining whether the United States conducts, funds,
    or engages in research and development or other cooperation on gain-of-
    function research or other potentially high-risk research related to
    pathogens, viruses, or toxins? From your perspective, what role should
    EAP play in cases where these concerns relate to Indo-Pacific countries
    within EAP's purview?

        Answer. The Department of State participates in the interagency
    processes, led by the National Security Council and the White House
    Office of Science and Technology Policy, that address oversight
    policies for research that might pose particular concerns. These
    policies require careful consideration of risks and benefits, and where
    appropriate, measures to mitigate risks. Subject to these policies,
    decisions about the funding of specific research proposals are made by
    the responsible funding agency. If confirmed, I will work with other
    State Department bureaus and the interagency to make sure that EAP
    provides any necessary information in a timely manner to make informed
    decisions in the best interest of the United States.

        Question. Should the United States conduct, fund, or engage in
    research and development or other cooperation on gain-of-function
    research or other potentially risky research related to pathogens,
    viruses, or toxins with countries where we have concerns about any or
    all of the following: (1) biosecurity standards, (2) violations of the
    International Health Regulations, (3) intellectual property theft of
    vaccines or health-related technology, or (4) compliance with the
    Biological Weapons Convention?

        Answer. Factors that bear on the risk of accident, misuse, or
    misappropriation should be taken fully into consideration in
    considering whether to conduct, fund, or engage in such research.
    Federal funding and oversight policies help guide these decisions for
    research that might pose particular concerns. These policies require
    careful consideration of risks and benefits, and where appropriate,
    measures to mitigate risks. If confirmed, I will work with other State
    Department bureaus and the interagency to make sure that EAP provides
    any necessary information in a timely manner to make informed decisions
    in the best interest of the United States.

        Question. What is the benefit to the United States and to global
    health more broadly of providing to China innovative intellectual
    property related to vaccines?

        Answer. Incentives for innovation, including the protection of
    intellectual property (IP), are crucial to support innovative new
    treatments against COVID-19 and other devastating diseases. The United
    States supports voluntary licensing agreements on mutually agreed terms
    and opposes forced technology transfer. The administration believes
    strongly in IP protections and the importance of safeguarding U.S.
    innovation from illicit acquisition. The decision to support a waiver
    of IP protections for COVID-19 vaccines reflects the extraordinary
    circumstances of this pandemic. We are committed to working with other
    WTO members and will be clear-eyed about potential risks as we enter
    text-based negotiations. These negotiations will take time given the
    consensus-based nature of the WTO and the complexity of the issues
    involved. If confirmed, I will make it a priority to support efforts to
    combat the COVID-19 pandemic and strengthen global health security in
    the region.

    Defense Issues
        Question. Do you believe that extended deterrence is foundational
    to U.S. strategy in the Indo-Pacific region? Will you commit that you
    will advocate against policies, whether declaratory policy or
    otherwise, that erode or dilute U.S. extended deterrence commitments?

        Answer. Yes. Extended deterrence is foundational to U.S. strategy
    in the Indo-Pacific region. If confirmed, I commit to advance policies
    that strengthen our extended deterrence commitments to our allies and
    partners.

        Question. In your experience, how would U.S. treaty allies react to
    major change in U.S. declaratory policy with respect to nuclear
    weapons, such as the declaration of a sole purpose doctrine? What
    impact would declaration of a sole-purpose doctrine have on U.S.
    extended deterrence commitments in the region, and therefore overall
    stability and security in the region?

        Answer. The United States is committed to maintaining a strong,
    credible deterrent to defend the United States and our allies, while
    also taking steps to reduce the role of nuclear weapons. Extended
    deterrence in the Indo-Pacific region plays a critical role in
    advancing U.S. national security interests, including providing
    assurance to allies and promoting nonproliferation. If confirmed, I
    commit to advance policies that strengthen our extended deterrence
    commitments to our allies and partners. If confirmed, I will also
    consult closely with our allies and with Congress as we review the
    vital role the U.S. nuclear arsenal plays in extended deterrence.

        Question. Will you prioritize the issue of overseas basing by the
    People's Liberation Army, as raised by Deputy Secretary Sherman on her
    recent trip to Cambodia?

        Answer. I have serious concerns about the PRC's military presence
    and construction of facilities at Ream Naval Base on the Gulf of
    Thailand. During her recent trip to Cambodia, Deputy Secretary Sherman
    sought clarifications on the demolition of two U.S.-funded buildings at
    Ream without notification or explanation and observed that a PRC
    military base in Cambodia would undermine its sovereignty, threaten
    regional security, and negatively impact U.S.-Cambodia relations.
    Maintaining an independent and balanced foreign policy is in the best
    interests of the Cambodian people. If confirmed, I will make this a
    priority issue.

        Question. Is the status of the Philippines and Thailand as States
    Parties to the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons consistent
    with their treaty alliances with the United States?

        Answer. U.S. alliances with the Philippines and Thailand are forged
    in common experiences and shared values, and they serve as an anchor
    for peace and security across the Indo-Pacific region. The United
    States remains fully committed to these deep and abiding alliances. If
    confirmed, I will consistently convey current U.S. policy to oppose the
    Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, which does nothing to
    address pressing proliferation and security challenges.

        Question. How can the United States expedite providing advanced and
    critical capabilities to Indo-Pacific treaty allies and other key
    partners? Do you commit to prioritizing expediting such capabilities to
    regional allies and partners?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working closely with the Bureau
    of Political-Military Affairs and Congress to ensure Indo-Pacific
    treaty allies and key partners are receiving the advanced and critical
    defense and security capabilities necessary for their national security
    and to advance the U.S. national interest in peace and stability of the
    region.
        Each year, the United States provides hundreds of millions of
    dollars in security assistance and cooperation to critical allies and
    partners to advance our foreign and national security goals for the
    region. This assistance provides training, equipment, and assets to
    security partners across the Indo-Pacific region.
        The United States arms export regime ensures close allies and
    partners have access to advanced capabilities, provided they have a
    track record of protecting the technology, respecting human rights, and
    using the equipment for its intended purpose. The State Department
    Bureau of Political-Military Affairs continually reviews exports
    available for important Indo-Pacific allies.

    Economic Engagement
        Question. What role can the State Department play in expanding U.S.
    economic engagement in Southeast Asia? What are the current obstacles
    to U.S. commercial activity in that part of the region?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with partners and allies to
    address Southeast Asia's most pressing economic needs: access to
    expertise and capital to help build the infrastructure, energy, and
    digital foundation to allow these countries to grow their economies.
    Through major economic initiatives like the Infrastructure Transaction
    and Assistance Network, Asia Enhancing Development and Growth through
    Energy, and the Digital Connectivity and Cybersecurity Partnership, the
    State Department and our interagency partners are providing technical
    assistance, commercial advocacy, and financing for projects. We will
    also continue to engage through APEC, ASEAN's economic track, and
    further deepen our commercial engagement through events like the annual
    Indo-Pacific Business Forum to underscore the U.S. commitment to the
    region's economic growth. If confirmed, I will also ensure that our
    diplomats in the region fight for every job and the interests of
    American workers by insisting on market access and fair treatment,
    stopping intellectual property theft and currency manipulation, and
    combating corruption.

        Question. Do you commit to robust support of the Infrastructure
    Transaction and Assistance Network? Will you prioritize coordination
    and cooperation with the interagency on deployment of U.S. Government
    tools to support infrastructure abroad?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to prioritizing coordination
    and cooperation with the interagency to promote quality infrastructure
    development in the Indo-Pacific region. The Infrastructure Transaction
    and Assistance Network plays a key role in providing the technical
    assistance, advocacy, and financing tools necessary for the region's
    growth. I commit to continuing the program's efforts to promote
    transparent, private-sector infrastructure investments in the region.

    Energy Policy
        Question. The Biden administration has taken multiple steps to
    prevent the United States from engaging with other countries on coal,
    oil, and natural gas. This includes disallowing the U.S. International
    Development Finance Corporation from financing fossil fuel development
    projects. In the Indo-Pacific, nations like Vietnam and Indonesia are
    still heavily reliant on coal and gas and are not in an economic
    position to switch to other alternative fuels quickly. In the absence
    of U.S. engagement or engagement from other partners like Japan, what
    alternatives will Southeast Asian countries have in satisfying growing
    energy demands? Is it in the U.S. interest, for example, for these
    countries to become reliant on coal from China, which is building and
    financing coal plants all over the world?

        Answer. The Indo-Pacific presents concurrent challenges of rapidly
    growing energy demand coupled with reliance on unsustainable fossil
    fuels, aging infrastructure, and outdated market mechanisms to deliver
    energy requirements. U.S. engagement to address these challenges, while
    simultaneously reducing greenhouse gas emissions, will focus on
    bolstering partners' energy security, supporting sustainable
    development goals, and implementing decarbonization strategies.
        If confirmed, I will work with other State Department bureaus as
    well as with the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation--
    and through the Asia Enhancing Development and Growth through Energy
    (EDGE) program and the Infrastructure Transaction and Assistance
    Network (ITAN)--to support countries' improved energy efficiency, the
    deployment of renewable energy infrastructure and technologies, and
    financing for projects in the Indo-Pacific region.

    Counter PRC Malign Influence Fund
        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to conduct oversight of how
    funds are appropriated to the Countering PRC Malign Influence Fund
    (originally called the Countering Chinese Influence Fund) and how they
    are used by the Department? Do you commit that these funds will only be
    directed to projects and initiatives that have a direct nexus to malign
    influence from China? Do you commit that you will take steps to ensure
    this fund will not be pulled from to support efforts unrelated or
    tangentially related to China that the Department wants to fund for
    advancing other priorities?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the Deputy
    Secretary and other senior leaders in the Department and at USAID to
    engage in a full review of the CCIF to ensure the funds are used
    strategically in a manner that advances U.S. economic, diplomatic,
    military, and technological leadership in our strategic competition
    with China and in support of a stable and open international system.
    The PRC's use of coercive and corrupting tools of influence to
    undermine and interfere in countries are a major concern for the United
    States and our partners around the world. I support the CCIF's overall
    goals and objectives, including efforts to increase transparency and
    accountability associated with the Belt and Road Initiative.

    International Organizations and Human Rights
        Question. If confirmed, how will you work to ensure that the
    Government of Thailand respects freedom of expression and internet
    freedom?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to prioritize human rights in
    our relationship with Thailand, including on freedom of expression and
    Internet freedom. I believe that free and open access to, and the free
    exchange of, information and ideas, including through the Internet, is
    fundamental to democracy and important to all people. I will urge the
    Royal Thai Government to respect the rights of those who exercise their
    freedom of expression and to protect human rights across the board,
    consistent with Thailand's international obligations and commitments.

    China Human Rights
        Question. If confirmed, how will you work to pressure the
    Government of China to respect the rights of minority groups, in
    particular the Uyghurs, Turkic Muslims, Tibetans?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to putting
    democratic values at the center of our foreign policy and to standing
    up for democracy, human rights, and human dignity. If confirmed, I will
    work with partner and allies to address our shared concerns regarding
    the human rights situation in the People's Republic of China, and will
    consider all appropriate tools to promote accountability for those
    responsible for abuses.

    Hong Kong
        Question. As the Chinese Communist Party has increased its
    repression of the people of Hong Kong, how will you work to promote
    freedom of speech and expression?

        Answer. The State Department will consider all available tools to
    promote freedom of speech and expression, including public diplomacy
    and statements, joint messaging with like-minded partners, the
    imposition of sanctions and visa restrictions, and the use of the Hong
    Kong Policy Act to underscore that Hong Kong is no longer autonomous.
    If confirmed, I will proactively support these efforts.

    Trafficking in Persons
        Question. In last year's State Department Trafficking in Persons
    Report, Singapore was ranked as a Tier 1 country after spending 10
    years on Tier 2. Singapore has made significant strides in
    identification and protection of victims, partnering with NGOs and
    foreign governments to develop trainings for police and civil society,
    as well as building trafficking shelters.
        In last year's State Department Trafficking in Persons Report,
    Singapore was ranked as a Tier 1 country after spending 10 years on
    Tier 2. Singapore has made significant strides in identification and
    protection of victims, partnering with NGOs and foreign governments to
    develop trainings for police and civil society, as well as building
    trafficking shelters.

       If confirmed, what steps will you take to work with Singapore and
            like-minded stakeholders to capitalize on this success?

        Answer. Singapore has taken steps to curb human trafficking,
    including through adoption of the 2014 Prevention of Human Trafficking
    Act, which criminalizes all forms of human trafficking. The State
    Department works closely with the Singapore Interagency Task Force on
    Trafficking in Persons and Singaporean civil society to address this
    challenge. If confirmed, I pledge to continue working closely with
    Singapore on anti-trafficking efforts.

        Question. How can we use Singapore as a model for the region to
    support victims and eventually eradicate human trafficking?

        Answer. The State Department believes Singapore's efforts can offer
    a positive example in combating trafficking in persons for other
    countries in the region. After spending ten years as a Tier 2 country,
    Singapore ranked Tier 1 in the 2020 Trafficking in Persons Report for
    the first time since 2006. Singapore has demonstrated serious efforts
    in prosecuting labor trafficking, as well as with the identification
    and protection of victims. Singapore has also partnered with foreign
    governments to offer victim identification trainings for its officials.
    The Government is also taking steps to prevent trafficking within its
    large migrant worker population by introducing new measures to decrease
    the risk of indebtedness for foreign workers. If confirmed, I will make
    combating trafficking in persons a priority, and will look for ways to
    use the Singapore experience as an example for other countries to study
    in making progress on these issues.

    Human Rights Regionally
        Question. The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated an already
    precarious human rights situation across Southeast Asia. Authoritarian
    governments have used COVID-19 restrictions as a facade to further
    squash dissent, protestors, online expression and discussion, as well
    as other practices of human rights. If confirmed, what are you
    priorities for protection of human rights regionally?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work across the interagency to promote
    human rights in the region and hold accountable perpetrators of
    violations and abuse. At the center of our whole-of-government efforts
    for a free and open Indo-Pacific is building the capacity of our
    partners to promote civil society, rule of law, transparency, and good
    governance across the region. I will prioritize addressing systemic
    challenges that enable malign influence, including the atrocities
    against Uyghurs and other minority groups in Xinjiang, as well as
    repression in Tibet; a further crackdown on freedom online; attacks
    against Burmese protesters; the assault on freedoms in Hong Kong; and
    the targeting of activists and journalists in places like Cambodia and
    Malaysia.

        Question. How will you work with other stakeholders at the
    department, interagency, and on the ground regionally to combat the
    growing encroachment on human rights by authoritarian governments?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with our partners within the
    State Department, including the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and
    Labor, as well as interagency partners such as USAID, Treasury, and
    DoJ, to promote anti-corruption and fiscal transparency, democracy
    assistance, youth and emerging leader development, media and internet
    freedom, and to protect fundamental freedoms and human rights for all
    in the region. I will also work with likeminded governments, civil
    society, and private sector partners to support and empower human
    rights defenders and civil society organizations.

    Burma
        Question. It has been roughly four and a half months since the
    violent military coup in Burma, endangering thousands and threatening
    ending democracy in country. Since the coup, we have seen thousands of
    arbitrary arrests, detentions, and a severe crackdown on human rights.
    If confirmed, how will you engage with the relevant stakeholders to
    support human rights defenders in country and work to return Burma to a
    civilian-led rule?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will utilize every tool and opportunity to
    expose the junta's horrific brutality, promote accountability, and
    support the aspirations of the people of Burma, including ethnic and
    religious communities, who yearn for democracy and do not want to live
    another day under military rule. The United States will continue to
    support Burma's pro-democracy movement, including the ``National Unity
    Government'' (NUG), various ethnic and religious communities, and
    others working peacefully to restore Burma's democratic transition. In
    addition, the United States will continue to encourage our partners,
    allies, and other members of the international community to engage
    representatives of the pro-democracy movement, including in
    international organizations and major international events.
        The United States has also engaged the pro-democracy movement,
    including the NUG, at high levels, and has encouraged other countries
    to do so as well, which has served to further empower and support human
    rights defenders in the country. If confirmed, I will make it a top
    priority to support the Burmese people and work to return Burma to the
    democratic path chosen by its people.

        Question. The plight of the Rohingya must also not be forgotten. I
    am deeply concerned about the potential forced return of Rohingya
    refugees from Bangladesh to Burma, which constitutes a violation of
    international law. What steps will you take alongside the bureaus of
    Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM) and Democracy, Human Rights,
    and Labor (DRL), and alongside our international partners to support
    the already robust United States Government (USG) response to the
    Rohingya refugee crisis?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to promote justice and
    accountability for the atrocities and other abuses the military has
    committed against the people of Burma, and humanitarian assistance for
    all vulnerable communities in and from Burma, including Rohingya. The
    United States will continue providing this life-saving humanitarian
    assistance, including through ongoing coordination with international
    partners.
        In addition to urging the military to restore the democratically
    elected government, release all those unjustly detained, and end
    violence, I will ensure achieving justice and accountability for
    atrocities against Rohingya remains pivotal to our policy. The United
    States continues to support the voluntary, safe, dignified, and
    sustainable return of Rohingya refugees and internally displaced
    persons, when conditions allow.
        During his confirmation hearing, Secretary Blinken promised a
    comprehensive review of military atrocities against Rohingya. If
    confirmed, I intend to support that process and secure international
    support for any determination made by the Secretary.

    Vietnam
        Question. The Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) bore witness or
    committed significant human rights abuses during the reporting period
    for the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report, including torture,
    arbitrary killings, serious restrictions on free expression, the press,
    and the internet, significant corruption, trafficking in persons, as
    well as substantial interference with the freedom of assembly and
    association. If confirmed, please describe your action plan for
    engaging with the CPV regarding the improvement of human rights in
    country.

        Answer. I am concerned about the human rights situation in Vietnam,
    and if confirmed, I would be committed to pushing for improvements.
    Despite progress in some areas, including labor rights, the trend of
    escalating harassment, unjust arrests and convictions, and increasingly
    harsh prison sentences of journalists and activists for peacefully
    exercising their right to express their opinions is deeply troubling.
    Vietnam is an extremely important partner in the Indo-Pacific region,
    but that partnership will reach its fullest potential only when the
    Vietnamese Government improves its human rights record.
        If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Vietnam to improve
    its implementation of its human rights obligations and commitments. I
    will urge the Government of Vietnam to encourage law enforcement and
    the judicial system to effectively and fairly enforce existing
    constitutional guarantees and laws protecting human rights, including
    freedom of religion or belief. I will continue to raise our concerns
    with the Government of Vietnam, including during the annual U.S.-
    Vietnam Human Rights Dialogue, and call on Vietnam to respect and
    protect human rights and fundamental freedoms, consistent with its
    international obligations and commitments.

    Repatriation of Foreign Terrorist Fighters
        Question. There are around 10,000 ISIS fighters housed at various
    detention facilities around the world. This includes at least 2,000
    Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTF) that U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM)
    characterizes as ``hardcore foreign terrorist fighters.'' Many of these
    FTFs are housed at Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps, like al
    Hol in northeastern Syria. The al-Hol IDP camp has become fertile
    ground for ISIS recruitment of vulnerable populations, posing a serious
    risk to global security. Despite this risk, countries with foreign
    terrorist fighters have failed to make any progress to date towards
    repatriating their nationals.

       Can you commit to working with countries in the East Asia Pacific
            region to help mitigate the threat posed by FTFs including
            through increased support to humanitarian agencies providing
            assistance to vulnerable IDP populations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with countries in the
    East Asia Pacific region to help mitigate the threat posed by FTFs,
    including through encouraging increased support to humanitarian
    agencies providing assistance to vulnerable IDP populations. I will
    also urge partners to provide additional support to vulnerable IDP
    populations within Syria. The U.S. Government strongly believes that
    repatriations--followed by appropriate prosecution of the FTFs in
    domestic courts of law--is the best way to keep these fighters off the
    battlefield and hold them accountable for their crimes. The United
    States regularly engages in diplomatic discussions with our local
    partners (including the Syrian Democratic Forces) and foreign allies on
    this dire issue. We have and will continue to work through ASEAN fora
    to address FTF issues and capacity building for the ASEAN Humanitarian
    Centre for disaster management.

        Question. How do you plan to engage with EAP countries to advance
    repatriation efforts of their nationals, which remains a critical to
    ensure the enduring defeat of ISIS?

        Answer. The U.N. has expressed serious concern at the deteriorating
    security and humanitarian situation at al-Hol and Roj camps in
    northeast Syria, and is urging all member states to repatriate their
    citizens without delay. If confirmed, I will urge partner nations to
    repatriate their citizens without delay. We continue to strongly
    encourage countries to take back their citizens from Syria and Iraq.
    The United States believes that repatriations, followed by a.)
    prosecution of FTFs would be the best way to keep fighters off the
    battlefield and address security threats; and b.) rehabilitation and
    reintegration of associated family members are the best ways to end the
    humanitarian crisis in al-Hol and Roj IDP camps.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Hon. Daniel J. Kritenbrink by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. In your engagements with Beijing, will you require
    meaningful progress as a precondition for further rounds of dialogue?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support the administration's approach
    to work with China when it is in our national interest to do,
    conducting practical, results-oriented diplomacy that will require
    meaningful progress from Beijing.

        Question. Do you commit to raise issues that Beijing deems
    ``sensitive''--such as human rights, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Tibet, and the
    Uyghurs--regardless of whether doing so may affect the CCP's
    willingness to engage in further dialogue?

        Answer. Yes. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to
    putting democratic values at the center of our foreign policy and to
    standing up for democracy, human rights, and human dignity. If
    confirmed, I will always be willing to speak out on behalf of our
    values.

        Question. As you know, the CCP has failed to uphold many of its
    agreements with the United States. Xi Jinping told President Obama that
    Beijing would not use its intelligence services to steal intellectual
    property for commercial gain. Xi made the same promise to President
    Trump in 2017 and 2018, but this theft has not stopped. Xi promised
    President Obama that China would not militarize the South China Sea.
    And in Hong Kong, Beijing has violated its commitments under the Sino-
    British Joint Declaration and the Basic Law.

       Can you name a single bilateral agreement between the United States
            and the PRC that Beijing has honored in full and without later
            reneging?

        Answer. China's failure to uphold past international commitments is
    a significant factor in how we will develop our approach to China. If
    confirmed, I will support the administration's approach of remaining
    clear-eyed and keeping these past shortcomings in mind as we deal with
    Beijing.

        Question. Do you believe that the CCP can be trusted to uphold any
    of its commitments, including those pertaining to climate change?

        Answer. I believe the United States must judge Beijing by its
    actions, not its words, and work with allies and partners to impose
    costs on China when it violates international norms and agreements. We
    know that addressing the climate crisis will require significant
    additional action by China. As such, we will continue to press Beijing
    to raise its climate ambition significantly during this critical
    decade. At the end of the day, we will consider what Beijing actually
    does--not what it says it will or won't do--to determine whether the
    PRC is serious about climate action.

        Question. How will you ensure that Beijing fulfills its climate
    change commitments given its record of broken promises?

        Answer. We know the climate crisis will not get addressed
    successfully without significant additional action by China. The Paris
    Agreement sets forth a robust transparency framework, under which
    Parties, including China, will need to report and be reviewed with
    respect to their greenhouse gas emissions and the extent to which they
    implement and achieve their respective nationally determined
    contributions. The United States will continue to press Beijing to
    raise its climate ambition significantly, including to update and
    implement existing Paris Agreement targets as ambitiously as possible.
    If confirmed, I would consider what Beijing actually does--not what it
    says it will or won't do--to determine whether the PRC is serious about
    climate action.

        Question. Do you believe that the Chinese Communist Party's united
    front and intelligence activities inside the borders of the United
    States, and those of our allies and partners, challenge the integrity
    of our policymaking? Why and how should we address this problem?

        Answer. It is important that we bring greater transparency to bear
    on PRC influence activities in the United States and abroad. China's
    use of information operations and other coercive and corrupting efforts
    to undermine and interfere in democracies poses a threat to the United
    States and our allies and partners. If confirmed, I will push back on
    Beijing's attempts to write the rules of the information age by working
    with allies and likeminded partners to support an affirmative,
    democratic vision for the global information space, while building
    resilience against these threats and exposing China's influence
    activity. I would also work to educate important U.S. constituencies,
    including state and local governments, on these threats.

        Question. If confirmed, will you maintain the requirements that PRC
    diplomats report certain categories of meetings to the U.S. Government,
    including meetings with educational institutions and Chinese community
    groups?

        Answer. It is important that there is transparency in China's
    influence activities in the United States. If confirmed, I commit to
    review this policy carefully.

        Question. If confirmed, will you maintain the prior
    administration's designation of multiple Chinese media outlets as
    foreign missions, as well as its visa restrictions on PRC reporters
    (who frequently act as intelligence gatherers as much as reporters)?
    Are you prepared to explain and defend the difference between these PRC
    media outlets and a genuine free press?

        Answer. It is important that there is transparency in China's
    influence activities in the United States. If confirmed, I will always
    be prepared to explain and defend the difference between China's state-
    run media outlets and a genuine free press.

        Question. If confirmed, will you maintain the prior
    administration's policy of denying visas to certain classes of PRC-
    national researchers, including those who have concealed their
    affiliation with the People's Liberation Army?

        Answer. National security is the State Department's top priority
    when adjudicating visa applications. It is a critical U.S. interest to
    make sure that we protect the technology and intellectual property that
    is produced in this country and that, if used to advance the PRC's
    military modernization, could undermine our security. We must likewise
    guard against efforts by visa applicants to unlawfully conceal
    information in the course of the visa application process and, where
    appropriate, take legal action. If confirmed, I will review the tools
    available to address these challenges, including visa policy.

    Chinese Influence Operations
        Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to support Australia, and
    other victims of PRC economic coercion and United Front activities, to
    build resistance to the CCP's political influence inside their
    countries?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would not leave Australia and other allies
    and partners alone in the face of PRC economic coercion and United
    Front activities. We will face down these threats from a position of
    collective strength. I will work with the Global Engagement Center
    (GEC) to counter PRC propaganda and disinformation, including through
    programs that identify and expose the PRC's malign influence tactics
    and techniques and puncture Beijing's false narratives. I will also
    support continued coordination and cooperation through the counter
    disinformation working group with Australia, announced at Australia-
    United States Ministerial Consultations (AUSMIN) last year. U.S. and
    other foreign firms have also faced economic coercion such as boycotts
    and other pressure tactics for challenging PRC preferred narratives. If
    confirmed, I will work to align our actions with those of democratic
    and like-minded partners to counter these threats and to advance
    bilateral and multilateral efforts that build resilience abroad to PRC
    covert, coercive, and corrupt activities. Efforts to diversify supply
    chains, support increased trade between like-minded partners, and
    encourage best practices to screen potentially threatening investments
    will help to build resilience and reduce the impact of PRC coercion.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that human rights
    concerns are integrated into every senior bilateral engagement, and
    that specific prisoner cases are raised at the highest levels, both
    publicly and privately?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to putting
    democratic values at the center of our foreign policy and to standing
    up for democracy, human rights, and human dignity. If confirmed, I will
    work to ensure that human rights issues are integrated into bilateral
    engagements with the People's Republic of China at all levels. This
    requires not only general statements but also raising specific cases,
    both publicly and privately, as appropriate.

        Question. Do you see the link between China's pervasive, egregious
    human rights abuses, and its failure on so many other fronts to be a
    responsible global actor?

        Answer. I am alarmed by human rights violations and abuses in China
    and call on PRC authorities to respect the human rights and fundamental
    freedoms to which their citizens are entitled, consistent with China's
    international obligations and commitments. If confirmed, I will work to
    continue holding accountable PRC authorities responsible for abuse,
    while also countering PRC attempts to erode the international rules-
    based order.

        Question. What are the appropriate tools for holding the PRC and
    its officials accountable for its atrocities against Uyghurs and other
    Muslims in Xinjiang? If confirmed, do you commit to using such tools in
    a timely fashion?

        Answer. The People's Republic of China (PRC) is committing crimes
    against humanity and genocide in Xinjiang against Uyghurs, who are
    predominantly Muslim, and members of other ethnic and religious
    minority groups. If confirmed, I will consider all appropriate tools to
    promote accountability for those responsible and deter future abuses,
    to include but not limited to, actions already implemented by the U.S.
    Government: visa restrictions, import restrictions, export
    restrictions, and financial sanctions.

        Question. What actions can the U.S. take to address the issue of
    forced labor in Xinjiang, including to protect against retaliatory
    actions from China?

        Answer. The U.S. Government has condemned the People's Republic of
    China (PRC) Government's retaliatory actions against individuals,
    businesses, and organizations that stand up for human rights. If
    confirmed, I will consider all appropriate tools to promote
    accountability for PRC Government actors and entities responsible for
    the atrocities and human rights abuses in Xinjiang, including forced
    labor, and work with interagency partners to address PRC actions. I
    also commit to working with the like-minded countries and the private
    sector to counter economic retaliation against companies when they take
    actions to avoid complicity in PRC human rights and forced labor
    abuses.

        Question. How can the U.S. best provide support to civil society
    actors in Muslim-majority countries who are conducting advocacy on this
    issue?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will commit to working with partners and
    allies, civil society, advocates, and other groups around the world to
    address our shared concerns over the PRC Government's atrocities in
    Xinjiang.

        Question. Will you work to ensure that discussions over arbitrary
    mass detention and forced labor in Xinjiang are integrated into trade
    discussions?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to putting
    democratic values at the center of our foreign policy and to standing
    up for democracy, human rights, and human dignity. If confirmed, I will
    work to ensure we continue integrating our Xinjiang concerns into
    bilateral engagements with the People's Republic of China at all
    levels.

        Question. If confirmed, what actions will you take to work with
    countries hosting Uyghur communities to ensure they do not summarily
    deport Uyghurs to China?

        Answer. The PRC Government's atrocities in Xinjiang raise serious
    refoulement concerns. If confirmed, I will work with other governments
    to ensure that Uyghurs, who are predominantly Muslim, and members of
    other ethnic and religious minority groups that have escaped repression
    in Xinjiang are not forcibly returned to China.

        Question. Do you believe the United States can and should use its
    diplomatic and economic leverage to protect Uyghurs from unjust
    deportation from other countries back to China?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will consider all available tools to ensure
    that Uyghurs and other vulnerable individuals are not forcibly returned
    to China.

        Question. Do you believe that the CCP is engaged in a deliberate
    campaign of cultural erasure against Tibetans, whose civilization is
    distinct from that of China and boasts its own rich language,
    literature, religion, and culture?

        Answer. The PRC Government has deliberately suppressed the distinct
    cultural, linguistic, and religious identity of Tibetans. If confirmed,
    I will make addressing these abuses a priority.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to convey clearly to Beijing
    the United States position that we will not accept a Chinese-controlled
    process to select the next Dalai Lama?

        Answer. The PRC Government should have no role in the succession
    process of the Dalai Lama or any other Tibetan Buddhist lama. If
    confirmed, I will call on the PRC to respect the religious freedom of
    Tibetans, including by ending its interference in the selection,
    education, and veneration of Tibetan Buddhist religious leaders.

        Question. If the Chinese authorities attempt to force a politically
    chosen successor on the Tibetan people, will you commit to impose
    serious sanctions in response?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will consider the use of all appropriate
    tools, including financial sanctions and visa restrictions, to promote
    accountability for PRC officials responsible for abusing the religious
    freedom of Tibetans, including by interfering in the succession process
    of the Dalai Lama, consistent with the Tibetan Policy and Support Act
    of 2020.

        Question. Would you, if confirmed, personally commit to pressing
    the PRC leadership to address Tibetan concerns through the resumption
    of dialogue with the Dalai Lama, or his representatives, without
    preconditions?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with our allies and partners to
    press Beijing to return to direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his
    representatives, without preconditions, to achieve meaningful autonomy
    for Tibetans.

        Question. Will you commit to regularly raise the case of the
    Panchen Lama and press for his release?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engaging the PRC Government on
    the case of the Panchen Lama.

        Question. Will you ensure that no U.S. official meets with, or
    provides a public platform to, the individual that Beijing appointed in
    his place?

        Answer. The PRC Government should have absolutely no role in the
    succession process of the Dalai Lama. If confirmed, I will work to
    ensure all U.S. engagements reflect this position.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to direct our diplomatic
    missions in the region, including in Hong Kong, to do their utmost to
    assist Hong Kongers who fear political persecution under the National
    Security Law, and use all consular options, including Special Public
    Benefit Parole, to provide safe harbor?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that our diplomatic missions in
    the region, including Hong Kong, will continue to do their utmost to
    assist Hong Kongers who fear persecution, to include working to pursue
    all options, as appropriate, to provide avenues for those who seek to
    depart.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to ensuring that the State
    Department maintains a high degree of pressure on Beijing for its
    violations of Hong Kong's autonomy and prioritizes this issue above all
    other competing interests in Hong Kong?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the State Department
    will continue to put pressure on PRC and Hong Kong officials
    responsible for undermining Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy as
    promised in the Sino-British Joint Declaration and Basic Law.
    Maintaining Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy is a central focus of
    our policy toward Hong Kong.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to appoint only senior
    officers as Consul General who are strongly committed to the
    democratization of Hong Kong?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work with State Department leadership
    and human resources to identify suitable candidates for Consul General
    who will carry out the Department's policy of advocating for Hong
    Kong's high degree of autonomy, promote fundamental freedoms and human
    rights, and build support for international pressure on the PRC to meet
    its obligations under the Sino-British Joint Declaration.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to advocate on behalf of
    Hong Kong protesters who are imprisoned for violations of the so-called
    National Security Law, or for similar politically motivated charges,
    both in your private conversations with Hong Kong and PRC central
    government officials, as well as in public diplomacy?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will advocate by any available means on
    behalf of Hong Kong people imprisoned on politically motivated charges.
    We continue to stand with the people of Hong Kong and for their human
    rights, and fundamental freedoms. I will ensure that we continue to
    support the aspirations of people in Hong Kong and for the system and
    rights that the PRC promised them.

        Question. Did you agree with former Secretary Pompeo's decision to
    decertify Hong Kong as sufficiently autonomous to warrant special
    treatment under U.S. law?

        Answer. On March 31, in conjunction with the Hong Kong Policy Act
    Report, Secretary Blinken again certified to Congress that Hong Kong
    does not warrant differential treatment under U.S. law in the same
    manner as U.S. laws were applied to Hong Kong before July 1, 1997. If
    confirmed, I am committed to continuing to work with Congress and our
    allies and partners around the world to stand with people in Hong Kong
    against the PRC's egregious policies and actions that undermine the
    autonomy and freedoms promised in the Sino--British Joint Declaration
    and Hong Kong's own Basic Law.

        Question. If confirmed, will you use decertification and all other
    available means to deny legitimacy to the government of the Hong Kong
    Special Administration Region until the fundamental freedoms guaranteed
    under Basic Law are restored?

        Answer. The State Department has a variety of policy tools
    available to deny credibility to the government of Hong Kong, including
    the Hong Kong Policy Act, under which we certified again this year that
    Hong Kong is no longer autonomous. In addition, under Executive Order
    13936, the Department has authority to impose sanctions on Hong Kong
    and People's Republic of China (PRC) officials in connection with
    efforts to undermine Hong Kong's autonomy. The Hong Kong Autonomy Act
    also authorizes sanctions on foreign persons that materially contribute
    to the failure of the PRC to meet its obligations under the Sino-
    British Joint Declaration or Hong Kong's Basic Law, as well as on
    foreign financial institutions that knowingly engage in significant
    transactions with such persons. If confirmed, I will continue to
    evaluate all available tools and use them as necessary to pressure the
    Government.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to robust efforts to
    increase Taiwan's international space and to counter Beijing's attempts
    to isolate Taiwan in international organizations and beyond?

        Answer. Yes. The Biden-Harris administration's support for Taiwan
    is rock-solid. If confirmed, I plan to continue to deepen our ties with
    Taiwan in the face of PRC efforts to constrain its international space
    and to support Taiwan's membership or meaningful participation in
    international organizations.

        Question. If President Biden follows through with his campaign
    promise to assemble a summit of democracies, will you ensure that
    Taiwan is invited to participate and at the same level as other
    participants?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support President Biden's commitment
    to host a Summit for Democracy. I believe the global community of
    democracies would benefit from Taiwan's participation in such events
    and could learn from Taiwan's experience of democracy under pressure
    due to foreign malign influence, including disinformation campaigns
    that seek to undermine its democratic processes.

        Question. Do you agree with former Vice President Pence's statement
    that ``America will always believe that Taiwan's embrace of democracy
    shows a better path for all the Chinese people?''

        Answer. Yes. Taiwan is a leading democracy and a critical economic
    and security partner. If confirmed, I will continue to strengthen U.S.
    ties with Taiwan as an important priority.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to use your position as
    Assistant Secretary to promote Taiwan as a model of democratic success
    that China and others should emulate?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will continue to work with allies and
    partners to highlight the positive role that Taiwan plays in addressing
    global challenges and encourage them to stand with Taiwan in defending
    against threats to its democratic values.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to do your utmost to ensure
    that Taiwan's requests for the sale of military equipment will be
    processed as quickly as possible?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will support making available to
    Taiwan the defense articles and services necessary to enable Taiwan to
    maintain a sufficient self-defense capability, consistent with the
    Taiwan Relations Act and our ``one China'' policy.

        Question. Will maintaining Taiwan's defense capabilities be a top
    priority for EAP under your leadership?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, in response to the growing PRC threat, I
    will continue deepening our unofficial security relationship with
    Taiwan to ensure it has sufficient capabilities to defend itself,
    consistent with the Taiwan Relations Act.
        The United States notified more than $32 billion worth of arms to
    Taiwan since 2009, but arms sales alone cannot ensure Taiwan's ability
    to defend itself, nor should the impact of arms sales be judged on
    total value alone. Our expanding security cooperation seeks to
    encourage Taiwan to prioritize cost-effective, resilient, distributed,
    and sufficient capabilities. We are also encouraging Taiwan to
    prioritize reserve force reform, civilian defense capabilities, and
    cybersecurity and critical infrastructure resilience.
        U.S. security cooperation with Taiwan is calibrated to meet the
    threat from the PRC and is consistent with the U.S. ``one China''
    policy, which is guided by the Taiwan Relations Act, the Three
    Communiques, and the Six Assurances. If confirmed, as part of that
    cooperation, I also will encourage Taiwan to spend on defense an amount
    commensurate with the growing threat it faces.

        Question. Do you commit to wholeheartedly support the full scope of
    bilateral defense cooperation, including joint trainings and exercises
    and any other substantive exchanges that will enhance Taiwan's security
    posture?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will support engagement that would
    advance U.S. interests and foreign policy objectives. The United States
    has long maintained our abiding interest in peace and stability in the
    Taiwan Strait.
        In response to the growing PRC threat, we will continue deepening
    our unofficial security relationship with Taiwan to ensure it has
    sufficient capabilities to defend itself.

        Question. If confirmed, will you work with our U.N. Ambassador to
    look for bold and creative ways to promote Japan's candidacy for
    permanent membership on the U.N. Security Council?

        Answer. A reformed Security Council that is representative,
    effective, and relevant is in the best interest of the United States
    and all U.N. member states. If confirmed, I would support a modest
    enlargement of the Security Council for both permanent and non-
    permanent members, provided doing so does not diminish its
    effectiveness or its efficiency, and does not alter or expand the veto.
    Regarding member state suitability, we remain principally focused on a
    country's ability and willingness to contribute to international peace
    and security.

        Question. If confirmed, will you work with your counterpart in
    Tokyo, and at the Department of Defense, to ensure that U.S. forces and
    Japanese forces are planning for possible Taiwan contingencies?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that the United
    States and our allies and partners pool our collective strength to
    advance shared interests and deter common threats. We will underscore
    the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.

        Question. Will you encourage Tokyo to engage in security
    cooperation with Taiwan to complement existing U.S. cooperation with
    Taiwan?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will encourage our allies and partners
    to continue to work together to advance our shared prosperity,
    security, and values in the Indo-Pacific region. Japan is a capable,
    thoughtful, and dynamic ally that has helped us to secure our interests
    and values in Asia more effectively than we could have done alone.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to strengthen U.S. relations
    with Mongolia and protect its sovereignty against potential
    encroachment by the People's Republic of China?

        Answer. Yes. Mongolia is a democracy and our strategic partner, and
    if confirmed, I will work to continue strengthening our bilateral
    relationship and supporting Mongolia's sovereignty.

        Question. If President Biden follows through with his campaign
    promise to assemble a summit of democracies, will you ensure that
    Mongolia is invited to participate?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support President Biden's commitment
    to host a Summit for Democracy. Participating governments will be
    expected to deliver on both domestic and international commitments that
    advance democracy, fight corruption, and protect human rights. As a
    vibrant democracy, I expect Mongolia will be favorably considered for
    participation.

       Will you, as a matter of policy, seek to increase U.S. investment
            in Mongolia and bilateral trade ties?

        Answer. Yes. As Mongolia's strategic partner and proud ``third
    neighbor,'' the United States will continue to seek opportunities to
    increase both bilateral trade and U.S. investment in Mongolia.

        Question. If confirmed, will you work with your counterpart in
    Ulaanbaatar to promote programs to protect the Mongolian language,
    culture, and Buddhism, and wherever possible, to extend such promotion
    to Mongolians in the PRC?

        Answer. Yes. Mongolia holds a unique place in world history and
    possesses a rich culture stretching back centuries. If confirmed, I
    will work to promote programs that protect Mongolian language, script,
    culture, and Buddhism, wherever they are found.

        Question. Mongolia's presidential election on June 9, 2021 was
    conducted in a manner that was free and fair, but the incumbent
    president was blocked from running for reelection in a manner that many
    Mongolians found troubling. The Mongolian People's Party (MPP) now
    controls the presidency in addition to holding a supermajority in the
    parliament and yielding significant influence over the judiciary. If
    confirmed, do you commit to efforts to guard against democratic
    backsliding in Mongolia and to ensure that the MPP does not revert to
    its authoritarian past under the influence of its authoritarian
    neighbor?

        Answer. Mongolia recently conducted a free and fair presidential
    election, its eighth since the country's peaceful transition to
    democracy in 1990. As strategic partners, Mongolia and the United
    States share a common commitment to democratic values and the
    strengthening of democratic institutions. The U.S. has a strong
    strategic interest in ensuring Mongolia remains a stable and viable
    democracy. If confirmed, I will continue the U.S. tradition of working
    closely with our Mongolian counterparts to deepen their democracy and
    to strengthen good governance and civil society in Mongolia.

    Korea
        Question. If confirmed, what will you do to expand U.S.-ROK trade
    and investment ties, and encourage Seoul to diversify its trade and
    investment away from China in order to reduce its vulnerability to
    Chinese economic coercion?

        Answer. The U.S.-ROK Alliance is bolstered by our strong and
    growing economic relationship and grounded in our shared democratic
    values. If confirmed, I will support the full and faithful
    implementation of the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement, which remains
    the foundation of our bilateral trade and investment relationship and
    an important pillar of our bilateral relationship. I will work, in
    cooperation with my U.S. Government colleagues, to continue to expand
    robust U.S.-ROK economic ties, promote Korean investment in the United
    States, and enhance our mutual prosperity and security through close
    collaboration on supply chain diversification, regular coordination on
    economic security matters, and enhanced cooperation between our two
    countries to advance our common vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific
    and world.

        Question. What is your opinion of the South Korean Government's
    decision to ban the distribution of leaflets and other materials into
    North Korea by North Korean human rights organizations?

        Answer. As a global policy, the United States advocates for the
    protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms around the world.
    With regards to the DPRK, if confirmed, I will continue to promote the
    free flow of information into, out of, and within the DPRK. It is
    critical for the North Korean people to have access to fact-based
    information not controlled by the North Korean regime. The United
    States promotes and supports freedom of expression around the world,
    including with valued allies like the Republic of Korea.
        The United States has been in close contact with the ROKG to
    express our strong views about the importance of the free flow of
    information into the DPRK and freedom of expression.
        We respect the fact that the ROK, as a democracy with an
    independent and strong judiciary, has tools in place to allow for
    review of the law.
        If confirmed, I will continue to work with our partners in the NGO
    and North Korean escapee community to promote human rights in North
    Korea and North Koreans' access to information.

        Question. If confirmed, how would you respond to a resurgence of
    the protest movement in Thailand?

        Answer. The United States supports freedom of expression and the
    right to peaceful assembly as essential to Thailand's democracy. The
    United States does not support any political party or position in
    Thailand; we support the democratic process, human rights, and the rule
    of law. If confirmed, I will continue to urge the Royal Thai Government
    to respect the human rights of those who exercise their freedom of
    expression. I will also call on the Royal Thai Government to respect
    the human rights of those who have been arrested or detained, including
    adequate access to medical care and the legal counsel of their
    choosing. Thailand is a valued U.S. ally and partner, and the strong
    relations we have built up over time allow the United States to engage
    constructively with the Royal Thai Government.
        Our shared history, shared interests, and the common values that
    unite our peoples make me confident that we can continue to navigate
    these challenges for the good of both countries.

        Question. How will U.S. policy promote human rights and democracy
    in Thailand going forward?

        Answer. The United States strongly supports human rights and
    democracy in Thailand, the Indo-Pacific, and around the world. We are
    committed to a long-term partnership with Thailand, and the promotion
    of democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms has been a major
    part of U.S. engagement with Thailand for many years. If confirmed, I
    will continue to support our robust diplomatic engagement to advance
    democracy and the protection of human rights in Thailand. I will call
    on the Royal Thai Government to respect human rights and fundamental
    freedoms and to act in a manner consistent with its international
    obligations and commitments.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you work to counter PRC influence
    in Thailand and increase awareness of the risks of dependency on trade
    and investment from China?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen our alliance with
    Thailand and our partnerships in Southeast Asia, while also working to
    counter the PRC's malign influence in the region. I will review our
    approach to enhancing economic engagement with Thailand and regional
    partners. I will encourage internationally accepted best practices in
    trade and investment and an open and inclusive approach to economic
    development. Furthermore, if confirmed, I am committed to working with
    Thailand to combat COVID-19 and climate change; to strengthen our
    defenses, including in cyberspace; and to produce and secure the
    technologies of the future. Additionally, I will support Thailand as a
    regional leader in the Mekong region and key partner in the Mekong-U.S.
    Partnership.

        Question. If confirmed, what would you do to deny legitimacy to the
    junta that seized power in February?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to use all tools available to
    exert pressure on the junta and deny the regime international
    credibility. In the immediate aftermath of the coup, we worked quickly
    to impose sanctions on those responsible for the coup, as well as
    state-owned enterprises and military-affiliated companies that are
    providing financial resources to the military regime. The United States
    has worked with our international partners to deny the regime access to
    hundreds of millions of dollars in resources in international financial
    institutions, as well as pushed for an arms embargo and restriction on
    the export of dual use technology. We have encouraged the international
    community to use all levers available to restrict the junta's access to
    financial institutions and enhance scrutiny of any financial ties to
    the military.
        In addition, the United States has engaged the pro-democracy
    movement, including the ``National Unity Government'' (NUG), at high
    levels, which has served to further deny international credibility to
    the regime. If confirmed, I will utilize every tool and opportunity to
    expose the junta's horrific brutality, promote accountability, and
    support the democratic aspirations of the people of Burma, including
    ethnic and religious communities, who yearn for true democracy and do
    not want to live another day under military rule.

        Question. Do you commit to block the junta's efforts to replace the
    legitimate representatives of Myanmar at international organizations?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will make it a top priority to support the
    Burmese people and work to return Burma to the democratic path chosen
    by its people. The United States has strongly condemned the military's
    actions to overturn the will of the people of Burma as freely expressed
    in elections in November 2020. The United States has also engaged the
    pro-democracy movement, including the ``National Unity Government''
    (NUG), at high levels, which has helped deny international credibility
    to the regime. The United States will continue to support Burma's pro-
    democracy movement, including the NUG, various ethnic and religious
    groups, and others working peacefully to restore Burma's democratic
    transition. If confirmed, I will support U.S. efforts to continue
    encouraging our partners, allies, and other members of the
    international community to engage representatives of the pro-democracy
    movement, including in international organizations and major
    international events, and push for dialogue among all relevant
    stakeholders to secure a peaceful resolution to the crisis in Burma.

        Question. If confirmed, will you work with the Treasury Department
    to impose punishing sanctions on all industries that fund the Tatmadaw,
    including the oil and gas industry and the mining industry?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue our robust engagement within
    the U.S. interagency, including the Treasury Department, to identify
    ways to exert additional pressure on the military regime, including
    financial pressure. The United States has already sanctioned over 30
    military leaders, adult family members, commanders, and military units
    responsible for the coup and the horrific violence. We have sanctioned
    top revenue generators for the military, including the largest military
    conglomerates, the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanmar
    Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL). We have designated the largest state-
    owned enterprises in the gems, timber, and other sectors that the
    military has used to enrich itself at the expense of the people of
    Burma. In addition, we have successfully led an international effort
    with partners and allies, including the UK, Canada, and EU, to sanction
    the same individuals and entities, further denying the military
    international credibility and access to revenue.
        While we have sought to impose significant sanctions on the regime,
    the United States has also been careful to avoid steps that could hurt
    the interests of the people of Burma and deepen the humanitarian
    suffering caused by the coup, and negatively impact our partners in the
    region. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that, in identifying
    potential additional targets designed to exert pressure on the military
    regime, including the oil and gas industry and the mining industry, we
    also continue to study and take into account the impact on the people
    of Burma.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Hon. Daniel J. Kritenbrink by Senator Ted Cruz

    Taiwan
        Question. If confirmed, will you restore the Trump administration's
    policy allowing our Taiwanese allies to display symbols of their
    sovereignty? If not, why not?

        Answer. In keeping with longstanding U.S. policy across Democratic
    and Republican administrations, the United States Government does not
    permit displays of Taiwan sovereignty, including flags, on United
    States Government premises. Though the United States does not maintain
    diplomatic relations with Taiwan, U.S. support for Taiwan has never
    been stronger, as demonstrated by, for example, ongoing arms sales
    designed to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense
    capability, the provision of vaccines announced by three U.S. Senators
    during their visit to Taipei on June 6, and the repeated and
    unprecedented public mentions of Taiwan in the recent U.S.-Japan joint
    statement, U.S.-ROK joint statement, U.S.-EU joint statement, and G7
    leaders' communique.
        To deepen and broaden our unofficial relationship with Taiwan, the
    Biden-Harris administration also issued new Guidelines for Interacting
    with Taiwan (``contact guidance''), which are more permissive than any
    previous iterations. Taiwan has welcomed the new contact guidance,
    including through statements by President Tsai, Foreign Minister Wu,
    and TECRO Representative Hsiao. If confirmed, I will work to further
    develop our robust ties with our democratic partner Taiwan and ensure
    we fulfill our commitments under the Taiwan Relations Act.

    EO 14034
        Question. On June 11, the Biden administration published in the
    Federal Register Executive Order 14034, which revoked Executive Order
    13942 of August 6, 2020 (Addressing the Threat Posed by TikTok, and
    Taking Additional Steps To Address the National Emergency With Respect
    to the Information and Communications Technology and Services Supply
    Chain), Executive Order 13943 of August 6, 2020 (Addressing the Threat
    Posed by WeChat, and Taking Additional Steps To Address the National
    Emergency With Respect to the Information and Communications Technology
    and Services Supply Chain), and Executive Order 13971 of January 5,
    2021 (Addressing the Threat Posed by Applications and Other Software
    Developed or Controlled by Chinese Companies). Those three EOs had
    restricted applications controlled by Chinese companies. According to
    EO 13971, ``[b]y accessing personal electronic devices such as
    smartphones, tablets, and computers, Chinese connected software
    applications can access and capture vast swaths of information from
    users, including sensitive personally identifiable information and
    private information. This data collection threatens to provide the
    Government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese
    Communist Party (CCP) with access to Americans' personal and
    proprietary information--which would permit China to track the
    locations of Federal employees and contractors, and build dossiers of
    personal information.''

       Please assess the potential intelligence risks associated with
            these applications including the risk to State Department
            personnel and their families overseas.

        Answer. Under Executive Order (E.O.) 13873, Securing the
    Information and Communications Technology and Services Supply Chain,
    the Secretary of Commerce evaluates potential threats to the United
    States presented by information and communications technology or
    services designed, developed, manufactured, or supplied by persons
    owned or controlled by, or subject to the jurisdiction or direction of
    the People's Republic of China and other designated foreign
    adversaries.
        To enhance this effort, on June 9 President Biden issued E.O.
    14034, which instructs the Secretary of Commerce to evaluate
    transactions involving foreign adversary-connected software
    applications that may pose a risk to Americans' data, utilizing clear
    criteria that may indicate a heightened risk, including software
    applications that are owned, controlled, or managed by persons that
    support foreign adversary military or intelligence activities, or are
    involved in malicious cyber activities, or involve applications that
    collect sensitive personal data. If confirmed, I will work with
    colleagues at the Department of Commerce in assessing these risks, as
    well as the risk to State Department personnel and their families
    overseas.

    State Department
        Question. The Obama administration was broadly criticized,
    especially in the context of its Middle East policy, for co-mingling
    unclassified documents with classified documents. This practice
    requires that documents be placed in a secure location, unnecessarily
    limiting access to unclassified documents and stifling public debate.
    The Biden administration already seems to be repeating such practices:
    according to an exchange during the State Department press briefing on
    February 11, a notification describing the lifting of terrorism
    sanctions on Iran-controlled terrorists in Yemen was unnecessarily
    transmitted to a Congressional SCIF. Can you commit to ensuring that
    unclassified information is not unnecessarily comingled with classified
    information in notifications provided by the State Department to
    Congress? If not, why not?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working to ensure that
    information provided to Congress is, to the fullest extent possible, in
    a format that facilitates its access by authorized personnel, while
    complying with Executive Order 13526, the Department of State
    classification guide, and the executive branch rules on the handling
    and storage of classified information.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
        Submitted to Hon. Daniel J. Kritenbrink by Senator Bill Hagerty

        Question. Ambassador Kritenbrink, I would like to bring to your
    attention the case of Greg Kelly, a Tennessee constituent who, in my
    view, has been wrongly detained for nearly three years in Japan. I'm
    deeply concerned about Mr. Kelly's treatment by the Japanese legal
    system.
        After being taken into custody in November 2018, Mr. Kelly--who
    maintains his innocence--was forced to wait for nearly two years for
    his trial in Japan even to begin in September 2020. News media now
    report that it has been proven at trial that the entire case against
    Greg Kelly was fabricated for the sole purpose of preventing Renault
    from taking over Nissan. There is no deadline by which the court in
    Japan must deliver a verdict in Mr. Kelly's case, and he likely faces
    the prospect of no decision until well into next year.

       If confirmed, do you commit to working with me and to using every
            tool at your disposal to get Greg Kelly back to the United
            States and home with his family?

        Answer. One of the most important tasks of the Department of State
    and U.S. embassies and consulates is to provide assistance to U.S.
    citizens who are incarcerated or detained abroad. We take this
    obligation to assist U.S. citizens arrested or detained abroad
    seriously. Mr. Kelly's case is a high priority for the Bureau of
    Consular Affairs and the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs. The
    Department is actively monitoring Mr. Kelly's case and Embassy Tokyo's
    American Citizens Services unit has been in frequent, regular contact
    with Mr. Kelly and his legal teams. While the Department cannot
    intercede on the merits of his case, the Department monitors
    developments in his case very closely. The Department continue to urge
    the Japanese authorities to ensure Mr. Kelly's trial and verdict are
    concluded as expeditiously as possible. If confirmed, I will make Mr.
    Kelly's case a priority, and I look forward to working closely with you
    and your office on his case.

                                   __________

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                             TUESDAY, JULY 13, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:07 a.m. in
    Room SD-G50, Hon. Robert Menendez, chairman of the committee,
    presiding.
        Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Cardin, Kaine,
    Markey, Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Johnson, and Hagerty.

               OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

        The Chairman. Good morning. This hearing of the Senate
    Foreign Relations Committee shall come to order. We are here to
    consider nominees for four important positions: Ambassador
    Gentry Smith to the Assistant Secretary of State for Diplomatic
    Security, Ambassador Rena Bitter to be Assistant Secretary of
    State for Consular Affairs, Ms. Monica Medina to be the
    Assistant Secretary of State for Oceans and International
    Environmental and Scientific Affairs, and Mr. Marc Knapper to
    be the Ambassador to Vietnam.
        Congratulations to the four of you on your nominations, our
    thanks for your willingness to serve our country in this
    capacity, and the members of your family because this is a
    family sacrifice as well. So we appreciate their sacrifices.
        I see that our distinguished colleague and member of this
    committee, the senator from Massachusetts, is going to be
    introducing Ms. Medina this morning.
        So we will turn to him first before any opening statements.
        Senator Markey?

                  STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. MARKEY,
                    U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS

        Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much and
    Ranking Member Risch, thank you so much as well.
        It is my pleasure this morning to introduce President
    Biden's nominee to be Assistant Secretary of State for the
    Bureau of Oceans and International Environment and Scientific
    Affairs, and my friend for 38 years, Monica Medina.
        It is impossible to think of anyone more qualified for this
    job.
        The Chairman. You knew her in your infancy then?
        Senator Markey. And, again, I am now in the infancy of my
    second adulthood, as the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
    makes it possible for us to enjoy extended political life
    expectancy.
        It is impossible to think of anyone more qualified for this
    job. Monica has been working for decades and across multiple
    administrations on environmental law and policy.
        She understands the interconnected world we live in and
    knows that the 21st century U.S. foreign policy goes not simply
    beyond the water's edge, but to the seas and the skies and the
    sands of the world where universal threats and their solutions
    lie.
        Monica won a Reserve Officers Training Corps scholarship
    while at Georgetown University, and while working at the
    Defense Department in the Obama administration, she worked to
    end discrimination against women in the military, to provide
    them with opportunities that were previously closed to them
    simply because of their gender.
        Monica has always been a fierce fighter for justice and
    never backs down from a tough challenge, and she has confronted
    some of the world's toughest global challenges.
        Ms. Medina has called out the connection between illegal
    wildlife trafficking and organized criminal networks. She has
    fought against illegal fishing, which is tied to global piracy
    and human rights violations.
        Just like the climate crisis, these are global spanning
    threats to our national security, and Monica's expertise in
    these areas is why former Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta and
    the Center for Strategic and International Studies have turned
    to her as an expert and advisor.
        Monica knows that we cannot protect ourselves at home
    without a robust strategy abroad, and diplomacy is not just
    something that she has practiced in international work. She has
    worked across the aisle with stakeholders from different states
    and industries in the United States to protect our oceans and
    our ocean economy.
        After the Deepwater Horizon oil spill, she worked with the
    five Republican governors of affected states to get $1 billion
    in restoration funds from oil company BP so that states could
    quickly start rebounding from the disaster.
        Her work at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric
    Administration was praised by groups like the Seafood
    Harvesters of America, who support her experience and legacy of
    protecting our oceans, and the workers and communities that
    depend upon them.
        Louis Pasteur once said that science knows no country
    because knowledge belongs to humanity, and is the torch which
    illuminates the world.
        Science is the highest personification of the nation
    because that nation will remain the first which carries the
    furthest the works of thought and intelligence.
        Monica Medina has dedicated her career to promoting
    America's excellence in these two realms, the tools of science
    and the values of humanity, because it is there where America's
    excellence and promise to the world is to be found.
        She knows that, and throughout her distinguished career,
    she has become supremely prepared for the role of Assistant
    Secretary of State for the Bureau of Oceans, Environment, and
    Science.
        She has been training for it in every position in which she
    has served, every mission that she has fulfilled, every
    discussion she has held with key stakeholders.
        I am so grateful for her continued commitment to our
    country and planet, as well as for our years of friendship, and
    I hope my colleagues will join me in supporting her for this
    important position.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Markey. A rather glowing
    introduction----
        Senator Markey. Well deserved.
        The Chairman [continuing]. And we know that you have, I am
    sure, well earned. I know that you may have other committee
    business to do, and so at your leisure you are welcome to
    depart from us, and thank you for your introduction.
        Let me turn to our panel, speak briefly about each of them,
    turn to Senator Risch, and then we will listen to your
    testimony.
        Ambassador Smith has served the United States and the State
    Department during his entire professional career with two and a
    half decades, ensuring the security of U.S. diplomatic
    personnel and U.S. citizens here and abroad.
        He has been a special agent protecting the secretary of
    state, the regional security officer in multiple foreign posts,
    a deputy assistant secretary and senior advisor in the Bureau
    of Diplomatic Security.
        He has served as director for the Office of Foreign
    Missions for which he was previously confirmed by the Senate.
    There is no question in my mind that he is fully qualified and
    deeply experienced for this position.
        Ambassador Smith's experience and commitment will be
    needed, as the State Department faces multiple challenges in
    keeping its personnel safe, including a relatively new one.
        Indeed, U.S. personnel have recently faced the prospect of
    silent stealthy assaults from what may be some sort of directed
    energy weapons, first employed in Cuba and now showing up in
    other parts of the world.
        These incidents deserve the full attention of the United
    States in order to ensure accountability and that the parties
    responsible are brought to justice, but most of all, to protect
    personnel.
        So, Ambassador Smith, I trust that, if confirmed, you will
    be devoted in your efforts to meet this and all threats against
    U.S. diplomatic and other personnel.
        Ms. Medina, as our colleague, Senator Markey has said, your
    knowledge and experience, including as Principal Deputy
    Undersecretary of Oceans and Atmosphere at the Department of
    Commerce and in various leadership roles focused on ocean
    conservation and environmental policy, suits you well for this
    position.
        If confirmed as Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of
    Oceans, International, Environmental and Scientific Affairs,
    you will be responsible for maintaining U.S. leadership on
    cooperative efforts to maintain the health and sustainability
    of the world we all share.
        If confirmed, you will also be responsible for managing
    U.S. diplomacy on addressing global plastic pollution,
    protecting endangered species, and combating wildlife
    trafficking, representing the U.S., the Montreal Protocol, and
    the Arctic Council, among others.
        I know you are up to that challenge. As you may know, I co-
    authored the Save Our Seas 2.0 Act, and I look forward to
    working with you on the next steps to combating plastic
    pollution and other global environmental problems.
        Ambassador Bitter, I am pleased to see you back before the
    committee. Your service in Laos these past several years,
    apparently, may not have made headlines in Washington, but it
    has been with distinction.
        The position you are nominated for as Assistant Secretary
    for Consular Affairs is perhaps one of the most challenging
    positions in the department today.
        The effects of the COVID pandemic have been particularly
    felt in the CA on the massive repatriation of American citizens
    abroad carried out by the department last year, to the
    financial challenges resulting from the consular office fee-
    for-service model at a time when fees have dried up as a result
    of decreased international travel.
        That is something that has changed dramatically. We have
    now a huge demand and a big backlog on passports, which several
    colleagues on the committee have raised with me. I am sure that
    may be raised with you as to how we deal with it.
        The mismanagement of the department, broadly speaking, and
    the Consular Affairs in particular over the past four years
    leaves the next Assistant Secretary with no shortage of
    challenges.
        As Consular Affairs is also the part of the department that
    has the most engagement with American citizens processing
    passports and visas, supporting overseas travelers in need, and
    the like, it is also a bureau that receives a high level of
    congressional scrutiny.
        While the challenges in the bureau are evident, I am
    confident in your abilities and capacity to serve capably in
    this position.
        Finally, I am pleased to see Marc Knapper before the
    committee for consideration as our next ambassador to Vietnam.
        We look to develop a genuine strategic partnership with
    Hanoi, one animated by our shared interests and our values, and
    I can think of few more qualified Foreign Service professionals
    than Mr. Knapper to be entrusted with this important task.
        In closing, while the four of you have a series of
    challenges ahead, I am confident that your knowledge and
    experience will serve you well as you take on your new
    responsibilities upon confirmation. I look forward to each of
    your testimonies.
        And with that, let me turn to the distinguished ranking
    member for his opening comments.

                   STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                        U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I want to thank
    the witnesses for being here today and being willing to serve
    in these positions, and your families, who we know share the
    sacrifices that you make.
        I want to start with the nomination of Assistant Secretary
    of State for Oceans and International Environment and
    Scientific Affairs.
        The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed what I believe to be
    serious gaps in U.S. international pandemic prevention,
    preparedness, and, importantly, response efforts. This includes
    the failure of the Department of State over multiple
    administrations of both parties to adequately prioritize global
    health policy and diplomatic engagement beyond the PEPFAR
    program.
        We now realize how important that is. PEPFAR, of course,
    was an exception to that. It was very successful, and it is
    important that we duplicate the success that we had in PEPFAR
    in what will undoubtedly be future challenges of a global
    health nature.
        Ms. Medina, if confirmed, you will lead the bureau
    responsible for ensuring foreign policy coherence and program
    integrity for global health and biosecurity.
        I look forward to hearing from you how you plan to improve
    State's leadership in these vital areas, which, as I said, I
    think suffer some shortcomings, which have become painfully
    obvious as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic.
        In addition, COVID-19 has brought to light the risks of
    collaboration on life sciences research with countries that do
    not share our interests like China.
        If confirmed, you will have a role in overseeing
    international scientific cooperation and global health
    security, and it is critical that you work across the
    department to prevent the misuse of such research.
        Lastly, as we discussed when we met last month, the
    Columbia River Treaty remains an important issue to myself and
    the rest of the Northwest delegation. I look forward to hearing
    more about how you plan to make Columbia River Treaty
    negotiations a priority.
        Next, we have the nomination of Assistant Secretary of
    State for Diplomatic Security. For decades, the State
    Department has struggled with what has been dubbed colloquially
    a bunker mentality, which greatly over-prioritizes security to
    the detriment of our diplomatic effectiveness.
        Security is undoubtedly very important, but as with all
    things, it must be put in its proper place. This severe risk
    aversion often keeps our diplomats cooped up behind embassy
    walls instead of engaging with the local community and
    conducting traditional diplomacy.
        America's adversaries do not place similar burdens on their
    diplomats, putting the United States at a strategic
    disadvantage.
        Earlier this year, I introduced legislation to improve the
    process for investigating security incidents abroad so that the
    department's diplomats can safely do their jobs, promote U.S.
    interests with host countries, and engage local populations
    with appropriate protection.
        If confirmed, it will be vitally important to ensure the
    department learns to manage risk more effectively.
        Ambassador Smith, I look forward to hearing your thoughts
    on these issues.
        Moving on to the nomination of Assistant Secretary of State
    for Consular Affairs, the Bureau of Consular Affairs has a
    unique opportunity to demonstrate how the State Department
    assists U.S. citizens every day while also advancing our
    national interests.
        Whether it is helping Americans who lost a passport on
    vacation get home or visiting U.S. citizens who have been
    incarcerated abroad, Consular Affairs often directly serves the
    American people.
        However, last year's travel restrictions and resulting loss
    of visa fee revenue greatly hurt the Bureau's finances,
    potentially affecting its ability to provide these important
    services.
        As vaccination rates climb, there will be more people
    seeking to travel. Demand for passports and visas are rapidly
    increasing, leading to significant delays in processing times.
        Ambassador Bitter, I look forward to hearing your plan to
    get Consular Affairs fully operational and to reduce these
    extremely irregular passport processing times.
        Finally, we have the nomination of Ambassador to Vietnam.
    Vietnam is an important U.S. partner and an ASEAN member. I am
    very glad to see the recent U.S. donation of 2 million Moderna
    vaccine through COVAX to Vietnam in addition to separate
    donations to Indonesia and Malaysia.
        Southeast Asian countries need vaccines. Given the
    importance of this region to the United States and the pressure
    some countries are facing from China to accept its clearly
    substandard vaccines, it is crucial that the United States
    continue to prioritize deliveries to our partners there.
        We need to redouble our efforts following the
    nontransparent COVAX procurement deal announced earlier this
    week that will allow China to profit mightily from the
    distribution of its substandard vaccines, all of this very
    erotic.
        Beyond vaccines, I think it is crucial that we advance
    collaboration with Vietnam in important areas such as the South
    China Sea and the Mekong region, and the crisis in Myanmar.
        We should also continue to prioritize all forms of energy
    engagement, including liquefied natural gas.
        Finally, in closing, I continue to support engagement with
    Vietnam to promote freedom of speech and religion.
        Mr. Knapper, I look forward to hearing how you will tackle
    all these issues if you are confirmed.
        We have a lot to cover today, and I will yield back.
        Mr. Chairman, thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
        All right. We will start our testimony from our nominees.
    We would ask you to summarize your statement at about five
    minutes.
        All of your full statements will be included in the record,
    without objection, and we will start with Ambassador Smith and
    then move down the aisle.
        Ambassador Smith?

     STATEMENT OF GENTRY O. SMITH, OF VIRGINIA, NOMINATED TO BE AN
           ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (DIPLOMATIC SECURITY)

        Mr. Smith. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
    members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you
    today as President Biden's nominee to be the Department of
    State's Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Diplomatic
    Security.
        I am grateful for the confidence that the president and
    Secretary Blinken have placed in me and I am humbled by the
    opportunity to lead such an outstanding organization.
        In the 105-year history of diplomatic security, I am just
    the third DS agent to be nominated to serve as Assistant
    Secretary.
        In my 30-year career with the Foreign Service, I am proud
    to have served as a DS agent for 27 years prior to my
    appointment as the director for the Office of Foreign Missions,
    a position that I held into my retirement in 2017.
        I would like to thank you for your continued and unwavering
    support for both the department and for diplomatic security. I
    am very proud to be associated with the outstanding women and
    men who labor tirelessly to protect America's diplomatic
    facilities, critical information, and, most importantly,
    American lives.
        They also conduct extensive important law enforcement
    investigations necessary to keep our country safe.
        I want to thank my wife, Georgette, our adult children and
    their spouses, and our six adorable grandchildren for the love
    and support and for allowing me to return to rejoin an
    institution that I love.
        It is, indeed, an honor to lead the dedicated special
    agents, security engineers, diplomatic couriers, security
    technicians, and other specialized personnel in providing a
    secure environment in which to conduct U.S. foreign policy.
        I first joined Diplomatic Security in 1987 after proudly
    serving as a police officer in Raleigh, North Carolina. These
    were the early days of building the Diplomatic Security
    Service.
        I grew up in the organization as it grew to meet increasing
    global security challenges as well as domestic challenges and
    U.S. national security interests.
        Having served in Cairo during both Gulf wars and Rangoon
    during a period of unrest and uncertainty that rivals the
    current situation, I am familiar with the importance of strong
    leadership and requisite security operations.
        Upon returning to the U.S. and serving in senior positions
    in Diplomatic Security, I am proud to have collaborated closely
    with other department colleagues, the intelligence community,
    DOD, and members of Congress to construct and improve
    diplomatic facilities here and abroad while enabling our
    personnel to project U.S. Government interests around the
    world.
        I am also proud and honored to have received Senate
    approval to lead the Office of Foreign Missions during my last
    tenure with the department.
        My body of work within the department and subsequent
    experiences as an independent consultant in the private sector
    is what has prepared me to assume leadership as the assistant
    secretary for Diplomatic Security.
        I am aware that there will always be challenges as we seek
    to advance U.S. interests around the world. With support and
    continued guidance from members of this committee and Congress
    as a whole, my top priority, if confirmed, will be to help to
    ensure that the department effectively protects its physical
    assets, information, and, most importantly, lives.
        At the same time, however, I recognize that effective
    diplomacy is virtually impossible without the ability to take
    considered risk in service of strategic goals and objectives.
        It will be my responsibility to evaluate various threat-
    mitigating strategies and help the department make the best
    possible calculations in support of American diplomacy.
        Risk management is particularly critical in high-threat
    countries, most notably at the moment in Afghanistan as
    American troop levels are drawn down.
        Closer to home, we need to do more to promote diversity,
    equity, inclusion, and accessibility within our ranks, while
    empowering diplomatic security agents to conduct effective
    investigations in support of protective details, as well as
    passport and visa fraud.
        The recent SolarWinds intrusion has underlined the
    importance of DS' role in maintaining a 24/7 watch on the
    department's global cyber infrastructure, a challenge which
    promises to intensify over the coming years.
        I also look forward to overseeing further improvements in
    our law enforcement and other security training at the
    department's new Foreign Affair Security Training Center in in
    Blackstone, Virginia.
        Finally, if confirmed, I look forward to working closely
    with this body to ensure your interests and concerns are
    properly address and that we work together to protect our
    personnel, facilities, and national interests abroad and
    domestically.
        Thank you for your time and consideration, and I am happy
    to entertain any of your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. Smith follows:]

                   Prepared Statement of Hon. Gentry O. Smith

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee. I am honored to appear before you today as President Biden's
    nominee to be the Department of State's Assistant Secretary for the
    Bureau of Diplomatic Security. I am grateful for the confidence that
    the President and Secretary Blinken have placed in me, and I am humbled
    by the opportunity to lead such an outstanding organization. In the
    105-year history of Diplomatic Security, I am just the third DS agent
    to be nominated to serve as Assistant Secretary.
        In my 30-year career with the Foreign Service, I am proud to have
    served as a DS Agent for 27 years prior to my appointment as Director
    of the Office of Foreign Missions--a position I held until my
    retirement in 2017. I would like to thank you for your continued
    unwavering support for both the Department and Diplomatic Security. I
    am very proud to be associated with the outstanding women and men who
    labor tirelessly to protect America's diplomatic facilities, critical
    information, and, most importantly, American lives. They also conduct
    extensive, important law enforcement investigations necessary to keep
    our country safe.
        I want to thank my wife Georgette, our adult children and their
    spouses, and our six adorable grandchildren for their love and support,
    and for allowing me to rejoin an institution that I love. It is indeed
    an honor to lead the dedicated Special Agents, Security Engineers,
    Diplomatic Couriers, Security Technicians, and other specialized
    personnel in providing a secure environment in which to conduct U.S.
    foreign policy.
        I first joined Diplomatic Security in 1987, after proudly serving
    as a Police Officer in Raleigh, North Carolina. These were the early
    days of building the Diplomatic Security Service. I grew up in the
    organization as it grew to meet increasing global security challenges,
    as well as domestic challenges to U.S. national security interests.
    Having served in Cairo during both Gulf Wars and in Rangoon during a
    period of unrest and uncertainty that rivals the current situation, I
    am familiar with the importance of strong leadership and requisite
    security operations. Upon returning to the U.S. and serving in senior
    positions in Diplomatic Security, I am proud to have collaborated
    closely with other Department colleagues, the Intelligence Community,
    DoD and Members of Congress to construct and improve diplomatic
    facilities here and abroad while enabling our personnel to project U.S.
    Government interests around the world. I am also proud and honored to
    have received Senate approval to lead the Office of Foreign Missions
    during my last tenure with the Department.
        My body of work within the Department, and subsequent experience as
    an independent consultant in the private sector, is what has prepared
    me to assume leadership as the Assistant Secretary for Diplomatic
    Security. I am aware that there will always be challenges as we seek to
    advance U.S. interests around the world.
        With support and continued guidance from members of this committee
    and Congress as a whole, my top priority, if confirmed, will be to help
    ensure the Department effectively protects its physical assets,
    information, and, most importantly, lives. At the same time, however, I
    recognize that effective diplomacy is virtually impossible without the
    ability to take considered risks in service of strategic goals and
    objectives. It will be my responsibility to evaluate various threat
    mitigation strategies and help the Department make the best possible
    calculations in support of American diplomacy. Risk management is
    particularly critical in high threat countries, most notably at the
    moment in Afghanistan as American troop levels are drawn down.
        Closer to home, we need to do more to promote diversity, equity,
    inclusion, and accessibility within our ranks while empowering
    Diplomatic Security agents to conduct more effective investigations in
    support of protective details, as well as passport and visa fraud.
        The recent SolarWinds intrusion has underlined the importance of
    DS's role in maintaining a 24/7 watch on the Department's global cyber
    infrastructure--a challenge which promises to intensify in the years to
    come.
        I also look forward to overseeing further improvements in our law
    enforcement and other security training at the Department's new Foreign
    Affairs Security Training Center in Blackstone, Virginia.
        Finally, if confirmed, I look forward to working closely with this
    body to ensure your interests and concerns are properly addressed, and
    that we work together to protect our personnel, facilities, and
    national interests abroad and domestically.
        Thank you for your time and consideration. I am happy to answer any
    questions you may have.

        The Chairman. Thank you very much.
        Ambassador Bitter?

    STATEMENT OF THE HON. RENA BITTER, OF THE DISTRICT OF COLOMBIA,
        A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF
     MINISTER-COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF
                        STATE (CONSULAR AFFAIRS)

        Ms. Bitter. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
    members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you
    today and grateful to President Biden and Secretary Blinken for
    the trust they have placed in me.
        It is with no small measure of humility that I approach the
    responsibility before me, if confirmed. I believe there is no
    part of the Department of State more directly responsible for
    the security and well-being of Americans at home and abroad
    than the Bureau of Consular Affairs.
        In fact, diplomats have been serving their fellow citizens
    abroad in consular missions since before the Constitution was
    written.
        These are the oldest and most vital functions of the
    Department of State. Consular work is not glamorous and it can
    often be heartbreaking. But colleagues in the bureau do not do
    this work for recognition. They are the truest of public
    servants, working under sometimes very difficult conditions on
    behalf of the American people.
        For a recent example, the men and women of the Bureau of
    Consular Affairs led the repatriation of nearly 100,000
    Americans at the beginning of the pandemic, often risking their
    own health and safety.
        The Senate recognized this effort with Senate Resolution
    567 commending the department for its efforts on behalf of our
    fellow citizens.
        I would also like to add my thanks to the Bureau for all it
    does on behalf of the American people, much of which takes
    place below their notice.
        If confirmed, it would be the honor of a lifetime to lead
    this extraordinary team. I have had many jobs and many proud
    moments during the span of my 27-year career, but the proudest
    have revolved around Consular Services.
        In Amman, my team issued the very first Special Immigrant
    Visas for Iraqi translators at the start of that program in
    2006. I understand on a very personal level the U.S.
    Government's commitment to the men and women who serve beside
    us.
        Another proud moment was more recent as ambassador when I
    received a letter from two grieving New England families whose
    newlywed children were tragically killed while on their
    honeymoon in Laos.
        The families wrote to thank me for the compassionate
    support they received from our embassy team during their time
    of immeasurable grief. They enclosed their children's joint
    obituary from their hometown paper, in which the families
    thanked our consular officer by name.
        As I said, the work can often be heartbreaking, but it is
    vital and never more so than now. President Biden promised to
    craft a foreign policy for the middle class. A strong healthy
    Bureau of Consular Affairs will be critical to this effort.
        But the global pandemic has taken a toll on the bureau. I
    know the department is very grateful to Congress for its
    support for consular services over the last several months.
        I am aware that the bureau has had to make some difficult
    decisions due to pandemic-related constraints on space and
    resources. More difficult decisions lie ahead. But prior to the
    pandemic, international visitors contributed more than $260
    billion to the U.S. economy and directly supported millions of
    jobs, and we must get back there again.
        If confirmed, my top priority will be that we do, to see
    that the bureau is able to meet the need for consular services
    even in this constrained resource environment and with the
    continued uncertainty of the global pandemic.
        A related priority, if confirmed, I will work with
    department stakeholders and our partners in Congress to develop
    a more resilient funding model so the bureau will always have a
    stable platform from which to carry out its mission.
        Finally, I believe the Bureau of Consular Affairs has no
    more important partner than Congress. The Department of State
    is charged with representing the interests of U.S. citizens
    around the world with reminding foreign governments that the
    United States has no higher priority than the welfare of its
    citizens, and with ensuring that our foreign policy reflects
    that goal.
        I believe executing these responsibilities are at the heart
    of the mission that the president and secretary have entrusted
    me with and to which I am prepared to dedicate all my energy.
        If confirmed, I will advocate for your constituents. On a
    personal note, I would like to thank my family and my family of
    friends, who have put up with long absences over the course of
    my career, and then generously welcomed me home as if I had
    never been gone. Many of them are here today or watching.
        When I last had the honor to appear before this committee,
    my nephew, Josh, was among them sitting behind me. He died in
    December, and today, as every day, we mourn his absence.
        But I think he would be pleased to know that our love for
    him would be memorialized in the Congressional Record, and I
    thank the committee for indulging me in doing so.
        With that, I thank you and I welcome your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Bitter follows:]

                     Prepared Statement of Hon. Rena Bitter

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, I am honored to appear before you today and grateful to
    President Biden and Secretary Blinken for the trust they have placed in
    me. It is with no small measure of humility that I approach the
    responsibility before me if confirmed. I believe there is no part of
    the Department of State more directly responsible for the security and
    well-being of Americans at home and abroad than the Bureau of Consular
    Affairs. In fact, diplomats have been serving their fellow citizens
    abroad in consular missions since before the constitution was written.
    These are the oldest and most vital functions of the Department of
    State.
        Consular work is not glamorous and can often be heartbreaking. But
    colleagues in the Bureau do not do this work for recognition. They are
    the truest of public servants, working under sometimes very difficult
    conditions on behalf of the American people. For a recent example, the
    men and women of the Bureau of Consular Affairs led the repatriation of
    100,000 Americans at the beginning of the pandemic, often risking their
    own health and safety. The Senate recognized this effort with Senate
    Resolution 567, commending the Department for its efforts on behalf of
    our fellow citizens. I, too, would like to add my thanks to the Bureau
    for all it does on behalf of the American people, much of which takes
    place well below their notice. If confirmed, it would be the honor of a
    lifetime to lead this extraordinary team.
        I have had many jobs and many proud moments during the span of my
    27-year career. But the proudest have revolved around Consular
    services. In Amman my team issued the first Special Immigrant Visas for
    Iraqi translators at the very start of that program in 2006. I
    understand on a very personal level the U.S. Government's commitment to
    the men and women who serve beside us. More recently, as Ambassador, I
    received a letter from two grieving New England families whose newlywed
    children were tragically killed while on their honeymoon in Laos. The
    families thanked me for the compassionate support they received from
    our Embassy during their time of immeasurable grief, and they enclosed
    their children's joint obituary from their hometown paper, in which
    they thanked our consular officer by name. As I said, the work can be
    heartbreaking.
        But its vital and never more so than now. President Biden promised
    to craft a foreign policy for the middle class -- a strong, healthy
    Bureau of Consular Affairs will be critical to this effort. But the
    global pandemic has taken a toll on the Bureau. I know the Department
    is grateful to Congress for its support for Consular Services over the
    last several months. I am aware that the Bureau has had to make some
    difficult decisions due to pandemic-related constraints on space and
    resources. More difficult decisions lie ahead. But prior to the
    pandemic international visitors contributed more than $260b to the U.S.
    economy and directly supported millions of jobs. We must get back there
    again. If confirmed, my top priority will be to ensure that we do--that
    the Bureau is able to meet the need for Consular services, even in this
    constrained resource environment and with the continued uncertainty of
    the global pandemic.
        A related priority--If confirmed I will work with Department
    stakeholders and our partners in Congress to develop a more resilient
    funding model so the Bureau will always have a stable platform from
    which to carry out its mission.
        Finally, I believe that Bureau has no more important partner than
    Congress. The Department of State is charged with representing the
    interests of U.S. citizens around the world, reminding foreign
    governments that the United States has no higher priority than the
    welfare of its citizens, and ensuring that our foreign policy reflects
    that goal. I believe executing that responsibility is at the heart of
    the mission that the president and secretary have entrusted me with,
    and one to which I am prepared to dedicate all my energy. If confirmed,
    I will advocate for your constituents.
        On a personal note, I would like to thank my family and my family
    of friends who have put up with long absences over the course of my
    career, then generously welcomed me home as if I'd never been gone.
    Many of them are here today or watching. When I last had the honor to
    appear before this committee, my nephew Josh was among them, sitting
    behind me. He died in December and today, as every day, we mourn his
    absence. I think he would be pleased to know that our love for him
    would be reflected in the congressional record and I thank the
    committee for indulging me to do so.
        I welcome your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you, Ambassador, and our sympathies to
    you and your family for the loss of your nephew.
        Ms. Medina, the floor is yours.

    STATEMENT OF MONICA P. MEDINA, OF MARYLAND, NOMINATED TO BE AN
        ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (OCEANS AND INTERNATIONAL
                 ENVIRONMENTAL AND SCIENTIFIC AFFAIRS)

        Ms. Medina. I want to begin by thanking Senator Markey.
        Make sure my microphone is on. There. Can you hear me now?
        Thank you, Chairman Menendez. I want to begin by thanking
    Senator Markey for that very kind introduction and for decades
    of friendship.
        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, it is a tremendous honor to appear before you today
    as the president's nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for
    the Bureau of Oceans, International, Environmental, and
    Scientific Affairs, or OES.
        I am deeply honored to be nominated by President Biden and
    for the trust that he and Secretary Blinken have placed in me.
    I am also thrilled to have the chance to serve my country
    again.
        I would like to begin by thanking my family. I am eternally
    grateful to my husband, Ron, and our grown children, Hannah,
    Michael, and Daniel, for their constant support and
    encouragement as I pursued a career in environmental
    conservation, even when it took me far from home.
        I also must thank my mother, Jeanne, a retired middle
    school teacher, who, through her passion for elephants and
    other wildlife, taught me the importance of biodiversity to
    life on Earth.
        If confirmed, I am eager to consult, engage, and
    collaborate with members of this committee and to build on your
    great work on ocean conservation, ending wildlife trafficking
    and illegal fishing, stemming the rise of future pandemics,
    fighting plastic pollution, and other OES issues of interest to
    you.
        I would not be here today if it were not for the
    opportunity the U.S. Army gave me to attend Georgetown
    University on an Army ROTC scholarship at a time when there
    were not many women who received them.
        Both my parents were teachers, and I could not have
    afforded a private university like Georgetown otherwise, and my
    dream was for a career in government and law.
        I could not have imagined then that my scholarship would
    lead me to where I sit today, that I would serve twice in the
    Pentagon, once in uniform, work in positions of responsibility
    on the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee staff, at
    the Department of Justice, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric
    Administration, and the Department of Commerce twice, and now,
    with your approval, at the State Department.
        OES is at the forefront of our responses to the global
    challenge of the present and also the global challenge of the
    future. Clearly, our nation must continue to work to defeat
    COVID-19 globally and better prepare for and prevent future
    pandemics.
        Likewise, there is no greater long-term threat to our
    safety and security than climate change. I look forward to
    supporting the administration's work on both these fundamental
    threats to our health, security, and prosperity.
        I would, additionally, raise three areas of particular
    concern to me. My decades of experience attending and
    representing the U.S. at international meetings leads me to
    believe that there will be increasing global tensions over
    limited natural resources.
        If confirmed, I would dedicate special attention to the
    following.
        First, the loss of biodiversity is a crisis and it is often
    overlooked. But there is great bipartisan work being done here
    in Congress to conserve species globally and to assist
    countries in Africa, Asia, and the Americas in their efforts to
    do the same.
        I greatly admire the International Conservation Caucus'
    efforts to work collaboratively with legislative counterparts
    from around the world to ensure that we do not lose elephants
    or rhinos or tigers or penguins or pangolins to extinction.
        Second, the ocean needs our attention. There is too much
    tension, damage, and lawless behavior in the seas due to deep
    disagreements over a plethora of hot-button issues, such as
    excessive maritime claims, illegal, unreported, and unregulated
    fishing, the dramatic changes and rapid development in the
    polar regions, and the disregard by bad actors of global
    shipping, safety, and security rules as well as pervasive
    plastic pollution and ocean chemistry changes.
        I am very impressed by the work of the Ocean Caucus on
    these issues, and if confirmed, implementing the recently
    passed Save Our Seas 2.0 Act will be a priority of mine.
        Finally, given the rapid growth and competition in space
    exploration and commercialization, space policy is at a key
    inflection point.
        A new space race could escalate global tensions among
    superpowers and create problems for future generations if we do
    not work to ensure today that space actors are complying with
    their obligations under international law and space activities
    are pursued in a manner that is safe, responsible, and
    sustainable.
        All of these issues also merit special attention by OES, in
    my view, because they are central to addressing our nation's
    strategic competition with China. Moreover, each of these
    challenges must be handled in a way that ensures the equitable
    inclusion of diverse stakeholders and the private sector in our
    solutions.
        In tackling these and other challenges, I want to assure
    the committee that I will work every day on behalf of the
    American people with the goal of ensuring that our efforts
    around the world support Americans at home and make their lives
    better.
        Thank you for considering me for this position, and I look
    forward to answering your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Medina follows:]

                     Prepared Statement of Monica P. Medina

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, it is a tremendous honor to appear before you today as the
    President's nominee for Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of
    Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs, or OES.
        I am deeply honored to be nominated by President Biden, and for the
    trust he and Secretary Blinken have placed in me. I am also thrilled to
    have the chance to serve my country again.
        I would like to begin by thanking my family. I am eternally
    grateful to my husband Ron, and our children, Hannah, Michael and
    Daniel, for their constant support and encouragement as I pursued a
    career in environmental conservation even when it took me far from
    home. I also must thank my mother, Jeanne, a retired middle school
    teacher, who through her passion for elephants and other wildlife,
    taught me the importance of biodiversity to life on Earth.
        If confirmed, I am eager to engage, consult, and collaborate with
    members of this committee and to build on your great work on ocean
    conservation, ending wildlife trafficking and illegal fishing, stemming
    the rise of future pandemics, fighting plastic pollution, and other OES
    issues of interest to you.
        I would not be here today if it were not for the opportunity the
    U.S. Army gave me to attend Georgetown University on an R.O.T.C.
    scholarship at a time when there were not many women who received them.
    Both my parents were teachers and I could not have afforded a private
    university like Georgetown otherwise--and my dream was for a career in
    government and law. I could not have imagined then that my scholarship
    would lead me to where I sit today--that I would meet my husband,
    attend Ivy League law schools, serve twice in the Pentagon, work in
    positions of responsibility on the Senate Environment and Public Works
    Committee staff, at the Department of Justice, the National Oceanic and
    Atmospheric Administration in the Department of Commerce twice, and
    now, with your approval, at the State Department.
        OES is at the forefront of our responses to the global challenge of
    the present and the global challenge of the future. Clearly, our nation
    must continue to work to defeat COVID-19 globally and better prepare
    for and prevent future pandemics. Likewise, there is no greater long-
    term threat to our safety and security than climate change. I look
    forward to supporting the administration's work on both of these
    fundamental threats to our health, security and prosperity.
        I would additionally raise three areas of particular concern to me,
    and ones that, if confirmed, I would dedicate special attention to:

       The loss of biodiversity globally is a crisis and it is often
            overlooked. But there is great bi-partisan work being done here
            in Congress to conserve species globally and to assist
            countries in Africa, Asia and the Americas in their efforts to
            do the same. I greatly admire the International Conservation
            Caucus' efforts to work collaboratively with legislative
            counterparts from around the world to ensure we don't lose
            elephants or rhinos or tigers or penguins or pangolins to
            extinction.

       The ocean also needs our attention. There is too much tension,
            damage and lawless behavior in the seas due to deep
            disagreements over a plethora of hot button issues such as
            excessive maritime claims, illegal, unreported, and unregulated
            fishing, the dramatic changes and rapid development in the
            polar regions, and disregard by bad actors of global shipping
            safety and security rules, as well as pervasive plastic
            pollution and ocean chemistry changes. I am very impressed by
            the work of the Ocean Caucus on these issues. If confirmed,
            implementing the recently passed Save Our Seas 2.0 Act will be
            a priority of mine.

       Finally, given the rapid growth and competition in space
            exploration and commercialization, space policy is at a key
            inflection point. A new space race could escalate global
            tensions among superpowers and create problems for future
            generations if we don't work to ensure today that space actors
            are complying with their obligations under international law
            and space activities are pursued in a safe, responsible, and
            sustainable manner.

        All these issues also merit special attention by OES, in my view,
    because they are central to addressing our nation's strategic
    competition with China. Moreover, each of these challenges must be
    handled in a way that recognizes the disparity between developed and
    developing nations, and ensures the equitable inclusion of diverse
    stakeholders and the private sector in our solutions. In tackling these
    and other challenges, I want to assure the committee that I will work
    every day on behalf of the American people, with the goal of ensuring
    that our efforts around the world support Americans at home and make
    their lives better. Diplomacy, cooperation, and compassion for our
    fellow residents of the planet we call home have never been more
    important.
        Thank you again for considering me for this position, and I look
    forward to answering your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Mr. Knapper?

    STATEMENT OF MARC EVANS KNAPPER, OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER
      OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
    NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
       THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF
                                VIETNAM

        Mr. Knapper. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
    Risch, distinguished members of this committee, for the
    opportunity today to appear before you. I am honored in the
    faith that President Biden and Secretary Blinken have placed in
    me.
        I also want to express my deep love and gratitude to my
    wife, Suzuko, and our son, Alex, for their support and their
    sacrifice. They have repeatedly changed homes and schools and
    have been distant from family and friends so that we could
    serve the United States overseas. Without them, as well as my
    parents, Jay and Yolanda Saltsman, I would not be here today.
        The United States-Vietnam relationship has undergone a
    profound transformation since the normalization of diplomatic
    relations 26 years ago, and my own family history tracks the
    arc of our relationship with Vietnam.
        My late father, Marine Colonel Roger Knapper, was a
    decorated Vietnam combat veteran who often recounted difficult
    memories from his time at war. Yet, he also talked many times
    of his earnest wish to return to Vietnam and see that beautiful
    country at peace and thriving.
        This wish was fulfilled three times during my previous
    service at our embassy in Hanoi, and although he will not make
    it back for a fourth visit, we will always be grateful for the
    efforts and sacrifices he and millions of other Americans have
    made during our long journey with Vietnam.
        Our two countries have moved from a history of conflict to
    a comprehensive partnership that spans political, security,
    economic, and people-to-people ties.
        If confirmed, I will work to continue developing the U.S.-
    Vietnam relationship across a wide range of shared interests in
    four key areas.
        First, security. Our two countries have significantly
    expanded our security cooperation, including through U.S.
    support to strengthen Vietnam's maritime capabilities.
        The U.S. and Vietnam share an interest in upholding
    international law and resisting China's provocative behavior in
    the South China Sea and Mekong region, and, if confirmed, I
    will make every effort to deepen our cooperation in this area.
        Second, trade and investment. Bilateral trade with Vietnam
    has grown significantly, increasing from nearly nothing in 1995
    to more than $90 billion in 2020, benefiting American
    manufacturers, farmers, and ranchers as well as consumers.
        But despite this growth, challenges remain, and if
    confirmed, I will advocate for a level playing field for U.S.
    companies and investors, including by urging Vietnam to
    maintain equitable market access for U.S. digital services and
    agricultural products.
        Third, war legacy and humanitarian issues. If confirmed,
    providing the fullest possible accounting for U.S. personnel
    missing from the Vietnam War era will be my solemn duty.
    Furthermore, for decades, Vietnam has provided critical
    assistance to those efforts and we are grateful.
        Since 1993, the U.S. has also contributed more than $160
    million to mitigate lingering threats posed by unexploded
    ordnance, and together with Vietnam, we have successfully
    completed the remediation of dioxin contamination in Danang,
    and in 2019, we broke ground on another project to remediate
    dioxin at the Bien Hoa airbase.
        Our cooperation on these issues as well as providing $125
    million since 1989 in humanitarian assistance, supporting over
    a million persons with disabilities regardless of the cause,
    has been an important foundation for our bilateral
    relationship.
        Fourth, and finally, people-to-people ties. The bonds
    between the American and Vietnamese people are strong and
    growing.
        Prior to the pandemic, nearly 700,000 Americans traveled to
    Vietnam annually, including more than 1,200 American students,
    and here in the U.S., we welcome 30,000 Vietnamese students
    each year. These people-to-people ties are an important bridge
    between our two countries.
        All that said, our thriving relationship is not without its
    challenges. We remain deeply concerned about Vietnam's human
    rights record, in particular, reports of the troubling trend of
    harassment, arbitrary or unlawful arrests, unjust convictions,
    and harsh sentences of journalists and activists.
        If confirmed, I will press the government of Vietnam to
    respect the freedoms of expression, association, peaceful
    assembly, and religion and belief.
        Only when we see significant progress on human rights can
    our two countries' partnership reach its full potential, and as
    always, my number-one priority will be protecting the safety
    and welfare of all United States citizens in Vietnam and I will
    also make the safety and welfare of Mission Vietnam personnel a
    top priority.
        The thriving U.S.-Vietnam partnership is a result of the
    courage, goodwill, and painstaking work of dedicated people in
    both countries who believed in the possibility of peace and
    reconciliation between two former enemies.
        Our overarching goal remains to advance American interests
    and support the development of a strong, prosperous, and
    independent Vietnam that contributes to international security
    and respects human rights and the rule of law.
        Thank you for considering my nomination. I look forward to
    your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. Knapper follows:]

                     Prepared Statement of Marc E. Knapper

        Thank you Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch and distinguished
    members of this committee for the opportunity to appear before you
    today. I am honored in the faith that President Biden and Secretary
    Blinken have placed in me.
        I also want to express my deep love and gratitude to my wife,
    Suzuko, and our son, Alex, for their support and their sacrifice. They
    have repeatedly changed homes and schools and been distant from family
    and friends so that we could serve the United States overseas. Without
    them, as well as my parents Jay and Yolanda Saltsman, I would not be
    here today.
        The U.S.-Vietnam relationship has undergone a profound
    transformation since the normalization of diplomatic relations 26 years
    ago. My own family history tracks the arc of the United States'
    relationship with Vietnam. My late father, Marine Colonel Roger
    Knapper, was a decorated Vietnam combat veteran, who often recounted
    difficult memories from his time at war. Yet, he also talked many times
    of his earnest wish to return to Vietnam and see that beautiful country
    at peace and thriving. This wish was fulfilled three times during my
    previous service at our Embassy in Hanoi. Although he will not make it
    back for a fourth visit, we will always be grateful for the efforts and
    sacrifices he and millions of other Americans have made during our long
    journey with Vietnam.
        Our two countries have moved from a history of conflict to a
    Comprehensive Partnership that spans political, security, economic, and
    people-to-people ties. If confirmed, I will work to continue developing
    the U.S.-Vietnam relationship across a wide range of shared interests
    in four key areas.
        First, security. Our two countries have significantly expanded
    security cooperation, including through U.S. support to strengthen
    Vietnam's maritime capabilities. Last year, Vietnam welcomed the USS
    Theodore Roosevelt, the second U.S. aircraft carrier to visit since we
    established diplomatic relations. The United States and Vietnam share
    an interest in upholding international law and resisting provocative
    behavior in the South China Sea and Mekong region, and if confirmed I
    will make every effort deepen our cooperation in this area.
        Second, trade and investment. Bilateral trade with Vietnam has
    grown significantly, increasing from nearly nothing in 1995 to more
    than $90 billion in 2020, benefiting American manufacturers, farmers
    and ranchers, and consumers. Despite the growth, challenges remain. If
    confirmed, I will advocate for a level playing field for U.S. companies
    and investors, including by urging Vietnam to maintain equitable market
    access for U.S. digital services and agricultural products.
        Third, war legacy and humanitarian issues. Providing the fullest
    possible accounting for U.S. personnel missing from the Vietnam War era
    remains our most solemn duty. For decades, Vietnam has provided
    critical assistance to those efforts. Since 1993, the United States has
    contributed more than $160 million to mitigate lingering threats posed
    by unexploded ordnance. Together with Vietnam, we successfully
    completed the remediation of dioxin contamination in Danang in 2018,
    and in 2019 we broke ground on the 10-year dioxin remediation project
    at the Bien Hoa airbase area. We have provided more than $125 million
    since 1989 in humanitarian assistance, directly and indirectly
    supporting over a million persons with disabilities, regardless of the
    cause. Our cooperation on these issues continues to build a foundation
    of trust to expand our relationship.
        Fourth, people-to-people ties. The bonds between the American and
    Vietnamese people are strong and growing. Prior to the COVID-19
    pandemic, nearly 700,000 Americans traveled to Vietnam annually,
    including more than 1,200 American students. Here in the United States,
    we welcome 30,000 Vietnamese students each year. On the occasion of the
    25th anniversary of U.S.-Vietnam relations last year, we signed an
    agreement to bring Peace Corps volunteers for the first time ever, a
    significant and symbolic milestone.
        Our thriving relationship is not without its challenges. We remain
    deeply concerned about Vietnam's human rights record, in particular
    reports of the troubling trend of harassment, arbitrary or unlawful
    arrests, unjust convictions, and harsh sentences of journalists and
    activists. If confirmed, I will press the Government of Vietnam to
    respect the freedoms of expression, association, peaceful assembly, and
    religion or belief. Only when we see significant progress on human
    rights can our partnership reach its fullest potential.
        As always, my number one priority will be protecting the safety and
    welfare of all United States citizens in Vietnam. I will also make the
    safety and welfare of Mission personnel a top priority.
        The thriving U.S.-Vietnam partnership is the result of the courage,
    goodwill, and painstaking work of dedicated people in both countries,
    who believed in the possibility of peace and reconciliation between two
    former enemies. Our overarching goal remains to advance American
    interests and support the development of a strong, prosperous, and
    independent Vietnam that contributes to international security, and
    respects human rights and the rule of law.
        Thank you for considering my nomination. I look forward to your
    questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you very much.
        We will start a round of five-minute questions, and before
    I start my own line of questions, I have some overarching
    questions for the committee.
        First, I have a few questions that speak to the importance
    that this committee places on responsiveness by all officials
    in the executive branch and that we expect and will be seeking
    from all of you.
        So I would like to ask each of you to provide a simple yes
    or no answer to the following questions.
        Do you agree to appear before this committee and make
    officials from your office available to the committee and
    designated staff when invited?
        Ms. Bitter. Yes.
        Mr. Smith. Yes.
        Mr. Knapper. Yes.
        Ms. Medina. Yes. Yes.
        The Chairman. All right. Do you commit to keep the
    committee fully and currently informed about the activities
    under your purview?
        Ms. Medina. Yes.
        Mr. Smith. Yes.
        Mr. Knapper. Yes.
        Ms. Bitter. Yes.
        The Chairman. Do you commit to engaging in meaningful
    consultation when policies are being developed, not just
    providing notification after the fact?
        Ms. Bitter. Yes.
        Ms. Medina. Yes.
        Mr. Knapper. Yes.
        Mr. Smith. Yes.
        The Chairman. And finally, do you commit to promptly
    responding to requests for briefings and information requested
    by the committee and its designated staff?
        Ms. Bitter. Yes.
        Ms. Medina. Yes.
        Mr. Knapper. Yes.
        Mr. Smith. Yes.
        The Chairman. All right. Thank you very much.
        Ambassador Bitter, let me ask you, there is a lot of issues
    under what will be your portfolio. From the question of COVID
    vaccines for American citizens abroad, which will not be only
    within the responsibility of the Bureau of Consular Affairs but
    I cannot imagine that you will not be engaged in it, what do
    you think are the primary challenges for CA and the department,
    more broadly, on administering such a vaccine program in the
    face of a global pandemic for American citizens abroad?
        Ms. Bitter. Thank you, Senator, I am aware of the concern
    that members of Congress have and also this issue, I know, is
    of great concern to many Americans. You know, the way that the
    department has approached this is that it has worked in the
    interagency to try to make sure that vaccines are available to
    countries who have yet to acquire them.
        And then within the department, we have tried to make
    available consular information to Americans abroad to ensure
    that they are aware of how they can get access to vaccines
    where they are available and make sure that they have
    information about local medical providers in healthcare, and
    that is the general form of consular services to those abroad.
        And if there are particular needs, of course, the embassies
    abroad are always prepared to address consular services and
    whatever needs American citizens have.
        The department has not typically provided medical care to
    private citizens. So I think there would be many challenges
    attendant upon that, not least of which would simply be the
    issues involved in just administering the vaccines. It would be
    quite challenging.
        The Chairman. I hope we will think about--and I understand
    that the department has not been involved in delivering health
    care services to citizens abroad, but in the global pandemic, I
    hope we will think about how we help an American citizen living
    abroad, maybe because of work or some other reason, to find
    access to a vaccine, because when a country has its own
    vaccination program, of course, it is focused on its own
    citizens and so that leaves an American citizen in limbo,
    potentially.
        So I hope we will give a little thought to how we can
    create a greater connection for American citizens abroad in
    that context.
        Let me turn to the question of passports. As you may know,
    an artifact of the COVID crisis is the department remains
    considerably backed up on passport processing at the National
    Passport Center.
        I was listening to several of our colleagues on the
    committee and my own experience back in New Jersey of citizens
    for months who have applied for their passport and cannot get a
    response and, of course, with the opening of the world and the
    surge in demand, there is a greater demand.
        Do you have a sense--I know you are not there, but in your
    briefings do you have a sense of the current backlog and what
    is your thoughts about working to clear it up?
        Ms. Bitter. Thank you, Senator.
        I am very aware of this issue and I know it is very
    important to you and to your constituents. It is important to
    the department as well, and just I share your concern about the
    length of time that it is currently taking, and the department
    takes very seriously its responsibility in this area.
        It is a very visible part of the work that the department
    does and it is important to get secure and efficiently issued
    visa--passports, rather, out to American citizens as quickly as
    possible.
        You know, like many organizations, the bureau and its
    partners have been faced with ramping up in a situation where
    COVID restrictions are lifting more slowly than demand is
    rising. So it is a pretty fast-moving situation.
        The department is reviewing each passport agency according
    to the science and deciding when they can fully reopen. So it
    is an evolving situation.
        I know, again, that this is something of great concern to
    you and I would be very happy to work with my colleagues in
    Congressional Affairs to make sure that members and your staff
    can get up to the minute briefings and the most recent
    information.
        But right now, I think it is taking, between the passport
    office and its partners, up to 18 weeks for passports that are
    not expedited to be processed.
        The Chairman. Yeah. Well, I will say that briefings are
    great. Actions are more important. What we really need is some
    type of surge capacity for a period of time to deal with the
    backlog.
        I do not think that we can--many Americans, it is not just
    a question of travel for leisure, but it is travel for business
    again. It is travel to see family members who they may not have
    seen for well over a year and a half, two years, because of
    COVID. So it is about a family reunification issue as well.
        I will tell the secretary as well, but I really urge you
    all to think about a surge capacity for a period of time to get
    us into a more reasonable period of time in which people have
    to wait.
        Finally, not because there are not many more issues, but I
    appreciate the important work the department does to vet visas
    to assure there is no fraud and abuse.
        But I can tell you I have a regular stream of complaints
    about the department's transparency and communication and
    sometimes its agility and responsiveness when it comes to
    processing visas for non-American family of U.S. citizens to
    visit the United States, student visas and work and business
    visas.
        I am interested in your thoughts about where and how we can
    improve the visa application and processing system so that
    applicants, even if they are turned down, face an open,
    transparent, and rapid process that speaks to our best values
    as a nation.
        I cannot tell you how many times--I know that an applicant
    has to overcome the hurdle of showing that they have roots in
    their country, that they are likely to return, that they are
    not likely to stay in the United States. I am very familiar
    with the immigration law in that respect. So that is a hurdle
    they must meet.
        But I cannot tell you how many times I have had individuals
    who have properties in their country, businesses in their
    country, deep family ties in their country, and no reasonable
    expectation that they would stay in the United states, and many
    of them feel they get arbitrarily and capriciously just
    rejected.
        So there is the feeling, you know, we want people in the
    world to think of the United States as a place that is
    welcoming and follows rules of law.
        Yet, they feel that they have not had, so to speak, their
    day in court. I understand the incredible crush on consular
    officers. But we have to think of how we can process in a
    better way.
        Do you have any thoughts on that?
        Ms. Bitter. Thank you, Senator. I would not be telling the
    truth if I had not said to you that I have not heard those
    comments as well. I have. And I think they speak to issues of
    respect and issues of making sure that our consular officers
    are able to have what are sometimes quite quick interactions in
    a respectful and clear way. It can be a very challenging job.
        But I am very conscious of the fact and we all are, in the
    department, and I know the Bureau of Consular Affairs is as
    well, that these officers are often the first or sometimes the
    only Americans that these host country nationals will meet, and
    it is enormously important that that interaction does reflect
    our values and does reflect the best that we have to offer.
        So I take your point, and I share it and I share your
    concern, and if confirmed it would be my goal to make sure that
    every consular officer in every embassy and every interaction
    that they have with host country nationals reflects the
    diplomats that they are and reflects the best values of
    America.
        The Chairman. All right. Thank you.
        Senator Risch?
        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        First of all, I want to associate myself with the remarks
    regarding a surge to get caught up on the visas and passports.
        Certainly, one of the great freedoms Americans have is the
    freedom to travel and also to welcome their non-American family
    members here to the United States and it is important we get
    caught up on that, as we go forward.
        I want to focus, however, on another area that the chairman
    and I are working together on and that is global health. We are
    here where we are on the pandemic and we are really focused on
    vaccines today, and that is important. It is very important.
        I think the only way we are going to get past this is a
    good vaccine program not only in the United States but around
    the world.
        But, more importantly, I think we need to look to the
    future, and I think one of the most important things that this
    committee can do is to work on a protocol for the future and
    establishing protocols and infrastructure that will get all of
    the countries pulling the wagon together to address a global
    pandemic.
        That did not happen this time. We all know that. There were
    major flaws, major holes in various countries attempted to get
    through this.
        And so the chairman and I have been working on global
    health policy and a global health bill, and I hope, Ms. Medina,
    that you will familiarize yourself with that and commit to
    helping us get in place an infrastructure protocol for dealing
    with these things when they happen immediately.
        There is no substitute for being able to address the
    challenge immediately, and that is primarily what our
    legislation is designed to do.
        We all know, and the stories are legion, as far as the
    failures right at the beginning of this pandemic that caused no
    end of problems for the world, including the number of deaths.
    And so I would like to hear your thoughts on that.
        Ms. Medina. Senator Risch, thank you very much for that
    question. And as you know, when we discussed it in your office
    and with your staff, there is no higher priority for the Bureau
    of Oceans, Environment, and Science than dealing with the
    current crisis and preventing and preparing for future crises,
    and I look forward to working with you, if confirmed, to try
    and build up, bulk up, the ability of the bureau to be that
    repository of expertise and to prepare the U.S. for what is
    likely to be additional challenges like the one we faced in the
    future.
        And I look forward to working with you on your legislation
    and to hearing your thoughts, if confirmed, about how we could
    do that together.
        Senator Risch. Well, thanks. And I will tell you that we
    all know the United States Government is big, it is complex, it
    has got many agencies, and there is an important function that
    Congress can play and, hopefully, we will play with legislation
    that the chairman and I have been working on as far as
    resolving who is in charge and who makes those decisions
    because, again, sometimes you get people of equal stature in
    the Government making conflicting decisions, and somebody has
    got to straighten that out, and this legislation attempts to
    address that and, hopefully, will address that.
        In addition to that, of course, it is the same thing
    internationally, and that is establishing some type of
    structure internationally where these kind of questions can be
    answered and answered clearly.
        We had a lot of gray areas particularly during the early
    parts of the pandemic, and these, in the best interest of the
    American people, in the best interest of the world, need to be
    straightened out and that responsibility is right here with the
    Foreign Relations Committee.
        So we are attempting to discharge that responsibility. We
    will, certainly, look to you for your assistance and help, and
    we believe that the State Department is the appropriate place
    as a clearinghouse for making these kind of decisions.
        And, again, I fully appreciate that we are focused on
    vaccine right now. But it is really important that we walk and
    chew gum at the same time and prepare for the next pandemic.
        So with that, my time is up. Thank you.
        Senator Cardin [presiding]. I understand we have Senator
    Booker by WebEx who is next.
        [Pause.]
        Senator Cardin. I understand he is not available. We will
    go to Senator Kaine.
        Senator Kaine. Thank you to my colleagues and
    congratulation to the nominees for your appointments. I have
    questions. I have a million questions for all of you. But in
    five minutes, I am going to ask questions of Mr. Smith and Mr.
    Knapper.
        Mr. Smith, Virginia is the home for training of security
    professionals who work not only for the State Department in the
    capacity center that you referenced in your opening statement
    at Fort Pickett in Blackstone, Virginia, but also the Marine
    security guards that protect our embassies around the world are
    trained at a wonderful facility at Quantico.
        I have worked very hard as a member of this committee over
    the nine years I have served on it to advance the security
    training of our State Department professionals.
        The siting of the training center at Fort Pickett was
    something I was very involved in in the early part of my time
    on the committee.
        It has come a long way and I think there is even more that
    can be done there, and I would hope at some point, should you
    be confirmed, to possibly visit with you so we could assess
    together its current status and what more might be done to
    enhance the security training of State Department personnel.
        Mr. Smith. If confirmed, Senator, I look forward to that,
    and thank you for your support.
        Senator Kaine. Right. Thank you so much.
        And, Mr. Knapper, with respect to Vietnam, I traveled on a
    bipartisan CODEL to Vietnam in April of 2019. It was a
    tremendous visit, and we found so much interest in deeper
    partnerships with the United States on military cooperation.
        There was appreciation for the U.S. role, led by Senator
    Leahy for decades now, to work on cleanup of dioxins and other
    contaminants at military bases in Vietnam, and the warm welcome
    we received from Vietnamese officials and the Vietnamese public
    was very heartwarming.
        But of the number of concerns I have about Vietnam, one
    that is most significant is the deplorable absence of press
    freedom. The organizations that rank countries in the world for
    press freedom put Vietnam very low on the list of recent
    ranking. Had them 175th out of 180.
        One of the things that seemed pretty vibrant in 2019 was,
    while the press was being cracked down on, there was still a
    pretty vibrant and open internet culture. But that has also
    been significantly constrained in the last two years.
        What can the United States do? What would you do as
    ambassador, should you be confirmed, to try to promote broader
    notions of press and freedom and freedom of speech in Vietnam?
        Mr. Knapper. Well, thank you, Senator, and thank you to you
    and your colleagues for the great support that Congress has
    provided our bilateral relationship over the years.
        As for press freedoms and other freedoms in Vietnam, I
    fully agree. We have serious, serious concerns. This is
    something that, if confirmed, I will make a focus of mine.
        I think one way we can seek to improve the situation is
    just to never miss an opportunity to raise with senior
    Vietnamese officials our deep concerns and to underline the
    point that our relationship will never reach its full potential
    unless we are able to see improvements in some of these areas,
    whether it is freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom
    of assembly.
        As you noted, the internet is increasingly a contested area
    for these basic freedoms and, you know, among the messages we
    can deliver to the Government of Vietnam is that they have
    signed on to a number of international treaties in which they
    have committed to support universal rights, such as those of
    freedom and assembly.
        And so I think a point we can strongly make is that should
    Vietnam seek to earn its place in the international community
    as a leader it is going to have to abide by some of the
    commitments it has made internationally.
        Senator Kaine. The last thing I will say about the U.S.-
    Vietnam relationship is one of the powerful, I think,
    attraction of the U.S. relationship to the Vietnamese people:
    Their deep concern about China and the historic animosity that
    they have had because of Chinese incursions into Vietnam.
        Shortly before our visit, there were massive protests all
    around Vietnam that were a little bit unusual, street protests,
    and they were fomented by the Communist Party leadership of
    Vietnam prepping to do sort of a sweetheart deal where China
    and Chinese companies would be able to come into an economic
    zone without really any competition from anyone else.
        And it was notable to see that the Vietnamese Government
    wanted to do it, that the Vietnamese people took to the streets
    to stop them from doing it, and that at least in some temporary
    way it caused the Communist Party leadership of Vietnam to step
    back.
        There is a deep desire for deeper relationship with the
    United States to be a counterpoint to a China that has been so
    often an aggressor against Vietnam, and that is important for
    us to know and it is important for us to contemplate as we seek
    to build a deeper relationship with Vietnam.
        I look forward to working with all of you should you be
    confirmed. Very high qualified panel.
        Thank you. I yield back.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you.
        Senator Hagerty?
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Senator Cardin, and
    congratulations to each of you for being nominated today.
        I take particular interest in one of our nominees. That is
    Ambassador-to-be Marc Knapper.
        Marc, I am delighted to see that Suzuko and Alex have
    joined you today. I would say this--that I am certain Colonel
    Roger Knapper is smiling today, too. I am sure he takes a great
    deal of pride in your career.
        It has been my great honor to have served with you for the
    past four years working with you, and I also take a great deal
    of pride in the fact that you are sitting here today.
        I am also very optimistic. I think that you will be
    confirmed and I think that you are going to work with a great
    team--my former DCM, Joe Young, Dan Kritenbrink, I think, at
    EAP. We are going to be very well represented in an area that
    presents great strategic challenges for America today.
        So I am very, very pleased to see you here. You know,
    America is challenged in the South China Sea like never before.
    The world is challenged in the South China Sea like never
    before, because of the claims that China continues to maintain,
    I think, without foundation to sovereignty over much of that
    region.
        You have had unique experience, Marc. You have had
    experience in Japan. You have had experience in Hanoi. You have
    had experience dealing with India on the India desk, with China
    and Mongolia, and, certainly, you did a wonderful job as DCM
    and charge d'affaires in South Korea.
        You understand this region. I see great opportunity between
    Vietnam and the United States from an economic standpoint that
    has been manifest. We have seen great trajectory there. I think
    economic ties support strategic ties.
        But what I would really like to talk about for a moment is
    the strategic opportunity that Vietnam presents for the United
    States, for our Quad partners, and for the safety and security
    of that region. I would love to get your thoughts on the role
    that you would play and help lead as our Ambassador to Vietnam.
        Mr. Knapper. Thank you very much, Senator, and thank you
    very much for your kind words about my family.
        I mean, you are absolutely right. Right now, I think our
    shared view with Vietnam is that there is no greater challenge
    we face right now than that of China, China's aggressive and
    provocative behavior, particularly some of its sweeping and
    unlawful maritime claims in the South China Sea, what it is
    doing along the Mekong River, damming and releasing water,
    causing deep, deep problems for 66 million people who live
    along that river and rely upon it for their livelihoods.
        If confirmed, Senator, I will make a priority deepening our
    strategic relationship with Vietnam. Right now, we have what we
    call a comprehensive partnership. We hope to raise it to a
    strategic partnership, and I will take steps to do that by
    strengthening even further our security relationship with
    Vietnam.
        This is something that you mentioned, Ambassador
    Kritenbrink. He did a great job over three years in bringing us
    to the next level.
        I would like to take us further. I think deepening our
    economic partnership by opening the market there further to
    American agricultural goods, digital services.
        As you said, strengthening our trade and economic ties can
    only benefit our strategic sort of interactions and our
    strategic sort of interdependence. And so this, if confirmed,
    will be a priority of mine, as well as deepening our people-to-
    people ties.
        The shoulders upon which all of our efforts with Vietnam
    stand are the ties between our two peoples, whether it is young
    people going back and forth, students studying in each other's
    countries. And so that will also be, sir, a priority of mine,
    if confirmed.
        Senator Hagerty. Well, thank you very much. I look forward
    to working with you along all of those lines and know that you
    have a strong ally in the United States Senate, only with me
    but with the members of this committee, in achieving these
    goals.
        Could I turn to you, Ambassador Bitter?
        There is an area, again related to China, which is a deep
    concern of mine. I am certain that you are aware of this
    concern, and that is overseas students coming from China that
    pose a security threat to the nation.
        I would just like to ask you in very specific terms if you
    are familiar with the Executive Order 10043. That executive
    order suspends the entry of certain students and researchers
    from the People's Republic of China.
        Ms. Bitter. Yes, Senator.
        Senator Hagerty. And if you are confirmed, do you agree to
    notify me and this committee if there are any changes made to
    that executive order?
        Ms. Bitter. Yes, Senator.
        Senator Hagerty. And in the meantime, do you agree to
    uphold the tenets of that executive order?
        Ms. Bitter. Yes, Senator.
        Senator Hagerty. Thank you very much, Ambassador. I
    appreciate it.
        I yield back.
        The Chairman. [presiding]. Thank you.
        Senator Cardin?
        Senator Cardin. Well, first, let me thank all four of our
    nominees for their service to our country and our willingness
    to continue to serve our nation. We thank you. We thank your
    families. We know that this is very much a family commitment.
        Ambassador Bitter, I would like to start with you. I just
    want to concur with Senator Menendez's comments in regards to
    the passport issues. And as Senator Menendez said, you are not
    responsible for the current backlog. Eighteen weeks is
    unacceptable. Unacceptable.
        We have constituents who, in good faith, have made travel
    plans, expecting that if they requested a passport document
    that it would be done in a matter of a few months, not four
    months.
        And some are suffering now extreme economic hardships as
    well as personal hardships not being able to get those
    documents and they do not fall into the narrow definition of a
    life's emergency that would require more immediate action.
        We are also concerned that some have requested passport
    support months ago, may not even be at the front of the line in
    regards to people who are now requesting help. And again, we
    recognize that you are not responsible for the current
    circumstances.
        I thought Senator Menendez made an excellent point about
    the need for surge. I would like to get your commitment that
    this will receive your priority, if confirmed, and that we
    cannot allow an 18-week backlog in passport applications.
        Ms. Bitter. Yes, Senator, you have my commitment. I share
    your concern and it will be my top priority, if confirmed.
        Senator Cardin. Thank you very much.
        Mr. Knapper, I want to follow up on the questions that were
    asked by Senator Kaine in regards to Vietnam. I have been to
    Vietnam. Vietnam, certainly, is a much different country than
    it was when we were at war with Vietnam.
        We have made significant progress in improving our
    relationship between our two countries. We were on the path
    towards the Trans-Pacific Partnership on a good governance
    section that was important to deal with the corruption in the
    country and good governance.
        Vietnam was making progress, I would suggest, on basic
    human rights even though it is an authoritarian government, and
    now we have seen a backsliding, as Senator Kaine said, on
    freedom of the media.
        I could also add the right of their citizens to peacefully
    protest their government has been very much infringed upon. And
    they have now changed their cyber laws in regards to comments
    about history can be now challenged by the Government and
    infringing upon the use of the internet.
        These are trends that are very disturbing, and I would like
    to drill down a little bit more about your strategies for
    dealing with the human rights issues in Vietnam, and how you
    will keep us informed and work with us as we look at the tools
    that we have given the administration to advance human rights
    and making sure that they are used fully in Vietnam.
        Mr. Knapper. Well, thank you, Senator.
        I think one area in which we have seen progress over the
    past few years have been in the expansion of rights afforded to
    women, minorities, people with disabilities, members of the
    LGBT community, and I think one of the ways we were able to
    secure and see these advances was thanks to sort of increased
    cooperation with and assistance to the NGOs and activists
    within Vietnam who work within these specific areas and with
    these groups.
        And so, if confirmed, I would seek to not only continue the
    great work that the U.S. Government has done, not just with
    activist groups and NGOs within Vietnam but also groups in the
    United States--the Vietnamese-American community, for example--
    to identify problematic areas, to try and identify potential
    strategies and tactics, going forward, because this is
    absolutely a priority area for me personally.
        I worked on these issues 15 years ago when I previously
    served in Vietnam, and it will continue to be an area of focus
    for me and for Mission Vietnam. And you absolutely have my
    commitment to work with you and your colleagues, sir, in the
    Congress to look for opportunities and tools to further seek to
    improve the situation there in Vietnam.
        Thank you.
        Senator Cardin. I would just add that it is very important
    that our mission in Vietnam support the NGOs and civil society
    groups that are working to advance these priorities so that our
    embassy is always a home for those who have roles to improve
    the governance in Vietnam and sometimes need the support of our
    embassy.
        And I see you are shaking your head yes and I will just put
    your shaking of the head yes into the record.
        With that, Mr. Chairman, I will yield back.
        The Chairman. All right. I prefer an oral answer when I ask
    you a question, but I do not want to interpret your headshaking
    as a yes and then maybe you tell me later on it was a no. So--
    --
        Mr. Knapper. Well, it was actually a head nodding, Senator.
        [Laughter.]
        The Chairman. Okay.
        I understand there are no other members.
        Oh, I am sorry. Senator Van Hollen just walked in.
        Senator Van Hollen?
        Senator Van Hollen: All right. Thank you, Mr. Chairman,
    Ranking Member Risch, and to all of you, congratulations on
    your nomination.
        And let me start, if I could, with you, Ambassador Bitter,
    and I know Chairman Menendez asked you some questions about the
    current backlog in passport processing.
        You know, obviously, we have been through a very difficult
    time with COVID. I recognize that, and the State Department has
    had to deal with all of the pressures that that brings.
        In our state office, we have gone from things like small
    business access to PPP loans being the top priority and other
    issues to now number one relates to getting passports, where my
    understanding is we now have about a four-and-a-half-month
    average backlog.
        And the other big issue, of course, is as families now have
    the opportunity to reunite and visit with friends, the issue of
    visas for people coming just to visit family and friends in the
    United States.
        Can you talk about what we can do right now to address
    these issues and what, if confirmed, you would do?
        Ms. Bitter. Thank you, Senator.
        I am very aware of these issues, and I should take this
    opportunity, of course, to thank Congress for the support that
    it has given to the bureau over the last several months.
        As all of you know, the bureau is under tremendous
    financial pressure since the start of the pandemic, and
    Congress has been enormously responsive in filling some of
    those gaps and allowing the bureau to continue to deliver
    consular services.
        But so I know that the bureau is very grateful and that it
    will be continuing to engage with Congress on future budgets.
        I just want to point out that these issues are not just
    money related. So while the U.S. is experiencing a return to
    what feels a little like normal, our posts overseas are still
    working under some pandemic space constraints, which means that
    they cannot offer the same number of appointments that they
    used to because they cannot have the same number of people in
    their waiting room.
        So these restrictions are very important. They protect our
    staff, they protect the customers, they protect the community,
    but they do limit possibility to provide services.
        And as a result, what has happened is my colleagues
    overseas have had to make some difficult prioritization
    decisions about how to use the space that is available to them.
        If confirmed, this is very much job one. I recognize that
    visas also impact your community with respect to small
    businesses maybe relying on workers overseas that are unable to
    get back, family reunification, all of those issues. Right now
    it is a very difficult time.
        Senator Van Hollen: Well, thank you for that statement. You
    know, this is the area where our constituents most frequently
    interact with the State Department, right, and so that is where
    they are really feeling the presence or lack of responsiveness
    and services.
        So our office is working very closely with the team at the
    State Department. We are grateful for the relationship we have.
    But this is a big, big issue, the visa part but also just
    getting a passport for U.S. citizens who is here.
        Ms. Medina, thank you for your testimony, and I appreciate
    your mentioning the issue of biodiversity, as you mentioned,
    and we are seeing a disappearance of biodiversity at alarming
    rates around the world and look forward to working with you on
    those issues, going forward.
        Mr. Smith, thank you for taking on this assignment. As you
    well know, you know, Foreign Service officers go into the
    Foreign Service to really get to know and interact with the
    countries where they are serving.
        And so while it is absolutely true that we have to provide
    security, I hope, as you think this through, you will also find
    ways to make sure that our Foreign Service officers overseas
    can interact with the rest of the population. Otherwise, they
    might as well just be in D.C.
        In Kabul, we have, of course, a particularly immediate
    situation, and I know you will be monitoring that very
    carefully with respect to the situation there.
        Finally, if I could, Mr. Knapper, congratulations on your
    nomination to Vietnam. Lots of issues to cover.
        But let me just ask you about one, because over the past
    several years we have seen Vietnamese authorities increase
    their scrutiny over Vietnamese citizens' activities on the
    internet and social media, cracking down on any kind of free
    expression, requiring U.S. and other internet-based companies
    and social media companies to force them to comply with laws
    that can crack down on people's speech or try to force them.
        Can you just talk briefly about how we are dealing with
    that situation?
        Mr. Knapper. Well, thank you, Senator.
        The one specific case right now that is attracting the most
    attention, of course, is that of Facebook, and the Vietnamese
    Government, in some instances, demanding that Facebook removed
    certain posts that it finds offensive or contrary to political
    order, so to speak.
        And right now, the U.S. embassy in Hanoi, we are working
    very closely with Facebook folks on the ground there as well as
    the Vietnamese Government to try and find a way forward that,
    again, preserves the space on Facebook and other social
    networking sites to allow for free speech and to allow for the
    free expression of political and other views, and also just
    allowing an American company to be able to operate without a
    threat of its data being cut off or throttled, is the term that
    they use.
        But, if confirmed, Senator, I will absolutely focus on this
    as a human rights issue, but also as a press freedom issue.
        Thank you.
        Senator Van Hollen: I appreciate that. As you say, it is
    really part of the larger, I think, growing challenge in
    Vietnam with respect to human rights. But thank you all for
    your testimony.
        Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Some final questions.
        Ambassador Smith, as I mentioned in my opening remarks, I
    am deeply concerned about what seems to be an emerging threat
    of directed energy attacks targeting U.S. personnel and our
    ability to pivot and adequately protect them and their families
    in the face of these attacks.
        I hope that will be a major focus for you upon your
    confirmation?
        Mr. Smith. Yes, it will, Senator, and I look forward to
    engaging as we progress on this issue.
        The Chairman. Well, that is incredibly important to us
    because, you know, we ask our people to do incredible work for
    the United States. We put them, sometimes, in harm's way. We
    need to do everything possible to protect them.
        And this is something that seems to be challenging and
    escaping us. So I hope this will become one of your highest
    priorities upon taking office.
        One of the most significant challenges I can see on the
    horizon is the security at Embassy Kabul. What is your current
    assessment--I know you are not there yet but from your
    experience of our ability to ensure the safety and security of
    the embassy compound?
        And will you commit to keeping the committee updated on the
    steps that Diplomatic Security has taken to ensure the safety
    of U.S. personnel?
        Mr. Smith. If confirmed, Senator, yes, I will commit to
    that. Afghanistan will continue to garner a lot of attention,
    particularly as U.S. forces continue to withdraw, and it is
    going to be important for Diplomatic Security to remain very
    much engaged both with our colleagues and contacts here and
    also with the Afghan forces on the ground to see how they can
    help to enhance our security operations.
        The Chairman. Well, if you, when you get confirmed, I hope
    you will give us an assessment of what is needed, if anything
    is needed beyond what we have.
        And also Port-au-Prince--we, obviously, have an ongoing
    difficult situation in Port-au-Prince. I know you will pay
    attention globally. But these are some hotspots that I think we
    need to pay attention to.
        Do you have any sense of that, our embassy at Port-au-
    Prince?
        Mr. Smith. Again, I agree with you that Port-au-Prince is
    definitely a point of concern at this moment. I have not
    received any additional briefings on the activities there
    beyond what is in the open source.
        But look forward, if confirmed, to focusing very, very
    clearly and specifically on that activity as well.
        The Chairman. Okay. We will look forward to hearing from
    you once you are confirmed.
        Mr. Knapper, finally, as you contemplate the possibilities
    of taking the relationship that we have with Vietnam to the
    next level and inaugurating a genuine strategic partnership, an
    aspiration I certainly support, how will you balance our very
    real shared strategic interests with Vietnam with our ongoing
    human rights concern?
        A couple years back we had the president of Vietnam here.
    It was a very interesting exchange. First time in my 30 years
    of doing foreign policy and sitting with foreign dignitaries
    that he did not take any questions.
        And it is not our process in the committee when we are
    meeting with a head of state to allow them to ramble along and
    eventually never take a question.
        That was emblematic, in my mind, of what is going on in
    Vietnam. What sort of linkages or conditioning do you think is
    appropriate and constructive as we consider additional military
    security, economic or diplomatic engagement, with Vietnam?
        Mr. Knapper. Thanks, Mr. Chairman.
        I think you really have nailed the challenge that we face.
    It is, you know, how do we address our shared strategic
    interests in the region with Vietnam while staying true to our
    values regarding human rights, religious freedom, other areas.
        And I think, if confirmed, I would like to build upon the
    good progress we have made so far. We have been able to keep
    that balance, I believe, between ensuring that our values
    related to universal human rights are upheld and asserted in
    our high-level conversations with the Vietnamese Government,
    but at the same time recognizing that in Vietnam we have no
    stronger or more vocal partner within ASEAN when it comes to
    speaking out against the challenge that China poses in the
    South China Sea and elsewhere in the region.
        So as I mentioned earlier, Mr. Chairman, I think there are
    ways to point out to our Vietnamese Government and Communist
    Party of Vietnam interlocutors that there will be limitations
    to how much our relationship can grow under the circumstances
    in which we have concerns about human rights and religious
    freedom.
        And I think we have to make clear that as we do consider
    ways to expand the relationship that we will let them know that
    there are potential breaks on progress that we will have to
    consider.
        The Chairman. All right.
        Ms. Medina, I do not want you to think that I--you have no
    object of my affection or interest. So but between your
    statement--your answers with Senator Risch and Senator Markey's
    incredible description of your history, I think you have
    answered the issues I am concerned about.
        So we look forward to working with you upon your
    confirmation. Global health for myself and for the ranking
    member is a critical issue, and while it may not seem in the
    title of your position to be the focal point, it is a focal
    point for this committee. So we will look forward to working
    with you on that.
        With no other member, as I understand it, either virtually
    or present, to come before the committee, the record will
    remain open until the close of business on Wednesday, July the
    14th for questions.
        I would urge the nominees if you get questions for the
    record to answer them fully expeditiously so we can consider
    your nominations at a business meeting.
        And with the thanks of the committee for your willingness
    to serve, this hearing is adjourned.

        [Whereupon, at 11:27 a.m., the committee was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Hon. Gentry O. Smith by Senator James E. Risch

    Risk Tolerance for Diplomats Abroad
        Question. Diplomacy is an inherently dangerous business, and
    effective diplomacy cannot be conducted without accepting some degree
    of risk.

       How do you think the culture should change at the State Department
            to accommodate more risk management as opposed to risk
            avoidance?

        Answer. I agree that the Department must balance the essential need
    to protect our people with the need to engage our partners around the
    world to advance U.S. interests. Department leadership acknowledges
    that our national security mission entails diverse types of risk and is
    committed to managing it appropriately. The Bureau of Diplomatic
    Security (DS) goes to great lengths to facilitate our nation's
    diplomacy in challenging places, including high-threat locations, and
    welcomes further efforts, including with Congress, to ensure that the
    Department is able to meet mission objectives while protecting our
    personnel.
        To quote Secretary Blinken, ``The safety and security of our
    personnel abroad should not be politicized, nor should we assume
    negligence if, and when, prudent, calculated risk decisions play out
    with negative consequences.''

        Question. How do you view your role in promoting that cultural
    shift in the department? What specifically could you do as assistant
    secretary--if confirmed--that would better enable our diplomats to get
    outside our posts abroad and advance America's interests?

        Answer. This is an issue that, if confirmed, I intend to examine
    closely, in concert with senior Department leadership, especially with
    regard to what the Department can do to further enable diplomacy in
    High Threat/High Risk locations. Department leadership acknowledges
    that our national security mission entails diverse types of risk and is
    committed to managing these risks appropriately. My experience has been
    that the Bureau of Diplomatic Security goes to great lengths to
    facilitate our nation's diplomacy in challenging places, including
    high-threat locations, and welcomes further efforts, including with
    Congress, to ensure that the Department is able to meet mission
    objectives while protecting our personnel.

    Talent Retention
        Question. The Bureau for Diplomatic Security (DS) loses a lot of
    mid-level officers at the senior-two and senior-three levels for many
    reasons, but two frequent ones are lack of jobs at their level that
    reflect interest/ability and lack of promotion opportunities due to the
    limited number of positions available.

       If confirmed, what can you do as Assistant Secretary to address the
            loss of mid-level officers?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with senior
    Department leadership to look at ways to retain existing staff and
    expand opportunities for mid-level officers. We will continue to engage
    with Global Talent Management to assess the availability of positions
    at all levels and ensure that we provide all officers ample
    opportunities to compete for promotion.

        Question. What policies or internal measures can you pursue to help
    address the loss of mid-level officers who leave due to the lack of
    promotion potential?

        Answer. DS recognizes that mid-level officers have expressed
    concerns regarding assignments and the slow pace of promotions. In the
    past we sought to address concerns by reclassifying some positions to
    provide more opportunities for advancement. If confirmed, I look
    forward to working with Global Talent Management's leadership to
    explore additional ways to address these concerns.

    Resources
        Question. DS has multiple responsibilities that sometimes lead to a
    competition for resources. How do you feel DS should prioritize
    resources to the various missions?

        Answer. The safety of our personnel and security of our information
    and facilities are among the Department's highest priorities. Congress
    has been very supportive to DS in providing the resources it has
    requested. If confirmed, I intend to work with Department leadership
    and this committee to prioritize resources to its various missions.

    Key Personnel Skills
        Question. The State Department faces a shortage of speakers of
    critical languages. Many of our pool of qualified speakers have close
    family ties to countries where the language is needed. Do you feel the
    current DS system of issuing preclusions adequately mitigates CI
    vulnerabilities that are identified during the background
    investigation?

        Answer. The State Department is committed to a diverse, skilled
    workforce. Some assignment limitations are preclusions that reflect the
    Department's inability to accredit diplomats to foreign countries of
    which they are citizens or to foreign countries that consider them
    citizens. In adjudicating security clearances, the Department utilizes
    the whole person concept to determine whether facts and circumstances
    indicate that eligibility is clearly consistent with the national
    security interests of the United States. Any doubt is resolved in favor
    of national security. Part of this process identifies potential CI
    vulnerabilities and considers whether they are mitigated under the
    National Security Adjudicative Guidelines. The Department is committed
    to protecting its employees and national security information.

    Programming
        Question. Where does DS programming fit within the broader
    Department of State and interagency security sector capacity building
    structure and related planning processes?

        Answer. Diplomatic Security is an important contributor to security
    capacity building in partner nations around the globe. DS serves as the
    primary implementer of the Department's Antiterrorism Assistance (ATA)
    program, which provides selected foreign governments with
    counterterrorism training, equipment, and technical assistance in
    coordination with policy guidance and funding provided by the Bureau of
    Counterterrorism. Regional Security Officers (RSOs) frequently work
    with host country governments, local organizations, and other
    diplomatic missions to provide advisory security opinions to schools,
    hospitals, and similar institutions.

        Question. What are DS's comparative advantages in the U.S.
    Government's security sector capacity building framework and tool set?

        Answer. Numerous U.S. Government agencies have resources and skills
    that can contribute to assisting foreign development beneficial to the
    national interest. While Diplomatic Security possess its own impressive
    cadre of security professionals and world class training and assistance
    programs, DS' greatest asset is in the organization's status as a
    security and law enforcement agency and integral part of the Foreign
    Service. DS personnel are trained investigators, cyber experts,
    security engineers, analysts, and diplomats. That broad functionality
    allows DS to soundly evaluate and deploy needed security and training
    assistance, whether those efforts ultimately originate from within DS
    or from another agency.

        Question. How can DS better leverage these advantages to further
    political goals?

        Answer. Diplomatic Security should continue its role as the lead
    law enforcement representative on an embassy's Country Team. A Regional
    Security Officer's ability to advise a Chief of Mission on both
    diplomatic and security consequences assures that U.S. foreign policy
    goals are examined from both a political and security dimension.

    Havana Syndrome
        Question. Between late 2016 and May 2018, the State Department
    found that certain Embassy Havana community members suffered a series
    of unexplained injuries, including hearing loss and cognitive issues.
    Many other U.S. Government officials in other countries have
    experienced similar incidents.

       If confirmed, will you commit to continuing the investigation into
            the circumstances surrounding the sonic attacks?

        Answer. If confirmed, I intend to continue to prioritize the
    application of DS' technical and investigative talent to support the
    investigation to identify the source and cause of these unexplained
    health incidents. I look forward to working with Congress on this very
    important issue.

        Question. Will you seek to ensure the safety and security of U.S.
    diplomatic personnel in Havana and other posts where personnel were
    injured?

        Answer. There is no higher priority for the Department or for me
    than the safety and security of our personnel and this certainly
    includes mitigating against unexplained health incidents. I know that
    this issue is a top priority for Secretary Blinken. If confirmed I will
    work closely with the interagency to fully apply DS technical and
    investigation resources to ensure that our efforts to determine cause
    and attribution remain a priority.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work constructively with
    other government agencies on finding the cause of the attacks as well
    as on how best to support those U.S. Government employees who have been
    injured?

        Answer. If confirmed, I intend to continue coordinating with
    multiple agencies to identify the source and cause of these reported
    injuries. In addition, I intend to focus on ways to strengthen the
    already robust mitigation efforts that are taking place to further
    enhance the safety and security of all USG personnel and family members
    overseas under our security responsibility.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to regularly sharing new
    information, including updates on any live investigations, to Congress?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work through the Bureau of Legislative
    Affairs to ensure that Congress promptly has the information it needs
    to perform its Constitutional obligations, consistent with obligations
    involving interagency information and existing practices for the
    protection of law enforcement activities.

                                   __________

          Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Gentry O. Smith by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Risk Management
        Question. Some former State Department officials, Members of
    Congress, and other stakeholders have expressed concern with what they
    view as a growing level of risk intolerance at U.S. missions abroad,
    especially at high-risk posts, which they maintain inhibits U.S.
    diplomats from effectively fulfilling their mandates. I am considering
    a hearing on this topic in my subcommittee.

       What is your view on the State Department's current diplomatic
            security risk management approach? In your view, how, if at
            all, should the current approach be adjusted more towards risk
            tolerance or, alternatively, more towards mitigating risks
            facing U.S. diplomats and other personnel under Chief of
            Mission Authority?

        Answer. I agree that the Department must balance the essential need
    to protect our people with the need to engage our partners around the
    world to advance U.S. interests. Department leadership acknowledges
    that our national security mission entails diverse types of risk and is
    committed to managing it appropriately. The Bureau of Diplomatic
    Security (DS) goes to great lengths to facilitate our nation's
    diplomacy in challenging places, including high-threat locations, and
    welcomes further efforts, including with Congress, to ensure that the
    Department is able to meet mission objectives while protecting our
    personnel.
        To quote Secretary Blinken, ``The safety and security of our
    personnel abroad should not be politicized, nor should we assume
    negligence if, and when, prudent, calculated risk decisions play out
    with negative consequences.''

        Question. What is your view of the Accountability Review Board
    (ARB) process? Do you believe the ARB process is excessively tilted
    toward finding someone to blame in the case of a security incident, or
    alternatively, does action need to be taken to ensure accountability?
    What kinds of adjustments, if any, would you suggest Congress make to
    the ARB process?

        Answer. The Department recognizes that the advancement of foreign
    policy inherently involves diverse types of risk, and that taking
    considered risks can be essential to advancing U.S. interests. If
    confirmed, I would welcome working with Congress to look at ways to
    improve the ARB process.

                                   __________

          Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                 to Hon. Gentry O. Smith by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. Since 2016, U.S. personnel posted to the Embassy in
    Havana, Cuba have reported a common set of symptoms now referred to as
    ``Havana Syndrome.'' Since then, these symptoms have been reported in
    many other countries hosting U.S. diplomats, including China and
    Russia. These often debilitating injuries present a major risk to U.S.
    diplomatic personnel there.

       What is your assessment of the risks present to U.S. diplomatic
            personnel assigned to Havana?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will closely assess the situation in
    coordination with Department of State stakeholders and interagency
    partners.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Rena Bitter by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Last year's travel restrictions and the resulting loss of
    visa fee revenue negatively impacted Consular Affairs' finances. Now,
    as vaccinations rates climb and more people seek to travel, demand for
    passports and visas are rapidly increasing, leading to significant
    delays in processing times for passports and visas. Some of these
    delays take extra months. If confirmed, what is your plan to reduce
    lengthy passport processing times?

        Answer. If confirmed, my number one priority will be the reduction
    of service backlogs impacting both our domestic passport agencies and
    our overseas posts. Prior to COVID-19, our domestic passport service
    standards were up to three weeks for expedited applications, and up to
    eight weeks for routine applications. It is my goal to return to these
    timelines as quickly as possible, not only through the use of overtime
    and increased hiring, but also by exploring how we might utilize
    Department staff to surge domestic passport processing capacity.
    Addressing visa backlogs overseas will require solutions tailored to
    the unique needs of each post, but I will devote myself and the CA team
    to identifying and implementing these solutions as quickly as possible.

        Question. It appears that the Biden administration is not currently
    prioritizing visas for seasonal workers and other business-related
    needs. How are you going to better balance the needs of our small and
    medium-sized businesses, who often rely on seasonal workers to survive?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue efforts to sustain the long-
    standing program of temporary workers coming to the United States,
    which is vital to maintaining supply chains for food and other critical
    items. In addition, I will seek to continue existing policies to waive
    the in-person interview requirement for certain first-time H-2
    applicants and those renewing within 48 months. These provisions will
    continue to permit the processing of many H-2 applications without the
    need for an in-person appearance, which creates efficiencies in
    processing while still adhering to COVID health protocols.

        Question. Upon a determination by the Secretary of State that the
    detention of a United States national abroad is unlawful or wrongful,
    how will you work to efficiently transfer such cases from the Bureau of
    Consular Affairs to the Special Envoy for Hostage Affairs?

        Answer. The Bureau of Consular Affairs (CA) works closely with the
    Office of the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs (S/SPEHA)
    and other Department offices to implement the Robert Levinson Hostage
    Recovery and Hostage-Taking Accountability Act. CA works hand in hand
    with S/SPEHA, the relevant regional bureau, post, and the Department's
    Office of the Legal Adviser to develop recommendations on individual
    cases. When a detention is determined to be wrongful, the transfer of
    the case to S/SPEHA is a smooth and efficient process. If confirmed, I
    pledge to help facilitate continued close collaboration.

        Question. How do you plan to ensure that all families with
    relatives held abroad are given timely access to information?

        Answer. The U.S. Department of State has no greater responsibility
    than the protection of U.S. citizens overseas. Some of our most
    vulnerable U.S. citizens abroad are those who are arrested or detained
    in a foreign country. Consular officers stand ready to provide all
    appropriate consular services in cases where U.S. citizens are detained
    and arrested abroad. We will continue to work with local authorities to
    ensure our embassies or consulates are notified of a U.S. citizen
    arrest, and our consular officers will seek access to the citizen
    without delay. Consistent with the decision of the detained citizen and
    in line with the Privacy Act, consular officers provide status updates
    to family members as soon as possible. I pledge, if confirmed, that CA
    will continue to prioritize service to these U.S. citizens including
    providing as much information as possible to their families.

        Question. What steps will you take to improve the Bureau of
    Consular of Affairs with regards to United States nationals held
    abroad?

        Answer. With all detentions, consular officers seek prompt access
    to ensure detained U.S. citizen prisoners are:

       receiving adequate food and necessary medical care;

       not being mistreated;

       able to access legal counsel;

       having communications facilitated with their families consistent
            with their preferences under the Privacy Act, and

       receiving all substantive and procedural protections under local
            law and fair trial guarantees consistent with international
            obligations, including human rights law.

        If confirmed, I will seek to ensure individuals have access to any
    medication or medical attention they may need and highlight our
    concerns to local authorities, that officers also assist with the
    transfer of funds from family and friends in the United States to pay
    for attorneys' fees, food, and medicine while incarcerated, and that
    they raise concerns and protests regarding credible allegations of
    mistreatment. In cases where potential indications of a wrongful
    detention exist, I will ensure CA consults with S/SPEHA and other
    relevant Department offices on whether a wrongful detention
    determination by the Secretary as called for under the Levinson Act
    might be appropriate.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
               Submitted to Hon. Rena Bitter by Senator Tim Kaine

        Question. State Department statistics released this month show
    fewer children are being successfully returned to the U.S. following
    parental abduction than before--See https://bit.ly/3nExd6J
        The percentage of children returned to the U.S. as share of all
    reported outgoing abductions has steadily dropped from 2011 to 2020.)
    While recognizing that not all returns to the U.S. are for cases that
    happened in previous years, we are nonetheless concerned by the
    apparent decreases in proportion of children returned to the U.S.

       To what do you attribute this decline?

        Answer. Each child's case, and each country, is unique. If
    confirmed, I will ensure the Bureau of Consular Affairs continues to
    assist parents seeking the return of their abducted children and to
    engage with countries to promote procedures to achieve better outcomes
    for children and families in child abduction cases. I will direct our
    focus to those countries cited for demonstrating a ``pattern of
    noncompliance'' in our Annual Report to Congress on International Child
    Abduction, and those countries that are not party to the Hague
    Abduction Convention, as these are the countries from which it may be
    the most challenging to resolve cases.
        In referring to the data publicly shared by the Department, I am
    also encouraged to observe that from 2010 to 2019, there was more than
    a 50 percent drop in the number of international parental child
    abductions reported to the Department. If confirmed, I will ensure the
    Bureau of Consular Affairs continues its robust efforts in
    collaboration with U.S. Customs and Border Protection to prevent these
    abductions from occurring in the first place.

        Question. What would you do as Assistant Secretary to more
    forcefully and effectively advocate for the return of abducted children
    to the U.S.?

        Answer. Consular Affairs has no more important role than the
    protection of U.S. citizens abroad, especially children wrongly removed
    or retained abroad by a parent from their U.S. homes. If confirmed, I
    will prioritize our engagement on international parental child
    abductions with both our Hague Convention partners and non-partner
    countries, with special focus on the 11 countries cited for
    demonstrating a ``pattern of noncompliance'' in our 2021 Annual Report
    to Congress on International Child Abduction. I will ensure we use
    every effective means to get these countries to work with the United
    States to quickly resolve these cases and help parents bring their
    abducted children home.

        Question. If confirmed, would you support efforts to routinely
    inform parents applying for passports for minor children about the
    potential for international child abduction?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will maintain the Bureau of Consular
    Affairs' priority focus on the prevention of international parental
    child abduction. All recipients of a U.S. passport currently receive a
    flyer advising them of the risks of international parental child
    abduction and providing contact information for the Office of
    Children's Issues. I am also encouraged that close to 55,000 children
    are actively enrolled in the Children's Passport Issuance Alert
    program, and I will continue the Department's work to strengthen this
    important child abduction prevention program.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
              Submitted to Hon. Rena Bitter by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. The COVID-19 pandemic has placed an incredible strain on
    the State Department's ability to process visas. This is, in part, due
    to the need to protect the safety and health of our diplomats in
    countries where the pandemic is still uncontrolled. However, as
    countries increase the vaccination of their citizens and the spread of
    the pandemic decreases, the U.S. should resume regular consular
    services in many countries.

       If confirmed, how do you plan to address the consular services
            backlog?

        Answer. If confirmed, my number one priority will be the reduction
    of service backlogs at both our domestic passport agencies and our
    overseas posts. Prior to COVID-19, our domestic passport service
    standards were up to three weeks for expedited applications, and up to
    eight weeks for routine applications. It is my goal to return to these
    timelines as quickly as possible, not only through the use of overtime
    and increased hiring, but also by exploring how we might utilize
    Department staff to surge domestic passport processing capacity.
    Addressing visa backlogs overseas will require solutions tailored to
    the unique needs of each post, but I will devote myself and the CA team
    to identifying and implementing these solutions as quickly as possible.

        Question. One consequence of the shutdown of consular services in
    most embassies has been the practice of referring citizens in one
    country to have their interviews conducted in another country. For
    example, ordinary Cubans have had to travel to Guyana.

       In your opinion, what message does it send to ordinary Cubans when
            they have to travel to Guyana to process their visas, but the
            Cuban baseball team was able to get visas in Havana to play a
            game in the U.S. earlier this year?

        Answer. I am sympathetic to the financial and other difficulties
    Cuban citizens face in applying for visas and recognize there are
    humanitarian reasons that individuals may want to seek an appointment
    with the consular section in Havana. The U.S. Embassy suspended routine
    visa services following the ordered departure of non-emergency
    personnel in September 2017. The consular section must also comply with
    Cuban COVID-19 restrictions. Embassy Havana continues to provide
    emergency assistance to U.S. citizens in Cuba, and to provide limited
    non-immigrant visa services including for medical emergencies and
    official and diplomatic travelers. I am hopeful future conditions may
    permit a reevaluation of what services can be provided by the Embassy.

        Question. During the Trump administration, the State Department
    decided to allow Americans born in Jerusalem to list ``Israel'' as
    their place of birth in their passports. This is a policy and is
    reflective of U.S. law that recognizes Jerusalem as the capital of
    Israel.

       If confirmed, do you commit to upholding this policy decision?

        Answer. If confirmed, I have no plans to seek to change the
    Department's current policy regarding the place of birth listed on U.S.
    passports for U.S. citizens born in Jerusalem.

        Question. The Visa Waiver program is an initiative that allows
    citizens of participating counties to travel to the U.S. for 90 days
    without a Visa. Many of the participating countries are among our
    strongest allies and partners, such as the United Kingdom, Ireland,
    Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. For several years, the State Department
    has worked to include Israel in the Visa Waiver program.

       If confirmed, do you commit to working with Israel on these
            efforts?

        Answer. The Secretary of Homeland Security, in consultation with
    the Secretary of State, may designate countries for participation in
    the Visa Waiver Program when and if the country meets established
    statutory and policy criteria. I commit to continuing the efforts to
    work with Israel on its progress to qualify for designation into the
    program.

        Question. In 2014 the Obama administration agreed to afford multi-
    entry, non-immigrant visas (B1/B2) with ten years' validity to
    qualified PRC nationals. Now that two subsequent administrations have
    determined that the PRC is a strategic competitor, and have sought to
    calibrate U.S. policy accordingly, it is time to revisit the risks
    associated with visa policy.

       If confirmed, do you commit to evaluate the security risks of
            providing multi-entry visas of such long duration to PRC
            nationals, particularly Chinese Communist Party members and
            military personnel?

        Answer. Yes, I will work with the administration and the Department
    to evaluate all security risks posed by the People's Republic of China.
    We maintain robust vetting of all non-immigrant visa applications,
    including for B1/B2 visas, under our longstanding Security Advisory
    Opinion process. In addition, the Department and its partners
    continuously vet all visa holders and may revoke a visa at any time if
    we identify potential security concerns. Currently, B1, B2, and B1/B2
    non-immigrant visas are limited to one-month, single-entry for members
    of the Chinese Communist Party, as well as their spouses and unmarried
    children under the age of 21. This change went into effect in December
    2020 and is being applied at all visa units worldwide. We will continue
    to assess how to update and adapt visa vetting processing to best
    address threats to U.S. national security. Presidential Proclamation
    10043, which went into effect on June 1, 2020, has also suspended the
    entry of PRC students and researchers with ties to China's Military-
    Civil Fusion.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Hon. Rena Bitter by Senator Cory A. Booker

        Question. COVID-19 has wreaked havoc on the State Department's
    ability to meet passport and visa demand. Right now, wait times for a
    new U.S. passport are 18 weeks for routine services and 12 weeks for
    expedited services.
        Relatedly, many U.S. embassies and consulates around the world are
    still only processing non-immigrant visas in emergency situations. For
    those that are issuing visas, the estimated wait time to receive an
    interview appointment can range from a couple of weeks for a student
    visa to months for a tourist visa.
        As you can imagine, I have received a great deal of correspondence
    from constituents who are exasperated for themselves and family members
    as they seek to travel around the world.

       What plans do you have in mind to address these severe backlogs?
            What do you intend to do on Day 1 to help get Consular Affairs
            back on track?

        Answer. If confirmed, my number one priority will be the reduction
    of service backlogs impacting both our domestic passport agencies and
    our overseas posts. Prior to COVID-19, our passport service standards
    were two to three weeks for expedited applications, and six to eight
    weeks for regular applications. It is my goal to return to these
    timelines as quickly as possible, not only through the use of overtime
    and increased hiring, but also by exploring how we might utilize
    Department staff to surge domestic passport processing capacity.
    Addressing visa backlogs overseas will require solutions tailored to
    the unique needs of each post, but I will devote myself and the CA team
    to identifying and implementing these solutions as quickly as possible.

        Question. Through nearly two decades of U.S. assistance programming
    in Afghanistan, the United States has funded, through cooperative
    agreements and grants, multiple programs on human rights, democracy
    assistance, support for independent media, and the empowerment of women
    and marginalized groups.
        Thousands of Afghan nationals directly implemented U.S.-funded
    civilian aid and development programs across the country, alongside
    U.S. and international personnel. They demonstrated a commitment and
    dedication to this important work for their country despite the fact
    that the association with the United States placed their lives at risk.
        I visited Afghanistan in 2018, and have seen firsthand the
    dedication and sacrifice that Afghan nationals have given to support
    our efforts. These brave men and women are now under threat as the
    Taliban has stated in no uncertain terms that it plans to target those
    who helped the United States as translators, interpreters, and in other
    ways over the years. Many of these nationals have applied for Special
    Issuance Visas to come to the United States with their families, but
    the backlog for processing their applications runs into the thousands.

       What is your plan for addressing this backlog and potentially
            saving the lives of thousands of Afghans who helped us in our
            war efforts over the past two decades?

        Answer. I take seriously our commitment to the Afghan men and women
    who have assumed enormous risks to support our military and civilian
    personnel. I am very cognizant of the threats they face and fully agree
    that assisting them is a top priority. The Department has increased
    resources and undertaken steps to streamline the process at every
    application stage. If confirmed, I will ensure my team completes
    processing of SIV applications to the fullest extent possible. We will
    also keep working with Congress to identify where we can make the SIV
    application process more efficient and adjust requirements that do not
    impact national security.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
            Submitted to Monica P. Medina by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed serious gaps in U.S.
    international pandemic prevention, preparedness, and response efforts,
    including the failure of the Department of State--over multiple
    administrations--to prioritize global health policy and diplomatic
    engagement beyond the PEPFAR program. What is your plan to improve
    State Department leadership on global health security?

        Answer. The COVID-19 pandemic demonstrates how global health
    security is essential to U.S. national and economic security. The State
    Department is strongly positioned to lead the global effort to beat
    COVID-19 and increase the global capacity to prevent, detect, and
    respond to future outbreaks, and the Secretary has appointed a
    Coordinator who reports directly to him to work across the Department
    and with other agencies to elevate global health policy in the
    Department's diplomatic efforts. If confirmed, I will immediately look
    closely at the bureau's structure and resources and come back to you to
    discuss this issue further, with a view to working with the committee
    as it considers how to strengthen health security at the Department. If
    confirmed, I am committed to work with Coordinator Gayle Smith of the
    Secretary's Office of Global COVID-19 Response and Health Security,
    other offices across the interagency, and with partners to improve
    global health security capabilities, as well as to increase
    transparency and accountability. This includes modernizing and
    strengthening international institutions including the World Health
    Organization, and International Health Regulations.

        Question. Do you agree that the Department needs to play a more
    active role in the interagency on global health security, including by
    ensuring foreign policy and program coherence among the U.S. agencies
    implementing global health programs overseas (CDC and USAID) as well as
    with other international partners?

        Answer. Yes. The Department is playing an active and robust role on
    global health security within the interagency process. But the Bureau
    needs to build up greater capacity to deal with this and other health
    crises in the future. If confirmed, I am committed to working with
    Coordinator Gayle Smith of the Secretary's Office of Global COVID-19
    Response and Health Security on these issues, as well as other offices
    in the Department and across the interagency. The Biden-Harris
    administration recognizes that COVID-19 and health security are global
    challenges that require global responses, and I will engage with
    international partners and allies on this important issue. The United
    States will continue to engage multilaterally to respond to and recover
    from COVID-19 as well as to prepare for, detect, and rapidly respond to
    emerging biological threats.

        Question. Is there currently a review process within the United
    States Government for approving or disapproving life sciences or
    biological research collaboration with other countries that could pose
    dual-use concerns, including research on pathogens, viruses, and
    toxins? What role, if any, does the Department of State play in this
    review process? Within the Department of State, what role does OES play
    in this process?

        Answer. Because I am not currently an employee of the State
    Department, and I understand that much of this work is outside the
    purview of OES, I have not taken a hard look at this process. It is my
    understanding that there are a variety of review processes that may
    apply to international life science collaboration, depending on the
    nature of that collaboration and the pathogens or other materials
    involved. These include reviews undertaken by agencies before funding
    certain types of research deemed to pose particular risks, and, where
    applicable, export licensing and visa vetting. The Department of State
    is in general not involved in the decisions of funding agencies to
    support specific research activities. I understand that much of this
    work is outside of the purview of OES. If confirmed, I will work
    colleagues in other bureaus at the State Department and across the
    interagency to learn more about these issues, and will work with you to
    assist any committee oversight over such activities.

        Question. If such a process exists, what type of evidentiary
    information must be included to determine whether such research
    collaboration is appropriate?

        Answer. Because I am not yet in the Department, I have not looked
    into this question or been specifically briefed on it. I have been
    advised that the types of information required depend on the nature of
    the research collaboration and the pathogens or other materials
    involved. However, it is my understanding that they would typically
    include the pathogens, if any, to be worked with, the nature of the
    activity, the identities of the individuals involved, and the purposes
    for which the activity would be conducted. Information regarding the
    location of the work and the applicable biosafety standards may also be
    required. If confirmed, I will look further into this issue and will
    work with you and your staff on it.

        Question. What steps has the Department of State taken to act on or
    implement the recommendations of the following guidance documents?
    Please be specific with respect to each document listed below:

       United States Government Policy for Oversight of Life Sciences Dual
            Use Research of Concern, available at https://bit.ly/2YYcFvs

       National Science Advisory Board for Biosecurity, Proposed Framework
            for the Oversight of Dual Use Life Sciences Research:
            Strategies foR Minimizing the Potential Misuse of Research
            Information (2007), available at https://bit.ly/3AfOqGZ

       Recommended Policy Guidance for Departmental Development of Review
            Mechanisms for Potential Pandemic Pathogen Care and Oversight
            (P3CO) (2017), available at https://bit.ly/3u2cMSt

       U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Framework for Guiding
            Funding Decisions About Proposed Research Involving Enhanced
            Potential Pandemic Pathogens (2017), available at https://
            bit.ly/3CmAQ5o

       National Science Advisory Board for Biosecurity, Recommendations
            for the Evaluation and Oversight of Proposed Gain-of-Function
            Research (2016), https://bit.ly/3zkTRTQ.

        Answer. As I understand it, these policy documents primarily
    provide guidance for other Federal agencies considering funding of
    certain types of research or work with potential pandemic pathogens. I
    am advised that the Department of State does not fund such research.
    However, the Department of State has been involved in actively
    promoting the development and adoption of such oversight systems
    abroad, including through presentations and discussions at
    international meetings. If confirmed, I will look further into how
    these documents are being used and implemented by agencies with such
    research funding and will work with you and your staff to understand
    how each is being implemented.

        Question. As we discussed when we met last month, the Columbia
    River Treaty remains an important issue to myself and the rest of the
    northwest delegation. This treaty has been in the process of being
    renegotiated for years and will determine energy production and costs
    as well as water flows. If confirmed, you will lead the bureau
    responsible for overseeing some of the technical inputs that
    negotiators will consider.

        Answer. The Columbia River is the lifeblood of the region. I am
    generally familiar with the complicated issues regarding this key
    shared resource from my time at NOAA. If confirmed, I will give a close
    look into the whole range of negotiating issues as they stand now and
    determine how OES can best provide greater support to the U.S.
    negotiating team. Canada and the United States have a shared interest
    in building back the regional economy and being good stewards of the
    region's water resources.

        Question. If confirmed, will you make Columbia River Treaty
    negotiations a priority?

        Answer. I understand the importance of reaching agreement with
    Canada on the modernization of the Columbia River Treaty regime. Canada
    and the United States have a shared interest in building back the
    regional economy and being good stewards of the region's water
    resources. If confirmed, I will look into the whole range of
    negotiating issues and determine how OES can best support the U.S.
    negotiating team.

        Question. What was the total amount of appropriations in Fiscal
    Year (FY) 2019 used by the Department of State on global climate change
    programs? From which accounts did the funding come? Please provide
    specific details about all global climate change programs funded,
    including the objectives, results, and amounts of FY 2019
    appropriations spent. If confirmed, how would you adjust this spending,
    if at all?

        Answer. The Department of State used $13,500,000 of FY 2019
    Economic Support Funds on global climate change programs. These
    programs protect the environment while promoting economic growth and
    enhancing sustainable landscapes, clean energy, and adaptation. In
    FY19, allocated funds went to the following programs:

       SilvaCarbon--U.S. Forest Service

       Climate Fellows--U.S. Forest Service

       Clean and Advanced Technology for Sustainable Landscapes--U.S.
            Department of Energy

       Caribbean Natural Infrastructure Partnership for Resilience--U.S.
            Forest Service

       Offset National Emissions through Sustainable Landscapes--U.S.
            Aviation Industry Groups

       Carbon Accounting and Reporting for Wetlands--Environmental
            Protection Agency

       Avoiding Deforestation through a Commodities Jurisdiction
            Approach--Competitively Awarded Program

       Private Investment for Enhanced Resilience--Competitively Awarded
            Program

       Clean Energy Ministerial--U.S. Department of Energy

        Question. In your March 31, 2020, opinion piece in the Washington
    Post, you wrote about the environmental ``unexpected bright side'' of
    the pandemic and point out the economic tradeoffs of doing with less.
    How will you measure and report on economic and social tradeoffs of
    climate programs at the State Department?

        Answer. The pandemic has been an immense tragedy. It is clear that
    it and the climate crisis impact our economies and societies in complex
    and challenging ways. It is imperative that we learn from this
    experience and use that knowledge to build back better. If confirmed, I
    hope to work within the E family, and with the Department and the
    interagency, to address these issues holistically.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
          Submitted to Monica P. Medina by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Authorities
        Question. The position of Assistant Secretary of State for Oceans
    and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs has not been
    held by a Senate-confirmed official since 2014.

       Secretary Blinken has noted that the State Department likely
            requires additional hiring authorities to bring in more
            personnel to address emerging, complex foreign policy
            challenges that fall within the remit of OES, including climate
            change, global health, and technology. Do you share this view?
            Could you elaborate on the kinds of skill sets you think need
            to be added to the Bureau's work?

        Answer. Yes, I agree. The Bureau has in its purview two of the
    major crises facing our country and the world today-climate and health-
    and they are likely to be difficult challenges for the foreseeable
    future, requiring more resources for the Bureau. OES needs the right
    mix of people, fresh and diverse perspectives, and people who
    understand how to apply the latest scientific understanding and
    technologies to these problems.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
              Submitted to Monica P. Medina by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. If confirmed, how will you work with our allies and
    partners in the region to counter the Chinese Communist Party's illegal
    territorial claims?

        Answer. This matter is an important problem, and if I am confirmed,
    it will be a priority for me. I have been to China and Japan with the
    Secretary of Defense, and I understand the issue well. The United
    States can and should push back on the PRC's coercive behavior,
    unlawful maritime claims in the South China Sea, and disregard for the
    marine environment. Countering the PRC's tactics requires a government-
    wide effort that leads with diplomacy, development, and economic
    engagement. Secretary Blinken recently affirmed in his statement on the
    5th anniversary of the Arbitral Ruling on the South China Sea that
    freedom of the seas is an enduring interest of all nations and is vital
    to global peace and prosperity. If confirmed, I will look forward to
    working with our ASEAN partners along with other partners and allies
    including Australia, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Japan, New
    Zealand, and the European Union to preserve the rules-based order in
    the Indo-Pacific region including the East and South China Seas.

        Question. If confirmed, how do you intend to work with other
    federal agencies and international partners to crack down on illegal,
    unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing practices in the South China
    Sea?

        Answer. Ending IUU fishing is a top priority of mine because of the
    detrimental food security impacts it has in the regions where it is
    occurring, as well as because of the human rights and environmental
    harms it is causing. Nowhere is this security and environmental
    challenge more urgent than in the South China Sea. When I worked for
    Secretary Panetta at the Department of Defense, I witnessed the growing
    tensions in this region and the national security concerns it creates
    first-hand.
        I understand that the State Department and OES work with
    interagency partners to monitor and address IUU fishing by PRC vessels,
    support capacity building for coastal states threatened by it, and
    implement multilateral fisheries enforcement and management schemes.
    OES and its interagency partners also engage directly with the PRC on
    broader fisheries conservation and management issues to push for
    Being's responsible oversight of its fleet. I understand the State
    Department and other agencies have also done work with Southeast Asian
    coastal States to strengthen fisheries law enforcement and maritime
    domain awareness in the region. If confirmed, I look forward to
    continuing the Department's leading role in the recently formed
    Maritime SAFE Act Interagency IUU Fishing Working Group, where we are
    working with our interagency partners, as well as with key
    stakeholders, to coordinate and strengthen U.S. efforts to combat IUU
    fishing wherever it occurs. It is imperative, in my view, that we step
    up our efforts in international fora and at international meetings to
    confront China on its aggressive actions that undermine the rule of law
    on the seas.

        Question. Is there currently a review process within the United
    States Government for approving or disapproving life sciences or
    biological research collaboration with other countries that could pose
    dual-use concerns, including research on pathogens, viruses, and
    toxins? What role, if any, does the Department of State play in this
    review process? Within the Department of State, what role does OES play
    in this process?

        Answer. Because I am not currently an employee of the State
    Department, and I understand that much of this work is outside the
    purview of OES, I have not yet taken a hard look at this process. It is
    my understanding that there are a variety of review processes that may
    apply to international life science collaboration, depending on the
    nature of that collaboration and the pathogens or other materials
    involved. These include reviews undertaken by agencies before funding
    certain types of research deemed to pose particular risks, and, where
    applicable, export licensing and visa vetting. The Department of State
    is in general not involved in the decisions of funding agencies to
    support specific research activities. I understand that much of this
    work is outside of the purview of OES. If confirmed, I will work
    colleagues in other bureaus at the State Department and across the
    interagency to learn more about these issues, and will work with you to
    assist any committee oversight over such activities.

        Question. If confirmed, what actions will you take to work with our
    allies and partners in Africa and Latin America to combat Chinese
    illegal fishing?

        Answer. Department's continued close work with the U.S. Coast
    Guard, NOAA, and other agencies and partner governments around the
    world to strengthen the rules and improve enforcement processes and
    capabilities for international fisheries. The Bureau plays a role in 16
    bilateral cooperative fisheries law enforcement agreements between the
    U.S. Coast Guard and partner countries in the Pacific and West Africa,
    and I fully support its efforts to pursue additional agreements
    throughout the world, including in Latin America and Africa. These
    agreements allow for the United States to assist coastal and flag
    States to enforce their domestic laws, strengthening and supporting
    development of partner nations' capabilities. In addition, I understand
    that the Maritime SAFE Act IUU Fishing Working Group has recently
    determined that a number of regions in Africa and Latin America are
    ``priority regions,'' as described by the Act. OES will continue to
    collaborate with its interagency partners through that Working Group to
    determine the best approaches to strengthening the capabilities of
    countries in those regions to address IUU fishing individually and
    through regional cooperation.

        Question. If confirmed, what actions will you take to work with
    other agencies in investigating the origins of the COVID-19 pandemic?

        Answer. Like many, I very much want to know the origins of COVID-
    19. It is imperative that we learn what caused this tragedy and act to
    do everything we can to prevent it from happening again. President
    Biden recently requested a deeper review of the origins of COVID-19 by
    the U.S. intelligence community, with support from the National Labs
    and other agencies of the U.S. Government. As part of this review,
    President Biden has asked for investigation into all areas that may be
    relevant. I look forward to the results of this report and, if
    confirmed, identifying next steps for follow-up and assisting in
    whatever capacity I can. Additionally, the World Health Organization
    (WHO) is currently working on developing Phase 2 of its study of the
    origins of COVID-19, including in China.

        Question. If confirmed, and absent passage of my bill, what actions
    will you take to combat the deplorable action of finning sharks in
    foreign nations?

        Answer. Shark populations are declining globally and in my view we
    need to do more to conserve them. The United States, through the
    Department of State and the NOAA National Marine Fisheries Service, has
    spearheaded a series of agreed shark finning prohibitions in RFMOs in
    both the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. The United States works through
    RFMOs to strengthen enforcement of current fishing prohibitions--and
    strengthen the measures themselves when needed--as part of our work to
    support the conservation and sustainable management of key shark
    species. If confirmed, I will press for continued and expanded U.S.
    leadership in these and other international organizations to ensure the
    sustainability of these vital species, as well as continuing to work
    with other countries to develop and enforce national conservation and
    management measures, including species-specific data collection
    programs for sharks.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Marc Evans Knapper by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. As you contemplate the possibilities of taking this
    relationship to the next level and inaugurating a genuine strategic
    partnership what is your vision of what such a partnership should look
    like and encompass?

        Answer. Twenty-six years since the normalization of diplomatic
    relations, the U.S.-Vietnam partnership has never been better. We have
    moved from a history of conflict and division to a Comprehensive
    Partnership that spans political, security, economic, and people-to-
    people ties.
        I am confident that the positive momentum in our relationship will
    continue. The United States and Vietnam have a common sense of purpose
    and a common vision for a rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific. We
    seek to deepen our cooperation that spans our close collaboration on
    war legacy and humanitarian issues to regional security and shared
    prosperity. We also seek to deepen cooperation on climate change,
    pandemic disease, wildlife and drug trafficking, maritime security, and
    transnational crime..
        Our interests include maintaining the peace and stability that has
    allowed regional and bilateral trade to flourish over the last quarter
    century.
        If confirmed, I commit to consulting closely with Congress as the
    administration considers next steps in the relationship.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you balance our very real shared
    strategic interests with Vietnam with our on-going human rights
    concerns? What sort of linkages or conditioning do you think is
    appropriate and constructive as we consider additional military-
    security, economic or diplomatic engagement with Vietnam?

        Answer. Twenty-six years since the normalization of diplomatic
    relations, the U.S.-Vietnam partnership has never been better. We have
    moved from a history of conflict and division to a Comprehensive
    Partnership that spans political, security, economic, and people-to-
    people ties.
        The United States and Vietnam have a common sense of purpose and a
    common vision for a rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific. We must
    continue to build on the progress in the bilateral relationship, but as
    the Biden-Harris administration has committed to putting human rights
    back at the center of American foreign policy, we must also bring all
    the tools of our diplomacy to defend human rights, including freedom of
    expression, and religion or belief. If confirmed, I will continue to
    press Vietnam to improve its implementation of human rights obligations
    and commitments.

        Question. As Beijing continues to pursue its aggressive and
    expansionist tactics in the South China Sea, where are the
    opportunities--and necessity--for greater US-Vietnam maritime
    partnership?

        Answer. We will continue to support Vietnam's enhancement of its
    maritime security and law enforcement capabilities to better monitor
    its maritime domain and resist coercion in the South China Sea.
        In 2017 and 2020, the U.S. Government officially transferred to
    Vietnam through the State Department's Excess Defense Articles (EDA)
    program two 378-foot Hamilton-class cutters, with the second arriving
    in in Vietnam earlier this summer. These vessels are the largest in
    Vietnam's fleet and significantly enhance Vietnam's maritime security
    capabilities. The United States has also transferred to Vietnam 24
    Metal Shark patrol boats and six Scan Eagle UAV, as part of our effort
    to work with Vietnam to make it better able to protect its sovereignty
    and rights in the South China Sea. Through the State Department's
    International Narcotics and Law Enforcement program, we are developing
    four training facilities for Vietnam's Coast Guard. We are bringing
    U.S. Coast Guard personnel to Vietnam to train Vietnamese Coast Guard
    and DFIRES Fisheries Enforcement counterparts on key maritime law
    enforcement skills to ensure that maritime law enforcement capabilities
    forces are modern, resilient, and capable. If confirmed, I will
    continue to seek opportunities for maritime capacity building.
        Vietnam sent its first cadet to the U.S. Air Force Academy in
    August 2020, and we are hopeful to have more Vietnamese cadets attend
    U.S. service academies in the coming years.

        Question. How and where can the United States work with Vietnam to
    assure continued ASEAN centrality as a strategic counterweight and to
    develop functional problem-solving regional architecture?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to deepening
    our engagement with ASEAN as part of reinvigorating our multilateral
    partnerships. ASEAN plays a central role in the U.S. vision of a free
    and open Indo-Pacific. Secretary of State Blinken has publicly
    reaffirmed the United States' steadfast support for ASEAN centrality
    and to expanding our work together.
        Vietnam, as Chair of ASEAN in 2020, helped the organization respond
    to the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic and we applauded them for
    their leadership.
        We will continue to seek opportunities to partner with Vietnam and
    other ASEAN partners to advance U.S. priorities and interests on
    pressing regional issues. This extends beyond our meetings with ASEAN
    to ASEAN-related fora such as the East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional
    Forum, and Mekong-U.S. Partnership. As part of the non-traditional
    security pillar of this partnership, the Bureau of International
    Narcotics and Law Enforcement is developing a program to combat
    Transnational Organized Crime in the region, building Vietnam's
    capacity to investigate and prosecute crime in cooperation with its
    neighbors.
        We will also continue our work to build the capacity of the ASEAN
    Secretariat on political, economic, and socio-cultural issues, and
    broader efforts to develop human capital and support the next
    generation of ASEAN leaders, including through capacity building
    seminars at the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative (YSEALI)
    Academy at Fulbright University Vietnam (FUV).

        Question. What would be your priorities--resilience, zero-carbon
    energy resources--to work with Vietnam on climate change?

        Answer. The 2020s will be the decade for climate action, and no
    region of the world has a more pivotal role in realizing the global
    goal of net-zero emissions by 2050 than the economies in the Indo-
    Pacific region. We will continue to work with Indo-Pacific countries to
    increase regional ambition, implement 2030 targets and net-zero goals,
    enhance the impact of climate financing, and increase adaptation and
    resiliency through regional frameworks such as the Quad as well as
    bilateral engagements.
        I was pleased that Vietnam was invited to the Leaders' Summit on
    Climate and appreciated hearing from President Nguyen Xuan Phuc about
    the challenges Vietnam faces from climate change. Vietnam is
    increasingly vulnerable to the threats associated with climate change,
    evidenced by record floods that caused horrible devastation last year.
    Vietnam is also a significant greenhouse gas emitter.
        If confirmed, I will prioritize elevating climate change in my
    discussions with Vietnamese Government and business leaders and urging
    Vietnam to transition to a cleaner energy environment and to commit to
    setting a net-zero emissions date.

        Question. Cyber and Human Rights: in recent years Vietnam has
    cracked down on numerous bloggers and journalists, and adopted
    troubling new laws and regulations, that have closed down freedom of
    expression in cyberspace. How and where can we work with Vietnam to
    assure that civil society actors and journalists have space and freedom
    to operate in the cyber realm--and to convince Vietnam that China's
    model of digital authoritarianism is contrary to Vietnam's interests.

        Answer. I am concerned about the shrinking environment for the
    exercise of freedoms of expression and association online and offline.
    The trend of harassment, arbitrary or unlawful arrests, unjust
    convictions, and harsh sentences of journalists and activists for
    exercising their human rights is deeply troubling.
        If confirmed, I will advocate with the Government of Vietnam to
    respect freedom of expression, both offline and online, and engage with
    social media companies to promote approaches that preserve freedom of
    expression online and an open, interoperable, reliable, and secure
    internet.

        Question. Fulbright Vietnam University: The establishment of FVU,
    with congressional support, has been a really success story for the
    bilateral relationship in recent years. Where do you see opportunities
    for FVU to continue to grow and contribute to Vietnam's development?
    For example, is there a role for FVU to serve as a hub for cyber-
    security education and training for Vietnam and for the region?

        Answer. Fulbright University Vietnam (FUV) is an incredible symbol
    of the strength of our partnership with the people of Vietnam and
    Southeast Asia. It is the first private, independent, non-profit
    Vietnamese university, and is based on American higher education
    traditions of open inquiry, research, and critical analysis.
        The U.S. Government has helped FUV develop into a center of
    academic independence that models core principles, including academic
    freedom, meritocracy, transparency, and equal access. FUV has brought
    world-class university standards to Vietnam and helped unlock
    tremendous potential in Vietnam's education sector.
        We are proud to partner with FUV to create the YSEALI Academy at
    FUV, which offers executive-level capacity-building seminars for entry-
    to mid-level professionals from ASEAN countries and Timor-Leste around
    the themes of technology and innovation, public policy, and
    entrepreneurship.
        If confirmed, I look forward to exploring all possible avenues to
    use FUV as a platform, including for cybersecurity training and
    educational programs on the Mekong Delta, for increased engagement with
    the Vietnamese people and with leaders across Southeast Asia.

        Question. Even though we are many decades from the end of the war,
    legacy issues including cleaning up of UXO and addressing the use of
    Agent Orange continue to be important to both the Vietnamese and
    American people. What priorities would you have in addressing these or
    other war legacy issues, if confirmed?

        Answer. Addressing humanitarian and war legacy issues is a
    foundational element of the strong relationship between the United
    States and Vietnam. Providing the fullest possible accounting for U.S.
    personnel missing from the Vietnam War era remains our most solemn
    duty. I acknowledge the Senate's longstanding support of U.S.
    initiatives in this regard.
        Since 1993, the United States has contributed more than $160
    million to conventional weapons destruction (CWD) efforts to clear
    unexploded ordnance (UXO), risk education, victims' assistance, and
    capacity building. The U.S.-funded UXO clearance program targets high-
    priority sites in the most UXO-contaminated provinces of central
    Vietnam: Quang Tri, Quang Binh, and Tha Thien Hue. Our progress with
    UXO authorities in these areas is a prime example of how provincial
    level success can be replicated at the national level going forward. If
    confirmed, I will advocate for these successes to be adopted at the
    national level for effective implementation of U.S. taxpayer funding,
    and to make real progress for the people of Vietnam.
        Separately, the United States and Vietnam successfully completed
    the remediation of dioxin contamination in Danang in 2018, and in 2019
    we broke ground on the 10-year dioxin remediation project at the Bien
    Hoa airbase area. The United States has provided more than $125 million
    since 1989 in humanitarian assistance, directly and indirectly
    supporting over a million persons with disabilities, regardless of the
    cause.
        Our cooperation on these issues continues to build a foundation of
    trust to expand our relationship and, if confirmed, I will prioritize
    deepening our cooperation in these efforts.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
           Submitted to Marc Evans Knapper by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. What should our main goals for the Indo-Pacific region be
    in the short-term, medium-term, and long-term?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration is committed to advancing a
    free and open Indo-Pacific region. To achieve this, I will work to
    revitalize ties with our allies and partners, advance inclusive
    economic policies that support all Americans, and promote democratic
    resilience and respect for human rights. I will invest in capabilities
    and work with allies and partners, including in regional organizations,
    to defend the international rules-based order, its foundational values,
    and international law. I will also work closely with Congress and
    partners in the region to address pressing challenges, including the
    threat posed by the DPRK nuclear program, transnational crime, recovery
    from COVID-19, and climate change.

        Question. What are realistic goals for the U.S.-Vietnam strategic
    partnership in the next decade? Please be specific.

        Answer. Twenty-six years since the normalization of diplomatic
    relations, the U.S.-Vietnam partnership has never been better. We have
    moved from a history of conflict and division to a Comprehensive
    Partnership that spans political, security, economic, and people-to-
    people ties.
        I am confident that the positive momentum in our relationship will
    continue. The United States and Vietnam have a common sense of purpose
    and a common vision for a rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific. Over
    the next decade, we seek to deepen our cooperation that spans our close
    collaboration on war legacy and humanitarian issues to regional
    security and shared prosperity. We also seek to deepen cooperation on
    climate change, pandemic disease, wildlife and drug trafficking,
    maritime security, and transnational crime..
        Our interests include maintaining the peace and stability that has
    allowed regional and bilateral trade to flourish over the last quarter
    century..

        Question. If confirmed, what are the three main things you will
    seek to accomplish in your first 100 days as U.S. Ambassador to
    Vietnam?

        Answer. The U.S.-Vietnam relationship has undergone a profound
    transformation since normalization of diplomatic relations in 1995, and
    our ties are thriving. President Biden's Interim National Security
    Strategic Guidance noted that the United States will deepen our
    partnership with Vietnam to advance shared objectives. I look forward
    to leading those efforts.
        If confirmed, I will seek to deepen our security ties with the
    conclusion of a General Security of Military Information Agreement with
    Vietnam, which would enhance information sharing and expand defense
    trade. I will also press Vietnam to take bold steps to commit to a
    cleaner energy future, using the November COP 26 Conference in Glasgow
    as a catalyst for action. Finally, I will seek to expand on the
    progress that ethnic and religious minorities, the disabled, and
    LGBTQI+ citizens in Vietnam have made, but will express serious concern
    to Vietnam's leadership to underscore our commitment to supporting
    universal human rights--and stress that improvements in this area can
    only strengthen our overall relationship.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to continuing economic
    cooperation with Vietnam on cultivating liquefied natural gas in
    addition to other renewable resources? In light of recent policy
    changes by the Biden administration, what tools will you have at your
    disposal to advance such energy cooperation with Vietnam?

        Answer. Vietnam is projected to be one of the fastest growing
    energy demand markets in the region. The State Department is committed
    to supporting Vietnam's economic aspirations, energy security and
    sustainable development, and to support U.S. companies seeking
    opportunities to invest and trade in this dynamic market.
        At the same time, the United States is committed to working with
    key partners around the world, like Vietnam, to encourage them to
    select policies, measures, and investments that direct their economic
    growth toward a climate-aligned pathway. Those decisions will be
    critical to achieving the goals of the Paris Agreement and a global net
    zero future by 2050. The science is unequivocal: we have no
    alternative. We must keep the Earth's warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius to
    avoid catastrophe. To get there, the science says the world needs to
    get to a state of net zero greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by around
    mid-century.
        As we head further into the 2020s, we must grow more discerning of
    the future role for natural gas in achieving the world's climate goals.
    If we are to achieve net zero emissions by 2050, the world must be
    especially judicious about new gas infrastructure. That said, Vietnam
    has an opportunity to eliminate coal projects and continue the
    impressive growth of solar and wind power over the past two years.
        If confirmed, I will work with U.S. companies and U.S. agencies to
    plan their energy investments in a way that ensures access to cleaner
    and affordable energy and advances our climate goals.

        Question. What else do you think the U.S. should provide to Vietnam
    in terms of security assistance, especially with respect to South China
    Sea issues?

        Answer. We will continue to support Vietnam's enhancement of its
    maritime security and law enforcement capabilities to better monitor
    its maritime domain and resist coercion in the South China Sea.
        In 2017 and 2020, the U.S. Government officially transferred to
    Vietnam through the State Department's Excess Defense Articles (EDA)
    program two 378-foot Hamilton-class cutters, with the second arriving
    in in Vietnam earlier this summer. These vessels are the largest in
    Vietnam's fleet and significantly enhance Vietnam's maritime security
    capabilities. The United States has also transferred to Vietnam 24
    Metal Shark patrol boats and six Scan Eagle UAV, as part of our effort
    to work with Vietnam to make it better able to protect its sovereignty
    and rights in the South China Sea. Through the State Department's
    International Narcotics and Law Enforcement program, we are developing
    four training facilities for Vietnam's Coast Guard. We are bringing
    U.S. Coast Guard personnel to Vietnam to train Vietnamese Coast Guard
    and DFIRES Fisheries Enforcement counterparts on key maritime law
    enforcement skills to ensure that maritime law enforcement capabilities
    forces are modern, resilient, and capable. If confirmed, I will
    continue to seek opportunities for maritime capacity building.
        Vietnam sent its first cadet to the U.S. Air Force Academy in
    August 2020, and we are hopeful to have more Vietnamese cadets attend
    U.S. service academies in the coming years. We are also providing
    Vietnam with T-6 trainers, so that Vietnam's future Air Force pilots
    will learn on state-of the art, American-model aircraft.

        Question. What are your views on Vietnam's use of a maritime
    militia in the South China Sea? What are your views on the new unit
    Vietnam just stood up in this maritime militia?

        Answer. The United States supports maritime law enforcement within
    the bounds of international law and has consistently opposed the threat
    or use of force to settle maritime and territorial disputes.
        The United States opposes the use of coercion and intimidation by
    any claimant seeking to assert its maritime claims in the South China
    Sea and calls for all states to ensure that all of its maritime forces
    and other vessels act in accordance with international law, avoid
    provocative behavior, and behave in a professional manner.

        Question. Apart from maritime cooperation, what do you see as the
    major opportunities for growth in the U.S.-Vietnam security
    relationship?

        Answer. Our defense relationship has become one of the strongest
    pillars of the overall relationship. While much of our current or
    future planned security assistance to Vietnam aims to enhance the
    country's ability to enforce international maritime law and police its
    EEZ, we hope to expand upon peacekeeping efforts, search-and-rescue
    abilities, humanitarian/disaster relief capacity, military medicine,
    and the development of Vietnam's Coast Guard and Air Force.

        Question. What challenges does Vietnam's reliance on Russian
    defense technology and weapons present to the growth of the U.S.-
    Vietnam security relationship?

        Answer. Vietnam is working to diversify defense partners and
    suppliers, and is evaluating and exploring future procurement
    opportunities with the United States. In this context, the United
    States is focusing support on strengthening maritime law enforcement
    and domain awareness capabilities, peacekeeping efforts, search-and-
    rescue abilities, humanitarian/disaster relief capacity, military
    medicine, and the development of Vietnam's Coast Guard and Air Force.

        Question. If confirmed, what will be your top three priorities for
    working with Vietnam on Mekong issues?

        Answer. The United States has long been a presence in the Mekong
    subregion and has long been a partner of Vietnam. The Mekong subregion
    matters to America. Not only is the subregion home to Vietnam, one of
    the fastest growing economies in the world, it is also home to a
    growing and incredibly dynamic population. Helping the subregion's
    economy thrive and innovate, including by ensuring opportunities for
    marginalized populations and helping talented young people realize
    their full potential, benefits us all and also helps fulfill President
    Biden's foreign policy for the middle class. The subregion is also the
    front line for strategic competition with PRC, and we want to ensure
    the Mekong states are secure, independent, and prosperous. Vietnam
    supports our efforts through the Mekong-U.S. Partnership to ensure the
    subregion is prosperous, resilient, and that the people of the region
    enjoy good governance and security.
        If confirmed, I will prioritize support of a sustainable Mekong
    basin development plan, work with Vietnam on its efforts to combat
    climate change, and press for greater economic connectivity across the
    sub-region.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with Congress on
    matters related to the financial sustainability of Fulbright University
    Vietnam?

        Answer. Fulbright University Vietnam (FUV) is an incredible symbol
    of the strength of our partnership with the people of Vietnam and
    Southeast Asia. It is the first private, independent, non-profit
    Vietnamese university, and is based on American higher education
    traditions of open inquiry, research, and critical analysis.
        The U.S. Government has helped FUV develop into a center of
    academic independence that models core principles, including academic
    freedom, meritocracy, transparency, and equal access. FUV has brought
    world-class university standards to Vietnam and helped unlock
    tremendous potential in Vietnam's education sector..
        If confirmed, I will work with Congress to continue our work to
    help FUV continue to flourish and achieve financial sustainability.

        Question. Vietnam has signed and ratified the Treaty on the
    Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) and was among the original 50
    states parties to the treaty when it entered into force on January 22,
    2021. Will you commit to raising U.S. concerns about TPNW with
    counterparts in Vietnam?

        Answer. Yes, as appropriate. While the United States understands
    and shares the desire to advance nuclear disarmament goals, we do not
    support the TPNW. The TPNW is incompatible with U.S. extended
    deterrence relationships that are still necessary for international
    peace and security and may reinforce divisions that hinder the
    international community's ability to work together to address pressing
    proliferation and security challenges. The U.S. position on this issue
    has spanned administrations. Seeking to ban nuclear weapons through a
    treaty that does not include any State Parties that possess nuclear
    weapons will not reduce nuclear arsenals.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to raise with the
    Vietnamese Government its alleged use of extraterritorial tactics
    against dissidents and others? For example: Vietnam's hacking of its
    own dissidents' accounts overseas; the alleged abduction of a
    Vietnamese oil executive from Berlin; and the alleged abduction of a
    Radio Free Asia journalist from Bangkok?

        Answer. I am deeply concerned by report of such tactics against
    individuals for exercising their fundamental human rights. These
    activities run counter to Vietnam's international human rights
    obligations and commitments. If confirmed, I commit to engage with the
    Government of Vietnam to underscore our strong objection to these
    tactics and ensure Vietnam adheres to its international human rights
    commitments.

        Question. According to Freedom House's Freedom of the Net report,
    internet freedom in Vietnam dropped to an all-time low in 2020. What
    will you do to ensure that the internet in Vietnam remains free and
    open?

        Answer. I am concerned about the shrinking environment for the
    exercise of freedoms of expression and association online and offline.
    The trend of harassment, arbitrary or unlawful arrests, unjust
    convictions, and harsh sentences of journalists and activists for
    exercising their human rights is deeply troubling.
        If confirmed, I will advocate with the Government of Vietnam to
    respect freedom of expression, including online, and engage with social
    media companies to promote approaches that preserve freedom of
    expression online and an open, interoperable, reliable, and secure
    internet.

        Question. In the State Department's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
    Report, Vietnam was identified as a Tier 2 Watch List country for the
    third consecutive year. Because Vietnam was listed for three years on
    the Watch List, it was subject to a downgrade to Tier 3, but was
    provided a waiver for its general efforts to eliminate trafficking. It
    is clear the Vietnamese Government must improve its protection,
    prevention, and prosecutorial efforts in this coming reporting period
    in order to improve its ranking. How will you work with the host
    government to address these issues if you are confirmed as Ambassador?

        Answer. In recent years, the Vietnamese Government has demonstrated
    significant efforts by providing trafficking victims the affirmative
    right to legal representation, increasing TIP funding for law
    enforcement and victim support, passing new legislation that better
    protects workers migrating overseas and prohibits brokerage fees for
    overseas migrant workers, continuing large-scale awareness campaigns in
    communities vulnerable to trafficking, and training law enforcement
    officials.
        Significant challenges remain, however, including insufficient
    victim screening, cumbersome and ineffective victim identification and
    assistance procedures, limited interagency coordination, and the need
    to better address predatory recruitment practices that charge workers
    seeking overseas employment higher fees than the law allows.
        If confirmed, I will encourage the Government of Vietnam to
    vigorously prosecute all forms of trafficking and convict and punish
    traffickers, especially in cases involving forced labor or complicit
    officials. I will also encourage the Government to expand victim
    screening amongst vulnerable groups such as migrant workers,
    individuals in commercial sex, and child laborers, and improve victim
    identification and referral mechanisms.

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 Report on International
    Religious Freedom, Vietnam was depicted as a country which is not
    particularly tolerant of religious freedoms. In one example, Vietnam
    continues to enforce a Law on Belief and Religion (LBR), which requires
    religious groups to register with the State and allows government
    entities to harass unregistered groups. What is your assessment of this
    particular issue and, if confirmed, how will you work with the
    Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom to bolster
    religious freedom in-country?

        Answer. Vietnam's Law on Belief and Religion, while imperfect and
    inconsistent with international standards, reduces registration times
    and grants legal status to some religious groups. Some groups who
    remain unregistered in remote areas continue to face harassment from
    local authorities.
        The United States remains concerned that the law maintains
    significant government control over religious practices and exacerbates
    uneven implementation of the law at the subnational level. The State
    Department's annual international religious freedom report to Congress
    detailed these concerns, and if confirmed, I will continue to raise
    them with Hanoi.
        If confirmed, I will also continue to work closely with the
    Ambassador-at-Large to emphasize the importance of religious freedom
    with Vietnam's leaders, including cases of individuals harassed or
    imprisoned for their beliefs.

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report,
    Vietnam was identified as continuing to undermine fundamental human
    rights like speech, assembly, press, religion, and association. If
    confirmed, what steps will you take to address these instances with the
    Vietnamese Government?

        Answer. I am very concerned about the human rights situation in
    Vietnam and committed to pushing for improvements. Despite progress in
    some areas, the trend of escalating harassment, unjust arrests and
    convictions, and increasingly harsh sentences of journalists and
    activists for peacefully exercising their right to express their
    opinions is deeply troubling. Vietnam is an important partner in the
    Indo-Pacific region, but that partnership can only reach its fullest
    potential if the Vietnamese Government improves its human rights
    record.
        If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Vietnam to improve
    its implementation of its human rights obligations and commitments. I
    will urge the Government of Vietnam to ensure law enforcement and the
    judicial system effectively and fairly enforce existing constitutional
    guarantees and laws protecting human rights, including freedom of
    religion or belief. I will continue to raise our concerns with the
    Government of Vietnam, including during the annual U.S.-Vietnam Human
    Rights Dialogue, and call on Vietnam to respect and protect human
    rights and fundamental freedoms, consistent with its international
    obligations and commitments.

        Question. In the State Department's 2020 Human Rights Report,
    Vietnam was identified as continuing to undermine fundamental human
    rights like speech, assembly, press, religion, and association. If
    confirmed, how will you direct your embassy to work with civil society
    organizations to improve the human rights situation on the ground in
    Vietnam?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage my team to continue its
    longstanding work with civil society organizations who are trying to
    make space for positive progress in Vietnam. I will also continue the
    strong engagement with human rights and civil society organizations in
    the United States, including the Vietnamese-American community and
    local human rights NGOs in Vietnam, as previous Ambassadors have done.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Marc Evans Knapper by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Cybersecurity
        Question. Over the past several years, Vietnamese authorities have
    increased their scrutiny over Vietnamese citizens' activities on the
    Internet and in social media. Vietnam's new cybersecurity law, which
    went into effect in recent months, criminalizes the ``distortion of
    history, denial of revolutionary achievements, undermining national
    solidarity, taking advantage of cybersecurity protection activities to
    violate national security, national interests or sovereignty, or
    disrupt public order.'' What has been the impact of measures such as
    these on Vietnamese citizens' online activities?

        Answer. I am concerned about the shrinking environment for the
    exercise of freedoms of expression and association online. The trend of
    harassment, arbitrary or unlawful arrests, unjust convictions, and
    harsh sentences of journalists and activists for exercising their
    rights, both offline and online, is deeply troubling.
        If confirmed, I will advocate with the Government of Vietnam to
    respect freedom of expression, including online, and engage with social
    media companies to promote approaches that preserve freedom of
    expression online and an open, interoperable, reliable, and secure
    Internet.

                                   __________

                Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
             Submitted to Marc Evans Knapper by Senator Marco Rubio

        Question. If confirmed, how will you support the Vietnamese
    Government's efforts to counter the Chinese claims in the South China
    Sea?

        Answer. The U.S. position on the South China Sea is principled and
    longstanding. In keeping with its global policy, the United States does
    not take a position on the territorial disputes over land features
    among the many South China Sea claimants, while at the same time taking
    a strong principled position on compliance with the international law
    of the sea. Like Vietnam, the United States has a national interest in
    upholding international law, including freedom of navigation and
    overflight, and opposing the use of coercion to resolve disputes.
        The United States will continue to support Vietnam's enhancement of
    its maritime security and law enforcement capabilities to better
    monitor its maritime domain and resist coercion in the South China Sea.
    In 2017 and 2020, the U.S. Government officially transferred to Vietnam
    through the State Department's Excess Defense Articles (EDA) program
    two 378-foot Hamilton-class cutters, with the second arriving in in
    Vietnam earlier this summer. These vessels are the largest in Vietnam's
    fleet and significantly enhance Vietnam's maritime security
    capabilities. Through the State Department's International Narcotics
    and Law Enforcement program, we are developing four training facilities
    for Vietnam's Coast Guard. We are bringing U.S. Coast Guard personnel
    to Vietnam to train Vietnamese Coast Guard and DFIRES Fisheries
    Enforcement counterparts on key maritime law enforcement skills to
    ensure that maritime law enforcement capabilities forces are modern,
    resilient, and capable.
        If confirmed, I will continue to support the development of a
    strong and independent Vietnam through its maritime capacity building,
    and will remain united in our support for peaceful resolution of
    disputes, including through international dispute resolution
    mechanisms.

        Question. Since the Vietnam War, the United States and Vietnam have
    repaired their relationship. Vietnam is now a key strategic partner in
    the Indo-Pacific. However, it is my sincere belief that that that
    relationship cannot reach its full potential unless Vietnam commits to
    respecting the human rights of its people. For example, in April,
    journalist Tran Thi Tuyet Dieu was sentenced to eight years in prison
    for reporting news on Vietnamese political figures. If confirmed, what
    steps will you take to press for the release of Dieu and other
    Vietnamese people who are unjustly targeted by Vietnamese security
    services?

        Answer. I am deeply concerned by the convictions of individuals for
    exercising their freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. These
    convictions run counter to Vietnam's international human rights
    obligations and commitments. Vietnam should ensure its laws and actions
    are consistent with those obligations and commitments.
        If confirmed, I will engage with activists, their family members,
    and lawyers to determine the facts in specific cases and urge
    authorities to release all persons detained for exercising their rights
    in Vietnam.
        I will stress, above all, the need to follow through on the
    commitment that the Vietnamese Government has made to fundamentally
    reform the laws under which activists have been targeted in the past,
    to bring the country's laws into full compliance with its constitution
    and with its international obligations.

        Question. How will you promote U.S. cooperation with Vietnam, which
    is important, while simultaneously encouraging Hanoi to embrace
    meaningful political reforms and protect the basic rights of its
    citizens?

        Answer. Twenty-six years since the normalization of diplomatic
    relations, the U.S.-Vietnam partnership has never been better. We have
    moved from a history of conflict and division to a Comprehensive
    Partnership that spans political, security, economic, and people-to-
    people ties.
        The United States and Vietnam have a common sense of purpose and a
    common vision for a rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific. We must
    continue to build on the progress in the bilateral relationship, but as
    the Biden-Harris administration has committed to putting human rights
    back at the center of American foreign policy, we must also bring all
    the tools of our diplomacy to defend human rights, including freedom of
    religion or belief. If confirmed, I will continue to press Vietnam to
    improve its implementation of human rights obligations and commitments.

                                   __________

                                  NOMINATIONS

                                  ----------

                             TUESDAY, JULY 20, 2021

                                           U.S. Senate,
                                Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                        Washington, DC.
        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:04 a.m. in
    Room SD-G50, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
    Menendez, chairman of the committee, presiding.
        Present: Senators Menendez [presiding], Shaheen, Coons,
    Booker, Van Hollen, Risch, Johnson, and Young.

              OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
                      U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY

        The Chairman. Good morning. This hearing of the Senate
    Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
        We are here today to consider four important nominations,
    Ms. Paloma Adams-Allen, to be a Deputy Administrator for
    Management and Resources at the Agency for International
    Development, Dr. Karen Donfried to be Assistant Secretary of
    State for Europe and Eurasian Affairs, Ambassador Mary
    Catherine Phee to be Assistant Secretary of State for African
    Affairs, and Ms. Anne A. Witkowsky to be Assistant Secretary of
    State for Conflict and Stabilization Operations.
        Congratulations to the four of you on your nominations. We
    appreciate your willingness to serve our country in these
    capacities, as well as those members of your family, because we
    recognize that this is a family sacrifice as well. So we thank
    them as well.
        Ms. Adams-Allen, your lifelong dedication to international
    development and distinguished career of government service,
    including as Deputy Assistant Administrator at the Latin
    American Caribbean Bureau of the United States Agency for
    International Development, I believe makes you eminently
    qualified for this position.
        If confirmed, your knowledge and experience as a
    development professional and your distinguished tenure as the
    President and CEO of the Inter-American Foundation will be
    needed as you take the role of Deputy Administrator for
    Management and Resources at USAID.
        I am pleased to see that President Biden's budget aims to
    restore the value and use of international development and
    foreign assistance as part of the overall goal of achieving
    U.S. foreign policy objectives. I know Administrator Power is
    entirely committed to this vital task, and I appreciated her
    testimony in the budget last week. I have no doubt you will
    share that commitment.
        Dr. Donfried, your nomination is a testament to the Biden
    administration's efforts to rebuild the trans-Atlantic
    relationship, which, I believe was significantly damaged during
    the last administration. If confirmed, I believe your knowledge
    and experience, including as Senior Director for European
    Affairs at the National Security Council will serve you and the
    country well, as the Biden administration works to advance a
    renewed trans-Atlantic relationship.
        It is imperative that this position be filled as soon as
    possible as we need to see forward movement on critical issues
    including those related to Russia, Turkey, Belarus, and our
    support for Ukraine, among others. I look forward to hearing
    from you about these and other issues.
        Ambassador Phee, I am pleased to see you back before the
    committee, the position you are nominated for to be the
    Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs comes at a
    critical time for Africa, a Continent with enormous promise and
    challenges. However, the impacts of the third wave of COVID-19
    on top of political and security challenges could roll back
    years of democratic progress and economic growth.
        Indeed, the Biden administration faces a series of
    challenges in Africa, from China and Russia, which continue to
    pursue actions that are inimical to U.S. interest to conflict,
    to instability, and a flawed electoral exercise in Ethiopia, to
    a fragile transition in Sudan, which could be destabilizing to
    the entire Horn of Africa.
        These are just a few among the many challenges facing
    Africa and U.S. interests there. In short, the challenges in
    the region are pressing and vast, I know that you are well
    equipped, based on your experience, to carry on and meet those
    challenges, and trust that if confirmed you will do so with
    skill and commitment.
        Ms. Witkowsky, your knowledge and experience, including as
    a Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Stability and
    Humanitarian Affairs will be critical, if you are confirmed, to
    be the next Assistant Secretary of State for Conflict and
    Stabilization Operations. Indeed, your commitment and expertise
    with many of today's complex conflicts from Burma, Venezuela,
    Ethiopia, the Sahel, Yemen, to Afghanistan will be needed as
    CSO develops long-range, strategic policies and plans in order
    to address ongoing conflicts, as well as to prevent future
    ones. I will look forward to hearing from you about how you
    will approach this task.
        In closing, while the four of you have a series of
    challenges ahead, I am confident that your commitment and
    experience will serve you well, as you take on these new
    responsibilities upon confirmation. I look forward to your
    testimonies.
        And now I turn to the ranking member for his opening
    remarks.

                   STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
                        U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO

        Senator Risch. Thank you Mr. Chairman. And I certainly
    embrace a number of the issues that are going to be facing
    these people.
        And thank you, each of you, for your willingness to serve,
    and your families, because they always share the sacrifice.
        I want to start with the nomination of Assistant Secretary
    of State for European Eurasian Affairs. For starters, I am
    concerned the administration has refused to use visa sanctions
    to shut down the Nord Stream 2 Pipeline, this is a continued
    aggravation for us, and I would like to see that resolved.
        Putin has boasted that its completion will be a victory for
    Russian power. I would also note that any deal with the
    Russians would be in violation of U.S. law. And I expect to
    hear more from you on this topic, Dr. Donfried.
        On Chinese maligned influence, Europe is a key partner, I
    have been encouraged to see the increased U.S.-European
    discussions on working together to combat China's actions.
        In Georgia, I am increasingly worried by steps backward.
    The past weeks more than 50 journalists were beaten. One of
    them died from his injuries, and several judges were pushed
    onto the Supreme Court in contravention of the April 19th
    Agreement.
        I know Senator Shaheen shares my concerns in that regard,
    and we had a number of discussions on that. I hope you will
    work to address the issues with Georgia's Government.
        Ukraine remains a big focus on The Hill. We are
    disappointed to see the administration refusal to send
    additional help to Ukraine this spring in order that they might
    defend from their belligerent neighbor. I hope you will address
    this today.
        On to the nomination of Assistant Secretary for African
    Affairs, the Biden administration has stated that Africa is a
    priority, but it is unclear where Africa fits in that priority
    list. First, I am troubled by the conflict and humanitarian
    situation in Tigray, however, I am concerned that the U.S. is
    so focused on the Tigray crisis, that it is ignoring the
    significant challenges to peace, democracy that we face across
    Ethiopia.
        This is a complex challenge. I get that. I look forward to
    hearing how we navigate Ethiopia's challenges, and the other
    crises across the Horn of Africa, which is becoming more and
    more of a focus and a crisis.
        Aside from Ethiopia, I remain deeply concerned about the
    lack of initiative the international community has shown,
    including our European, French, and African partners, in
    pushing for a resolution to the crisis in Cameroon, as well as
    corruption challenges by the regimes in Zimbabwe and South
    Sudan.
        African countries are crucial partners in our fight to
    combat malign Chinese influence. The United States remains the
    top contributor of health and humanitarian assistance to
    Africa, but we must do more to commit ourselves to building
    strong economic and security partnerships with our African
    allies.
        Next we have the nomination of Assistant Secretary of State
    for Conflict and Stabilization Operations. Like many, I am
    concerned by this administration's response to the crisis
    unfolding in Afghanistan. It is clear that the administration
    had no plans in place to manage the withdrawal and provide for
    the people that worked side by side with our troops.
        President Biden publicly stated that his administration
    was, ``Working closely with Congress to change the
    authorization legislation in order to expedite the processing
    of Afghan special immigrant visas.'' But I have yet to see such
    outreach on the specific legislative fixes they are seeking.
        Finally, we have the nomination of a Deputy Administrator
    of the USAID for Management and Resources. U.S. foreign
    assistance can help advance the national security, economic and
    humanitarian interests of the United States, but it must be
    thoughtfully targeted and designed to ensure the greatest
    possible impact. The responsibility for aligning roughly two-
    thirds of the U.S. foreign assistance budget, with the
    strategic objectives of the United States overseas falls here.
        I am eager to hear about the modernization of USAID's
    workforce, and operations to stretch the aid dollars further so
    we can save lives and advance U.S. interests. We have a lot to
    cover today.
        I will yield back. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Risch.
        Okay. So we will turn to our nominees. All of your
    statements will be included in the record without objection.
        We will start with Ms. Adams-Allen, and move down the aisle
    as I introduce you.
        So the floor is yours, Ms. Adams-Allen.

     STATEMENT OF PALOMA ADAMS-ALLEN OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
      NOMINATED TO BE A DEPUTY ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES
    AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT (MANAGEMENT AND RESOURCES)

        Ms. Adams-Allen. Thank you, Senator.
        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members of the
    committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as
    President Biden's nominee to be Deputy Administrator for
    Management and Resources of the United States Agency for
    International Development.
        I would like to thank the President and Administrator Power
    for their trust in me. I am grateful for the opportunity to
    return to USAID, an agency dear to my heart, at a moment when
    its leadership and development expertise are so urgently
    needed.
        I am here today before you because of the love and support
    of so many. My mother, Emilie Adams, a proud Minnesotan who
    instilled in me a deep sense of fairness and justice; my
    father, Llewelyn Adams, who I credit for my strong Jamaican
    work ethic; my husband, Travis Allen, still the best human I
    know; my daughters, Priya and Emilie, whose creativity and
    empathy inspire me every day; and a network of extended family,
    friends, colleagues, and neighbors spanning the globe. Thank
    you all.
        My international development and diplomacy experience
    started early, informed by the duality of my upbringing:
    summers spent in the relative wealth and safety of my mother's
    community in the United States, and the school year spent in
    the beauty and vulnerability of my father's home country in
    Jamaica. It was in the jarring journey back and forth between
    these worlds that I settled on what I wanted to do with my
    life: pay forward the incredible privilege I have as an
    American, by working to fuel hope and opportunity in
    communities like the one that helped raise me.
        This early decision informed my 20-plus years working in
    the foreign assistance arena, primarily Latin America and the
    Caribbean. During a decade in policy and programming roles at
    the Organization of American States, I saw the potential of
    multilateralism to calm tensions between neighboring countries,
    and mobilize regional support for humanitarian crises like the
    2010 earthquake.
        But it has been my experience in the federal government,
    serving in leadership and management positions at USAID, and
    now as Head of the Inter-American Foundation, where I have been
    able to effect the change I dreamed of as a child. During a
    decade of public service, I have had the honor of investing in
    and learning from young people bravely building peace in El
    Salvador; smallholder farmers in Colombia selling their coffee
    to global corporations, and proud grandmothers in Haiti
    financing businesses through their savings and loans
    associations.
        Throughout my career, I have demonstrated an ability to
    successfully manage complex operations, effectively steward
    resources, create and lead diverse purpose-driven teams, and
    advance reforms designed to enhance the impact and
    sustainability of development investments.
        And I have done so in a bipartisan manner, recognizing and
    respecting Congress' role as an equal partner in U.S. foreign
    assistance. If confirmed, I will draw upon this experience to
    effectively oversee USAID's management and resources needs.
        As the U.S. Government's lead the global development
    agency, USAID needs to be nimble enough to respond to an ever-
    evolving set of geopolitical challenges and crises, and to do
    so with the management and oversight commensurate with the
    responsibilities given to it by the American people through the
    Congress.
        If confirmed, my top priority will be positioning USAID to
    further maximize its development impact, by [1] better aligning
    strategy and resources to deliver results; and [2] expanding
    the Agency's partner base to include more nontraditional U.S.
    and local implementing partners with strong in-country
    knowledge, expertise, and a commitment to sustainability.
        In order to maximize impact, we must support and invest in
    USAID's greatest strength, its people. If confirmed, my focus
    will be on making sure the Agency has a staff equipped with the
    right tools, and bolstered by a supportive culture, one that
    recognizes and responds to the outsized demands placed on
    USAID, and embraces the values of diversity, equity, and
    inclusion.
        And finally, if confirmed, I will prioritize enhancing
    USAID's ability to rapidly respond and take advantage of
    emerging opportunities as conditions change on the ground.
    There are multiple layers to this goal, but perhaps most
    important is building on prior efforts to enhance the Agency's
    procurement capabilities so that it programs resources in a
    faster, more responsive manner.
        Again, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
    today, and I look forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Adams-Allen follows:]

                    Prepared Statement of Paloma Adams-Allen

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, members of the committee,
    it is an honor to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee
    to be Deputy Administrator for Management and Resources of the United
    States Agency for International Development.
        I would like to thank the President and Administrator Power for
    their trust in me. I'm grateful for the opportunity to return to USAID,
    an Agency dear to my heart, at a moment when its leadership and
    development expertise are so urgently needed.
        I am here before you today because of the love and support of so
    many--my mother, Emilie Adams, a proud Minnesotan who instilled in me a
    deep sense of fairness and justice; my father, Llewelyn Adams, who I
    credit for my strong Jamaican work ethic; my husband, Travis Allen,
    still the best human I know; my daughters, Priya and Emilie, whose
    creativity and empathy inspire me every day; and a network of extended
    family, friends, colleagues, and neighbors spanning the globe. Thank
    you all.
        My international development and diplomacy experience started
    early, informed by the duality of my upbringing: summers spent in the
    relative wealth and safety of my mother's community in the United
    States, and the school year spent in the riotous beauty and
    vulnerability of my father's home country of Jamaica. It was in the
    jarring journey back and forth between these worlds that I settled on
    what I wanted to do with my life: pay forward the incredible privilege
    I have as an American, by working to fuel hope and opportunity in
    communities like the one that helped raise me.
        This early decision informed my 20+ years working in the foreign
    assistance arena, primarily focused on Latin America and the Caribbean.
    During a decade in policy and programming roles at the Organization of
    American States, I saw the potential of multilateralism to calm
    tensions between neighboring countries and mobilize regional support
    for humanitarian crises like the 2010 Haiti earthquake. But it has been
    my experience in the federal government, serving in
        leadership and management positions at USAID and now as head of the
    Inter-American Foundation, where I have been able to affect the change
    I dreamed of as a child. During a decade of public service, I have had
    the honor of investing in and learning from young people bravely
    building peace in El Salvador; small holder farmers in Colombia selling
    their coffee to global retailers; and proud grandmothers in Haiti
    financing micro and small businesses through their savings and loans
    associations.
        Throughout my career, I have demonstrated an ability to
    successfully manage complex operations, effectively steward resources,
    create and lead diverse purpose-driven teams, and advance reforms
    designed to enhance the impact and sustainability of development
    investments. And I have done so in a bipartisan manner, recognizing and
    respecting Congress' role as an equal partner in US foreign assistance.
    If confirmed, I will draw upon this experience to effectively oversee
    USAID's management and resources needs.
        As the U.S. Government's lead global development agency, USAID
    needs to be nimble enough to respond to an ever-evolving set of
    geopolitical challenges and crises--and to do so with the management
    and oversight commensurate with the responsibilities given to it by the
    American people through the Congress.
        If confirmed, my top priority will be positioning USAID to further
    maximize its development impact, by (1) better aligning strategy and
    resources to deliver results; and (2) expanding the Agency's partner
    base to include more non-traditional U.S. implementing partners and
    local organizations, with strong in-country knowledge, expertise, and a
    commitment to sustainability.
        In order to maximize our impact, we must support and invest in
    USAID's greatest strength and resource: its people. If confirmed, my
    focus will be on making sure the Agency has enough staff, equipped with
    the right tools, and bolstered by a supportive culture--one that
    recognizes and responds to the outsized demands placed on USAID, and
    embraces the values of diversity, equity, and inclusion.
        And finally, if confirmed, I will prioritize enhancing USAID's
    ability to rapidly respond and take advantage of emerging opportunities
    as conditions change on the ground. There are multiple layers to this
    goal, but perhaps most important is building on prior efforts to
    enhance the
        Agency's procurement capabilities--so that it programs resources in
    a faster, more responsive manner.
        Again, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today,
    and I look forward to your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Dr. Donfried?

     STATEMENT OF DR. KAREN DONFRIED OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
       NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE (EUROPEAN
                     AFFAIRS AND EURASIAN AFFAIRS)

        Dr. Donfried. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch,
    members of the committee, thank you for this opportunity to
    appear before you today.
        I have long valued my bipartisan collaboration with this
    committee, dating back to 1991, when I began a decade of work
    on Europe at the Congressional Research Service. If confirmed,
    it would be a pleasure to work with you from the State
    Department on issues I care passionately about and on which the
    United States is and shall remain a force for good.
        It is an honor to be nominated by President Biden to serve
    under Secretary Blinken as the Assistant Secretary of State for
    European and Eurasian Affairs. If confirmed, I will work
    enthusiastically to serve the American people, and advance the
    interests of the United States, to reinvigorate our alliances
    and partnerships, to strengthen democracy in Europe and
    Eurasia, and to address the challenges we face around the
    world.
        My greatest support, if confirmed for this position, will
    come from my husband, Alan Untereiner, our daughter, Hannah,
    and our son, Michael. They are an endless source of love and
    inspiration. Although born in New York City, I spent my early
    childhood in Heidelberg, where my father, a theologian, did his
    doctoral work, and my mother worked as a nurse at U.S. Army
    Headquarters.
        That experience gave me the gift of speaking German
    fluently, which, in turn, allowed me, two decades later, to
    complete a Master's degree in Munich, where I met Alan, a
    fellow American studying abroad. Trans-Atlantic relations have
    been an integral part of my life story.
        Professionally, I served in the George W. Bush
    administration as a member of the State Department's Policy
    Planning Staff, and in the Obama administration both as the
    National Intelligence Officer for Europe, and as the Senior
    Director for European Affairs at the National Security Council.
    For the past seven years, I have led the German Marshall Fund
    of the United States.
        If confirmed, I will have the responsibility, and the honor
    and joy of leading EUR, covering 50 countries, with 79 posts
    and 12,000 hard-working, dedicated public servants. I will
    treat each and every one of them with the care and respect they
    deserve, as well as work energetically to recruit and develop
    more diverse talent for the Bureau.
        President Biden defines his number one job as ensuring that
    America's foreign policy benefits the American people and the
    American middle class. I am eager to support him in achieving
    this goal, including by revitalizing our alliances and
    partnerships. The strength of America's alliances is one of our
    greatest assets. Whether we are confronting the COVID-19
    pandemic, economic or social inequality, climate change,
    corruption, threats to energy security, an aggressive Russia,
    an increasingly assertive China, cyber threats, or
    technological competition, the United States is most effective
    when we cooperate with our allies.
        Europe is home to many of our closest allies and partners.
    Together, we must stand firm against Russia's broad range of
    destabilizing actions while recognizing there are areas of
    mutual interest on which we might cooperate. Allies and
    partners must work together to blunt the Kremlin's attempts to
    undermine democracies and democratic institutions.
        We must confront Russian aggression against its neighbors
    by standing with the people of Ukraine, Georgia, and Belarus.
    And we must stand up for universal human rights, including in
    Russia. The Kremlin's persecution of political opponents, such
    as Aleksey Navalny, remains deeply disturbing.
        Additionally, we must work with our allies to counter an
    assertive China in the political, diplomatic, economic,
    military, and technological domains. How we manage our
    relationship with China is the biggest geopolitical test of the
    21st century.
        We must work to preserve the free and open rules-based
    order we built together with our allies seven decades ago in
    the wake of World War II. The Marshall Plan remains one of the
    most compelling examples of the United States exercising
    enlightened leadership.
        But 2021 is not 1947. We must modernize our alliances to
    meet new challenges. Secretary Blinken has made clear that
    while we applaud the significant progress many NATO allies have
    made in improving defense investments, we need to do more. The
    common threats we face demand it.
        Allies share values and interests, but we will not always
    agree. To manage those differences requires trust; if
    confirmed, I will work to deepen that trust to achieve policy
    successes that advance U.S. interests. If confirmed, I will
    seek to deepen cooperation between EUR and this committee to
    ensure that our diplomacy delivers for the American people.
        I look forward to your questions. And thank you for your
    consideration.
        [The prepared statement of Dr. Donfried follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Dr. Karen E. Donfried

        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and members of the
    committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
    have long valued my bipartisan collaboration with this committee,
    dating back to 1991, when I began a decade of work on Europe at the
    Congressional Research Service. If confirmed, it would be a pleasure to
    work with you from the State Department on issues I care passionately
    about and on which the United States is and shall remain a force for
    good.
        It is an honor to be nominated by President Biden to serve under
    Secretary Blinken as the Assistant Secretary of State for European and
    Eurasian Affairs (EUR). If confirmed, I will work enthusiastically to
    serve the American people and advance the interests of the United
    States, to reinvigorate our alliances and partnerships, to strengthen
    democracy in Europe and Eurasia, and to address the challenges we face
    around the world.
        My greatest support, if confirmed for this position, will come from
    my husband, Alan Untereiner, our daughter, Hannah, and our son,
    Michael. They are an endless source of love and inspiration. Although
    born in New York City, I spent my early childhood in Heidelberg, where
    my father, a theologian, did his doctoral work and my mother worked as
    a nurse at U.S. Army Headquarters. That experience gave me the gift of
    speaking German fluently, which, in turn, allowed me, two decades
    later, to complete a Masters degree in Munich, where I met Alan, a
    fellow American studying abroad. Transatlantic relations have been an
    integral part of my life story.
        Professionally, I served in the George W. Bush administration as a
    Member of the State Department's Policy Planning Staff and in the Obama
    administration both as the National Intelligence Officer for Europe and
    as the Senior Director for European Affairs at the National Security
    Council. For the past seven years, I have led the German Marshall Fund
    of the United States .
        If confirmed, I will have the responsibility--and the honor and
    joy--of leading EUR, covering 50 countries, with 79 posts and 12,000
    hard-working, dedicated public servants. I will treat each and every
    one of them with the care and respect they deserve, as well as work
    energetically to recruit and develop more diverse talent for the
    bureau.
        President Biden defines his number one job as ensuring that
    America's foreign policy benefits the American people and the American
    middle class. I am eager to support him in achieving this goal,
    including by revitalizing our alliances and partnerships. The strength
    of America's alliances is one of our greatest assets. Whether we are
    confronting the COVID-19 pandemic, economic or social inequality,
    climate change, corruption, threats to energy security, an aggressive
    Russia, an increasingly assertive China, cyber threats, or
    technological competition, the United States is most effective when we
    cooperate with our allies.
        Europe is home to many of our closest allies and partners.
    Together, we must stand firm against Russia's broad range of
    destabilizing actions while recognizing there are areas of mutual
    interest on which we might cooperate. Allies and partners must work
    together to blunt the Kremlin's attempts to undermine democracies and
    democratic institutions. We must confront Russian aggression against
    its neighbors by standing with the people of Ukraine, Georgia, and
    Belarus. And we must stand up for universal human rights, including in
    Russia; the Kremlin's persecution of political opponents, such as
    Aleksey Navalny, remains deeply disturbing Additionally, we must work
    with our allies to counter an assertive China in the political,
    diplomatic, economic, military, and technological domains. How we
    manage our relationship with China is the biggest geopolitical test of
    the 21st century.
        Most importantly, we must work to preserve the free and open rules-
    based order we built together with our allies seven decades ago in the
    wake of World War II. The Marshall Plan remains one of the most
    compelling examples of the United States exercising enlightened
    leadership. But 2021 is not 1947. We must modernize our alliances to
    meet new challenges. Secretary Blinken has made clear that while we
    applaud the significant progress many NATO allies have made in
    improving defense investments, we need to do more. The common threats
    we face demand it.
        Allies share values and interests, but we will not always agree. To
    manage those differences requires trust. If confirmed, I will work to
    deepen the trust our partners in Europe have in the United States so we
    can achieve policy successes that advance U.S. interests.
        If confirmed, I will seek to deepen cooperation between EUR and
    this committee to ensure that our diplomacy delivers for the American
    people. I look forward to your questions and thank you for your
    consideration.

        The Chairman. Thank you very much.
        Ambassador Phee?

      STATEMENT OF HON. MARY CATHERINE PHEE OF ILLINOIS, A CAREER
        MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
      COUNSELOR, NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE
    [AFRICAN AFFAIRS] AND A MEMBER OF THE BOARD OF DIRECTORS OF THE
                     AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT FOUNDATION

        Ambassador Phee. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Risch,
    distinguished members of the committee; I am honored to be
    President Biden's nominee for the post of Assistant Secretary
    of State for African Affairs, and grateful to the President and
    to Secretary Blinken for their confidence.
        I began my career as a public servant in these halls in the
    office of Senator Pat Moynihan. Senator Moynihan kept only two
    documents on his desk: the U.S. Constitution, and the U.N.
    Charter. He inspired my career in the Foreign Service, and
    taught me an abiding respect for this institution, and this
    committee.
        My career in foreign policy began in Nairobi, Kenya, at the
    United Nations Environment Program. In Kenya I was introduced
    to the talent and generosity of the African people. Kenyan
    politics were also my first exposure to the enduring challenges
    of governance, security, and sustainable development. Applying
    U.S. diplomacy to effectively meet such challenges has been the
    dominant theme of my career.
        I thank this committee for its bipartisan recognition of
    the growing political, economic and cultural power of the
    diverse countries in sub-Saharan Africa. It is up to the State
    Department to translate this recognition into respectful
    partnerships that advance our shared interests, values, and
    aspirations.
        If confirmed, I will work to support President Biden's
    agenda to expand the quantity and quality of our engagement
    with African Governments, institutions such as the African
    Union, and critically, African publics.
        To stand up to the threat of autocracy, the President has
    charged us with demonstrating that democracy is the best system
    to meet the challenges of our interconnected world. Africans
    agree and are raising their voices to set new destinies for
    their countries, as we see in Nigeria. The bravery of the
    Sudanese people in demanding a civilian-led government is
    another extraordinary example.
        Across the Continent we will reinvigorate our focus on
    human rights, accountability, and good governance. President
    Biden has declared the fight against corruption, especially the
    theft of public assets for private gain, to be a core national
    security interest.
        We see a direct correlation between African Governments
    that are authoritarian and the incidence of internal conflict,
    displacement, and migration. Many are contending with an active
    threat from the Islamic State, and other violent extremists
    like al-Shabaab in Somalia.
        Diverse societies struggle to uphold inclusive and
    equitable power-sharing arrangements, and collaboration with
    regional and international partners, tailored U.S. diplomatic,
    development and security assistance can play a critical role to
    support peace and security.
        This imperative is driving our current intensive effort to
    urge all parties to the conflict in Ethiopia to implement an
    immediate and unconditional ceasefire to put a halt to
    atrocities against civilians.
        Climate change also threatens stability. Desertification in
    the Sahel disrupts farming and has displaced hundreds of
    thousands, and reckless exploitation threatens the rainforest
    in the Congo Basin, and the Continent's biological diversity.
    It is in our mutual interests to work together on environmental
    sustainability.
        Africa is the fastest-growing and the youngest continent.
    By 2050, one in four persons in the world will be African.
    Workforce development and job creation will be necessary to tap
    the ambitions of the youth bulge. We are committed to expanding
    two-way trade and investment, and
        to advancing the regional goals of the African Continental
    Free Trade Area. Among other strengths, the U.S. private sector
    offers innovative American options for green energy, and
    digital economies, as well as a commitment to social
    responsibility.
        All these priorities are now threatened by the devastating
    human toll of COVID-19. Consistent with America's generous
    tradition of investment in Africa's health systems, exemplified
    by the landmark PEPFAR program, the White House has just
    announced the donation of 25 million COVID-19 vaccines for
    Africa. The Development Finance Corporation is also investing
    in vaccine production in South Africa and Senegal.
        Mindful of the challenges at home and humble about the
    challenges in Africa, our best asset will be a dynamic and
    affirmative U.S. policy agenda that enlists African partners in
    building free-market democracies that offer liberty and
    prosperity and realize the Continent's full potential.
        Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, with the Strategic
    Competition Act, you have given us our marching orders and new
    tools. If confirmed, I commit that U.S. embassies in Sub-
    Saharan Africa will act to confront the Chinese challenge to
    the international rules-based order.
        Finally, and not least, if confirmed I promise to be a
    champion of the people of the State Department's Africa Bureau,
    to unleash their full potential with a vigorous commitment to
    diversity and inclusion, and to cultivate the special esprit de
    corps that has traditionally defined the Bureau. Thank you.
        [The prepared statement of Ambassador Phee follows:]

                 Prepared Statement of Hon. Mary Catherine Phee

        Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Minority Member, distinguished members of
    the committee, I am honored to be President Biden's nominee for the
    post of Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, and grateful
    to the President and to Secretary Blinken for their confidence.
        I began my career as a public servant here in the office of Senator
    Pat Moynihan. To guide his work, Senator Moynihan kept only two
    documents on his desk: the U.S. constitution and the U.N. Charter. He
    inspired my career in the Foreign Service, and taught me an abiding
    respect for this institution, and this committee.
        My career in foreign policy began in Nairobi, Kenya, at the United
    Nations Environment Program. In Kenya I was introduced to the talent
    and generosity of the African people, and the beauty and richness of
    the African landscape. Kenyan politics were also my first exposure to
    the enduring challenges of governance, security and sustainable
    development. Applying U.S. diplomacy to effectively meet such
    challenges has been the dominant theme of my career.
        I thank this committee for its bipartisan recognition of the
    growing political, economic and cultural power of the diverse countries
    in sub-Saharan Africa. It is up to the State Department to translate
    this recognition into respectful partnerships that advance our shared
    interests, values and aspirations. If confirmed, I will work to support
    President Biden's agenda to expand the quantity and quality of our
    engagement with African Governments, institutions such as the African
    Union, and, critically, African publics.
        To stand up to the threat of autocracy, the President has charged
    us with demonstrating that democracy is the best system to meet the
    challenges of our interconnected world. We know that the majority of
    Africans agree and are raising their voices to set new destinies for
    their countries, as we see in Nigeria. The bravery of the Sudanese
    people in demanding a civilian-led government is another extraordinary
    example. Across the continent we will reinvigorate our focus on human
    rights, accountability, and good governance. President Biden has
    declared the fight against corruption, especially the theft of public
    assets for private gain, to be a core national security interest.
        We see a direct correlation between African Governments that are
    authoritarian and the incidence of internal conflict, displacement, and
    migration. Many are contending with an active threat from the Islamic
    State and other violent extremists like al-Shabaab in Somalia. Diverse
    societies struggle to uphold inclusive and equitable power-sharing
    arrangements. In collaboration with regional and international
    partners, tailored U.S. diplomatic, development and security assistance
    can play a critical role to support peace and security. This imperative
    is driving our current intensive effort to urge all parties to the
    conflict in Ethiopia to implement an immediate and unconditional
    ceasefire that puts a halt to atrocities against civilians, to permit
    the delivery of humanitarian assistance, and to restore stability
    through political dialogue.
        Climate change also threatens stability. Desertification in the
    Sahel disrupts farming and has displaced hundreds of thousands, and
    reckless exploitation threatens the world's second largest rainforest
    in the Congo Basin and the continent's wonderland of biological
    diversity. It is in our mutual interests to work together on
    environmental sustainability.
        Africa is the fastest growing and the youngest continent. By 2050,
    one in four persons in the world will be African. Workforce development
    and job creation will be necessary to tap the ambitions of the youth
    bulge. We are committed to expanding two-way trade and investment and
    to advancing the regional goals of the African Continental Free Trade
    Area. Among other strengths, the U.S. private sector offers innovative
    American options for green energy and digital economies, as well as a
    commitment to social responsibility.
        All these priorities are now threatened by the devastating human
    toll of COVID-19. Consistent with America's generous tradition of
    investment in Africa's health systems, exemplified by the landmark
    PEPFAR program, the White House has just announced the donation of 25
    million COVID-19 vaccines for Africa. Earlier the President committed
    the United States to providing 500 million Pfizer vaccine doses to
    Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, for distribution by COVAX to 92 low- and
    lower middle-income countries and economies, and the African Union. The
    Development Finance Corporation is also investing in vaccine production
    in South Africa and Senegal. This pandemic highlights how our fates are
    intertwined.
        Mindful of the challenges at home and humble about the challenges
    in Africa, our best asset will be a dynamic and affirmative U.S. policy
    agenda that enlists African partners in building free market
    democracies that offer liberty and prosperity and realize the
    continent's full potential. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Minority Member,
    with the Strategic Competition Act you have given us our marching
    orders and new tools. If confirmed I commit that U.S. embassies in sub-
    Saharan Africa will act to confront the Chinese challenge to the
    international rules-based order.
        Finally, and not least, if confirmed I promise to be a champion of
    the people of the State Department's Africa bureau, to unleash their
    full potential with a vigorous commitment to diversity and inclusion
    and to cultivate the special esprit d'corps that has traditionally
    defined the bureau.
        Thank you.

        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Ms. Witkowsky?

     STATEMENT OF ANNE A. WITKOWSKY, NOMINATED TO BE AN ASSISTANT
    SECRETARY OF STATE (CONFLICT AND STABILIZATION OPERATIONS), AND
          TO BE COORDINATOR FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT

        Ms. Witkowsky. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
    Risch, and distinguished members of the committee. It is an
    honor to appear before you today as President Biden's nominee
    to serve as Assistant Secretary of State for Conflict and
    Stabilization Operations, and Coordinator for Reconstruction
    and Stabilization.
        I am deeply grateful to President Biden and to Secretary
    Blinken for the confidence they have placed in me for this
    nomination.
        I am joined here today by my husband, John, and our son
    Jack, with our daughter Elizabeth watching remotely. I want to
    underscore how much their love and support means to me, as well
    as that of my mother, sister, and all family members.
        Growing up in the Midwest, I am grateful my parents modeled
    for me the values of public service. My father served in the
    Army Corps of Engineers in World War II, and as the first
    Chairman of the Illinois State Board of Education, while my
    mother volunteered for many civic organizations.
        I have by now had the opportunity to serve in the Executive
    Branch across four administrations; within the Department of
    Defense, the Department of State, and on the White House
    National Security Council staff. While I have held positions
    outside government as well, there has been no greater privilege
    than to serve alongside the talented and dedicated men and
    women in the national security community, in the civil service,
    foreign service, the military services, law enforcement and
    intelligence.
        Throughout, I have learned the critical importance of
    effectively using all U.S. national security tools, including
    diplomacy, development and defense to support U.S. policy
    priorities and advance U.S. interests and values.
        From my experience pursuing conventional arms control in
    Europe at the end of the Cold War, to advancing
    counterterrorism policies and programs in the post-9/11 period,
    to supporting the Department of Defense response to the Ebola
    outbreak in West Africa, I have learned that the U.S.
    Government is most effective when integrating our policies,
    programs, and activities to work at common purpose. That is a
    key lesson I intend to bring to my position as Assistant
    Secretary, if confirmed.
        The Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations, or
    CSO, has a vital role to play in developing and carrying out
    U.S. conflict prevention and stabilization policy and programs,
    working in close cooperation with USAID and the Department of
    Defense. Preventing conflict is hard, and outcomes can be tough
    to measure. Yet, when we do not address instability at the
    front end, too often we find ourselves having to address it in
    different, more costly ways at the back end.
        The strategic environment for the CSO mission is growing
    more challenging. The number and duration of violent conflicts
    is increasing. Democracy is backsliding for the 15th straight
    year, and authoritarianism is on the rise. We see territory
    controlled by governments being reduced, as non-state armed
    actors gain ground.
        The COVID-19 pandemic has taken a toll on populations
    globally. The displacement of people is at a recorded high;
    climate change, corruption, gender inequality, and the rapid
    spread of disinformation pose additional underlying challenges.
        Therefore, if confirmed, I will place priority on
    strengthening the Bureau's contributions to the U.S.
    Government's effectiveness in meeting these challenges.
        Policies and best practices should be regularly adapted,
    drawing from lessons learned. We will deepen and renew U.S.
    partnerships on these issues, bilaterally and with multilateral
    organizations, to advance common objectives. And we must work
    collaboratively with civil society.
        If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the
    Members of this committee, including those who have been
    instrumental in providing new tools to break the costly cycle
    of conflict. Among those tools are the Global Fragility Act of
    2019, and the Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention
    Act of 2018, as well as the Women, Peace and Security Act of
    2017, all bipartisan legislation.
        CSO will exercise leadership, working with other State
    Department bureaus and interagency partners, to advance their
    implementation, together with the 2018 Stabilization Assistance
    Review.
        And as I consider our plans, we will identify how the work
    of CSO can reinforce support for democratic values and human
    rights at the heart of our foreign policy. That work must be
    anchored in understanding how Russia's malign efforts undermine
    democracies and exploit instability, and the geostrategic
    challenge of China's ambitions.
        Finally, I will be dedicated in full to building a strong
    workforce, one that is committed to advancing diversity,
    equity, and inclusion.
        Thank you again for this opportunity to lead the CSO
    Bureau, to advance American interests and values toward a more
    peaceful and safer world.
        I look forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Witkowsky follows:]

                    Prepared Statement of Anne A. Witkowsky

        Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Risch, and
    distinguished members of the committee. It is an honor to appear before
    you today as President Biden's nominee to serve as Assistant Secretary
    of State for Conflict and Stabilization Operations and Coordinator for
    Reconstruction and Stabilization. I am deeply grateful to President
    Biden and to Secretary Blinken for the confidence they have placed in
    me for this nomination.
        I am joined here today by my husband, John and our son Jack, with
    our daughter Elizabeth watching remotely. I want to underscore how much
    their love and support means to me, as well as that of all my family
    members. Growing up in the Midwest, I am grateful my parents modeled
    for me the values of public service. My father served in the Army Corps
    of Engineers in World War II and as the first chairman of the Illinois
    State Board of Education, while my mother volunteered for many civic
    organizations.
        I have by now had the opportunity to serve in the Executive Branch
    across four administrations, within the Department of Defense, the
    Department of State, and on the White House National Security Council
    staff. While I have held positions outside government as well, there
    has been no greater privilege than to serve alongside the talented and
    dedicated men and women in the national security community, in the
    civil service, foreign service, the military services, law enforcement
    and intelligence.
        Throughout, I have learned the critical importance of effectively
    using all U.S. national security tools--including diplomacy,
    development and defense--to support U.S. policy priorities and advance
    U.S. interests and values. From my experience pursuing conventional
    arms control in Europe at the end of the Cold War, to advancing
    counterterrorism policies and programs in the post 9/11 period, to
    supporting the Department of Defense response to the Ebola outbreak in
    West Africa, I have learned that the U.S. Government is most effective
    when integrating our policies, programs, and activities to work at
    common purpose. That is a key lesson I intend to bring to my position
    as Assistant Secretary, if confirmed.
        The Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations (or CSO) has a
    vital role to play in developing and carrying out U.S. conflict
    prevention and stabilization policies and programs, working in close
    cooperation with USAID and the Department of Defense. Preventing
    violent conflict is hard, and outcomes can be tough to measure. Yet,
    when we do not address instability at the front end, too often we find
    ourselves having to address it in different, more costly ways at the
    back end.
        The strategic environment for the CSO mission is growing more
    challenging. The number and duration of violent conflicts is
    increasing. Democracy is backsliding for the 15th straight year, and
    authoritarianism is on the rise. We see territory controlled by
    governments being reduced, as non-state armed actors gain ground. The
    COVID-19 pandemic has taken a toll on populations globally. The
    displacement of people is at a recorded high. Climate change,
    corruption, gender inequality, and the rapid spread of disinformation
    pose additional underlying challenges.
        Therefore, if confirmed, I will place priority on strengthening the
    Bureau's contributions to the U.S. Government's effectiveness in
    meeting these challenges. Policies and best practices should be
    regularly adapted, drawing from lessons learned. We will deepen, and
    renew, U.S. partnerships on these issues, bilaterally and with
    multilateral organizations, to advance common objectives. And we must
    work collaboratively with civil society.
        If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the members of
    this committee, including those who have been instrumental in providing
    new tools to break the costly cycle of conflict. Among those tools are
    the Global Fragility Act of 2019 and the Elie Wiesel Genocide and
    Atrocities Prevention Act of 2018, as well as the Women, Peace and
    Security Act of 2017, all bipartisan legislation. CSO will exercise
    leadership, working with other State Department Bureaus and interagency
    partners, to advance their implementation, together with the 2018
    Stabilization Assistance Review.
        And, as I consider our plans, we will identify how the work of CSO
    can reinforce support for democratic values and human rights at the
    heart of our foreign policy. That work must be anchored in
    understanding how Russia's malign efforts undermine democracies and
    exploit instability, and the geostrategic challenge of China's
    ambitions.
        Finally, I will be dedicated in full to building a strong
    workforce, one that is committed to advancing diversity, equity, and
    inclusion.
        Thank you again for this opportunity to lead the CSO Bureau, to
    advance American interests and values toward a more peaceful and safer
    world. I look forward to your questions.

        The Chairman. Thank you. Thank you all very much. So first
    I have a series of questions on behalf of the committee as a
    whole, and a simple yes or no to the question by each of you,
    is what we request. These are questions that speak to the
    importance that this committee places on responsiveness of all
    officials in the executive branch and that we expect and will
    be seeking from you.
        So with a simple yes or no answer: Do you agree to appear
    before this committee and make officials from your office
    available to the committee and designated staff when invited?
        Ms. Adams-Allen. Yes.
        Ms. Witkowsky. Yes.
        Dr. Donfried. Yes.
        The Chairman. Ambassador?
        Ambassador Phee. Yes.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Do you commit to keeping the committee fully and currently
    informed about the activities under your purview?
        Ambassador Phee. Yes.
        Ms. Adams-Allen. Yes.
        Ms. Witkowsky. Yes.
        Dr. Donfried. Yes.
        The Chairman. Did I hear a yes from you, Doctor?
        Dr. Donfried. Yes.
        The Chairman. Okay.
        Do you commit to engaging in meaningful consultation while
    policies are being developed? Not just providing notification
    after the fact?
        Ambassador Phee. Yes.
        Ms. Adams-Allen. Yes.
        Ms. Witkowsky. Yes.
        Dr. Donfried. Yes.
        The Chairman. And do you commit to promptly responding to
    request for briefings and information requested by the
    committee and its designated staff?
        Ambassador Phee. Yes.
        Ms. Adams-Allen. Yes.
        Ms. Witkowsky. Yes.
        Dr. Donfried. Yes.
        The Chairman. All right. Thank you, all.
        So we will start a round a five-minute questions. I will
    start with myself. There is a lot of room, a lot of waterfront
    to cover here with all four of you. So it will be difficult.
        But let me start by focusing with you, Dr. Donfried, on a
    series of issues that I am very much concerned about. Section
    231 of CAATSA is a provision that imposes sanctions on entities
    that conduct significant transactions with the Russian defense
    and intelligence sectors. I help write that law. Do you agree
    to section 231 of CAATSA has prevented significant funding from
    going to the Russian defense and intelligence sectors? And do
    you support its full implementation?
        Dr. Donfried. Chairman Menendez, it is such an honor to
    appear before the committee, and I will turn to your question,
    but I do not want to let this opportunity pass to thank you for
    your support of GMF. And as you were giving your opening
    comments earlier, I had a flashback to 2019 when you delivered
    an important keynote speech about the importance of trans-
    Atlantic relations on GMF stage in Brussels. And I just want to
    thank you for not only your leadership of this committee, but
    also being such an important public voice on these issues.
        You mentioned your role on CAATSA, and I would absolutely
    agree with you that that legislation has been important in
    pushing back against Russian influence and countering its
    malign activities. And if confirmed, I would, indeed, commit to
    the full implementation of CAATSA.
        The Chairman. Very good. Do you commit to regularly
    engaging with me in efforts to ensure its full implementation?
        Dr. Donfried. Chairman Menendez? If confirmed, I would look
    forward to working closely with you on its full implementation.
        The Chairman. Now what do you think about CAATSA sanctions
    on Turkey unless Ankara gets rid of its Russian S-400 system?
        Dr. Donfried. Chairman Menendez, I would say that we have
    to keep sanctions on Turkey for as long as it has the S-400s.
        The Chairman. All right. So, let me turn to a few other
    things. The administration has yet to impose congressionally
    mandated sanctions in response to the attempted murder of anti-
    corruption activist, Alexei Navalny, as required under the
    Chemical and Biological Weapons Act. These sanctions were due
    on June the 2nd. I will note that they were pending since the
    past administration and neither have yet acted on it.
        If confirmed, will you commit to briefing us on why the
    administration continues to ignore the law?
        Dr. Donfried. Chairman Menendez, I find Russia's use of
    chemical weapons chilling and shocking. And if confirmed, I
    will follow the law and I will stand up to Russia's reckless
    and aggressive behavior. And I will look forward to the
    opportunity to consult with you in so doing.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Now let me turn to the Eastern
    Mediterranean. This is an increasingly important, I think, part
    of the world, we passed the Eastern Mediterranean Security and
    Partnership Act, which I think enhanced our relationships with
    critical countries in the region: Greece, Cyprus, Israel, to
    mention some, and creating a new paradigm in the Eastern
    Mediterranean in both energy and security.
        But we wake up today to see a statement by President
    Erdogan of Turkey with reference to Cyprus saying that peace
    talks on the future of ethnically-divided Cyprus can take place
    only between two states, only between two states.
        Now this is in violation of U.N. Security Council
    Resolution 550 that called upon members to not recognize the
    Government in the North, that calls for Varosha to come under
    U.N. administration, and that considers any attempt to resettle
    Varosha by other than its inhabitants, to be inadmissible.
        And it further violates the U.N. Resolution 789, that
    called for a significant reduction in foreign troops, that
    calls for U.N. peacekeepers to be deployed to Varosha, and
    called for a recommitment to the peace process.
        Erdogan is violating all of the U.N. Security Council
    Resolutions. He is in the north of Cyprus today instigating,
    and creating a challenge to a country that is part of the
    European Union. Now I will say that over several
    administrations, we have been rather passive, from my view,
    about this engagement. And all we see is Erdogan encroaching in
    the exclusive economic zone of not only Cyprus, seeking to do
    so with Greece.
        It has played, in my view, a nefarious role in a variety of
    things in the region. And unless we take an assertive role and
    push back, we are going to find ourselves with a significant
    challenge.
        Now I would like to hear from you, if you were to be
    confirmed, what role you would take, what position you would
    take as it relates to these issues?
        Dr. Donfried. Chairman Menendez, thank you for your
    engagement on the Eastern Med. It has made a real difference.
    And I have been following the breaking news from Cyprus as I
    entered this hearing room, and this latest announcement by the
    Turkish Cypriot leader and by Turkish President Erdogan about
    the Turkish Cypriots taking control over parts of Varosha is
    exactly part of the narrative you are talking about.
        This is a move that is clearly inconsistent with U.N.
    Security Council Resolutions. I do not know if the U.S.
    Government has yet issued a statement about this, but I am
    certain this action will be condemned, and these actions are
    provocative, they are destabilizing for the region, and they
    are an impediment to any settlement for Cyprus, that will be on
    the basis of a bizonal, bicommunal federation.
        And if I were to be confirmed, I would want to work closely
    with you on this. In this particular case of Varosha I think
    that we need to refer the situation to the U.N. Security
    Council. We need to encourage the international community to
    give a strong response to this action. We also need to work to
    deescalate tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, and I do
    appreciate your engagement on this.
        The Chairman. So I have your commitment that if you are
    confirmed, this will be one of your priorities in your
    portfolio?
        Dr. Donfried. Yes, Chairman, it would.
        The Chairman. Thank you very much.
        Senator Risch?
        Senator Risch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I certainly
    want to associate myself with those remarks regarding Erdogan
    and his actions throughout the globe.
        Ms. Donfried, I want to start with our relationship with
    our friends in Europe, and particularly as it relates to both
    of ours and Europe's relationship with China. One of the ways,
    as we push back on the Chinese challenge, is it is going to
    take a real partners to do that. No country is going to be able
    to do it alone. If we put our population, Europe's population
    together, we are still only about a third of what the Chinese
    population is.
        Because we have common and shared values with our European
    allies, it is the most natural alliance there is to push back
    against China. I authored a report on this, and I think others
    have given speeches on it, and also done reports on it. What
    are your thoughts on how we can work together with Europe to
    push back on the challenges we are going to get from China?
        Dr. Donfried. Ranking Member Risch, thank you for that
    question. I have read your November 2020 Report and I would
    commend it. The comprehensiveness and breadth of the view you
    took on how the United States can work more closely with Europe
    on these key challenges in the relationship with China, I think
    in many ways is path-breaking.
        And I would commit to you that I would look forward to
    working with you on how we flesh out what you called a concrete
    agenda for trans-Atlantic cooperation on China. I think there
    is no better moment for us to be doing this because I think
    Europe understands today much more than it has over the past
    decade, the challenge China poses.
        And when President Biden made the trip to Europe just last
    month, at the G7, at the NATO Summit, at the U.S.-EU Summit, we
    saw this commitment on the part of our allies to work with us
    on the agenda. I think that we can put U.S. diplomatic muscle
    to good effect here. Thank you.
        Senator Risch. Well, I appreciate that. And I think we have
    all got to commit ourselves to getting China to comply with
    international norms, and rule of law, and enforcement of rule
    of law. And if we do not, it is going to be a long 21st century
    for all of us if we do not, if we do not do that.
        Let us turn to Georgia for a minute. I and other members of
    this committee, have been disappointed in what has been
    happening in Georgia. Senator Shaheen and I were there when
    they had their elections in October of 2012, which we thought
    was a new dawn, and a new beginning. And after that we have
    been regularly disappointed as to what happens there.
        And they come to Washington, D.C., all the time, the
    different parties, and each of them try to engage us and get us
    to take sides in their political maneuvering, which every
    country does. And we keep telling them that they have got to
    resolve this themselves. We are not going to take sides in
    this.
        But they are not making much progress. You get to a point
    where you wonder whether or not it is time to just reevaluate
    where you are with this. What are your thoughts Georgia?
        Dr. Donfried. Thank you, Ranking Member Risch. And I am
    grateful to you and Senator Shaheen for that trip that you
    made. And I also would point to the CODEL that Senator Shaheen
    and Senator Portman took to Georgia quite recently, and I think
    that broad bipartisan engagement is critical in the
    relationship.
        If confirmed, I would continue to push for the full and
    prompt implementation of the agreement that was signed on April
    19, and urge all parties in Georgia to support that agreement.
    And I cannot underscore enough how important electoral reform
    and judicial reform is for Georgia. As you well know, Georgia
    has made substantial strides to strengthen its democracy, but
    it has much more distance to travel, and I will press for them
    to cover that distance.
        At the same time, I would reaffirm U.S. support for
    Georgia's territorial integrity and sovereignty, and continue
    to support for Georgia's integration in the Euro-Atlantic
    community, which is tied to the strength of Georgia's
    democracy. And I would look forward to working with you on
    these issues.
        Senator Risch. Well, thank you. I certainly appreciate
    those thoughts.
        My time is up. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Senator Coons?
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member
    Risch. And thank you to our nominees today. And particularly to
    your families who have supported you in your careers in Foreign
    Service, so far.
        Dr. Donfried, if I might? I want to associate myself with
    the concerns raised by the chairman about Turkey's nefarious
    role, both in Cyprus and in the region, and my concerns about
    that. We will have a hearing about Turkey, I believe tomorrow,
    where we will explore that more thoroughly. And the ranking
    member raised concerns about China that I might well have just
    echoed, but I would like to ask you specifically about the path
    forward in U.S.-German relations.
        President Biden just welcomed Chancellor Merkel to the
    White House. We have long enjoyed a close and positive
    relationship. There are upcoming elections. I think Germany is
    one of the central powers in all of Europe. One of our core
    allies, one of the most important nations in the world in terms
    of sharing our values and an economy built on advanced
    manufacturing.
        What do you see as the future of U.S.-German relations, and
    how does our work with them in Europe, around collective
    security, and in the rest of the world, in terms of pushing
    back on China, have positive and negative aspects? How do you
    intend to navigate all this?
        Dr. Donfried. Senator Coons, thank you very much for that
    question. And I remember being at a site event at the Munich
    Security Conference with you in Germany.
        Senator Coons. Mm-hmm.
        Dr. Donfried. And I am mindful of how very knowledgeable
    you are about these issues as well. As you know, Germany is a
    critical partner and ally of the United States. It is, of
    course, the largest and wealthiest member of the European
    Union. And we just saw Chancellor Merkel visit President Biden
    last week, where the discussion based on the press conference,
    seemed to cover many of the issues you just referred to.
        There is an election in Germany on September 26th, so as we
    saw last week, in many ways, this was a farewell visit by
    Angela Merkel as Chancellor after 16 years in office. So we are
    all expecting change in this relationship. It may well be that
    her party, the center-right party, maintains the chancellery,
    but the coalition is likely to look different.
        And that will matter for German policy, particularly with
    regard to countries like China and Russia, where if you had the
    Greens in coalition, I think you would see a greater
    sensitivity to the human rights violations that we see those
    countries make. So I think it is an exciting moment for the
    relationship with Germany. While on the one hand we can
    celebrate what has been, I think there will be opportunities
    for the U.S. Government to forge and deepen cooperation on
    issues like China. Thank you.
        Senator Coons. Thank you. And I am looking forward,
    hopefully, to participating in the Munich Security Conference
    again with the leadership of this committee and many other
    colleagues.
        Ambassador Phee, if I might? Great to see you again, since
    we last visited in Juba in 2017. Congratulations on your
    nomination.
        There is so much to discuss across the Continent. Let me
    just bear down on a few things quickly, if I might. Since my
    visit to Ethiopia a few months ago, on behalf of our President,
    the situation in Tigray, and the U.S. bilateral relationship
    with Ethiopia, has deteriorated significantly.
        Could you just, briefly, outline your plans to make
    progress in opening up humanitarian relief, making progress
    towards a ceasefire and then, God willing, peace and some
    reconciliation in Tigray? And what do you think might be the
    path towards accountability for those who have committed human
    rights violations, and for possibly rebuilding the U.S.-
    Ethiopia relationship on the other side of this, if possible?
        Ambassador Phee. Thank you, Senator. And it is an honor and
    a privilege for me to see you again, in this environment.
        I want to thank you and other members of the committee,
    including Ranking Member Risch who introduced a resolution on
    Ethiopia, for the efforts you have made to make clear, U.S.
    concerns about the situation that has resulted from the
    conflict in Tigray.
        Your efforts have been instrumental in making sure that all
    parties to the conflict understand that the United States
    urgently seeks an immediate end to hostilities, unconditional
    humanitarian access, accountability for atrocities, and a new
    course to achieve the political and economic reforms sought by
    the Ethiopian people.
        And if confirmed, I am committed to using all available
    tools in partnership with this committee to achieve those
    critical objectives, and to working with you to help Ethiopia
    get back on track.
        The Prime Minister started his premiership with a positive
    direction, with important rhetoric that was responsive to the
    desire of the Ethiopian people for economic and political
    reforms.
        That initial positive start has gone badly off track, and
    it is in our interest to work across the political spectrum in
    Ethiopia to get it back on track, both for the immediate
    concern for the civilians who are suffering, but also so that
    Ethiopia can regain its leadership role in the Horn. Thank you.
        Senator Coons. Thank you. Thank you, Ambassador.
        Mr. Chairman, could I continue, or should I have a number
    of additional questions? I did not know if you were doing a
    second round or not.
        The Chairman. Did you say you have a hundred additional
    questions?
        Senator Coons. A few.
        The Chairman. Oh, a few.
        Senator Coons. A very few.
        The Chairman. Because I have at least a hundred.
        Senator Coons. Maybe two.
        The Chairman. Actually, happy to let you go on.
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your
    forbearance.
        If I might, Ms. Witkowsky; the Global Fragility Act is a, I
    think, promising new tool. There are many areas of fragility,
    Ambassador Phee and I might have gone on at greater length if
    we had the opportunity about the Sahel, and about Mozambique,
    and other places where there are significant conflicts.
        The CSO Bureau has an important role to play in the
    implementation of the Global Fragility Act that Senator Graham
    and I wrote and was signed into law last December. And it tries
    to come up with strategies that will prevent instability. Can
    you just briefly share your vision for how you will employ this
    new tool?
        Ms. Witkowsky. Senator Coons, thank you very much. And
    thank you so much for your leadership on this important issue,
    and for providing the opportunity of this new tool to the U.S.
    Government, to move forward on the complex and difficult
    challenges of addressing fragility.
        The Global Fragility Act maps an important new way of doing
    business on fragility, with its ten-year commitments, its
    emphasis on solutions being locally led, and its requirements
    for tighter integration among bureaus, agencies, the field, and
    Washington.
        If confirmed, I see that CSO will play a leadership role in
    the day-to-day implementation, of the Global Fragility Act
    implementation, one of coordination, and working with all
    relevant agencies who are participating in moving forward to
    implement the Act and supporting our embassies, working with
    civil society. And that process will amass to the higher-level
    process that you have mandated under the Steering Committee in
    the Act.
        I look forward to drawing in my many years of leading large
    agency and interagency efforts to move forward successfully
    with its implementation. And I can assure you that implementing
    the Global Fidelity Act will be a high priority for me.
        Senator Coons. Thank you, Ms. Witkowsky.
        My last question for Ms. Adams-Allen; you have been
    involved in the Inter-American Foundation. Ambassador Phee will
    be on the Board of the Africa Development Foundation, both of
    them relatively small, agile responsive. One of my real
    concerns is about increasing localization and flexibility of
    our assistance programs.
        I just visited Guatemala, and had a chance to visit a
    shelter for trafficked children, a site that I know Samantha
    Power, the Administrator, also visited. I am really concerned
    about the lack of credible partners for us to work with in a
    number of the countries, in Central America, and in other
    places in the world.
        What is your strategy for increasing the localization of
    assistance programs so that we are not solely reliant on
    government partners? And what would you think about piloting
    that in Central America, where I think we are genuinely
    constrained in terms of the quality of the government partners
    we have available to do robust development projects with?
        Ms. Adams-Allen. Thank you for the question, Senator. I
    could not agree more about the need to localize U.S. foreign
    assistance and make sure that it is sustainable and it is
    really locally owned. As you mentioned, this is precisely what
    The American Foundation does, and it is my contention that
    there are actually numerous potential local partners across the
    world.
        But I know particularly in Central America that USAID could
    tap into a pipeline of existing, vetted, tested local partners
    who are working on issues of livelihoods, crime prevention,
    peace building, and governance in the affected communities.
        In terms of a strategy, you know, if confirmed, I think it
    will be important for USAID to build on existing efforts, not
    only looking at the model of the USADF, OIF, but also building
    on the new Partner's Initiative and the Local Works program
    that they have been testing at USAID.
        I think it is going to be crucial to streamline the
    procurement processes at USAID so that small local
    organizations can have access to partnership potentials with
    USAID.
        Third, I think it is going to be crucial to strengthen the
    capabilities within USAID, in particular, the technical staff,
    and the contracting staff who are the ones we are going to need
    to support local organizations.
        Senator Coons. Thank you very much. Thank you to the panel.
        Thank you for your forbearance, Mr. Chair.
        The Chairman. Senator Van Hollen?
        Senator Van Hollen. Thank you Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
    Risch. Congratulations to all of you on your nominations.
        Dr. Donfried, it is good to see you, it was good to catch
    up with you a little bit the other day. You know, one of the
    key responsibilities I think of this portfolio you have will be
    to work with our European partners to counter China's use of
    unfair economic policies, and trade policies, to establish a
    set of agreed-upon rules of the road. And I know that it is
    going to be part of what you are focused on.
        I want to also associate myself with the comments the
    chairman made regarding CAATSA, and the importance of fully
    enforcing CAATSA, and making sure that, you know, Turkey
    continues to see those sanctions applied because of the
    purchase of the S-400s.
        I heard in your response to Chairman Menendez, a reference
    to Erdogan's, President Erdogan's visit to Cyprus today, which
    of course is the anniversary of the illegal Turkish invasion of
    Cyprus. And he is taking some very provocative steps, including
    talking about resettling parts of the Varosha, which would be a
    gross violation of numerous United Nations Security
    Resolutions, and U.S. policy statements with respect to not
    changing the status quo, except for through a negotiated
    settlement.
        Senator Menendez and I, and Senator Rubio, and others, sent
    a letter to the President Biden last week on this issue. It has
    now come to pass. So in addition to just making strong
    statements condemning the action, I think it is important that
    we work with our European allies in the EU to look at other
    sanctions that can be imposed for the violation of law here,
    rule of law.
        President Biden has sort of recentered U.S. policy on rule
    of law. So do you agree that it is important to stand firm,
    together with our partners in the EU, on this violation?
        Dr. Donfried. Senator Van Hollen, thank you for taking the
    time last week to meet with me. I appreciated that. And to your
    question, yes, I do agree we should work closely with the
    European Union, with our European allies on how we pushed back
    against this. I think we will be stronger for doing so.
        And I also look forward to working closely with you and
    with the chairman, if confirmed, on these critical issues
    around stability and peace in the Eastern Mediterranean.
        Senator Van Hollen. I appreciate that. We are going to be
    having a hearing. I know that the chairman has organized a
    hearing tomorrow on Turkey specifically. So I will have a
    greater chance to talk about that. But we just see this series
    of very provocative moves in Cyprus, in the Eastern
    Mediterranean, also walking away from the parameters of a
    bizonal Federation that had defined the talks for peace in
    Cyprus.
        Ambassador Phee, if I could? You have a huge portfolio. I
    look forward to working with you on all the issues including
    trying to really increase U.S. investment in Africa. My
    question relates specifically to Sudan. Senator Coons and I
    visited Sudan, I think back in May now, and Sudan, of course,
    is one of those countries where in a world where we see
    retrenchment, and people moving in the wrong direction, i.e.
    issues of democracy and rule of law, Sudan is a bright spot.
        And I know you agree that we should do everything we can to
    support their transition from dictatorship to democracy. At the
    end of June, Prime Minister Hamdok gave a very important
    speech. And one of the things he focused on was the importance,
    the urgent importance of consolidating the military, which
    consists, as you know, of various militia, including the RSF,
    under a unified command, and that command be under civilian
    control.
        The U.S. continues to have a law in place based on the
    Bashir Government coup decades ago that limits our ability to
    engage with the armed forces through security systems.
        Would you agree that we should look at ways of changing
    that? Given the fact that we now have seen a peaceful
    revolution and where the United States could play, I think, a
    constructive role, carefully, but a constructive role in
    helping Sudan, integrate and consolidate its military under
    unified command under civilian control?
        Ambassador Phee. Senator, it is an honor and pleasure to
    see you again. And I thank you for your leadership of the
    Africa Subcommittee. And I thank you for your efforts, such as
    the recent trip that you took with Senator Coons.
        You have perfectly captured, I think, this critical moment
    in the Sudanese transition. The Senate has already played such
    a vital role in supporting the transition by giving us the
    tools, helping to dismantle. As you note, some of the
    architecture that was put in place during the Bashir regime.
    And if confirmed, I absolutely commit to review the important
    option you have suggested here today, about how we might work
    more effectively with the security forces.
        In tandem with the Prime Minister's announcement, there
    were also statements made by the military leadership about the
    importance of working together. So there are real opportunities
    for us to continue to support this very critical transition,
    which will have such a transformative impact on the Continent.
    Thank you.
        Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you. I look forward to
    working with you. And while it has taken a long time, I know
    AID is finally finalizing its $700 million commitment. So the
    committee looks forward to working with you as that moves
    forward as well.
        Thank you, Mr. Chair.
        The Chairman. All right. There are presently no other
    members seeking recognition. But there is one member on their
    way here, so I have a few extra questions, so I am just going
    to pursue them now.
        Let me go back to you, Dr. Donfried. You have a very large
    universe to cover. Earlier this year the Biden administration
    recognized the Armenian genocide. Do you support the
    administration's decision to recognize the Armenian genocide?
        Dr. Donfried. Chairman Menendez, I do. And I would like to
    thank you for your leadership on that issue. You have been a
    long-time champion of the U.S. Government officially
    recognizing the Armenian genocide. And I think it puts the
    United States in a very good place to be on the right side of
    history on this issue.
        The Chairman. There is another issue in the region that is
    a little more complicated--well, that it took a long time for
    us to recognize the genocide, but I am glad. And I give credit
    to President Biden for doing so.
        But given Azerbaijan's aggression last August in Nagorno-
    Karabakh war, the administration continued the use of waivers
    for Section 907 restrictions. I have to be honest with you, and
    based on the declared meaning of Section 907 as I read it I am
    not quite sure--it was quite a stretch, to go ahead and waive.
    What are your views on that?
        Dr. Donfried. Chairman Menendez, if I am confirmed, I would
    look forward to working closely with you on that issue, of the
    waivers for that assistance to Azerbaijan. I think it is
    critical that we make sure that any support we are giving to
    Azerbaijan is not in any way affecting the balance of power
    between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and that we are committed to
    resolution of Nagorno-Karabakh.
        The Chairman. No, I appreciate that. The Azerbaijanis are
    now interfering in the physical territory of Armenia, and a
    border issue. And it just seems to me they will continue to be
    aggressive unless they have a clear message that it is not
    acceptable.
        I understand that you have had the chance to review the
    Ukraine Security Partnership Act. Do you support the
    legislation which would give increased security assistance to
    the country?
        Dr. Donfried. I am grateful for the broad and bipartisan
    support there is on this committee for U.S. support for
    Ukraine. And I would read with great interest, the Act, which
    has many interesting and important ideas captured in it. And if
    confirmed, I would very much look forward to working with you
    on how we can increase our support for Ukraine.
        The Chairman. Finally, last week the British Government
    proposed halting all prosecution of British soldiers and
    militants involved in three decades of conflict in Northern
    Ireland, which sparked an angry response from victims'
    families, and politicians in Belfast and Dublin. The Stormont
    House Agreement provides a framework to deal with legacy issues
    from the troubles. Do you support the implementation of the
    Stormont House Agreement as a way to deal with legacy issues?
        Dr. Donfried. Chairman Menendez, I mentioned earlier that I
    spent 10 years at the Congressional Research Service, and one
    of the issues, I spent a great deal of time on then, was
    Northern Ireland. And it was a bright time because actually we
    saw the peace process move forward, and that Stormont House
    Agreement, or the Good Friday Agreement, I think has to be the
    basis for U.S. policy toward the Island of Ireland to maintain
    peace there. Thank you.
        The Chairman. Thank you.
        Ambassador Phee, let me ask you. The situation in Tigray
    and across Ethiopia is rather bleak. The Ethiopian Government's
    unilateral cease fire does not appear to be getting much
    traction, and worryingly, it appears to me that we may be
    entering a new phase of the conflict characterized by the
    mobilization of ethnic militia, and even more mass atrocities.
        What more can the United States do to get the parties, to
    reach a negotiated ceasefire? If you were to be confirmed, what
    advice would you be giving?
        Ambassador Phee. Chairman Menendez, thank you for raising
    this very disturbing issue, which poses such a threat to the
    civilians of Ethiopia, and to this stability of the Horn. If
    confirmed, I would enthusiastically endorse the efforts of our
    Special Envoy, Ambassador Jeff Feltman, who is working right
    now to mobilize the support of partner nations in Africa, of
    the partner nations in the Gulf who are engaged in Ethiopia,
    our partners in Europe, and our partners in the United Nations.
        This problem requires all of us pulling together to help
    Ethiopia stop the current fighting, to stop the spread that you
    have correctly identified as a genuine threat, and to work on a
    national dialogue, to address the political and economic
    performance that are so desperately needed.
        The Chairman. Yeah. And I think we have to look at, if the
    type of atrocities that are being reported are such, I think we
    have to look about what other consequences for such atrocities.
    If we look away then, you know, at the end of the day, others
    in other parts of the world will do it.
        Ambassador Phee. Chairman Menendez, I fully agree with that
    sentiment. We have, as you know, a longstanding and
    multifaceted partnership with Ethiopia, and there are options
    for us to act in that direction if it becomes necessary. And if
    confirmed, I would commit to pursuing those options to make
    clear, just as you have said, that this kind of action is
    unacceptable.
        The Chairman. Let me turn to the situation of the Sahel,
    which continues to be deeply concerning, with violence in the
    region fueling what U.N. agencies deemed the world's ``fastest-
    growing displacement crisis''. As you may know, I am the lead
    sponsor of S615, the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership
    Program Act, which calls for a whole-of-government strategy for
    the Sahel.
        Do I have your commitment, if you are confirmed, to develop
    a strategic approach to the Sahel?
        Ambassador Phee. Chairman Menendez, you absolutely do. If
    confirmed, I would address the concerns that are outlined in
    your legislation, and I would do our best to pull together all
    the elements of the U.S. Government capability to help support
    a better outcome in the Sahel.
        The Chairman. Thank you. Now, Sudan's civilian-led
    transition to democracy is in a critical phase of the
    transitional government led by Prime Minister Hamdok, has
    initiated laudable reforms over the last two years, but there
    are several intractable problems that need to be addressed.
    What in your view are the major obstacles to democratic
    transition and stability in Sudan?
        Ambassador Phee. Chairman Menendez, in my view, the main
    obstacle to the transition in Sudan is helping the military
    understand that there is a new way of governance in the
    country, and that it is time for the civilians to remain at the
    forefront. That is the most important challenge we face, and it
    is incumbent upon us to do all we can to help them realize that
    transition.
        The Chairman. Yes, Senator Risch?
        Senator Risch. Briefly. Ambassador Phee, I wanted to talk
    about this one detail that Senator Van Hollen mentioned. And it
    prodded me into thinking about it some more. And that is,
    regarding the $700 million that has been provided for Sudan as
    a result of the legal peace settlement, what are your thoughts
    on how the U.S. should use that amount?
        Ambassador Phee. Ranking Member Risch, I understand that we
    should use that money exactly for the purposes for which you
    appropriated it, which is to help consolidate support for the
    transition to help provide economic sustainability in Sudan, so
    that there is popular support for this transition to continue.
    I understand there is frustration in the pace of disbursement,
    and if confirmed, I would undertake to immediately look at that
    issue.
        Senator Risch. Yeah. Frustration would be an
    understatement. The mechanics that are in place, are you
    familiar with those or?
        Ambassador Phee. No, sir. I am not as familiar as I should
    be.
        Senator Risch. I might do that as an additional question
    for the record. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The Chairman. Well thank you.
        Senator Risch. I do not want our other two nominees to
    think I have no affection for your work. I do. And I will be
    submitting a series of questions for the record. For that fact,
    there will be a series of questions to all of the nominees from
    me, and I am sure from other members.
        The Chairman. I would urge you to answer them fully and
    expeditiously so that the committee can consider your
    nominations at a business meeting.
        With no other members before the committee, this hearing
    will be adjourned. The record will remain open until the close
    of business tomorrow, which, questions for the record will be
    submitted.
        And with thanks to the committee, this hearing is
    adjourned.

        [Whereupon, at 11:13 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]

                                  ----------

                  Additional Material Submitted for the Record

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Ms. Paloma Adams-Allen by Senator Robert Menendez

    Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI)
        Question. Last July, the Government Accountability Office (GAO)
    issued a report depicting extensive demographic data demonstrating the
    serious challenges the Agency faces when it comes to building a diverse
    workforce. The GAO concluded ``mixed progress'' in the Agency's efforts
    to increase diversity, and presented a number of troubling findings,
    including numerous barriers to promotion for racial and ethnic
    minorities in early- or mid-career Civil Service positions.

       Will you commit to prioritizing actions to address these problems?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to prioritizing actions to
    address these problems.

        Question. Please describe what actions you believe USAID should
    prioritize to realize and advance the goals of USAID's Diversity,
    Equity, and Inclusion initiative?

        Answer. Ensuring USAID remains the world's leading development
    agency requires the Agency center the principles of diversity, equity,
    and inclusion in everything it does--reflecting them in its people,
    it's workplace culture, policies and practices, and funding and program
    approaches. If confirmed, I will make diversity, equity, and inclusion
    foundational priorities for both our mission around the world and how
    we support and invest in our workforce. The report you referenced, for
    example, presented data demonstrating that ``promotion outcomes at
    USAID were generally lower for racial and ethnic minorities than for
    whites in early to mid career.'' If confirmed, I will engage staff
    across the agency to understand the challenges facing them as they seek
    to advance in their USAID careers, solicit their advice on how to
    create more internal ladders and equitable opportunities for
    professional development and promotion, and treat these issues with the
    urgency they demand. I understand that one of Administrator Power's
    first acts at the Agency was to approve the new DEI Strategy, affirming
    her commitment to integrate diversity, equity, and inclusion throughout
    the Agency's work with a workforce that reflects the diversity of our
    country. If confirmed, I commit to implementing this Strategy,
    including by ensuring that staff's perspectives and experiences are
    reflected in USAID's plans for recruiting, retaining, and investing in
    a workforce that reflects the rich diversity of our country.

        Question. That same GAO report indicated significant understaffing
    in USAID's Office of Civil Rights and Diversity, a deficiency that
    reduces USAID's capacity to respond effectively to allegations of
    discrimination, identify potential barriers to equal employment
    opportunity, and submit required reports on diversity and inclusion
    efforts.

       Will you commit to ensuring that this Office is adequately staffed
            and empowered to responsibly execute its mission?

        Answer. Answer: Yes, if confirmed, I will immediately review
    staffing and resource needs for USAID's Office of Civil Rights and
    Diversity (OCRD) and commit to enhancing its ability to deliver its
    mandate. I understand the Agency increased OCRD's operating budget from
    less than $400,000 in FY 2017 to $2,723,000 in FY 2021, exclusive of
    salaries and benefits, while doubling OCRD's staff allocation from 13
    to 25 in FY 2020. In addition, I understand that OCRD's Acting Director
    has a regular channel through which to engage with USAID's senior
    management to discuss EEO Program matters, should OCRD have additional
    needs or seek additional resources in the future. If confirmed, I will
    ensure that OCRD has the resources and the access needed to address
    concerns about discrimination and to advance the Agency's diversity,
    equity, and inclusion goals.

        Question.  How will you approach restoring expertise and recruiting
    new talent?

        Answer. Attracting and retaining purpose-driven development
    professionals with deep technical expertise and broad programmatic and
    management experience is key to the Agency delivering on its mission,
    and doing so nimbly and effectively in increasingly complicated
    settings. Rebuilding the Agency's workforce must include examining what
    the practice of development will look like 10-15 years from now, and
    identifying and recruiting talent to position the agency for the
    future. If confirmed, I commit to leading a thoughtful, forward-looking
    workforce planning effort.
        Tapping into needed new talent demands that USAID expand its
    recruitment pipelines beyond traditional sources, to include U.S.
    community colleges, minority serving institutions, and professional
    organizations. I understand that USAID is currently engaging and
    recruiting diverse high-quality talent through targeted outreach and
    recruitment events and expanded partnerships with organizations serving
    underrepresented groups. If confirmed, I will focus on expanding the
    Agency's external recruitment pipelines so as to bolster its staffing
    overall, as well as prioritizing the retention and promotion of
    underrepresented groups as part of a broader effort to fill gaps in
    expertise by tapping into internal talent pools.

        Question. USAID's greatest asset are the international development
    and humanitarian experts on staff.

       How will you establish a culture where the Agency's actions are
            based on the insights and talents of its experts?

        Answer. USAID cannot accomplish any of its national security and
    development priorities without the top-notch development professionals
    who everyday tackle global development and humanitarian challenges with
    passion, integrity, and skill, so as to empower partners (communities,
    governments, local and international organizations) as they build a
    better world for all of us. I experienced this commitment and expertise
    firsthand in my time at the Agency and now in my current role at the
    Inter-American Foundation. Building a culture that draws on and
    leverages the expertise and experience of development and humanitarian
    professionals requires that leaders look to the experts and seek out
    their input into and leadership on policy, programming, and operational
    considerations.
        Throughout my career, I have created and led diverse, purpose-
    driven teams; fostered open, inclusive, and transparent workplaces; and
    empowered staff by removing obstacles to growth and success, while
    relying on their expertise and championing their creativity and know-
    how. If confirmed, I will continue that approach and work to empower
    USAID staff by always seeking their input, promoting their leadership,
    and unlocking the support and resources they need to thrive.

        Question. Workforce planning is essential to ensuring USAID has
    expertise and capacities to successfully execute the Agency's wide
    range of activities and achieve results that often require years of
    work and engagement.

       Will you commit to advising each Bureau in developing a workforce
            plan for its programs and missions?

        Answer. Yes. I agree that comprehensive workforce planning is
    essential to ensuring that USAID has the expertise and capacities
    required to address the increasing global needs and manage increasingly
    complex programs in more than 100 countries. If confirmed, I commit to
    working with USAID's office of Human Capital and Talent Management,
    Bureaus, and Missions, to conduct comprehensive strategic workforce
    planning that positions the Agency to meet the needs of the moment, as
    well as adapt to future challenges and opportunities. This effort must
    include analyzing the Agency's current workforce, identifying skills
    gaps, anticipating future staffing and expertise needs, and developing
    and implementing an Action Plan to secure and support the range of
    expertise (policy, technical, operational, and management) needed to
    ensure the Agency's continued success. I look forward to working with
    you to support that strategy, if confirmed.

        Question. What do you think USAID can do to improve FSNs' standing
    within USAID and ensure these hardworking professionals are afforded
    ample opportunities for professional growth, promotion, and recognition
    for their work?

        Answer. Foreign Service Nationals (FSNs), which constitute nearly
    half of USAID's global workforce, are an integral part of achieving the
    Agency's mission. They are a critical link to cultivating and
    maintaining trust and strong relationships with local communities,
    which is the foundation for successful development and humanitarian
    assistance. I understand that USAID is currently working on various
    initiatives designed to enhance recognition for the value that FSNs
    bring to the Agency, and to enhance morale among this critical part of
    the workforce. Specifically, USAID is working to promote leadership
    opportunities for FSNs at all levels; increase virtual FSN fellowship
    programs; increase the number of senior-level FSN-13 positions; expand
    professional development and training opportunities; and expand the use
    of ladder positions within the FSN workforce to enhance career
    development. If confirmed, I commit to working with USAID leadership in
    Washington and its overseas Missions to further advance initiatives
    that will afford FSNs with opportunities for inclusion, professional
    growth, promotion, and recognition for their contributions to the
    Agency.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Ms. Paloma Adams-Allen by Senator James E. Risch

    China and COVAX
        Question. Global health is one of the largest parts of USAID's
    annual budget and, in 2021, the agency received significant additional
    resources to support U.S. international COVID-19 relief efforts.
    Importantly, USAID also is responsible for managing U.S. engagement
    with COVAX, the vaccines pillar of the WHO-supported Access to COVID-19
    Tools (ACT). Unfortunately, while the United States has made $4 billion
    (as well as 580 million vaccine doses) available to COVAX, China has
    contributed nothing. Worse yet, China now stands to profit from a
    pandemic that it unleashed upon the world through the sale of its
    state-owned vaccines to COVAX.

       If confirmed, how will you ensure U.S. contributions to COVAX will
            not be used to underwrite or subsidize the purchase and
            distribution of China's state-owned, substandard COVID-19
            vaccines?

       If confirmed, will you prioritize resources for bilateral, in-kind
            contributions of U.S. vaccines over financial contributions to
            COVAX? If not, why not?

        Answer. I understand that funds from the generous $4 billion U.S.
    contribution to Gavi in support of COVAX were not used to purchase
    vaccines made by Chinese companies. These funds were allocated by Gavi
    prior to the facility's decision to purchase Sinopharm and Sinovac
    vaccines. I also understand that there are no further contributions of
    U.S. funds to COVAX planned at this time. If confirmed, I will work to
    ensure that the U.S. continues to signal concern about procurement of
    lower-efficacy vaccines, and urges China to pick up its fair share of
    the global burden on vaccine access rather than simply profiting off of
    other donors' generosity.
        I understand that the decision on when to use bilateral, in-kind
    contributions of U.S. vaccines over financial contributions to COVAX
    was based on multiple factors including global and domestic vaccine
    supply variables. If confirmed, I will work with my interagency
    colleagues to review the current facts, supply projections and needs in
    order to continue to advance global COVID vaccine availability as fast
    and safely as possible.

    U.S. International Food Aid and Cargo Preference
        Question.  The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) has released a
    memo which, among other things, directs the new OMB Made in America
    Office to ``review how best to ensure agency compliance with cargo
    preference requirements to maximize the utilization of U.S.-flag
    vessels, in excess of any applicable statutory minimum, to the greatest
    extent practicable.'' This is likely to increase pressure upon USAID to
    exceed existing cargo preference requirements for food aid under the
    Food for Peace Act, notwithstanding the fact that the Government
    Accountability Office (GAO) repeatedly has found that such requirements
    significantly increase the cost of food aid while failing to advance
    the statutory purpose of the Cargo Preference Act of 1954.

       Do you agree that U.S. cargo preference requirements for food aid
            have outlived their statutory purpose?

       If confirmed, will you work with OMB to mitigate the deleterious
            impact of U.S. cargo preference requirements on life-saving
            food aid?

       In your estimation, how would an increase of cargo preference
            requirements impact USAID's budget and ability to meet historic
            levels of need for food aid?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with Congress and the
    interagency, including OMB, to make USAID's food assistance programming
    as effective and efficient as possible. Each food assistance modality
    (U.S. in-kind food, locally and regionally procured food, and cash-
    based programming) is critical to USAID's ability to appropriately
    respond to unprecedented global humanitarian needs. An increase in
    cargo preference requirements would directly result in increased
    transportation costs for food assistance programs, which would reduce
    the amount of resources USAID can dedicate to purchasing agricultural
    commodities to respond to historic levels of global hunger.

    Material Support
        Question. The United States has strict laws prohibiting the
    provision of material support to designated foreign terrorist groups.

       If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that USAID and its
            implementing partners strictly adhere to all relevant material
            support laws, regulations, policy directives, and vetting
            requirements?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working with USAID staff and
    partners to ensure compliance with all applicable laws and regulations.
    I understand that USAID has numerous vetting tools and monitoring
    safeguards, financial accountability mechanisms, as well as an
    independent Office of Inspector General, whose work I am committed to
    supporting if I am confirmed.

        Question. If confirmed, what measures will you seek to put in place
    to ensure not only that all contracts and agreements contain the
    required material support clauses, but also that adherence is closely
    monitored and transparently reported to Congress by USAID?

        Answer. I am committed to ensuring that USAID funding does not fall
    into the wrong hands, whether it be terrorism, fraud, or waste. I
    understand that USAID has numerous vetting tools and monitoring
    safeguards, financial accountability mechanisms, as well as an
    independent Office of Inspector General, whose work I am committed to
    supporting if I am confirmed.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working with the
    Department of Justice, the Department of Treasury, and the Department
    of State to eliminate ambiguity and ensure that USAID's implementing
    partners, including USAID's humanitarian assistance partners, have
    clear guidance on what constitutes material support, how to identify
    intentional and incidental breaches, and how to respond?

        Answer. Understanding that USAID does not administer U.S. sanctions
    programs, if confirmed, I do commit to working with the Department of
    Justice, the Department of Treasury, and the Department of State to
    ensure that all implementing partners, including those who support
    humanitarian programs in some of the most challenging operating
    environments in the world, have clear guidance about applicable
    sanctions.

    USAID Staffing
        Question. Whether Foreign Service, Civil Service, Foreign Service
    Limited, Foreign Service National, or other, USAID's most valuable
    asset is its people. Unfortunately, with at least 22 different hiring
    mechanisms and outdated assumptions about how specific missions,
    bureaus, and offices should be supported, the agency is in desperate
    need of a modernized strategic staffing plan that is flexible and
    adaptive to today's challenges. The budget request includes an increase
    for USAID's operating expenses and proposes to increase the number of
    Foreign Service Limited positions, including for global health and
    humanitarian assistance.

       If confirmed, how will you approach modernizing USAID's arcane
            staffing mechanisms?

       Should an increase in resources for additional direct-hire
            positions be paired with a decrease in the number of
            contractors USAID retains using program funds? If not, why not?

       If the requested increase for direct-hire positions is approved,
            how will positions be prioritized? Should the recruitment,
            hiring, and deployment of competent, field-based contracting
            and agreement officers (COs and AOs) be a priority?

        Answer. I understand that USAID is committed to strengthening its
    global workforce to advance the Agency's mission and U.S. national
    security priorities. In my experience, USAID has complex requirements
    and needs to increase both the size and agility of the career workforce
    while also improving non-career employment mechanisms.
        As the administrator stated in her recent testimony before the
    committee, USAID's staffing has not increased at the same rate as the
    programmatic needs and requirements. With regard to USAID's Contracting
    and Agreement Offices, she noted in her testimony that each USAID
    acquisition and assistance officer has managed over $65 million
    annually over the past four years: more than four times the workload of
    their colleagues at the Department of Defense who manage an average of
    approximately $15 million. I will work to rationalize non-career hiring
    mechanisms and strategically grow the Civil Service and Foreign
    Service, while building the overall cohesiveness of the Agency's
    workforce. If confirmed, I look forward to updating you on the Agency's
    progress in this area.

    USAID Budget Allocations
        Question. Section 653(a) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22
    U.S.C. 2413) requires that ``not later than thirty days after the
    enactment of any law appropriating funds to carry out any provision of
    this Act (other than section 451 or 637) or the Arms Export Control
    Act, the President shall notify the Congress of each foreign country
    and international organization to which the United States Government
    intends to provide any portion of the funds under such law and of the
    amount of funds under that law, by category of assistance, that the
    United States Government intends to provide to each.'' Unfortunately,
    delays in the appropriations process, the imposition of overlapping
    spending directives, and other factors relating to the relationship
    between OMB, the Department of State, USAID, and the Congress have
    contributed to excessive delays in submission of the mandated 653(a)
    Report. Moreover, it has become common practice for the relevant
    agencies to consult only with the committees of Appropriations--rather
    than with the authorizing committees responsible for oversight of the
    Foreign Assistance Act--in finalizing such report.

       In your view, what are the chief constraints to delivering the
            653(a) report in a timely fashion? How can the process be
            fixed?

       If confirmed, will you commit to working with the Committees on
            Foreign Relations in the Senate and Foreign Affairs in the
            House on the development and execution of the 653(a) report in
            an open and transparent manner?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to working in an open and
    transparent manner with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the
    House Foreign Affairs Committee on the 653(a) report. As you note,
    while Section 653(a) of the FAA requires that the report be submitted
    within 30 days of enactment, I understand that has not been possible in
    years past. If confirmed, I commit to working within the Agency and
    with interagency stakeholders to improve the timelines for the
    submission of the 653(a) report.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
            to Ms. Paloma Adams-Allen by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    USAID Transformation
        Question. The Trump administration had submitted proposals to
    Congress under its Transformation initiative to make changes to the
    Bureau for Management and create a Bureau for Policy, Resources, and
    Planning (PRP). PRP would have combined the functions of the Bureau for
    Policy, Planning and Learning and the Office of Budget and Resource
    Management (among others). Congress did not approve such changes and
    the Biden administration withdrew the proposed changes in May, 2021.
    Prior to the withdrawal, some international stakeholders had
    recommended that the Biden administration complete the proposed
    changes, in particular realizing the PRP Bureau.

       How do you respond to those who advocated for the completion of
            USAID's organizational restructuring?

       In your view, do additional structural changes need to be made to
            USAID's central bureaus and/or independent offices? If so, what
            challenges would those changes seek to address?

        Answer. I understand that USAID successfully completed the majority
    of its restructuring efforts, co-locating vital capabilities related to
    humanitarian assistance; food security and water; and the Agency's
    technical assistance to the field. I also understand that USAID's staff
    were heavily involved in the prior organizational restructuring and so
    any further changes need to be thoughtfully considered. If confirmed, I
    will engage with the administrator, my co-deputy, and the Agency's
    internal and external stakeholders, to assess the need for any further
    change to USAID's organizational structure.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Dr. Karen Donfried by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. Will you commit to providing vital humanitarian
    assistance to the people Nagorno-Karabakh including supporting the
    clearance of unexplored ordnance?

        Answer. From the onset of last years fighting between Armenia and
    Azerbaijan in and around Nagorno-Karabakh, the United States has worked
    to meet urgent humanitarian assistance needs for vulnerable populations
    fleeing the violence and the communities that host them. If confirmed,
    I will support the provision of humanitarian assistance to areas
    affected by the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. I understand the Department
    continues to work with other relevant agencies to evaluate the needs of
    the region and explore opportunities to fund possible programs to clear
    post-conflict unexploded ordnance in and around Nagorno-Karabakh.

        Question. I do not support the administrations decision to waive
    sanctions on Nord Stream 2. I think it was a mistake that will only
    bolster Russias position in Europe. The measures announced last week
    when the German Chancellor visited Washington fall well short of what
    is needed to support Ukraine right now.

       What specific further measures do you think the U.S. should take to
            bolster Ukrainian security and energy transit in the wake of
            the administration's decision to waive sanctions on Nord Stream
            2?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the administration's policy
    of supporting Ukraine's independence, sovereignty, and territorial
    integrity against Russian aggression in any form. I commit to providing
    the assistance Ukraine requires to defend itself, including lethal
    weapons, based on a U.S. and Ukrainian assessment of Ukraines defense
    requirements. On energy security, I believe an extension to Ukraines
    gas transit agreement with Russia will help to preserve gas transit
    revenues for Ukraine and provide time for Ukraine to eliminate its
    dependence on Russian gas and transit fees, as it has long sought to
    do. Ukraine should also diversify its energy resources, with an
    emphasis on clean and sustainable energy.

        Question. The Belarusian opposition leader is in Washington this
    week. The U.S. has yet to announce long overdue sectoral sanctions.

       If confirmed, do you commit to advocate for the imposition of these
            sanctions?

        Answer. If confirmed, I commit to advocate for additional measures,
    including sanctions, to apply continued pressure to the Lukashenka
    regime to release all political prisoners and start a facilitated
    dialogue, inclusive of the opposition and civil society, that will lead
    to free and fair elections.

        Question. Will you also commit to ensure that the administration
    produces a new Executive Order on Belarus that would authorize new
    sanctions?

        Answer. In the May 28 White House statement following the forced
    diversion of the RyanAir flight, the U.S. Government previewed the
    Treasury Departments development of a new draft executive order
    designed to increase pressure on the Lukashenka regime. If confirmed, I
    will support these efforts.

        Question. How does the Biden administration's public commitment to
    counter corruption correspond with the U.S.-led effort to push for an
    amendment to Bosnias election law, which could significantly strengthen
    the positon of ethnic party leaders?

        Answer. The administration has made clear that by countering
    corruption and demonstrating the advantages of transparent and
    accountable governance, we can secure a critical advantage for the
    United States and other democracies. Efforts to strengthen democratic
    processes and reduce corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) are
    mutually reinforcing. If confirmed, I will work with others in the
    administration to encourage reforms that address corruption and
    implement relevant decisions of BiHs Constitutional Court and the
    European Court of Human Rights. I will also support efforts to ensure
    that BiHs electoral system meets international recommendations for
    electoral integrity, including those made by the OSCEs Office for
    Democratic Institutions and Human Rights and the Council of Europe.

        Question. Does this not undercut U.S. efforts to counter patronage
    and machine politics in the country?

        Answer. Limited constitutional and election law reforms are
    necessary to further BiH on its Euro-Atlantic path, a primary goal of
    U.S. foreign policy for the Western Balkans. The United States welcomes
    efforts among BiHs political and civic leaders to reach solutions that
    will increase the integrity, transparency, fairness, and legitimacy of
    BiHs democratic processes. If confirmed, I will work to bring all
    actors to the table to forge compromise and local ownership of an
    improved electoral system that represents and protects the rights of
    all citizens of BiH.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
                to Dr. Karen Donfried by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. Which country or countries do you believe are the most
    important to U.S. interests in Europe?

        Answer. NATO is indispensable for the advancement of U.S. interests
    in Europe and to our security. NATO, founded 72 years ago and
    comprising 30 Allies, is a pillar of stability for the world and the
    essential forum for Transatlantic security and political issues. The
    United States is firmly committed to advancing NATO's founding values,
    enshrined in the Washington Treaty, of democracy, individual liberty,
    and the rule of law. The United States' commitment to Article 5 is
    ironclad. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with all of
    our NATO Allies and the Alliance's partners to safeguard our shared
    interests in our challenging security environment. The European Union
    is also a fundamental partner for the United States, as many issues on
    which we coordinate, including economic security issues, climate
    policy, and sanctions, among others, are EU competencies.

        Question. Do you believe that the U.S. should err on the side of
    undertaking diplomacy with the European Union, or should it focus its
    diplomatic efforts bilaterally?

        Answer. The United States and the European Union are natural
    partners to write the rules of the road for the 21st century economy,
    rules based on our shared democratic values and harnessing the power of
    the largest economic relationship in the world. At the June 15 U.S.-EU
    Summit, the leaders of the European Union and the United States renewed
    our transatlantic partnership and committed to resolving long-standing
    disputes in order to work together on common challenges. If confirmed,
    I will endeavor to support that renewed partnership. The U.S.-EU
    partnership does not supplant the need for bilateral diplomatic efforts
    with member states and other likeminded countries. If confirmed, I will
    pursue diplomacy with the EU and bilaterally to further U.S. policy
    objectives.

        Question. How do you believe relationship between the United States
    and the European Union (EU) has changed since the United Kingdom
    removed itself from that bloc? What challenges has the United Kingdom's
    departure from the EU presented for American diplomacy?

        Answer. The Biden administration has already worked in concert with
    both the EU and the UK on sanctions actions targeting Russian officials
    linked to the poisoning of Alexey Navalny and Chinese officials due to
    human rights abuses in Xinjiang. The administration supports a strong
    UK and a strong EU and welcomed the entry into force of the EU-UK Trade
    and Cooperation Agreement and the Northern Ireland Protocol. The United
    States has been unequivocal in its support for the Belfast/Good Friday
    Agreement, which is an historic achievement that must be protected. If
    confirmed, I look forward to working with both partners to address the
    range of global challenges as the UK and the EU continue to adjust to
    their new post-Brexit relationship. I support the renewed commitment to
    the U.S.-EU partnership made by leaders at the June 15 U.S.-EU Summit.
    The UK's post-Brexit foreign policy presents opportunities for even
    closer cooperation on shared priorities. If confirmed, I look forward
    to collaborating with the UK as it works with a broad range of partners
    to carry out its Global Britain agenda, including global economic,
    health, and climate priorities.

        Question. In your opinion, what do you believe the United States
    will gain from the deal that was recently struck between the United
    States and Germany that will allow the NordStream 2 pipeline to go
    forward?

        Answer. The package announced on July 21 puts in place measures in
    order to prevent the worst-case scenario--an operational Nord Stream 2
    pipeline without any risk-reduction measures for Ukraine or other
    countries that stand to be impacted by the pipeline. The measures
    represent a significant commitment by Germany, supported by the United
    States, to push back against the Kremlin's malign activities and to
    advance a more secure and sustainable energy future for Ukraine and
    other frontline NATO and EU countries. It also makes clear that the
    United States will not allow the Kremlin to weaponize energy resources
    against our allies and partners and commits Germany to take national
    measures and pursue measures at the European Union-level to impose
    costs on Russia should it attempt to use Nord Stream 2 or any other
    pipeline to achieve aggressive political ends.

        Question. Which nations do you believe the United States should
    work most closely with to counter China's growing malign influence and
    actions around the world? Which countries do you see as most aligned
    with U.S. goals and values vis-a-vis China?

        Answer. The United States must engage the People's Republic of
    China (PRC) from a position of strength, which includes acting in close
    cooperation with our Allies and partners across Europe and Eurasia.
    There has been a convergence of views among the world's democracies on
    PRC activities as evidenced by the outcomes of last month's G7, NATO,
    and U.S.-EU summits. If confirmed, I would work with U.S. Allies and
    partners to respond to the PRC's non-market practices, speak out
    against Beijing's human rights abuses and forced labor practices, and
    address the systemic challenges from the PRC to the rules-based
    international order.

        Question. What are your views on the recently agreed-upon EU-China
    Comprehensive Agreement on Investment? Should the United States be
    engaging with the European Parliament to stop its ratification?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to early consultations with
    our EU and European partners on shared concerns about the People's
    Republic of China (PRC), including through the recently relaunched
    U.S.-EU dialogue on China and the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council.
    The European Parliament has conditioned any further action on the
    Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) on the lifting of the PRC's
    retaliatory sanctions. Ultimately, the onus will be on the PRC to
    uphold its commitments on forced labor, state-owned enterprises, and
    subsidies.

        Question. Many European countries have pledged to keep unsafe
    telecommunications companies out of their networks. What do you view as
    the next priority areas for cooperation between the United States and
    the. and EU?

        Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing our engagement
    with European allies and partners on secure development and deployment
    of 5G networks, including through the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology
    Council. The United States advocates for measures that exclude
    untrusted vendors, in line with the Prague Proposals and the EU 5G
    Toolbox. If confirmed, I will continue working with allies and partners
    to support a diverse supply chain of trustworthy telecommunications
    equipment and services. This includes support for open, interoperable
    approaches like Open RAN (radio access network) technologies that
    promise to increase vendor diversity and market competition and have
    the potential to lower costs and improve security.

        Question. To what extent do you believe that there is an emerging
    Russia-China axis? Some suggest that the United States should try to
    drive wedges between the two nations to destroy any emerging axis. Do
    you agree with that analysis?

        Answer. It is not surprising that Beijing and Moscow would seek to
    deepen their ties, but we should not overestimate this alignment.
    Russia and the PRC collaborate when it is mutually beneficial, but a
    deep-seated lack of trust realistically limits their so-called
    ``strategic comprehensive partnership.'' Areas of friction between the
    two suggest they may each have reasons to hedge against over reliance
    and potentially slow their convergence for their own reasons. If
    confirmed, I would work closely with European partners and Allies to
    push back effectively against Russian and PRC actions that run contrary
    to our values and the international standards of rule-based behavior.

        Question. It is likely that Russia has placed nuclear weapons in
    Kaliningrad, and there is great concern that they may do the same in
    occupied Crimea. How should the United States respond, if at all,
    should Russia place nuclear weapons in Crimea? Would that action, in
    your view, dramatically change the way that the United States looks at
    Black Sea security?

        Answer. The administration will continue to oppose Russia's
    occupation and attempted annexation of Crimea, which is sovereign
    Ukrainian territory. If Russia were to deploy nuclear weapons in
    Crimea, it would represent a significant escalation of tensions not
    just with Ukraine, but in the Black Sea region, and in Europe. If
    confirmed, I will continue to work bilaterally and through NATO with
    Ukraine and other partners and Allies in the Black Sea region and
    across the entire Eastern Flank to improve their ability to deter and
    defend against the full spectrum of Russian military threats.

        Question. Russia has increased its provocations in the Black Sea
    and is increasingly turning the region into a Russian lake. Do you
    believe that the U.S. and NATO responses to Russia's actions and
    growing militarization of Crimea have been adequate? If yes, why? If
    no, what more would you like to see done to push back on Russia in the
    Black Sea?

        Answer. Russian provocations in the Black Sea and other parts of
    Europe, including its military build-up and exercises, require robust
    NATO deterrence and strong support for NATO partners. The United States
    continues to work bilaterally and through NATO with our Allies, as well
    as Ukraine, Georgia, and other NATO partners, to improve their ability
    to deter and defend against threats to their security. Since Russia's
    2014 invasion of Ukraine, NATO has implemented the most significant
    reinforcement of its eastern flank in the post-Cold War era. In the
    Black Sea region, these crucial deterrence activities include tailored
    Forward Presence, a series of land, air, and maritime measures that
    have increased NATO's presence and exercises and improved situational
    awareness and readiness in Romania and Bulgaria. All of this is a
    necessary and proportionate response to Russia's aggressive behavior.
    If confirmed, I will work with our NATO Allies and partners to
    modernize their militaries and enhance their capabilities in order to
    enhance deterrence and defense in the Black Sea region.

        Question. Does Turkey's behavior with regard to increasing ties
    with Russia change how we and our allies think about future NATO
    expansion and the evolution of the NATO Strategic Concept?

        Answer. Turkish-Russian relations are transactional and fraught
    with strategic rivalries. If confirmed I will urge Turkey not to retain
    the Russian S-400 system it took delivery of in 2019 and remind Ankara
    that any new major Russian purchase risks additional CAATSA sanctions.
    Turkey is a critical ally, it has NATO's second-largest military, and
    it is a key contributor to Allied missions. Ankara's support for
    Ukraine's and Georgia's sovereignty, and Turkey's efforts to counter
    Russia in Syria, the Caucasus, and Libya create significant pressure on
    Turkey-Russia relations. If confirmed I will work to advance the U.S.
    and Turkey's many shared interests while also being frank with Turkish
    counterparts on areas of disagreement.

        Question. Since undersea gas fields were discovered in the Eastern
    Mediterranean some years ago, littoral nations have been developing
    strategies to harvest and export it. Turkey and the Eastern
    Mediterranean Gas Forum have emerged as competitors over the future
    economic development of the zone.

       How should the U.S. engage with parties to ensure that economic
            development is executed in a safe, stable, and fair way?

        Answer. The United States supports regional cooperation to bring
    durable energy security to the region, create new markets, and provide
    economic prosperity in the Eastern Mediterranean. The Biden
    administration is committed to ensuring stability in the Eastern
    Mediterranean. If confirmed, I commit to encouraging peaceful and
    diplomatic resolutions to disagreements in the region.

        Question. What are the challenges and threats we face surrounding
    the issue?

        Answer. Recent offshore gas discoveries in Israel, Egypt, and the
    Republic of Cyprus (ROC) have redefined regional relationships, which
    presents both challenges and opportunities. These new energy sources,
    if managed well, can continue to improve economic and political
    cooperation in the Eastern Mediterranean while reducing reliance on
    Russian and Iranian supplies. This gas would also serve as a useful
    transition fuel as the region continues to reduce emissions and moves
    to greater reliance on renewable resources. New routes and types of
    fuel for European and Middle Eastern partners help to end dependence on
    Russian gas. Turkey added more LNG to its energy mix in 2020, some of
    it from the United States, in part to reduce its reliance on Russian
    and Iranian pipeline gas.

        Question. What are the security implications in the region?

        Answer. Long unresolved maritime boundary disputes have led to
    naval confrontations between littoral states. The United States
    supports all efforts to reduce tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean.
    Resource development in the Eastern Mediterranean should promote
    cooperation and provide a foundation for durable energy security and
    economic prosperity throughout the region. The ``3+1'' format including
    Greece, Israel, the ROC, plus the United States, and the East
    Mediterranean Gas Forum (EMGF), which Egypt hosts and in which the
    United States is an observer, are venues to promote greater
    cooperation, energy security, and economic prosperity. The United
    States supports the EMGF as a technical platform.

        Question. President Biden and his administration have repeatedly
    made commitments to upholding universal rights at home and abroad. In
    Turkey, authorities are abusing people's human rights and attacking
    peaceful dissidents at an alarming rate.

       How will you work to address human rights violations in Turkey?

        Answer. President Biden's administration has elevated democracy,
    human rights, and rule of law in our bilateral agenda with Turkey. If
    confirmed, I will continue to publicly and privately urge Turkey to
    respect human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the rights to
    freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, fair trials, and association,
    which are important to any healthy democracy. If confirmed, I will
    reinforce at the highest levels of the Turkish Government that
    addressing democratic backsliding could positively impact our bilateral
    relationship. I will also ensure a continued strong focus in our own
    assistance on media freedom and freedom of expression and will work
    with the EU and international partners to defend fundamental freedoms.

        Question. How is Turkey's declining human rights record impacting
    its relationship with the United States?

        Answer. I share your concerns about the steps the Turkish
    Government's has taken which have weakened the freedoms of expression,
    association, fair trial, and peaceful assembly. Such moves erode the
    foundations of democratic society, stifle growth, and undermine the
    rights of Turkish citizens as guaranteed by their constitution. Turkey
    is a key Ally and critical regional partner. It is in our shared
    interest to keep Turkey anchored to the Transatlantic community. That
    means effectively pressing and supporting Turkey to do more to bolster
    rule of law, protect human rights, support fundamental freedoms, uphold
    the rules-based international order, and stand united with the
    Transatlantic community in addressing global challenges from Iran,
    Russia, and the PRC.

        Question. Do you believe that the United States should try to drive
    a wedge between Russia and Turkey? If so, how should we undertake that
    task?

        Answer. Russia attempts to harmfully influence domestic processes
    and drive wedges between the United States and its Allies, including
    Turkey, using manipulative energy tactics, corrupt business deals, and
    disinformation. Turkish-Russian relations are dynamic, transactional,
    and frequently divided by strategic rivalries. For example, Russia and
    Turkey are often on the opposite side of regional conflicts (e.g.,
    Syria and Libya). At the same time, Turkey is heavily dependent upon
    Russian energy supplies. Russian tourists, construction sector
    projects, and agricultural purchases are important for the struggling
    Turkish economy. If confirmed, I will work with Turkey to prevent
    Russian influence from weakening a key NATO Ally or harming our
    bilateral relationship with Ankara.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you work with the EU and its
    member states to ensure that North Macedonia and Albania are given a
    true and fair chance at admission to the EU?

        Answer. The United States recognizes that a prolonged delay in
    starting accession negotiations with North Macedonia and Albania will
    have significant political consequences in both countries and could
    severely set back recent reform progress in North Macedonia and the
    entire Western Balkans. Both countries have enacted difficult and
    essential reforms to meet conditions for opening negotiations and
    deserve to advance on their accession paths. If confirmed, I will work
    closely with the EU and its member states as part of our shared
    political and financial commitment to the Western Balkan region.

        Question. France and Bulgaria, for two different reasons, have
    stymied efforts to open accession negotiations with Macedonia and
    Albania. If confirmed, will you engage with France and Bulgaria on this
    topic? If so, how?

        Answer. Although the EU approved opening accession negotiations
    with North Macedonia and Albania in March 2020, Bulgaria has blocked
    the official start of negotiations since November due to its ongoing
    dispute with North Macedonia. On June 10 in Paris, French President
    Macron reaffirmed support for North Macedonia's EU accession without
    delay. On May 21, the Portuguese EU Council Presidency presented to
    both countries' leaderships a promising, creative resolution proposal,
    to which the current Slovenian EU Presidency committed its continued
    support. If confirmed, I will work with all countries involved to see
    the EU hold the first Intergovernmental Conferences with North
    Macedonia and Albania as soon as possible.

        Question. How do you believe the United States should interact with
    the EU as we work together to find a solution to the issues between
    Kosovo and Serbia? Should the United States be in the lead on these
    efforts? The EU?

        Answer. From its inception, the United States has strongly
    supported the EU-facilitated Dialogue to normalize Kosovo-Serbia
    relations. If confirmed, I will closely coordinate with our EU partners
    and engage both Kosovo and Serbia to advance the process. A
    comprehensive normalization agreement remains the only way for Kosovo
    and Serbia to unlock their EU futures. The United States believes
    normalization should be centered on mutual recognition, as the best way
    for these two neighbors to put this dispute behind them. Both parties
    have re-engaged in the EU-facilitated talks--the most recent high-level
    session took place on July 19 in Brussels--and both countries have
    reiterated their commitments to normalizing their relations.

        Question. Russia and China have voiced their shared belief that the
    Office of the High Representative to Bosnia should be shut down in
    2022, saying that Bosnia has achieved the progress necessary to have
    such oversight removed. Do you agree that the Office of the High
    Representative has outlived its usefulness? If yes, why? If no, what do
    you believe should be the path forward for Bosnia and Herzegovina?

        Answer. The United States remains steadfast in our support of the
    Office of the High Representative (OHR) in Bosnia and Herzegovina
    (BiH). The OHR plays a critical role in pressing for BiH's progress
    towards reconciliation, consolidation of democratic institutions, and
    further Euro-Atlantic integration. The conditions for closing the OHR
    were clearly laid out in 2008 in the 5+2 Agenda with the support of the
    Peace Implementation Council Steering Board, including Russia. These
    conditions have not yet been achieved, and urgent reforms are still
    necessary. Focus on the fulfillment of the 5+2, plus anti-corruption
    initiatives, will advance BiH on its Euro-Atlantic path. If confirmed,
    I will collaborate with incoming High Representative Christian Schmidt
    on these priorities.

        Question. Earlier this year, Senator Menendez and I passed the
    Ukraine Security Partnership Act out of the Senate Foreign Relations
    Committee. It aims to support Ukraine in its fight against Russian-
    backed separatists in the east and push the country to continue
    necessary reforms of its military and defense sectors. In the bill, we
    propose placing conditions on Foreign Military Financing (FMF) and
    International Military Education and Training (IMET) funding.

       What is your view on Ukraine's historical response to
            conditionality?

        Answer. It is my belief that certain types of conditions on
    assistance, such as those imposed by the IMF or Department of Defense,
    can be powerful drivers for reform. The Department of Defense, in
    consultation with the Department of State, has annually certified that
    Ukraine has met the certification requirements described in Section
    1237 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2017
    (c)(2). If confirmed, I will continue to work closely with the
    Department of Defense and my colleagues in the Bureau of Political-
    Military Affairs to ensure the conditions placed on future assistance
    further advance Ukraine's Euro-Atlantic integration and military
    transformation efforts.

        Question. Do you believe that increasing conditionality on a
    portion of military support for the country would provide incentive for
    further reforms?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will work to advance our objectives of
    ensuring Ukraine has the military capabilities it needs to defend
    itself against ongoing Russian aggression, is systematically advancing
    security sector reform priorities, and is taking full advantage of U.S.
    assistance programs like IMET. I am committed to working with my
    colleagues in the State Department's Bureau of Political-Military
    Affairs to support a policy approach that most effectively achieves
    these objectives.

        Question. What do you believe are the areas that are most ripe for
    reform in Ukraine?

        Answer. Ukraine has made tremendous strides in its thirty years of
    independence, and particularly since the 2014 Revolution of Dignity.
    These gains have been made often with significant U.S. support. There
    remains a real need to continue to make progress, and, if confirmed, I
    will push for further progress on economic and rule of law reforms that
    address corruption and strengthen the independence, transparency, and
    integrity of Ukraine's democratic institutions. I will also work with
    Ukraine to help hold accountable corrupt actors who stand in the way of
    reforms or try to undermine Ukraine's efforts to ensure a bright,
    prosperous, and secure future for all Ukrainians.

        Question. China is increasingly making inroads in Ukraine, wooing
    it with appealing business deals and the promise of vaccines. What
    steps should the United States and its allies take to keep Ukraine
    firmly rooted in the West and to keep Ukraine's valuable technological
    know-how from falling into the wrong hands?

        Answer. The United States is committed to ensuring that American
    companies can operate on an even playing field in Ukraine, providing a
    meaningful alternative to China's predatory approach as well as
    promoting entrepreneurship and fair practices. If confirmed, I will
    focus on supporting Ukraine's economic and corporate governance
    reforms, countering the PRC's predatory business practices, and
    leveraging U.S. assistance to ensure outcomes in line with U.S. and
    Ukrainian national security interests.

        Question. Ukraine continues to fight two wars: one with the Kremlin
    and its various attempts to undermine Ukraine's freedom and
    independence; and a second with its own demons, particularly the
    entrenched corruption that has so often undermined Ukraine's democratic
    transition and Euro-Atlantic ambitions.

       Should the United States continue to condition certain types of
            assistance on continued economic and anti-corruption reforms?
            Should existing conditions for aid be expanded?

        Answer. It is my belief that certain types of conditionality, such
    as those imposed by the IMF for financial assistance to Ukraine, can be
    powerful drivers for economic and anti-corruption reform. At this time,
    I consider the conditions for continued IMF disbursement, if met by
    Ukraine, an important motivator of crucial judicial and corporate
    governance reform and protecting central bank independence. If
    confirmed, I will continue to encourage Ukraine to address the concerns
    of the IMF and the U.S. over backsliding on legislative action and
    empowerment of anticorruption institutions.

        Question. What further incentives does the United States, along
    with our European partners, have to encourage Ukraine to complete its
    land reform, decentralization, privatization of State-owned-
    enterprises, and creation of an independent and responsive judiciary?

        Answer. If confirmed I will continue to work in coordination with
    our European partners, and directly with Ukraine, to support its chosen
    Euro-Atlantic path, including by providing assistance and pushing for
    progress on economic and rule of law reforms that strengthen the
    independence and transparency of Ukraine's democratic institutions. I
    welcome the judicial reform laws recently passed by Ukraine's
    parliament with the strong backing of the President of Ukraine and have
    been encouraged by Ukraine's willingness to challenge the influence of
    corrupt oligarchs. For Ukraine to be a strong, secure, and democratic
    state, it must tackle endemic corruption and ensure the protection of
    human rights and fundamental freedoms for all Ukrainians.

        Question. Since its independence, Georgia has made generally good
    progress in instilling democracy and implementing market-based economic
    reforms and has been a strong U.S. partner with ambitions to join the
    EU and NATO. However, over the past few years, the country has suffered
    democratic backsliding and oligarchic capture of the judiciary, media,
    and the ruling political party.

       What levers can be used to push Georgians, including and especially
            the ruling party Georgian Dream, to reform Georgia's judiciary
            and complete electoral reforms? Should we consider sanctions?

        Answer. Much work remains to reverse backsliding and strengthen
    democratic institutions and norms in Georgia. Deeper electoral and
    judicial reforms, and the effective implementation of reforms, are
    needed to level the playing field and introduce transparency,
    independence, impartiality, and accountability. If confirmed, my team
    and I will support Georgia in these efforts, employing diplomatic
    engagement, exchanges, and assistance programs. We will also seek to
    take lessons learned from across the region to advance important
    reforms, which will strengthen Georgia's resilience to Russia's
    aggression and ongoing occupation of 20 percent of Georgia's territory.
    We will evaluate all available tools and forms of leverage to push
    Georgia's governing party to complete these reforms inclusively and
    transparently.

        Question. Has the political and governance situation in Georgia
    reached the point at which we should re-evaluate our relationship with
    the country, including by conditioning certain aid to Georgia?

        Answer. I share your concern about the current political tensions
    and lack of progress on urgently needed reforms. It is in the U.S.
    interest, however, to continue to support Georgia in becoming more
    democratic, more capable of countering Russian and other malign
    influence, more able to defend the rights of its citizens throughout
    its internationally recognized territory (included that occupied by
    Russia), and more economically prosperous. U.S. foreign assistance
    programs are an integral part of furthering U.S strategic interests in
    Georgia and any proposed conditionality should be approached with this
    in mind. If confirmed, my team and I will evaluate all available tools
    and forms of leverage, and I would welcome the opportunity to work
    closely with you to advance U.S. interests in Georgia.

        Question. The U.S. Embassy in Russia has been working under duress
    for a number of years and is now facing extreme pressure due to
    restrictions on the hiring of locally employed staff. The Russian
    Embassy in Washington and the Russian Government in Moscow have not
    proved terribly willing to work with the United States to make sure
    that our embassy is fully staffed and able to continue operations.

       What can be done to negotiate a solution with Russia and restore
            our full embassy operations?

        Answer. I am disappointed by the decision of the Russian Government
    to impose restrictions on the U.S. mission to Russia. It is at times
    like these that we need more open channels of communication between our
    governments, including through our respective embassies. Locally
    employed staff are key members of our workforce around the world. Their
    contributions are important to our operations and to our bilateral
    missions. If confirmed, I am committed to working to put our Mission on
    better footing to advance on our vital national security priorities.

        Question. What can be done to support our embassy until we reach a
    solution, or if we cannot?

        Answer. I look forward to working across the Department to identify
    how we can best leverage resources--both financial and personnel--to
    support Embassy Moscow. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring our
    embassy colleagues receive the support needed to continue executing
    core functions.

        Question. What do you believe should be the role of sanctions in
    the creation and execution of U.S. foreign policy? With respect to
    Russia, how do you believe the sanctions imposed on that country since
    2014 have affected the Russia's economic and foreign policy decision-
    making?

        Answer. Sanctions are a critical tool in both the formulation and
    implementation of U.S. foreign policy, serving as a key deterrent to
    Russia as well as conveying U.S. intent. U.S. sanctions on Russia,
    especially those implemented in coordination with allies, send a clear
    message: that the international community will not stand by while
    Russia continues to violate international norms and laws. The sanctions
    imposed since 2014 have deterred and deprived Russia of the resources
    to carry out its aggressive and destabilizing activities around the
    globe. The legislative tools that Congress has created are key to the
    effective use of sanctions, and if confirmed, I will advocate to use
    them to promote accountability and impose costs for Russia's harmful
    activities.

        Question. Given the wide range of Russian malign behavior, how can
    the United States (including Congress) and Europe do a better job of
    more clearly defining the conditions necessary for rolling back or
    removing sanctions with respect to Russia?

        Answer. Sanctions are designed to cause a change in behavior, and
    the most useful sanctions are those with clearly defined intent. The
    administration sent a clear message to Russia that its activities
    against the United States would no longer be tolerated via the
    sanctions imposed in its April 15 action, ``Imposing Costs for Harmful
    Foreign Activities by the Russian Government'' including through the
    issuance of Executive Order (E.O.) 14024. This EO is an important
    complement to existing legislative sanctions tools, providing the
    flexibility to target Russian entities engaged in hostile or
    destabilizing activity around the globe. If confirmed, I will advocate
    to use all these tools to push back against harmful behavior by Russia.

        Question. Do you believe that the imposition of more sanctions on
    Russia would accomplish U.S. policy goals? What are other measures
    besides economic sanctions that could be effective tools with respect
    to U.S. foreign policy vis-a-vis Russia?

        Answer. U.S. sanctions on Russia, especially those implemented in
    coordination with allies, send a clear message: the international
    community will not stand by while Russia continues to violate
    international norms and laws. The sanctions imposed since 2014 have
    imposed a measure of deterrence and diminished the resources to carry
    out Russia's aggressive and destabilizing activities around the globe.
    The administration has been clear that it will use every tool
    available--including economic sanctions--to promote accountability and
    impose costs on Russia for its continued acts of aggression.

        Question. As relations between the U.S. and Russia have worsened,
    the level of people-to-people contact has likewise diminished.

       If confirmed, what outreach do you intend to undertake with to
            everyday Russians, if any?

        Answer. The Russian Government has intensified its crackdown on
    civil society and independent media and is specifically targeting
    programs promoting cultural and academic exchanges with Western
    countries, including shutting down Bard College's 25-year-old joint
    degree program with Russia's Smolny University. It is therefore even
    more critical now for us to engage with everyday Russians and to share
    our values and insights from the American experience in democracy. The
    U.S. Embassy Russia has been able to adopt a wide range of new virtual
    tools, hybrid engagements, and exchange programming for this purpose.
    If confirmed, I am committed to continuing and finding new ways to
    expand outreach to the Russian people.

        Question. Are there new, more creative mechanisms (perhaps through
    technology) that the United States can use to rebuild person-to-person
    relationships between Americans and Russians?

        Answer. I support the continued use of new technology and other
    tools to facilitate person-to-person interaction between Americans and
    Russians, who continue to be interested in engagement with the West
    despite obstacles. In addition to the work the U.S. Embassy is already
    doing with virtual and hybrid engagements, the U.S. Agency for Global
    Media is exploring ways to enhance its ability to reach Russian
    audiences, including through the Open Technology Fund, even if the
    Kremlin forces Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty to leave its physical
    bureau in Russia. If confirmed, I am committed to strengthening civil
    society partners and people to people engagements to foster mutual
    understanding.

        Question. The State Department just released the 2021 Trafficking
    in Person's Report, which identified a troubling trend of backsliding
    on trafficking prevention, prosecution, and protection efforts from a
    number of Western European nations, including Norway, Switzerland,
    Ireland, Portugal and more. It is clear that something must be done to
    address this serious, ongoing issue to curb this scourge.

       If confirmed, please outline what steps you would take in your
            various bilateral relationships to address this problem.

        Answer. Trafficking in persons is an appalling crime. If confirmed,
    I will prioritize bilateral engagement across Europe and Eurasia to
    press governments, including Ireland, Norway, Portugal, and
    Switzerland, to address the concerns the Department has highlighted in
    this year's Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, and to take concrete
    action to combat trafficking. If confirmed, I will call out
    shortcomings where they exist, and use the annual reports to assist
    each government to identify priority areas for improvement and
    encourage each to implement the TIP Report's recommended improvements.

        Question. If confirmed, will you raise this issue with Foreign
    Ministries at the first opportunity?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will raise this issue with foreign
    ministries as combating human trafficking is a priority for the United
    States and will also be a priority of mine.

        Question. Anti-Semitism is on the rise globally, but especially
    across Europe. If confirmed, what steps will you take alongside the
    Office of the Special Envoy To Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism to
    address this concerning and growing problem?

        Answer. Anti-Semitism is abhorrent. If confirmed, I will prioritize
    combating anti-Semitism in the region alongside the Office of the
    Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism. If confirmed, I
    intend to work with Congress and implement the following priorities:
    securing Jewish communities; reporting, investigating, and prosecuting
    hate crimes; countering anti-Semitism both on- and off-line; promoting
    the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance Working Definition of
    Antisemitism; building and strengthening coalitions across different
    faith communities, civil society, and the private sector; and promoting
    Holocaust education, remembrance, and commemoration, and combating
    Holocaust distortion and denial.

        Question. Across Europe, there are over 100 detained journalists
    who were imprisoned for simply doing their jobs. In 2021, the Council
    of Europe notes 6 journalists have been killed in Europe alone. These
    statistics are staggering and require immediate attention and action
    from the United States Government. If confirmed as Assistant Secretary,
    how will you address this problem and assure our partners and allies
    that we will not allow the abuse and imprisonment of journalists
    anywhere in the world?

        Answer. Promoting and defending independent media is key to an
    informed citizenry and healthy democratic institutions and processes.
    If confirmed, I will seek to deepen our engagement with partners in
    Europe to address the challenges facing journalists in Europe and the
    media globally. This includes working through regional organizations
    including the Council of Europe. Additionally, I will support efforts
    to promote accountability for those who commit abuses against
    journalists through bilateral and multilateral diplomacy; public
    messaging; sanctions and visa restrictions; and foreign assistance
    programs, including rapid response resources that support journalists,
    civil society activists, and human rights defenders under threat.

        Question. The lack of meaningful progress regarding Cyprus on the
    political front and the subsequent peacekeeping mission, United Nations
    Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP), is quite troubling.

        Answer. The status quo is unacceptable. If confirmed, I will
    continue to support a Cypriot-led comprehensive settlement to reunify
    the island as a bizonal, bicommunal federation to benefit all Cypriots
    and the wider region. The United States appreciates the U.N. Secretary-
    General's efforts to restart political discussions on Cyprus. If
    confirmed, I will encourage both sides to demonstrate the necessary
    openness, flexibility, and compromise to find common ground to restart
    formal talks. I believe UNFICYP continues to play an important role in
    preventing a resurgence of fighting between the Greek Cypriot and
    Turkish Cypriot communities, supervising ceasefire lines, maintaining a
    buffer zone, and supporting the Secretary-General's Good Offices.

        Question. Do you believe reaching a political settlement is
    possible?

        Answer. Yes. But ultimately, the responsibility for finding a
    solution lies first and foremost with the Cypriots themselves.

        Question. Turkish President Erdogan's recent behavior regarding
    Varosha is unacceptable and a flagrant disregard of current
    international norms and two U.N. Resolutions. If confirmed, what
    actions would you take to address this issue and growing, illegal
    Turkish activity in northern Cyprus?

        Answer. The announcement by Turkish Cypriot leader Tatar and
    Turkish President Erdogan on July 20 regarding the transfer of parts of
    Varosha to Turkish Cypriot control was clearly inconsistent with U.N.
    Security Council Resolutions 550 and 789, provocative, unacceptable,
    and incompatible with their past commitments to engage constructively
    in settlement talks. If confirmed, I will work to urge Turkish Cypriots
    and Turkey to reverse their decision announced on July 20 and all steps
    taken since October 2020, and work with the international community to
    give a strong response to this action. I will also underscore the need
    to avoid provocative unilateral actions that increase tensions on the
    island and hinder efforts to resume Cyprus settlement talks in line
    with U.N. Security Council resolutions.

        Question. Do you see President Erdogan's calls for ``a two-state
    solution'' in Cyprus as feasible?

        Answer. A Cypriot-led comprehensive settlement to reunify the
    island as a bizonal, bicommunal federation is the only path to lasting
    peace and stability. This is the only framework with broad
    international community support and approved by the U.N. Security
    Council.

        Question. Maintaining recent stability in Kosovo remains a
    priority, but some Security Council members (including the United
    States) have indicated a desire to downsize the mission. If confirmed,
    would you support a strategic review of the United Nations Interim
    Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK)?

        Answer. Although the U.N. Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) has operated in
    Kosovo since its independence in 2008, it has long since fulfilled its
    original purpose. U.N. engagement with Kosovo in a more appropriate
    form that acknowledges and strengthens Kosovo's sovereignty could
    provide an important support for continued development of democratic
    institutions. If confirmed, I would continue to urge that the U.N.
    Security Council consider better ways of helping Kosovo to realize its
    full potential, which a strategic review could identify. It should be
    noted that Russia, as a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council,
    unhelpfully insists on UNMIK remaining in its current incarnation. I
    would also caution that change to the NATO security presence should be
    conditions-based.

        Question. Since the August 9th presidential election, Belarusians
    have peacefully protested in unprecedented numbers to contest the
    official results, which fraudulently awarded Alexander Lukashenka
    another term. The Government has responded to these peaceful protests
    with violence, initiating a campaign of disappearances, arrests,
    torture, and violence against the protestors and journalists. Since the
    protests began, the United States has increased its support of civil
    society in Belarus. What more can the United States-through USAID and
    along with our European allies-do to assist Belarusian advocates of
    democracy?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work energetically with
    partners and Allies to keep pressure on the Lukashenka regime to end
    repression, release all political prisoners and begin an inclusive
    dialogue with the opposition (including the Coordination Council led by
    Svyatlana Tsikhanouskaya) that leads to free and fair elections under
    international observation. Specifically, I plan to continue efforts to
    coordinate and strengthen economic sanctions, provide assistance and
    support for civil society- including those working to support human
    rights, free press, democracy, and Belarus' independence- and keep
    pressure on the regime through all bilateral and multilateral
    diplomatic channels.

        Question. The International Monetary Fund is in the process of
    sending around $1 billion to Belarus as part of its program to use
    Special Drawing Rights to help the world's poorer countries emerge from
    the coronavirus pandemic. In Belarus, this money will go right into
    Lukashenka's pocket and will help keep him in power.

       What can or should the United States do to make sure that these
            monies are not given to Mr. Lukashenka?

        Answer. It is my understanding that the United States retains the
    right to refuse to purchase Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) from any
    country that we choose, including those under U.S. sanction regimes. We
    are working with Treasury to develop a strategy to engage our like-
    minded allies to do the same. However, these countries will not
    automatically be able to exchange their SDRs- which are reserve assets-
    for hard currencies. Belarus would need to find a willing country to
    provide them with hard currency in exchange for their SDRs. If
    confirmed, I will continue working with our partners at the Department
    of Treasury to increase transparency around SDR exchanges.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to working to keep these
    funds out of Lukashenka's hands?

        Answer. Yes, I commit to using all tools at my disposal to prevent
    the Belarusian authorities from exchanging their SDRs for hard
    currency.

        Question. How important is it that the United States and its
    European allies take steps to make our own systems less friendly to
    kleptocracy and less penetrable by dirty money?

        Answer. The United States will continue to work with European
    partners to combat corruption by supporting efforts to recover and
    return stolen assets; deny safe haven to those who engage in
    corruption; combat money-laundering; stem foreign bribery; and empower
    and protect civil society and independent media. The United States
    supports the work at the OSCE and Council of Europe to help
    participating states implement more effective and transparent
    anticorruption policies and mechanisms and ensure countries are
    following through on their international anticorruption commitments. If
    confirmed, I will also support the work of countering corruption in our
    own system and continued use of sanctions related to the Global
    Magnitsky Act, Executive Order 14033 on the Western Balkans signed by
    President Biden on June 8, 2021, and others.

        Question. Will the administration make a concerted push on anti-
    corruption in the EU and its periphery with the dual purpose of
    benefitting European citizens and making it more difficult for malign
    actors like Russia and China to gain a foothold?

        Answer. The United States remains committed to combatting
    corruption not only in Europe, but across the globe. Fighting
    corruption benefits citizens while also making it more difficult for
    malign actors to exert their influence. If confirmed, I will continue
    to work with governments across Europe and Eurasia to strengthen anti-
    corruption efforts, and encourage these countries to work to fulfill
    their obligations under the U.N. Convention against Corruption, and to
    implement the recommendations of regional organizations, such as the
    OSCE and the Council of Europe, to combat corruption. I will also
    support the continued use of sanctions related to the Global Magnitsky
    Act, Executive Order 14033 on the Western Balkans signed by President
    Biden on June 8, 2021, and others to combat corruption in the region.

        Question. The United States and France share several overlapping
    priorities in Sub-Saharan Africa and work together on many fronts,
    including fighting the terror threat in the Sahel. However, American
    and French interests in the region do not always align, including with
    regard to the ongoing conflict in Northwest and Southwest Cameroon.

       If confirmed, how will you engage our French partners to ensure
            that we employ a mutually-beneficial partnership across the
            Sahel and West and Central Africa that reflects the various
            points of leverage and capability the United States and France
            each bring to the table?

        Answer. France has significant ties in the Sahel and West and
    Central Africa, and is a steadfast partner in the fight against
    terrorism. Our shared priorities include security, governance, economic
    development, and recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic. If confirmed, I
    will continue our deep cooperation in Africa with France. I will engage
    the French on our priorities in West and Central Africa, encouraging
    them to use their strong political, economic, security, and cultural
    influence toward long-term stability in these regions. I will work
    within our interagency to support French efforts when mutually
    beneficial.

        Question. How can the United States better coordinate with France
    to holistically address security threats and improve diplomatic
    engagements in the Sahel and West and Central Africa from a holistic
    perspective?

        Answer. Both France and the United States share security,
    governance, economic development, and recovery from the COVID-19
    pandemic as priorities in the Sahel and West and Central Africa. These
    priorities cannot be achieved independent of one another. If confirmed,
    I will work strategically and tactically with the French to ensure that
    our efforts are mutually supportive and reinforcing. I will encourage
    the French to use their strong political, economic, security, and
    cultural influence to promote the political, security, and democratic
    reforms that are the best path to long-term stability in these regions,
    and work with our interagency to support French objectives when aligned
    with ours.

        Question. How can the United States better coordinate and
    collaborate with the European Union, as well as individual European
    Governments such as the U.K., to enhance policy consistency and advance
    mutually-beneficial opportunities for trade, investment, development,
    and security cooperation with the African Union, regional bodies,
    African Governments, and private sector partners?

        Answer. The EU and European Governments are crucial partners of the
    United States to advance prosperity and security in Africa. On June 12,
    President Biden and G7 leaders agreed to launch a global infrastructure
    initiative called Build Back Better World that will mobilize private
    sector capital in four areas of focus--climate, health and health
    security, digital technology and gender equity and equality. The scope
    of this initiative will include Africa, as well as Latin America, the
    Caribbean and the Indo-Pacific. The June 15 U.S.-EU Summit Joint
    Statement confirmed that the United States and the EU are committed to
    peace and sustainable development in Africa, and plan to provide
    support for a sustainable economic recovery from the pandemic. U.S.-EU
    cooperation resulted in the U.N. Human Rights Council's July 13
    decision to adopt an EU-led and U.S.-cosponsored resolution on the
    Tigray region of Ethiopia, and to defeat hostile amendments. If
    confirmed, I will work collaboratively with our European partners to
    continue our cooperation.

        Question. Russian malign activity in Africa is increasingly a
    growing concern, particularly given credible reports of elections
    interference across the continent and deployment of Russian
    mercenaries, including through the Wagner Group in Northern Mozambique
    and through nontransparent transfers of weapons and training via
    Russian security sector support to the Touadera administration in the
    Central African Republic (CAR). From your perspective, how can the
    Bureau of European Affairs and the Bureau of African Affairs coordinate
    to more effectively counter the malign activities and influence of
    Russia in Africa generally and, more specifically, of Yevgeny Prigozhin
    and affiliated mining and security companies (like the Wagner Group) in
    Africa?

        Answer. Russian harmful activity in Africa is a matter of grave and
    growing concern. The use of proxies like Prigozhin's enterprise in the
    Central African Republic and elsewhere is a particular threat to
    stability, good governance, and human rights on the continent. I know
    the Bureaus of European and Eurasian and African Affairs are already
    working in close coordination on this issue, something I would seek to
    continue and build upon if confirmed. I would also prioritize
    collaboration with our European Allies and partners on this issue, as
    they too are invested in the future of the African continent, directly
    and via various U.N. programs. The UK and EU have already designated
    Prigozhin for sanctions, a clear signal that they also take this threat
    seriously.

        Question. There are around 10,000 ISIS fighters housed at various
    detention facilities around the world. This includes at least 2,000
    foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) that U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM)
    characterizes as ``hardcore foreign terrorist fighters.'' Many of these
    FTFs are housed at Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps, like al
    Hol in northeastern Syria. The al-Hol IDP camp has become fertile
    ground for ISIS recruitment of vulnerable populations, posing a serious
    risk to global security. Despite this risk, countries with foreign
    terrorist fighters have failed to make any progress to date towards
    repatriating their nationals.

       Can you commit to using all tools at your disposal to press the
            Europe and Eurasia region to repatriate nationals from camps
            for ISIS fighters and affiliates in northeast Syria?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I intend to encourage countries to
    repatriate their nationals from northeast Syria, including foreign
    terrorist fighters and associated family members, and to prosecute
    them, as appropriate. As I understand it, the Department holds that
    repatriation--followed by appropriate prosecution in domestic courts of
    law--is the best way to keep these fighters off the battlefield and
    hold them accountable for their crimes. If confirmed, I will also
    support repatriation of associated family members as a means to
    rehabilitate and reintegrate individuals into their local communities,
    as appropriate.

        Question. How do you plan to engage with EUR countries to advance
    repatriation efforts, which remains a critical to ensure the enduring
    defeat of ISIS?

        Answer. If confirmed, I intend to continue our consistent
    diplomatic outreach to European and Eurasian countries urging them to
    repatriate their nationals from northeast Syria. I will collaborate
    with the interagency in their work to support countries' efforts to
    repatriate their nationals with logistical and planning assistance for
    repatriations, including the use of U.S. Government assets to transport
    foreign fighters and associated family members out of the region.

        Question. United Nations humanitarian assistance program in Syria
    relies on the border crossings from Turkey to deliver aid to millions
    of Syrians. Although Russia held off from vetoing the renewal of the
    last remaining border crossing, it will need to be renewed in December.
    In the event all border crossings between Turkey and Syria close, what
    alternatives do we have to get aid to the Syrian people? How could we
    pressure the Assad regime and Russia to provide aid in our stead?

        Answer. The United States led a successful diplomatic campaign to
    overcome Russian opposition and renew the U.N. Security Council's
    mandate authorizing cross-border humanitarian assistance from Turkey
    into Syria. I continue to believe that cross-line assistance alone
    cannot meet existing humanitarian needs, which is why extending the
    cross-border mandate at Bab al-Hawa for another year was so important.
    If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues in the Bureau of Near
    Eastern Affairs to move forward on a political solution in line with
    U.N. Security Council Resolution 2254 and continued engagement between
    the United States, Russia, Turkey, and other key players in Syria.

        Question. In your assessment, what are the top five most pressing
    challenges the People's Republic of China (PRC) poses to both the
    United States and Europe?

        Answer. The most pressing challenge posed by the PRC is its attempt
    to undermine the rules-based international order, including the multi-
    lateral U.N. system. If confirmed, I will stand up for democracy, human
    rights, and human dignity in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, and Tibet. I will
    work to support Taiwan, a leading democracy and essential partner, in
    keeping with U.S. commitments. I will make it a priority to support
    efforts to ensure supply chains for critical supplies are secure and
    free of forced labor. I will work with Allies and partners to defend
    access to the global commons, including freedom of navigation under
    international law. And finally, if confirmed, I will work with Congress
    and Allies to confront Beijing's coercive economic practices, unfair
    and illegal trade practices, and cyber theft.

        Question. What are the areas that the United States and EU have the
    most opportunity to work together on mutual challenges posed by the
    PRC, and which areas still require regulatory reform (either U.S. or
    EU) to better facilitate cooperation?

        Answer. The United States and EU intend to closely consult and
    cooperate on the challenges posed by China, including through the U.S.-
    EU dialogue on China and the U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council. It
    is important that the United States and EU work together to confront
    Beijing on the ongoing genocide in Xinjiang and human rights abuses in
    Tibet and Hong Kong, protect freedom of navigation in the East and
    South China Seas, and ensure peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.
    If confirmed, I will work with the EU to promote an open, free, secure,
    and reliable digital space and, along with likeminded partners around
    the world, work to ensure the rules governing tomorrow's technology are
    based in democratic values.

        Question. How do you view Europe's attempts at strategic autonomy,
    and what challenges does it pose to U.S. cooperation with Europe on
    issues related to the PRC?

        Answer. We welcome efforts of our Allies and partners to strengthen
    their capacity and capabilities, but it is important that these efforts
    be compatible with our alliances and contribute to Transatlantic
    security. Together, the United States and its Allies and partners set
    the global rules of the road, and we must continue to do so. If
    confirmed, I will seek to resolve difficult issues with our European
    Allies and partners while safeguarding U.S. interests and ensuring a
    level playing field for U.S. companies. As Secretary Blinken has noted,
    the United States will be much more effective in engaging the PRC when
    we do so with our Allies and partners.

        Question. The United Kingdom has previously joined U.S. freedom of
    navigation operations in the South China Sea, and France recently
    announced it would set up a coast guard network with the Pacific Island
    nations to deter predatory and coercive behavior. What other
    opportunities are there for the European countries to increase their
    presence in the Indo-Pacific?

        Answer. The Biden administration supports robust engagement by
    European counterparts in the Indo-Pacific. Some European countries,
    including Germany and the Netherlands, have published Indo-Pacific
    strategies, and EU member states have tasked the European Commission
    and European External Action Service to release an Indo-Pacific
    strategy by September. The United States supports the UK's ``Indo-
    Pacific Tilt'' to the region and its ongoing deployment of the UK-led
    Aircraft Carrier Strike Group 21 which plans to transit through the
    South China Sea. If confirmed, I plan to support ongoing efforts by the
    EU and European counterparts to direct more diplomatic, military,
    economic, and other resources to the region.

        Question. In my China-Europe report published last fall, I discuss
    the importance of overcoming barriers to U.S.-Europe technology
    cooperation to counter Chinese technology supremacy, including working
    through competing regulatory approaches on joint-R&D, data transfer,
    and privacy shields. What steps do the U.S. and Europe each need to
    take with respect to technology regulations, and what do you see as the
    hardest obstacles to overcome in this area?

        Answer. President Biden and his EU counterparts established the
    U.S.-EU Trade and Technology Council as a forum to demonstrate to the
    world how democratic approaches to trade, technology, and innovation
    can improve the lives of our citizens and counter authoritarian
    influence in the digital realm. Discussions on an enhanced Privacy
    Shield framework also underscore our shared commitment to privacy, data
    protection, and the rule of law; our mutual recognition of the
    importance of transatlantic data flows to our respective citizens,
    economies, and societies; and our common interest in aligning against
    the growing government surveillance ambitions of authoritarian states.
    If confirmed, I will work to deepen cooperation in these important
    areas.

        Question. The latest EU strategy on China mentions ``the importance
    of peace and stability across the Taiwan strait.'' What should the EU
    do to better support Taiwan in light of an increasingly aggressive PRC?

        Answer. Taiwan is a leading democracy, a critical U.S. security and
    economic partner, and a key U.S. partner in addressing shared global
    challenges. The United States continues to encourage European allies
    and partners to engage and publicly support Taiwan. The U.S. commitment
    to Taiwan is rock solid and contributes to the maintenance of peace and
    stability across the Taiwan Strait and in the Indo-Pacific. If
    confirmed, I will support the administration's efforts to support
    Taiwan and encourage our European Allies and partners to do the same.

        Question. My China-Europe report, published last fall, covers the
    growing presence of PRC companies in building undersea cables. The
    previous administration focused on this issue through its Clean Cable
    initiative, and by providing financing for specific cable projects in
    the Indo-Pacific. A PRC company--Huawei Marine (now called HMN
    Technologies)--is currently constructing an undersea cable that
    terminates in Marseilles, France. Please describe your understanding of
    PRC activities in the undersea cable market and the implications and
    risks for U.S. and allied interests. Do you commit to prioritizing this
    area of technology if you are confirmed?

        Answer. As with 5G networks, the Biden administration views the
    security of commercial undersea communications cables as a high
    priority. The secure development and deployment of undersea cables and
    related infrastructure in both developed and developing economies is of
    critical concern to the United States. Countries and citizens need to
    be able to trust that such equipment will not introduce risks that
    threaten national security, personal privacy, or human rights. If
    confirmed, I look forward to engaging on this topic with our European
    allies and partners to promote open, interoperable, reliable, and
    secure information and communications technology infrastructure.

                                   __________

         Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
                Dr.Karen Donfried by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

        Question. Support for Governance, Democracy, and Human Rights:
    Supporting democracy, human rights, and good governance, which begins
    with fighting corruption and must continue to be a priority of U.S.
    policy.

       What more can we do to further these efforts with our European
            partners, especially on the battle against corruption?

        Answer. The United States will continue to work with European
    partners to combat corruption by supporting efforts to recover and
    return stolen assets; deny safe haven to those who engage in
    corruption; combat money-laundering; and stem foreign bribery. If
    confirmed, I will support the OSCE's work to help participating States
    create robust anti-money laundering regimes, a solid ethics
    infrastructure, and sound financial and resource management.

        Question. How can we better work within the OSCE to address these
    issues?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would also encourage the OSCE to take a
    cross-dimensional approach to anticorruption that focuses on building
    the capacity of law enforcement, strengthening legal frameworks, and
    defending members of civil society and the media which expose
    corruption.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Mary Catherine Phee by Senator Robert Menendez

        Question. Somalia: As you are aware, the Trump administration ended
    our troop presence in the country and the Biden administration has
    dramatically reduced the pace of counter-terrorism operations there.

       If confirmed, what actions will you take to support a sustainable
            political transition in Somalia?

        Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to supporting Somali efforts
    to complete a timely, peaceful, and transparent electoral process,
    which is vital for the advancement of political reconciliation and
    governance, security, and economic reforms. I am prepared to engage
    with Somali leaders to ensure they follow through with their
    commitments with respect to the electoral and government formation
    processes. I also will coordinate closely with other international
    partners to ensure consistent policies and messages, and to discourage
    efforts that could exacerbate political tensions or disrupt a political
    transition.

        Question. In what specific areas should the United States focus
    security assistance in Somalia going forward? Are there lessons learned
    from long running security assistance programs that you believe could
    be better applied?

        Answer. The United States supports efforts to advance peace and
    security in Somalia with a wide range of activities. If confirmed, I am
    committed to reviewing State Department-administered security
    assistance programs in Somalia to ensure they are effectively and
    efficiently advancing our policy goals. If confirmed, I will prioritize
    close coordination with regional and international partners in the
    security sector, accountability of U.S. security assistance, and
    mentorship and training of partnered forces.
        Lessons learned applicable to Somalia include biometric enrollment
    of Somalia National Army (SNA) forces receiving U.S. support, sustained
    mentorship and training of SNA and African Union Mission in Somalia
    (AMISOM) forces and the introduction of clear accountability procedures
    for U.S. assistance when transferred to partners. With regard to
    lessons learned on mentoring, U.S. security assistance monitoring has
    identified that the SNA-Danab program improved by recruiting for clan
    appropriate battalions, increasing the recruitment of women, and
    ensuring the Federal Government of Somalia and its Member States agree
    to both support SNA-Danab. Over time, the results have demonstrated
    increased unit cohesion and pride, successful joint operations with the
    AU Mission in Somalia Forces, and lower instances of desertion.

    Somalia
        Question. As you are aware, the Trump administration ended our
    troop presence in the country and the Biden administration has
    dramatically reduced the pace of counter-terrorism operations there.

       If confirmed, how will you work to better manage the sometimes of
            unhelpful engagement of outside actors in Somalia, including
            neighboring states and countries from the Middle East like
            Turkey, the UAE, and Qatar? If confirmed, how do you plan to
            engage the Bureau of Near East Affairs on issues relate to the
            Horn of Africa and the Red Sea Corridor?

        Answer. The United States has close and constructive relations with
    many of the external actors engaged in Somalia, including the Gulf
    states, Turkey, and some of Somalia's neighbors. If confirmed, I would
    collaborate with the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs to employ U.S.
    influence and leverage to encourage our Gulf partners to engage
    strategically to promote long-term security and stability in Somalia
    specifically and the Horn of Africa more broadly.

    Nigeria
        Question. Poor governance and leadership have prevented Nigeria
    from reaching its full potential. Endemic corruption remains a
    challenge. There is little accountability for extrajudicial killings by
    security forces. ISIS West Africa Province remains a potent force in
    the northeast, and, intercommunal violence and banditry plague various
    parts of the country.

       If confirmed, how will you engage with the Nigerian Government on
            these challenges?

        Answer. The United States has a strong and enduring relationship
    with Nigeria, Africa's largest democracy and economy.? Nigeria's
    stability and economic growth can advance our mutual prosperity as well
    as that of West Africa and the broader continent. If confirmed, I will
    continue to raise the profile of our engagement with Nigerian leaders
    to advance our national security priorities and strengthen our
    collaboration to address security, economic, and governance challenges.
    Working with other State Department bureaus and U.S. Government
    agencies, I will support our investments in training Nigerian security
    forces to build their effectiveness in fighting common threats and
    serving the Nigerian people, increase accountability for military or
    police personnel who commit human rights violations and abuses, and
    strengthen security forces coordination. Working across the U.S.
    interagency and in partnership with Nigeria's new Ambassador to the
    United States as well as civil society stakeholders and the Nigerian
    diaspora, I will undertake a holistic approach to our bilateral
    relationship that emphasizes shared values and candid dialogue. Through
    the annual Bi-National Commission and in other bilateral and
    multilateral meetings and fora, I will engage actively with Nigerian
    leaders within and beyond government to champion the strengthening of
    democratic institutions, diversification of its economy, and pursuit of
    important reforms.

        Question. Do you commit to working with the committee to develop a
    coherent framework in which to provide security assistance before
    moving forward with additional arms sales and security assistance
    programs in Nigeria?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to working with the Senate
    Foreign Relations Committee to actively reinforce the importance of
    civilian protection, and respect for human rights in all elements of
    our security assistance to Nigeria. I will urge the Nigerian Government
    to hold security force elements accountable for human rights abuses and
    violations. To help Nigeria reduce the risk of civilian harm, I will
    support a combination of legal training and advising to provide
    stronger underpinnings for the Nigerian military and police to address
    systematic human rights concerns, develop a professional process for
    military justice and police accountability, and develop more
    disciplined security forces.
        Arms sales and security assistance programs in Nigeria help bring
    about incremental institutional reform. I will seek to combine military
    and law enforcement capability sales with comprehensive training and
    maintenance programs. Our goal, which the Nigerian Government supports,
    is greater professionalism of Nigerian security services. Recent
    improvements demonstrate that Nigeria is a willing security partner,
    making needed investments and security sector institutional reforms
    that will bring lasting results in combatting a variety of security
    challenges.

        Question. If confirmed, what new, innovative approaches will you
    recommend that administration take to mitigate conflict, stop human
    rights abuses, counterbalance Russian influence, and help the people of
    CAR achieve a stable democracy?

        Answer. The United States supports CAR's efforts to develop strong
    institutions and strengthen the rule of law through capacity building
    and technical assistance. If confirmed, I will work to increase
    coordination within the Department of State, across the U.S.
    Government, and with likeminded partners such as the European Union and
    France to ensure our efforts are aligned and mutually supportive to
    strengthen the CAR Government's ability to mitigate conflict, stop
    human rights abuses and violations, hold those responsible for such
    actions accountable, and help the country achieve a stable democracy
    that does not require the support of dubious external actors.
    Specifically, to counterbalance Russia's influence, I will pursue
    opportunities to stand up to negative Russian behavior.

        Question. As the U.S. engages to strengthen accountability,
    security, and inclusiveness, will you commit to supporting processes
    and institutions, rather than a specific individual or leader?

        Answer. Yes. Across administrations, the United States has worked
    to advance democracy and human rights in the DRC, prevent conflict, and
    promote economic development. If confirmed, I will work with the DRC
    Government and our civil society partners, as well as our partners in
    the region and at the United Nations, to promote political, economic,
    and security reforms.
        The recent inauguration of a new cabinet in the DRC opened an
    historic new chapter in the country's political history. If confirmed,
    I will urge DRC leaders to heed the calls of the Congolese people for
    reforms. I will emphasize to DRC leaders the early imperative of
    undertaking the legal, financial, and technical preparations necessary
    for free and fair elections in 2023, including reform of the
    Independent National Electoral Commission. I will also work with our
    partners in the DRC to counter pervasive corruption that undermines the
    country's institutions and will pursue accountability for corrupt
    actors with all tools at our disposal.

        Question. What actions should the administration be taking right
    now to help support a credible presidential election in 2023, and what
    specific steps do you plan to take if confirmed to support credible
    elections?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will emphasize to DRC leaders the early
    imperative of undertaking the legal, financial, and technical
    preparations necessary for free and fair elections in 2023, including
    reform of the Independent National Electoral Commission. To be
    credible, those elections must be inclusive, conducted transparently
    and impartially, and held in accordance with constitutional deadlines.
    I will also continue to work with this committee on issues related to
    the 2023 elections. Appreciating your longstanding interest in this
    issue, I will work with you to ensure we take your views on board in
    advance, and that we have the appropriate resources in place to help
    our Congolese partners with this important task.

    Zimbabwe
        Question. U.S. policy regarding Zimbabwe has been largely
    consistent across recent administrations, including the rigorous
    implementation of ZDERA and other sanctions. Yet the Zimbabwean
    Government of today is no less authoritarian and corrupt than it was
    under former president Robert Mugabe.

       If confirmed, how will you approach U.S.-Zimbabwe relations?

        Answer. I share the committee's deep concern over the Government of
    Zimbabwe's authoritarian and corrupt practices, including the targeting
    of opposition political figures, journalists, and members of civil
    society through harassment, arrests, and detentions. I appreciate the
    willingness of this committee to publicly call out repression by the
    Zimbabwe Government. The Department of State, Africa Bureau, and U.S.
    Embassy in Harare issue condemnations when appropriate and publicly
    voice our support for the courageous Zimbabwean women and men who speak
    out against government corruption and abuses.
        The United States supports democratic governance programs that
    improve electoral processes, refine citizen advocacy strategies, and
    enhance public accountability measures. We provide support to those the
    Zimbabwean Government singles out for abuse, and we impose targeted
    sanctions to promote accountability for corrupt actors and those who
    abuse human rights and undermine democratic processes.
        But we should continue to look at all options. If confirmed, I will
    work with this committee, civil society, regional neighbors, and
    likeminded partners to shine a brighter light on the situation in
    Zimbabwe so that, together, we can increase the pressure on the
    Government of Zimbabwe to respect democratic principles and human
    rights. If confirmed, I will also work with our interagency partners to
    mobilize our sanctions programs to promote accountability for those
    individuals who are currently active in corruption and human rights
    abuses.

        Question. Is it time to rethink our Zimbabwe policy, in your view?

        Answer. We should continually examine our policy towards Zimbabwe
    to ensure that it is timely and effective. The United States currently
    employs a blend of programs and strategies in Zimbabwe to strengthen
    democratic institutions, promote equitable economic growth, boost
    public health, and improve food security for the benefit of the
    Zimbabwean people. If confirmed, I will review these programs and
    strategies.
        If confirmed, I will be guided by the Zimbabwe Democracy and
    Economic Recovery Act in our efforts to press the Government of
    Zimbabwe to respect democratic principles, basic freedoms, and human
    rights, and to support those citizens who seek to build an open and
    accountable system. I also will work with this committee, likeminded
    partners, and subject matter experts within civil society to examine
    ways to ensure that our policy towards Zimbabwe is relevant and
    effective.

        Question. What new measures should the U.S. pursue in advancing
    democracy and human rights in Uganda?

        Answer. This year's flawed elections in Uganda underscored the
    continuing deterioration of both Uganda's democracy and respect and
    support for human rights and freedoms. Helping the Ugandan people
    reverse this trend will take new ideas and increased engagement with
    Ugandan leaders and the country's beleaguered civil society. If
    confirmed, I will assess what more the United States can do to promote
    democracy, human rights, and accountability in Uganda and seek to
    develop options for advancing these goals and objectives.

        Question. Given democratic and human rights deficits in Uganda,
    what will you recommend if confirmed, relative to continued cooperation
    with the Museveni regime on regional security matters?

        Answer. Uganda plays an important role in supporting regional
    security and counterterrorism efforts in Somalia and elsewhere in the
    region. During deployments, Ugandan units have been among the most
    capable and professional in regional missions. The conduct of specific
    Ugandan troops at home, however, is of concern. If confirmed, I will
    ensure that U.S. policy in Uganda appropriately reflects the centrality
    of democracy and respect for human rights called for by President
    Biden. In addition to working with the African Union (AU), the United
    Nations (U.N.), and the Government of Uganda to ensure that personnel
    are properly vetted, follow the rules of armed conflict, and respect
    human rights, I support working with the AU and the U.N. to identify
    potential new troop contributors that would reduce AMISOM's reliance on
    forces that may be implicated in human rights abuses. There is also a
    need to engage the AU and the U.N. in a timely and credible process to
    identify and remove potential troop contributors that may be implicated
    in human rights abuses.

        Question. How serious is the new leadership in Tanzania about
    pursuing genuine political reform?

        Answer. President Hassan has taken some encouraging steps in the
    early days of her administration. These include significant revisions
    to Tanzania's approach on COVID-19, reengagement with the international
    community, and overtures to the business community suggesting greater
    openness to foreign investment. Her initial outreach to opposition
    political parties and civil society organizations was welcome but needs
    to be accompanied by significant democratic and human rights reforms.
    The arrest of leading opposition politicians on July 20 was gravely
    concerning. If confirmed, I will prioritize U.S. engagement in Tanzania
    to encourage rule of law, good governance, political pluralism, and
    people's freedom to exercise their rights without fear of harassment.

        Question. What steps will you take if confirmed to incentivize the
    new Tanzanian leadership to repair the damage of the Magufuli era, both
    in terms of political reform at home, and Tanzania-U.S. bilateral
    relations?

        Answer. The new Tanzanian leadership has been much more receptive
    to engagement with both Embassy Dar es Salaam and senior Department of
    State officials. Such engagement has already contributed to the Hassan
    administration's increasingly positive steps with regard to its COVID-
    19 policy. If confirmed, I would work with Embassy leadership to
    continue to highlight to the Tanzanian Government the additional,
    potential benefits of closer cooperation with the United States,
    including renewed support for the country's development and economic
    recovery efforts. At the same time, I would underscore the democratic
    and economic reforms that would be required on the part of the
    Tanzanian Government in order to attain such support and repair in full
    the Tanzania-U.S. bilateral relationship.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Mary Catherine Phee by Senator James E. Risch

        Question. If confirmed as Assistant Secretary of State for African
    Affairs, what specific actions will you take to meet the
    administration's stated goal of prioritizing Africa?

        Answer. If confirmed, I intend to engage respectfully with African
    partners to meet global challenges--including security, global health,
    climate change, freedom and democracy, and mutual prosperity. You would
    see greater attention to our relationships with African states and
    publics, with regional institutions like the African Union, and with
    the African bloc in international organizations.
        If confirmed, I look forward to participating in an interagency
    policy process as the Biden-Harris administration develops a fresh U.S.
    strategy for Africa that enumerates our national interests in Africa
    and develops operational actions to advance them, guided by the
    priorities of this committee. Responding to President Biden's
    direction, I would highlight the role of democracy and human rights and
    add a new emphasis on anti-corruption. Without good governance, African
    states will not be well-positioned to expand peace and security and
    manage the threats posed by terrorism and migration. I will ensure that
    we work with our African partners to mitigate and adapt to climate
    change. I will support programs that promote two-way trade and
    investment to create opportunities for African youth that benefit
    workers there and here. In line with this committee's direction, I will
    work to advance an affirmative agenda rooted in our values and our
    longstanding investments in development, security and people to prevail
    in the strategic competition with China. In this effort, we will seek
    to expand our partnership with Europe and other likeminded nations to
    reinforce our collective impact.
        I will also capitalize on our soft power--engaging with youth,
    encouraging education opportunities, and engaging the diaspora.
    Finally, I will join the U.S. Government campaign to help Africa
    mitigate the negative impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic.

        Question. What changes in U.S. posture toward Africa are needed to
    demonstrate to our African partners that ``Africa is a priority''?

        Answer. We need to expand the quantity and quality of our
    engagement across the Continent. As Secretary Blinken noted in his
    January 19 testimony before this committee, senior-level engagement on
    a consistent basis will be one important way to demonstrate our
    commitment. Showing up and showing respect is important. Consistent
    with our values, we must champion leaders seeking positive change and
    hold others to account. This approach means reinvigorating our focus on
    human rights, transparency and accountability, and the fight against
    corruption which are essential for stability and economic growth.
    Expanding trade and investment, tackling climate change, and responding
    to COVID-19 are all shared priorities between the United States and
    African nations. If confirmed, I will support diplomacy that translates
    this rhetoric into action.

        Question. What specific policies and strategies will you pursue to
    ensure that you and the Bureau of African Affairs are meeting what
    you've indicated as ``President Biden's agenda to expand the quantity
    and quality of our engagement with African Governments, institutions .
    . . [and] African publics''? What changes, if any, are needed within
    the Bureau of African Affairs to ensure they are best prepared to carry
    out this vision?

        Answer. As Secretary Blinken noted in his January 19 hearing before
    this committee, the United States has engaged African countries as
    partners in pursuing our shared interests and values--including
    security, global health, climate change, freedom and democracy, and
    shared prosperity. Expanded senior-level engagement on a consistent
    basis will be one important way to demonstrate our commitment. If
    confirmed, I will actively support engagement through senior-level
    visits to Africa, increased consultations with the African Union and
    African regional organizations, initiatives and economic opportunities
    to harness the innovation and energy of Africa's youth, university
    partnerships and training opportunities, and active engagement with the
    African diaspora here in the United States, to name a few. If
    confirmed, I will closely review the Africa Bureau's organization,
    management, staffing, and budget to align our resources to support
    execution of this vision.

        Question. If confirmed as Assistant Secretary of State for African
    Affairs, will you commit to work with Secretary Blinken to ensure that
    ambassadorial positions in Sub-Saharan Africa are filled by qualified,
    experience nominees in a timely manner?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I am committed to working with Secretary
    Blinken to ensure that ambassadorial positions in Sub-Saharan Africa
    are filled by qualified, experienced nominees in a timely manner.

        Question. If confirmed as Assistant Secretary of State for African
    Affairs, will you commit to work with Secretary Blinken to ensure that
    first-time career ambassadorial nominees will not be the first choice
    when identifying nominees for high-profile and strategic U.S. missions
    in Sub-Saharan Africa?

        Answer. The Department of State has a robust process for choosing
    Chiefs of Mission. If confirmed, I am committed to working with the
    Secretary and other Department leadership to ensure that we identify
    highly qualified individuals for every one of these positions in the
    Bureau of African Affairs.

        Question. Under your leadership as Assistant Secretary of State for
    African Affairs, if confirmed, what actions will you pursue to ensure
    that hard to fill posts in Sub-Saharan Africa are sufficiently and
    consistently staffed?

        Answer. I recognize that the Africa Bureau is chronically
    understaffed, both in numbers of assigned positions and vacancies in
    those positions. If confirmed, I will personally prioritize personnel
    and allocate additional resources to support that effort. I am
    committed to an inclusive workplace and will build on the Bureau's
    progress to date in implementing management reforms designed to support
    diversity in recruitment, hiring, and retention.
        Other actions I intend to pursue include reviewing staffing levels
    across the continent with the goal of aligning staffing to our most
    pressing national interests; exploring options for enhancing incentives
    for service at hardship posts; and attending to morale and
    reinvigorating the sense of public service that attracts professionals
    devoted to making a difference for the United States in Africa.

        Question. If confirmed as Assistant Secretary of State for African
    Affairs, how will you ensure that the Bureau of African Affairs has the
    requisite capacity, including sufficient number of trained contract
    officers and staff, to ensure that it can implement, monitor, and
    conduct appropriate oversight of TSCTP and other programs?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will start by reviewing existing capacity
    within the Bureau of African Affairs in order to identify any necessary
    increases in resources necessary to appropriately implement, monitor,
    and conduct appropriate oversight of TSCTP and other programs. I will
    work with the leadership of the Department of State to secure required
    support. I also commit to working with the committee toward our shared
    goal of improving the effectiveness, transparency, and oversight of
    TSCTP.
        The Africa Bureau has already made a number of changes to respond
    to the OIG's recommendations. These include, but are not limited to,
    establishing a TSCTP secretariat to facilitate coordination and
    implementing best practices around procurement, management, and
    oversight of AF-funded TSCTP programs. If confirmed, I will review the
    TSCTP and consult with the committee to ensure we have the appropriate
    resources, authorities, flexibility, and management controls in place
    to meet shared objectives for this important program.

        Question. How can the Department of State, in coordination with
    other relevant departments and agencies, support our African partners
    to manage the activities and impacts better of armed groups on
    populations, economies and governance?

        Answer. Tailored U.S. diplomatic, development, and human rights-
    sensitive security assistance can play a critical role to support peace
    and security. While security cooperation is necessary, it is not
    sufficient to address the drivers of violence and extremism.
    Sustainable gains--whether governance, security, or economic--require a
    holistic approach across our government and in coordination with
    African and other partners.
        If confirmed, I plan to work closely with the Department of
    Defense, USAID, other U.S. Government agencies, and our allies and
    partners to support African efforts to reduce the activities of armed
    groups and support policies and programs that build democratic
    governance structures that respect human rights and deliver liberty and
    prosperity.

        Question. How can the Department of State better address the cross-
    border movement of armed groups, including through the development and
    execution of regional approaches?

        Answer. Armed groups and illicit traffickers exploit weak border
    controls and inadequate surveillance but also often benefit from
    assistance or indifference from border communities that often are
    underserved by governance, administration, security, and economic
    opportunities offered by regional and national governments. Addressing
    cross-border movement of armed groups requires holistic approaches and
    regional cooperation and information-sharing. Working with partners to
    build professional, capable, and accountable security and intelligence
    services to monitor and secure often vast and porous borders must
    complement rather than replace efforts to provide stability and
    economic opportunities to vulnerable communities along borders. The
    Department of State and our embassies across Africa are committed to
    leverage our influence and diplomatic engagements to promote cross-
    border collaboration, exercises, information sharing, and coordination
    among security sector and civilian entities from neighboring and
    regional states to develop improved cross-border protocols,
    relationships, and operational effectiveness. Programmatically, the
    Africa Bureau is reinvigorating the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism
    Partnership (TSCTP) and the Partnership for East Africa
    Counterterrorism (PREACT) in part to strategically identify resources
    and expertise to address these issues and support regional and sub-
    regional efforts in West and East Africa to increase border management
    and security.

        Question. What are your views on the role trade and investment
    could and should play in building stronger ties between the United
    States and the African continent? How should U.S.-Africa trade and
    investment initiatives factor into the U.S. global strategy to counter
    China in Africa?

        Answer. We need to do more to boost trade and investment. We want
    to be partners in creating responsible and sustainable trade and
    investment that secures good livelihoods for both Africans and
    Americans. If confirmed, I will advocate for U.S. companies that
    provide the world class products, technology, and services that
    Africans seek to grow their economies. I commit to working with
    interagency partners to mobilize all the tools of the U.S. Government
    to support this effort and meet the challenges posed by China. The
    positive economic contributions to Africa that U.S. companies bring--
    robust training, capital, and high labor and environmental standards--
    are our best way to compete with strategic competitors such as China.

        Question. How can the U.S. Government better promote African
    countries as destinations for U.S. private sector foreign investment?
    How can the U.S. improve access for African firms seeking to do
    business here? How can we best engage the U.S. African diaspora?

        Answer. As Secretary Blinken noted in his January 19 testimony to
    this committee, the United States, using our economic diplomacy and the
    tools of the DFC, USAID, MCC and Treasury, will work with the U.S.
    private sector, African Governments, and international financial
    institutions to increase trade and investment in Africa and promote
    U.S. business. If confirmed, I will ensure our Embassy Deal Teams in
    Africa prioritize trade and investment opportunities, as well as
    business climate reforms that can provide a strong foundation for
    economic growth more generally. I will make full use of all U.S.
    Government tools, including through Prosper Africa, to bring
    opportunities to the attention of the private sector.
        If confirmed, I will make full use of USAID's programs to help
    African firms utilize the preferential access provided by the Africa
    Growth and Opportunity Act. Likewise, I want to ensure we are making
    full use of the SelectUSA program at the Department of Commerce to
    promote the United States as an investment destination for African
    investors. I agree that we need to work robustly to tap the dynamic
    African diaspora in the United States as a partner in promoting greater
    two-way trade and investment between the United States and Africa. If
    confirmed, I will promote active outreach to diaspora organizations as
    a vital piece of our engagement.

        Question. How can the U.S. Government most effectively support
    efforts to improve the enabling environment for competitive foreign
    investment by U.S. firms in Africa? What types of partnerships work
    best, and how can the U.S. best incentivize reforms and other actions
    necessary to foster economic opportunity and expand two-way trade and
    investment with the African continent?

        Answer. The Prosper Africa initiative can play an important role in
    ensuring effective coordination of U.S. Government assistance to
    improve investment and business climates toward the overall goal of
    expanding trade and investment. U.S. Government programming needs to be
    targeted at areas where there is strong host country will to reform. I
    believe there is potential to do more in partnership with our private
    sector, particularly in the technology area, to incentivize governments
    to implement needed reforms, given our firms generally have a clear
    sense of what needs to be done. Successful partnerships require clear
    goals and expectations.
        I noted in my testimony the importance of greater efforts on
    governance, human rights, and anti-corruption. I see these areas as
    vital components of work to build sound, prosperous economies, and to
    attract needed investment. If confirmed, I will also support our soft
    power efforts-engaging with youth and encouraging educational
    opportunities, that amplify our good governance messaging.

        Question. Do you agree that countries like Zimbabwe, South Sudan,
    and Somalia are unsuited for strategic investments under Prosper
    Africa?

        Answer. I agree that Zimbabwe, South Sudan, and Somalia are
    currently unsuited for strategic investments under Prosper Africa. I
    also believe we should support U.S. businesses and investors across
    Africa wherever possible when they see opportunities for increased
    trade and investment.

        Question. If confirmed as Assistant Secretary of State for African
    Affairs, will reinforcing democratic institutions and norms in Africa
    be a priority?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed as Assistant Secretary of State for
    African Affairs, I will prioritize reinforcing democratic institutions
    and norms in Africa.

        Question. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that messaging
    from the Bureau of African Affairs and its embassies and leadership
    consistently reinforce U.S. democratic values and interests, including
    the need to respect democratic institutions and norms, advance human
    and political rights, and enhance citizen responsive governance?

        Answer. Yes, if confirmed as Assistant Secretary I commit to
    ensuring that messaging from the Bureau of African Affairs and its
    embassies and leadership consistently reinforce U.S. democratic values
    and interests.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you engage our French partners to
    ensure that we employ a mutually-beneficial partnership across the
    Sahel and West and Central Africa that reflects the various points of
    leverage and capability the United States and France each bring to the
    table?

        Answer. Given its colonial history, France has significant ties in
    the Sahel and West and Central Africa and concerns about the direct
    threats posed to Europe from migration and terrorism. Our shared
    priorities include promoting improved security, governance, economic
    development, and recovery from COVID-19. France has been a steadfast
    partner in the fight against Islamic State-Western Sahara (IS-WS) and
    Al Qa'ida in the Maghreb (AQIM). If confirmed, in line with President
    Biden's direction to revitalize partnerships with key allies, I will
    act to sustain and build on the historic strong coordination between
    the United States and France, aligning our respective comparative
    advantages to holistically address the security and governance
    challenges across the region.

        Question. How can the U.S. better coordinate with France in Africa
    to holistically address the security threats and improve diplomatic
    engagements, particularly in the Sahel and West and Central Africa,
    from a holistic perspective?

        Answer. Both France and the United States share security,
    governance, and economic development as priorities in the Sahel and
    West and Central Africa. These priorities cannot be achieved
    independent of one another. If confirmed, I will encourage the French
    to use their strong political, economic, security, and cultural
    influence toward African political, security, and democratic reforms
    that are the best path to long-term stability in these regions, and
    work with our interagency to support French objectives when aligned
    with ours. The United States and France regularly coordinate on issues
    of mutual concern and, if confirmed, I commit to working with France
    and our other allies and partners in Europe, including the EU, to
    holistically address the security threats and improve diplomatic
    engagement across the continent. Specifically, I see continued areas
    for improved coordination with our French partners in the Sahel and
    towards resolving the crisis Cameroon. As your report on U.S- European
    cooperation noted, the significant demographic and economic shifts
    underway across the African continent requires a strong transatlantic
    alliance, in coordination with our African partners, to collaborate on
    countering malign influence, and promoting the growth of healthier,
    more stable, democratic societies that share our values and interests.

        Question. Political and ethnic tensions and violence in Burundi
    have contributed to instability, human rights abuses, and humanitarian
    crises in central Africa's Great Lakes region for decades. On June 9,
    2020, the Government of Burundi announced that sitting President Pierre
    Nkurunziza (age 55) died suddenly of ``cardiac arrest,'' two and a half
    months before he was expected to step down following general elections
    on May 20, 2020. Nkurunziza's elected successor, CNDD-FDD party head
    Evariste Ndayishimiye, was inaugurated in late August, after the
    constitutional court upheld his victory with 68% of the vote in the May
    2020 elections.

       How optimistic are you about deepening ties with the new Burundian
            administration under President Ndayishimiye?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will need to assess the approach of
    President Ndayishimiye's administration and will review Burundi's
    progress.

        Question. Do you feel that upgrading Burundi's ranking in the State
    Department's 2021 Trafficking In Persons Report from Tier 3 to Tier 2
    Watch List was warranted based on an objective assessment of progress
    made in Burundi on TIP issues?

        Answer. I understand that Burundi's 2021 Trafficking in Persons
    ranking as Tier 2 Watch List is based on the Burundian Government's
    overall increasing effort to counter trafficking in persons. This
    effort included increasing investigations and prosecutions of suspected
    trafficking offenses, convicting traffickers, and referring victims to
    assistance. The Government also developed and implemented the country's
    first-ever national data collection system on law enforcement's efforts
    to combat human trafficking and trained officials on its use. If
    confirmed, I will commit to working with Burundi to ensure it continues
    to prioritize countering trafficking in persons.

        Question. What additional tools does the United States have at its
    disposal to encourage a peaceful and enduring resolution to the
    Anglophone conflict in Cameroon?

        Answer. On June 7, 2021, Secretary Blinken announced that the
    United States was taking steps to impose visa restrictions on certain
    individuals who are believed to be responsible for, or complicit in,
    undermining the peaceful resolution of the conflict in the Anglophone
    regions of Cameroon. Secretary Blinken's decision to restrict the visas
    of individuals responsible for undermining peace in Cameroon is a
    concrete example of options the Department of State can exercise to
    push for peace and dialogue. If confirmed, my focus would be to
    continue urging all parties to end violence and to engage in an
    inclusive dialogue without preconditions. I would make clear U.S.
    support for the Swiss Government's effort to advance mediation between
    the Government and separatist armed group leaders and encourage the
    Government to take concrete steps to move this effort forward. I will
    also review the different tools we have to hold human rights violators
    accountable, including sanctions, and continue the practice of
    reviewing security assistance on a case-by-case basis. I will continue
    to pursue engagement with France, other likeminded partners, and U.N.
    Security Council member states to find ways to promote a peaceful
    resolution of the ongoing violence.

        Question. How can the United States more effectively encourage
    France to use its significant leverage in Cameroon to encourage the
    Government to engage in meaningful dialogue and end the conflict?

        Answer. The United States and France share an interest in stability
    and prosperity in Sub-Saharan Africa and meet regularly to discuss how
    to advance those priorities, including the critical effort to press the
    parties in Cameroon to pursue an inclusive and constructive path toward
    peace and stability. Secretary Blinken regularly consults with his
    counterpart French Foreign Minister Jean Yves Le Drian. If confirmed, I
    will support ongoing U.S. engagement with France, a key partner in
    Cameroon, as well as with the UK, the EU, Canada, Switzerland, Germany
    and other allies, to align our efforts in support of dialogue to
    resolve the Anglophone conflict.

        Question. How is the Department mobilizing other partners to assist
    Cameroon to find peace and justice, and how do you plan to lead such an
    effort once in-country?

        Answer. The United States regularly engages allies and U.N.
    Security Council member states at the highest level regarding the need
    to resolve the Anglophone conflict. If confirmed, I will continue to
    strongly engage with France, which is key in this process, the UK, the
    EU, Canada, Switzerland, Germany and other key allies both bilaterally
    and in multilateral fora to find ways to work together to achieve
    tangible progress towards peace.
        If confirmed, I will also make clear U.S. support for the Swiss
    Government's efforts to advance mediation between the Government and
    separatist armed group leaders and encourage the Government to take
    concrete steps to move this effort forward. The Department of State can
    support the likeminded countries' effort to support the Swiss Process
    through coordinated actions and messaging. The process of working with
    our allies and NGO partners is a regular on-going effort, which I will
    continue with focus and vigor.

        Question. What is your perspective on the performance of the
    Tshisekedi administration to date?

        Answer. The United States supports President Tshisekedi's goal of
    building a more peaceful and prosperous DRC. Since President Tshisekedi
    took office in 2019, the U.S.-DRC partnership has contributed to the
    freeing of individuals who have been unlawfully or arbitrarily
    detained; establishment of an anti-trafficking agency; the highest-
    level corruption conviction in DRC history; and related steps that
    merited the reinstatement of DRC's AGOA eligibility.
        The recent inauguration of a new cabinet in the DRC opened an
    historic new chapter in the country's political history. If confirmed,
    I will emphasize to DRC leaders the early imperative of undertaking the
    legal, financial, and technical preparations necessary for free and
    fair elections in 2023, including reform of the Independent National
    Electoral Commission. To be credible, those elections must be
    inclusive, conducted transparently and impartially, and held in
    accordance with constitutional deadlines. I will also urge DRC leaders
    to heed the calls of the Congolese people for reforms in the mining
    sector and security apparatus.

        Question. Is it your assessment that the Tshisekedi administration
    is in a position to continue to advance reforms, including in the areas
    of anti-corruption and in the security and mining sectors?

        Answer. The United States supports President Tshisekedi's and the
    Government's goal of building a more peaceful and prosperous DRC. Since
    President Tshisekedi took office in 2019, the U.S.-DRC partnership has
    contributed to the freeing of individuals who have been unlawfully or
    arbitrarily detained; establishment of an anti-trafficking agency; the
    highest-level corruption conviction in DRC history; and related steps
    that merited the reinstatement of DRC's AGOA eligibility. The recent
    inauguration of a new cabinet in the DRC opened an historic new chapter
    in the country's political history. If confirmed, I will work with our
    partners in the DRC to counter pervasive corruption that undermines the
    country's institutions and will pursue accountability for corrupt
    actors with all tools at our disposal. I will also urge DRC leaders to
    heed the calls of the Congolese people for reforms in the mining sector
    and security apparatus.
        The United States supports the Congolese Government's efforts to
    stabilize eastern DRC by addressing the drivers of escalating violence,
    including holding those in the military responsible for corruption and
    human rights abuses and violations to account. If confirmed, I will
    urge the Congolese Government to continue to work with the U.N.
    Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) in support of
    the peacekeeping mission's efforts to protect civilians, reduce
    intercommunal tensions, and strengthen state institutions.

        Question. In your view, how can the United States continue to
    support democratic reforms in the DRC, including by enhancing prospects
    for free, fair, and transparent elections in 2023?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will emphasize to DRC leaders the early
    imperative of undertaking the legal, financial, and technical
    preparations necessary for free and fair elections in 2023, including
    reform of the Independent National Electoral Commission. To be
    credible, the 2023 elections must be inclusive, conducted transparently
    and impartially, and held in accordance with constitutional deadlines.
    Knowing of your longstanding interest in this issue, I will work with
    you to ensure we take your views on board in advance, and that we have
    the appropriate resources in place to help our Congolese partners with
    this important task.

        Question. If confirmed, how will you work with Congress and USAID
    to ensure the $700 million is programmed efficiently and effectively to
    support Sudan's ongoing transition?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will stress the importance of timely
    consultations with Congress by the Africa Bureau and our USAID
    colleagues on the utilization and effective programming of these
    appropriated funds. I will also ensure we consult closely with Sudan's
    civilian led transitional government to ensure these new resources will
    assist the Government to meet the urgent needs of the Sudanese people
    at this moment in the transition, and to support efforts related to
    human rights and accountability, conflict mitigation, and democracy and
    governance, especially in support of marginalized communities long shut
    out from having a voice in determining Sudan's future.

        Question. If confirmed, do you commit to work with Congress to
    ensure the $700 million is programmed appropriately?

        Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I am committed to working with Congress
    on the programming of these funds, working closely with USAID to ensure
    that funds are used appropriately and effectively in support of Sudan's
    transition.

        Question. Given that the United States is a significant stakeholder
    in ensuring that South Sudan achieves sustainable peace and
    development, what diplomatic investments would you make as Secretary of
    State bilaterally, regionally, and with multi-lateral institutions?

        Answer. Expedited progress on the integration of security forces,
    anti-corruption, transitional justice, and a permanent constitutional
    process leading to post-transitional elections is key to achieving
    sustainable peace and development in South Sudan. If confirmed, I will
    make clear to South Sudan's leaders our serious concerns about delays
    in implementation of commitments in these areas and look for
    opportunities to increase pressure on those officials responsible for
    such delays. I would also invigorate the use of all available
    diplomatic and development tools to provide support to South Sudanese
    civil society and non-governmental organizations seeking positive
    change. Additionally, I would consult with regional and international
    partners to review critically and comprehensively our current approach
    towards South Sudan. I intend to collaborate with U.S. Ambassador to
    the U.N. Linda Thomas-Greenfield to ensure that the United Nations
    Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) has the necessary resources and mandate
    to support accelerated implementation of South Sudan's peace process.
    Finally, I would continue to prioritize diplomatic efforts to press
    South Sudan's leaders to do more to facilitate the unhindered delivery
    of humanitarian assistance to the people of South Sudan, to ensure the
    safety of humanitarian workers in the country, and to hold accountable
    those responsible for growing violence against humanitarian
    organizations.

        Question. What is your perspective on the ongoing U.S. assistance
    review, announced in 2018, for South Sudan? If confirmed, how would you
    support a timely conclusion to the assistance review and enable action
    on its findings?

        Answer. I understand the Biden-Harris administration continues to
    evaluate the findings of the assistance review in South Sudan conducted
    under the last administration to ensure that programs are being
    implemented efficiently and are consistent with our objectives. If
    confirmed, I would work to continue this process and ensure that
    programs are strategic, effective and have adequate oversight. The
    United States Government continues to work to maximize the impact of
    our humanitarian assistance in South Sudan and mitigate risks of
    diversion or obstruction of aid or perpetuation of kleptocratic
    governance.

        Question. How would you take a fresh look at U.S. policy in the
    Horn of Africa as Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs?

        Answer. A stable and prosperous Horn of Africa is critical to U.S.
    economic and security interests. The external actors who are most
    engaged in the Horn are U.S. partners in the Persian Gulf. If
    confirmed, I will collaborate with the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs
    to employ U.S. influence and leverage to encourage our Gulf partners to
    engage strategically to foster peace and security in the Horn--a shared
    goal. I will also consult with the Special Envoy for the Horn of
    Africa, Ambassador Jeff Feltman, to review our policy, especially our
    engagement with regional and international partners, to hone a coherent
    and integrated U.S. approach.

        Question. There is broad consensus that U.S. policy toward Somalia
    needs reconsideration. What is your perspective on U.S. policy toward
    Somaliland? Do you think the U.S. has missed an important opportunity
    over the last several years to support and engage more fully with a
    more stable and democratic entity at the behest of Mogadishu?

        Answer. The United States recognizes a single Somalia, which
    includes Somaliland. The United States has maintained a positive
    relationship with the authorities in Hargeisa and has encouraged the
    Federal Government of Somalia and Somaliland to cooperate on issues of
    mutual interest and to engage in constructive dialogue on questions
    related to Somaliland's status. If confirmed, I am committed to
    reviewing U.S. engagement with Somaliland to ensure it effectively
    advances U.S. interests, including with respect to our relationship
    with Mogadishu.

        Question. From your perspective, what tools (including those
    currently underutilized) does the United States have at its disposal
    that are underutilized to encourage democratic and economic reforms in
    Zimbabwe?

        Answer. I share the committee's deep concern over the human rights
    abuses, economic mismanagement, and kleptocratic behavior that we
    continue to see in Zimbabwe. I appreciate this committee's condemnation
    of the Government of Zimbabwe's abuse of human rights and repression of
    its people. The Department of State, Africa Bureau, and U.S. Embassy in
    Harare regularly issue similar condemnations and publicly voice our
    support for the courageous Zimbabwean women and men who speak out
    against government corruption and abuses.
        The United States supports democratic governance programs that
    improve electoral processes, refine citizen advocacy strategies, and
    enhance public accountability measures. We provide support to those the
    Zimbabwean Government singles out for abuse, and we impose targeted
    sanctions to promote accountability for corrupt actors and those who
    abuse human rights and undermine democratic processes.
        But we should continue to look at all options. If confirmed, I will
    work with this committee, civil society, regional neighbors, and
    likeminded partners to shine a brighter light on the situation in
    Zimbabwe so that, together, we can increase the pressure on the
    Government of Zimbabwe to respect democratic principles and human
    rights. If confirmed, I will work with our interagency partners to use
    our sanctions programs to promote accountability for those individuals
    who are currently active in corruption and human rights abuses.

        Question. An area of considerable debate has been the value of
    reincorporating political party programming into the portfolio of U.S.
    democracy assistance to Zimbabwe. Do you commit to reviewing the
    Department of State's posture on political party support in Zimbabwe?

        Answer. Since the 2018 election, the Government of Zimbabwe has
    systematically weakened the opposition through manipulated court
    rulings, harassment and incarceration of key figures, and thinly veiled
    actions to install pliant political figures in parliament.
        If confirmed, I commit to reviewing the Department of State's
    posture on political party support in Zimbabwe.

        Question. What is your assessment of the appropriateness of Nigeria
    for this designation?

        Answer. The Department is reviewing this designation as part of the
    annual process. That process is underway, and the Department will
    consider all available information. I take this issue very seriously
    and do not wish to prejudge the process or the Secretary's decision.

        Question. What is your assessment of the drivers of conflict in
    Nigeria? How do the drivers of conflict in Nigeria differ across
    geographical regions?

        Answer. Nigeria faces growing insecurity on multiple fronts,
    including kidnapping and banditry in the North West, insurgency from
    the Islamic State in West Africa (ISIS-WA) and Boko Haram in the North
    East, communal violence including herder-farmer conflict in various
    regions, attacks by Biafran separatists in the South East, and piracy
    in the Gulf of Guinea. The drivers of conflict are numerous and
    overlapping, and also vary across regions. Experts have cited the
    proliferation of small arms, increasing competition over land and water
    resources, lack of accountability and access to justice, as well as
    politics, ethnicity, and religion among contributing factors.
    Ineffective state security responses, poor governance and service
    delivery, endemic corruption, and lack of economic opportunity also
    create conditions that are ripe for conflict.
        The United States is partnering with Nigeria to build more
    effective and accountable security forces to better respond to the
    country's security challenges and protect civilians. The U.S.
    Government also helps Nigerians prevent and mitigate conflict through
    our diplomacy, police and justice reform programs, peacebuilding
    programs, early warning and early response programs, dialogue efforts,
    and development programs.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
           to Hon. Mary Catherine Phee by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

        Question. How can the United States support a peaceful resolution
    of Cameroon's Anglophone conflict?

        Answer. I share your concerns about the ongoing violence in
    Cameroon and the conflict in the Anglophone region. If confirmed, my
    focus would be to continue urging all parties to end violence and to
    engage in an inclusive dialogue without preconditions. I would make
    clear U.S. support for the Swiss Government's efforts to advance
    mediation between the Government and separatist armed group leaders and
    encourage the Government to take concrete steps to move this effort
    forward. I will also review the different tools we have to hold human
    rights violators accountable, including sanctions. I will continue to
    pursue engagement with France, key allies, and U.N. Security Council
    member states, to find ways to promote a peaceful resolution of the
    ongoing violence.

        Question. How can the United States balance support for the
    counterterrorism campaign in the north with efforts to promote a
    peaceful resolution of the Anglophone conflict?

        Answer. Cameroon has long played a crucial role in regional
    stability. With the protracted crisis in the Central African Republic,
    instability in Nigeria, the terrorist threat posed by Boko Haram and
    ISIS-West Africa, and increasing incidents of piracy in the Gulf of
    Guinea, Cameroon's role as a partner in securing and maintaining
    stability in the region is even more important. Since 2018, the
    Department has significantly reduced security assistance because the
    Government of Cameroon had not taken appropriate action to investigate
    credible allegations of gross violations of human rights by its
    security forces and hold the perpetrators accountable. If confirmed, I
    commit to continuing the practice of reviewing security assistance on a
    case-by-case basis to ensure the assistance the United States provides
    aligns with U.S. interests, including promotion of respect for human
    rights. I will also ensure the Department vets potential recipients of
    security assistance, consistent with the Leahy laws, and does not
    provide assistance to Cameroonian security force units where there is
    credible information that the unit has committed a gross violation of
    human rights.

        Question. Would you advocate the use of sanctions on Cameroonian
    officials and others responsible for hindering a resolution of the
    Anglophone conflict?

        Answer. On June 7, 2021, Secretary Blinken announced that the
    United States was taking steps to impose visa restrictions on certain
    individuals who are believed to be responsible for, or complicit in,
    undermining the peaceful resolution of the conflict in the Anglophone
    regions of Cameroon. I understand the Department of State continues to
    work on expanding visa restrictions on individuals on both sides of the
    conflict. Secretary Blinken's decision to implement a visa restrictions
    policy on some of those responsible for undermining peace in Cameroon
    is the first of many possible approaches the Department of State can
    take to push for peace and dialogue. It has encouraged both the UK and
    the EU to look at utilizing their new sanctions laws. It is yet another
    sign of the commitment to back up words with actions. If confirmed, I
    will consider all the tools at our disposal aimed at promoting a
    peaceful resolution of the ongoing violence which has resulted in much
    suffering and threatens to become even more critical day by day.

        Question. According to the U.N., nearly 5.2 million of the Tigray
    region's 5.7 million people are in need of emergency food assistance,
    and more than 2 million have been displaced by violence. U.N.
    humanitarian agencies have scaled up to meet the needs of civilians in
    Tigray, distributing food aid to more than 1.4 million people and
    working to reach people with shelter, clean water, hygiene supplies,
    and other critical relief items and services. The U.N. is also working
    to identify and provide support to survivors of gender-based violence,
    which has been widespread during the conflict. Unfortunately, the U.N.
    and its partners are only able to help a fraction of the people in need
    because parties to the conflict-largely the Ethiopian and Eritrean
    militaries-continue to block humanitarian access to large parts of the
    region.

       How is the administration working to address this issue?

        Answer. Intensified conflict in western Tigray and the expansion of
    conflict into the neighboring Afar region has effectively blocked
    overland access for humanitarian supplies. In light of these recent
    developments, the Biden-Harris administration has prioritized the
    establishment of direct talks between the Ethiopian Government and the
    Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) with the aim of achieving a
    negotiated ceasefire. Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Jeffrey
    Feltman is working in close coordination with international partners to
    create the necessary conditions for such talks to occur. Ending
    hostilities is an essential component of ensuring that sufficient
    humanitarian supplies can reach the Tigray region. In addition, the
    Biden-Harris administration has taken a number of steps to press all
    parties to provide unhindered humanitarian access. On May 23, we put in
    place a visa restriction policy under Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the
    Immigration and Nationality Act for any current or former Ethiopian or
    Eritrean Government officials, members of the security forces, or other
    individuals-to include Amhara regional and irregular forces and members
    of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF)-responsible for, or
    complicit in undermining resolution of the crisis in Tigray. This
    includes those who have conducted wrongful violence or other abuses
    against people in the Tigray region of Ethiopia, as well as those who
    have hindered access of humanitarian assistance to those in the region.
    If confirmed, I would carefully review the option of implementing
    additional sanctions against those who are preventing access to
    humanitarian assistance. It will also be important to continue to
    encourage our likeminded partners to support such targeted sanctions.

        Question. What leverage or pressure points do we have with the
    Ethiopian Government that can be brought to bear to ensure that the
    U.N. and other humanitarian actors are able to access vulnerable
    communities?

        Answer. Sustained diplomatic engagement with all parties to the
    conflict is essential to press for unhindered humanitarian access. If
    confirmed, I would work closely with our Ambassador, Special Envoy
    Feltman, and international partners to continue to make clear to the
    Ethiopian Government its responsibility in this regard and the impact
    of interference with humanitarian assistance on our bilateral
    relationship. The Biden-Harris administration has already ended most
    non-humanitarian U.S. development and security assistance programming
    to Ethiopia. The Department of State has established a visa restriction
    policy including on those who have hindered humanitarian access to
    those in the Tigray region. If confirmed, I would carefully review the
    option of implementing additional sanctions against those who are
    preventing access to humanitarian assistance.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Hon. Mary Catherine Phee by Senator Cory A. Booker

        Question. What next-level plans and programs does the United States
    Government have prepared to increase pressure on those who are
    responsible for perpetuating violence and instability in the region?

        Answer. In addition to the visa restriction policy under Section
    212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and Nationality Act announced by
    Secretary Blinken on May 23 with regard to the issuance of visas for
    any current or former Ethiopian or Eritrean Government officials,
    members of the security forces, or other individuals-to include Amhara
    regional and irregular forces and members of the Tigray People's
    Liberation Front (TPLF)-responsible for, or complicit in, undermining
    resolution of the crisis in Tigray, the Biden-Harris administration has
    ended most non-humanitarian U.S. development and security assistance
    programming to Ethiopia. If confirmed, I would carefully review the
    option of implementing additional sanctions against those who are
    undermining resolution of the conflict, who are engaging in human
    rights abuses, violations, or atrocities, or who are preventing access
    to humanitarian assistance. These could include Global Magnitsky
    designations under E.O. 13818 and a new Executive Order (E.O.)
    establishing a Tigray-specific sanctions regime. It will also be
    important to continue to encourage our likeminded partners to support
    such targeted sanctions. The goal of these measures is to increase
    pressure on all the parties to the conflict to agree to an immediate
    negotiated cessation of hostilities, an end to human rights abuses and
    violations, and unhindered humanitarian access to the Tigray region.

        Question. What measures does the State Department intend to take to
    hold Prime Minister Abiy accountable for ignoring, misleading, and
    deflecting the international community while civilians were facing
    grave human rights abuses?

        Answer. In concert with international partners, the Biden-Harris
    administration has consistently called out human rights abuses
    committed by all parties to the conflict, including the Ethiopian
    Government, and stressed the need for accountability. Because of
    concern about human rights violations, abuses, and atrocities, the
    Biden-Harris administration has suspended most non-humanitarian U.S.
    development and security assistance to Ethiopia and established a visa
    restriction policy. If confirmed, I commit to reviewing the feasibility
    of additional measures, such as imposition of targeted Global Magnitsky
    sanctions and a new Executive Order establishing a Tigray-specific
    sanctions regime. At the United Nations, the United States played a
    leading role in arranging an open meeting of the Security Council on
    July 2 on the situation in Tigray and is continuing to press for
    additional action by the Security Council. The United States also
    worked with partners on the U.N. Human Rights Council to successfully
    arrange for the adoption of a Tigray-specific human rights resolution
    that calls for ongoing joint investigations by the Office of the High
    Commissioner for Human Rights and the Ethiopian Human Rights
    Commission, and mandates reporting on their progress and outcomes.
    Additionally, the Department of State is exploring support for
    additional documentation and associated accountability and transitional
    justice options that could be used to address atrocities and other
    abuses that have been and continue to be committed by parties to the
    conflict in Tigray. If confirmed, I am committed to employing U.S.
    leverage and influence to hold all parties to the conflict to account.

        Question. What are our like-minded partners in Europe and elsewhere
    doing to help address these concerns?

        Answer. I understand that the Department of State is working in
    close coordination with the G7 and other like-minded partners to
    increase pressure on all parties to the conflict to agree to an
    immediate negotiated cessation of hostilities, an end to human rights
    abuses and violations, and unhindered humanitarian access to the Tigray
    region.
        The Department of State is also collaborating with international
    partners in an effort to open communication among the parties to the
    conflict with the goal of achieving an immediate negotiated ceasefire.
    Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Ambassador Feltman and other State
    Department officials coordinate closely with an Ethiopia contact group
    of like-minded international partners. Special Envoy Feltman is
    actively engaging with influential counties such as the UAE, Saudi
    Arabia, Kenya, and Sudan. At the United Nations, the United States
    played a leading role in arranging an open meeting of the Security
    Council on July 2 on the situation in Tigray and is continuing to press
    for additional action by the Security Council. The United States also
    worked with partners on the U.N. Human Rights Council to successfully
    arrange for the adoption of a Tigray-specific human rights resolution
    that calls for ongoing joint investigations by the Office of the High
    Commissioner for Human Rights and the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission
    and mandates reporting on their progress and outcomes. If confirmed, I
    commit to sustaining these intensive efforts to work with like-minded
    partners.

        Question. What is the Biden administration's policy position on
    Somalia? What role should the United States play in helping to address
    armed conflict, terrorism, and political crisis in the country? What
    changes, if any, would you seek to State Department-administered
    security assistance programs in Somalia?

        Answer. The Biden-Harris administration supports efforts to advance
    peace and security in Somalia by countering the threat from al Shabaab
    and ISIS-Somalia operating in the country. This effort addresses the
    drivers of instability by promoting democratic governance and market-
    oriented economic reforms that are necessary for lasting stability. It
    is imperative that the United States continue to coordinate closely
    with the Somalis and international partners, such as the United
    Nations, the African Union, Somalia's neighbors, the European Union,
    the United Kingdom, Turkey, and Gulf states, to tackle the country's
    considerable security and political challenges. If confirmed, I am
    committed to reviewing State Department-administered security
    assistance in Somalia to ensure these programs are effectively and
    efficiently advancing our policy goals.

        Question. Two of the largest troop contributing countries to
    AMISOM, Ethiopia and Uganda, are credibly accused of committing serious
    human rights violations at home. Has the time come to seek a new
    configuration and/or new partners for AMISOM?

        Answer. Somalia continues to require regional and international
    support to mitigate the threats from al-Shabaab and ISIS-Somalia and
    address the drivers of instability. While AMISOM has played an
    important role during the past 10 years in liberating territory from
    al-Shabaab and stabilizing parts of Somalia, reconfiguring the mission
    (1) to better respond to the terrorist threats and (2) to transfer
    increasing security responsibility to Somalia's security forces must be
    a priority during upcoming negotiations for a new mandate in 2022. I
    agree that troubling new developments in the region should also be
    considered in upcoming negotiations. If confirmed, I commit to working
    with the African Union, the United Nations, and individual AMISOM troop
    contributing countries to ensure that personnel are properly vetted,
    follow the rules of armed conflict, and respect human rights. There is
    a need to engage the AU and the U.N. in a timely and credible process
    to identify and remove potential troop contributors that may be
    implicated in human rights abuses.

        Question. Would we not be better off with partners that will not
    use the threat of pulling their troops from AMISOM as leverage for
    getting the United States and others to refrain from taking a hard
    stance on corruption and human rights abuses in their home countries?

        Answer. AMISOM troop contributing countries (TCCs) participate in
    the mission because it serves their interests to mitigate the threat
    from al-Shabaab to their own countries. I am not aware of a serious
    threat to withdraw troops from Somalia, despite occasional resistance
    to U.S. efforts to combat corruption and human rights abuses in TCC
    capitals.

    Ethiopia/Sudan Border Dispute
        Question. A long simmering border dispute between Sudan and
    Ethiopia in the al-Fashaga region of Sudan appears on the brink of
    turning hot. The United Arab Emirates had, for a time, taken the lead
    on mediating this dispute, but their role is no longer clear.

       Who is currently leading the mediation effort in this long-running
            dispute?

        Answer. I share your concern about the risk of escalating tension
    between Sudan and Ethiopia generated by a military buildup and recent
    violence along the border of Ethiopia and Sudan in the al-Fashaga area.
    My understanding is that the UAE initiative is currently inactive. If
    confirmed, I will join the efforts of Special Envoy for the Horn of
    Africa Ambassador Feltman and U.S. embassies in Addis Ababa and
    Khartoum to encourage both governments to engage in constructive
    dialogue to deescalate tensions as part of a U.S. Horn strategy to
    address the interlinked political, security, and humanitarian crises in
    the region. I will also engage international and regional partners,
    including the UAE, to explore ways to persuade the two parties to agree
    to a mutually acceptable resolution.

        Question. What is the Department doing to alleviate the pressure on
    this potential hot spot?

        Answer. The Department of State continues to engage the two parties
    to press for a de-escalation of tensions and to call for no further
    violence. If confirmed, I will join the efforts of Special Envoy for
    the Horn of Africa Ambassador Feltman and the U.S. embassies in Addis
    Ababa and Khartoum to press the two parties to find a mutually
    acceptable resolution in coordination with international and regional
    partners.

        Question. How confident are you in President Tshisekedi's
    commitment to advance reforms in the mining sector, state security
    apparatus, and election process?

        Answer. The United States supports President Tshisekedi's goal of
    building a more peaceful and prosperous DRC. Since President Tshisekedi
    took office in 2019, the U.S.-DRC partnership has contributed to the
    freeing of individuals who have been unlawfully or arbitrarily
    detained; establishment of an anti-trafficking agency; the highest-
    level corruption conviction in DRC history; and related steps that
    merited the reinstatement of DRC's AGOA eligibility.
        The recent inauguration of a new cabinet in the DRC opened an
    historic new chapter in the country's political history. If confirmed,
    I will emphasize to DRC leaders the early imperative of undertaking the
    legal, financial, and technical preparations necessary for free and
    fair elections in 2023, including reform of the Independent National
    Electoral Commission. To be credible, those elections must be
    inclusive, conducted transparently and impartially, and held in
    accordance with constitutional deadlines. I will also urge DRC leaders
    to heed the calls of the Congolese people for reforms in the mining
    sector and security apparatus.

        Question. The DRC holds over 51 percent of the global cobalt
    reserves and produces nearly 70 percent of the total cobalt feedstock
    globally. Underpinned by huge demand for from the battery sector,
    competition for control over global cobalt feedstock supply chains has
    intensified in recent years. What is the Department of State doing to
    support more responsible trade missions and U.S. commercial delegations
    to the DRC and to assist the DRC's efforts to improve the transparency
    of its minerals trade, including strong support for implementation of
    the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), beneficial
    ownership transparency, and the formalization of the artisanal mining
    sector?

        Answer. The United States is working with the DRC Government to
    bolster economic opportunities for all Congolese, including by
    establishing conditions that attract American companies to the DRC,
    expand trade, advance gender equality and women's entrepreneurship, and
    encourage business climate reforms to promote inclusive development.
    The reinstatement of the DRC's AGOA eligibility on January 1, 2021,
    affirmed the Tshisekedi Government's positive progress on reform, and
    bolstered our effort to expand U.S.-DRC commercial ties to benefit
    workers in both countries.
        The United States supports responsible minerals sourcing and
    trading and works closely with the private sector to support conflict-
    free minerals supply chains, emphasizing compliance with section 1502
    of the U.S. Dodd-Frank Act. The Public-Private Alliance for Responsible
    Minerals (PPA), forged by the Department of State, USAID, and the
    Department of Labor and inclusive of U.S. companies and civil society
    organizations, seeks to improve due diligence and develop the
    governance systems needed for ethical supply chains of critical
    minerals in the DRC and Great Lakes region. PPA programming also aims
    to increase transparency and monitoring of child labor in artisanal
    mining in the DRC's cobalt supply chain while building government
    capacity to do the same.
        The United States has been one of the strongest supporters of the
    EITI since its founding in 2003. In addition to providing financial
    support, as well as capacity building to improve EITI's financial
    management and operational effectiveness, the Department of State
    serves on the EITI International Board. In a related initiative, the
    Department of State is supporting improvements to the governance of the
    DRC's mining royalties with a Fiscal Transparent Innovation Fund grant
    to the Carter Center.
        Finally, the Critical Minerals Security Initiative provides the
    Department of State with a new tool to engage U.S. companies operating
    in the critical materials and minerals supply chain in countries such
    as the DRC. If confirmed, I commit to supporting and expanding these
    efforts to promote responsible minerals sourcing and trade.

        Question. What are the prospects for regional military operations
    and the imposition of martial law in eastern DRC to address the
    security and humanitarian crisis in the region?

        Answer. The United States remains deeply concerned about continued
    violence, humanitarian crises, and allegations of human rights abuses
    and violations in eastern DRC. The expanding role of ISIS-DRC and other
    armed groups in conducting horrific acts against civilians is of
    particular concern. To tackle these challenges, the United States has
    called for an end to the violence, justice and accountability for those
    responsible, the professionalization of state security services, and
    inclusion of local communities and the U.N. Organization Stabilization
    Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) in peace and reconciliation efforts.
        The United States supports the Congolese Government's efforts to
    stabilize eastern DRC by addressing the drivers of escalating violence,
    including holding those in the military responsible for corruption and
    human rights abuses and violations to account. We have reiterated this
    message since the Government imposed a ``state of siege'' in two
    provinces in eastern DRC most affected by the conflict. If confirmed, I
    will urge the Congolese Government to continue to work with MONUSCO in
    support of the peacekeeping mission's efforts to protect civilians,
    reduce intercommunal tensions, and strengthen state institutions.
        We welcome President Tshisekedi's diplomatic outreach to the DRC's
    neighbors. If confirmed, I will support diplomatic solutions and cross-
    border cooperation. As appropriate, I will share the U.S. view that any
    potential regional military cooperation must be conducted in a
    transparent manner in coordination with the DRC Government and MONUSCO.

        Question. What changes, if any, would you seek to the U.N.
    peacekeeping operation in DRC, MONUSCO?

        Answer. The U.N. plays a critical role in the stabilization of the
    DRC, particularly in eastern DRC, where armed group violence remains
    widespread. The MONUSCO mandate, last renewed in December 2020,
    prioritizes tasks to protect civilians, support stabilization efforts,
    and strengthen state institutions. MONUSCO has transitioned out of the
    Kasai provinces due to favorable gains in security and is scheduled to
    transition out of Tanganyika province by mid-2022 as part of a
    responsible, conditions-based transition to allow for more resources to
    focus on North Kivu, South Kivu, and Ituri provinces.
        The Department of State continues to promote reforms to support the
    offensive operations mandate of the Force Intervention Brigade (FIB),
    including through the addition of new units and improved operational
    capabilities. If confirmed, I will collaborate with U.S. Ambassador to
    the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield to encourage MONUSCO to
    improve its ability to protect civilians, conduct effective quick-
    reaction operations, and build state capacity in support of sustainable
    peace in this restive region.

        Question. What is the Department doing in response to the
    Government of Nigeria's growing levels of intolerance for universal
    human rights and freedoms?

        Answer. President Biden has charged us with restoring democracy and
    human rights to the forefront of U.S. diplomacy. Advocacy for human
    rights and fundamental freedoms is foundational to our relationship
    with Nigeria, Africa's largest democracy. The United States is engaging
    Nigeria's Government at the highest levels to urge Nigerian leaders to
    uphold their country's constitution and our shared democratic
    principles. The Department of State spoke clearly when Nigeria recently
    suspended Twitter operations. If confirmed, I commit to engaging
    directly about these foundational rights.
        The Department of State also supports programs to strengthen the
    capacity of government institutions and civil society to promote
    respect for human rights. Of note, the Department of State supported
    the demands of Nigerian civil society who successfully pressed for the
    establishment of judicial panels of inquiry in 28 Nigerian states to
    examine allegations of human rights violations and abuses by Nigeria's
    now-defunct Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) and the Nigerian Police
    Force.

        Question. What efforts does the Department have underway and in the
    planning process to assist journalists and protesters in Nigeria to
    exercise their rights to freedom of association and freedom of
    expression?

        Answer. The Department of State is committed to partnering with
    Nigerian journalists and civil society activists who, despite facing
    many hardships and risks, are highly active and well-established, and
    in many respects serve as a model for the continent. The Department of
    State employs a range of foreign policy tools to promote media freedom,
    including public messaging; sanctions and visa restrictions; and
    foreign assistance programming. In addition to multi-donor-funded
    initiatives like the Lifeline Fund for Embattled CSOs, the Department
    of State has established emergency mechanisms to respond to specific
    needs of journalists in crisis. If confirmed, I will prioritize support
    for and engagement with journalists and civil society.

        Question. What impacts have reported abuses by Nigerian security
    forces had on U.S.-Nigeria military relations?

        Answer. Nigeria faces multiple drivers of instability: a terrorist
    threat from ISIS-West Africa and Boko Haram, entrenched insurgencies,
    banditry, pastoralist/farmer conflict, ethnic divisions, piracy in the
    Gulf of Guinea, a rising separatist movement in the South, and
    widespread criminality. In contending with these challenges, Nigerian
    security forces have committed incidents of human rights violations and
    abuses. In response, the U.S. Government has limited--in line with our
    laws and policies--the provision of certain military training and
    capabilities that could otherwise be useful to Nigeria in combatting
    these security challenges. To address the parallel priorities of
    security and human rights, the Biden-Harris administration is committed
    to engaging with the Nigerian Government and security services to
    support the institutional reforms and improved professionalism that
    will promote conduct that respects human rights. In seeking U.S.
    military sales that include mandatory training and maintenance
    programs, the Nigerian Government has shown a commitment to the
    investments and security sector institutional reforms that will enable
    the expansion of U.S.-Nigeria military relations and the improvement of
    Nigerian security capabilities.
        If confirmed, I will work with the Nigerian Government to actively
    promote the professionalization of their security forces to reinforce
    the importance of civilian protection and respect for human rights. I
    will urge the Nigerian Government to hold security force elements
    accountable for human rights abuses and violations.

        Question. To what extent does China's engagement in Africa threaten
    U.S. interests? How should the United States respond?

        Answer. As Secretary Blinken has said, there are adversarial,
    competitive, and cooperative aspects of our relationship with China,
    and this dynamic applies to our respective partnerships in Africa. Our
    best asset will be a dynamic and affirmative U.S. policy agenda that
    enlists African partners in building free market democracies that offer
    liberty and prosperity and realize the continent's full potential.
        Africans and Americans alike support democracy, the rule of law,
    open competition, and human rights. This robust foundation will help us
    achieve a mutually beneficial relationship.
        If confirmed, I commit to working with Congress and interagency
    partners to mobilize all the tools of the U.S. Government to boost
    socially responsible and climate-friendly trade and investment that
    secures good livelihoods for both African and American workers.
    Following the President's lead, I will liaise with the EU, the G-7 and
    other likeminded partners to engage African partners in the struggle to
    uphold the international rules-based order, in line with the guidelines
    in the Strategic Competition Act.

        Question. Are there any areas where cooperation with China might
    advance U.S. goals?

        Answer. Where cooperation might advance U.S. goals, such as efforts
    to promote peace and stability, we will consider collaboration. If
    confirmed, I am committed to working with you to ensure American values
    and interests prevail.

        Question. What is the administration's approach to supporting
    COVID-19 responses in Africa?

        Answer. Recognizing the devastating human loss and the debilitating
    second-order economic impacts of COVID-19, the Biden-Harris
    administration has committed to providing and supporting the rollout of
    COVID-19 vaccines across Africa. This commitment includes activities
    that will support public health and case management interventions to
    stop transmissions and mitigate the impacts of the pandemic across
    Africa. In May, President Biden committed to sharing 80 million COVID-
    19 doses from the U.S. supply with the world. In total 25 million of
    these doses are being shared with Africa and distribution has been
    coordinated closely with the African Union and COVAX. Of this
    allotment, more than one million doses have thus far been donated to
    Africa, with Djibouti being the first African country to receive
    vaccine doses on July 17. The President subsequently committed the
    United States to provide 500 million doses of Pfizer vaccine to Gavi
    for distribution via COVAX to 92 low- and lower-middle-income economies
    as defined by Gavi's COVAX Advance Market Commitment (AMC), and to the
    African Union. Almost half of the COVAX AMC countries are in Africa.
        The Biden-Harris administration is also supporting the expansion of
    vaccine manufacturing capacity in Africa. The U.S. International
    Development Finance Corporation (DFC), with international partners,
    announced on June 30 a financing package for Aspen, Africa's largest
    manufacturer of pharmaceuticals located in South Africa, to increase
    production capacity for COVID-19 vaccines, and on July 9 U.S. announced
    its commitment to support Fondation Institut Pasteur de Dakar (IPD) to
    boost vaccine production in Senegal.
        Finally, since the start of the pandemic, the Department of State
    and U.S. Agency for International Development have provided roughly
    $541 million in health, humanitarian, and economic support assistance
    to more than 40 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. The Biden-Harris
    administration will also provide additional foreign assistance under
    the American Rescue Plan Act to Sub-Saharan Africa to support COVID-19
    vaccine preparedness and delivery activities to ensure `shots in the
    arms' of African people. In addition, this funding will support public
    health efforts, strengthen case management, and interventions to stop
    and help mitigate the pandemic's effects on economic growth, food
    security, education, democracy, and women and girls.

        Question. The Biden administration just announced that it was
    sending 25 million vaccines to three African countries--Burkina Faso,
    Djibouti, and Ethiopia. In your view, what are the key challenges to
    more effective vaccine distribution?

        Answer. Over the last two decades, the U.S. Government invested
    roughly $100 billion in Africa's public health infrastructure. The
    result is strong systems that allowed partner countries to prepare for
    and respond rapidly to COVID-19. Rapid and equitable distribution of
    novel COVID-19 vaccines, however, is a complex operational challenge
    with legal, regulatory, logistics and cold chain considerations. Thanks
    to Congressionally-appropriated funding from the American Rescue Plan
    Act, the U.S. Government is supporting vaccine preparedness in Sub-
    Saharan Africa, working with international partners and COVAX to
    provide technical assistance, logistics support, build cold chain
    capacity, and enhance vaccine absorptive capacity. To date, U.S.-
    supplied vaccines have been successfully donated to four African
    countries, and COVAX has delivered vaccines to over 40 sub-Saharan
    African countries. As in the United States, vaccine hesitancy in Africa
    remains a concern. To respond, the United States partners every day
    with national and local African health ministries and services, as well
    as international and NGO partners, in support of messaging campaigns to
    address vaccine hesitancy in African populations as well as to confront
    COVID-19 vaccine mis- and disinformation.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
              to Ms. Anne A. Witkowsky by Senator Robert Menendez

    Stabilization Priorities:
        Question. If confirmed, what criteria would you utilize when
    assessing whether the United States should engage more closely in
    conflict-affected countries and regions?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue CSO's efforts to incorporate
    data, evidence, and quantitative and qualitative methods into policy-
    making and prioritization when assessing whether the United States
    should engage more closely in conflict-affected countries and regions.
    CSO's analytical tools, such as the Instability Monitoring and Analysis
    Platform (IMAP), provide global data analytics on state fragility,
    instability, and conflict. CSO is monitoring the impacts of climate
    change, the COVID-19 pandemic, gender inequality, human rights abuses,
    and democratic backsliding to understand how these factors impact
    conflict risk and how targeted interventions might mitigate these
    trends.

        Question. With these criteria in mind, are there any countries or
    regions where conflict is either already evident or at risk of
    occurring where you believe the United States should consider
    dedicating more resources and attention?

        Answer. Several countries, such as those laid out in this year's
    report to Congress pursuant to the Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities
    Prevention Act of 2018, including Ethiopia and Burma, warrant increased
    attention and action, and it will be critical to monitor and address
    the broader, regional impact of the situations in these countries.

    CSO Role in Preventing Conflict and Promoting Stability
        Question. In addition to the Department of Defense, the U.S. Agency
    for International Development, and other federal agencies, the State
    Department's regional bureaus, Office of Foreign Assistance, and Chiefs
    of Mission are responsible for elements of the U.S. Government's
    efforts to prevent conflict and promote stability abroad.

       With this in mind, if confirmed, in what areas do you anticipate
            directing the CSO Bureau to play a leading role in these
            efforts, including through the work of CSO stabilization
            advisors in the field?

        Answer. If confirmed, and in support of the Under Secretary for
    Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights, I will direct CSO to
    continue its leading role in coordinating the U.S. Government's efforts
    to implement the Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act of
    2018, 2018 Stabilization Assistance Review, and Global Fragility Act
    (2019) while integrating and advancing the Women, Peace, and Security
    Act (2017) as a cross-cutting priority. CSO informs key U.S.
    strategies, policies, and programs on conflict prevention and
    stabilization by combining quantitative data analytics with the
    qualitative expertise of its stabilization advisors, particularly in
    peace process support, security sector stabilization, and strategic
    prevention. Deployed CSO stabilization advisors provide technical
    conflict and stabilization expertise to DOD Geographic Combatant
    Commands and to U.S. embassies in Africa, Asia, Europe, the Middle
    East, and the Western Hemisphere.

        Question. Similarly, where is the Bureau better positioned to play
    a complementary role in efforts led by other agencies and State
    Department bureaus?

        Answer. Given its unique conflict expertise and advanced analytics
    tools, CSO complements other U.S. Government efforts to prevent
    conflict and promote stability by deploying Stabilization Advisors,
    harnessing data analytics, and leading, informing, and implementing
    policy and programs on conflict prevention and stabilization. If
    confirmed, I will continue CSO's close coordination with other State
    Department bureaus and other agencies, including the J Family Bureaus,
    the Office of Foreign Assistance, USAID's Bureau of Conflict Prevention
    and Stabilization (CPS), the Department of Defense Office of the Under
    Secretary of Defense, and the Department of Treasury.
        Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19): Many analysts have expressed
    concern regarding the potential impacts of COVID-19 on fragile states.

        Question. How would you prioritize addressing COVID-19-related
    challenges in the context of the many risk factors capable of
    exacerbating violence and instability in fragile states?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure CSO continues to consider the
    impact of COVID-19 as a risk factor for instability and the interacting
    effects of COVID-19 and other drivers of conflict. CSO is currently
    monitoring the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on countries
    experiencing fragility, including through disruptions to remittances
    and tourism revenues and the general capacity of states' ability to
    deliver medical and other services to their citizens. CSO is also
    monitoring state repression through exploiting lockdowns, delays in
    elections, and other warning signs of democratic backsliding. I will
    ensure this work continues, and I will work across the department and
    interagency to investigate how targeted outreach and programming may
    mitigate COVID-19-related challenges.
        Leveraging CSO Data Analytics: Former CSO officials have identified
    a need to ensure that CSO data analytics tools are utilized by other
    State Department officials and bureaus in policy and programming
    decisions.

        Question. Please share your understanding of how the State
    Department is currently leveraging CSO's analytics tools, such as its
    Instability Monitoring and Analysis Platform? If confirmed, how, if at
    all, would you work to ensure these tools are used more widely?

        Answer. If confirmed, I would ensure that CSO's analytics
    capabilities and tools continue to be incorporated into all aspects of
    CSO's work, including support for the Global Fragility Act (GFA), the
    Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act of 2018, and the
    Women, Peace, and Security Act. Since October 2019, CSO's analytics
    products have been requested and utilized by more than 50 State
    Department bureaus and embassies. CSO's Instability Monitoring and
    Analysis Platform (IMAP) provides all State Department employees and
    select interagency partners with global data analytics on state
    fragility, instability, and conflict, supporting the administration's
    policy to make evidence-based decisions guided by the best available
    data. I am eager to work with Congress to ensure that robust analytics
    continue to play a key role in CSO's work and to expanding
    opportunities for analytics to improve policies and programs at all
    levels.

    CSO's Role in Atrocity Prevention
        Question. What is CSO's role in interagency efforts related to
    atrocity prevention? And, what are the specific activities CSO has
    engaged in related to atrocity prevention?

        Answer. CSO supports the National Security Council process to
    coordinate interagency implementation of the Elie Wiesel Genocide and
    Atrocities Prevention Act of 2018 (Elie Wiesel Act) and serves as the
    Secretariat of the White House-led Atrocity Early Warning Task Force.
    In collaboration with other bureaus and agencies, CSO provides atrocity
    risk assessments for countries of concern and develops atrocity risk
    response plans targeted at likely pathways or scenarios to atrocities.
    CSO produces a classified quarterly Early Warning Assessment that
    identifies countries at risk of large-scale and deliberate civilian
    killings, a key indicator of potential atrocity. This assessment is one
    of three primary risk lists the Task Force uses to guide and prioritize
    its efforts. CSO funds a small amount of atrocity prevention
    programming, complementing efforts of other bureaus and agencies. To
    fulfill the Elie Wiesel Act's mandatory training requirements, CSO
    worked closely with stakeholders to develop the Department's first
    virtual atrocity prevention training that has trained over 2,700
    Department personnel since its launch in February, 2020.

    Role of Women in Conflict Stabilization
        Question. If confirmed, how, if at all, will you direct the CSO
    Bureau to continue implementing the U.S. Strategy on Women, Peace, and
    Security and elements of the Global Fragility Strategy focused on
    encouraging the meaningful participation of women in processes
    connected to peace and security?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will support CSO's robust Women, Peace, and
    Security (WPS) efforts. CSO works closely with the Secretary's Office
    of Global Women's Issues, among others, to ensure that conflict-
    sensitive gender analyses, data on gender-based violence, and
    meaningful consultations with local women and girls will inform the
    development, implementation, and monitoring of GFA implementation
    efforts. CSO developed a new Gender Analysis of Conflict Tool to guide
    more nuanced assessments of how gender norms drive both men and women
    towards violence or peace.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
               to Ms. Anne A. Witkowsky by Senator James E. Risch

    Mission and Mandate
        Question. In your view, what is the Bureau for Conflict and
    Stabilization Operations' mandate? Is CSO principally charged with
    policy formulation, program implementation, both, or none of the above?

       If confirmed, how would you work with the relevant regional and
            functional bureaus within the Department of State and with the
            relevant regional and functional bureaus at USAID to clarify
            roles and responsibilities, ensure unity of effort, and reduce
            duplication and waste?

        Answer. CSO's mandate is to anticipate, prevent, and respond to
    conflict that undermines U.S. national interests. CSO is charged with
    both policy formulation and program implementation. Among CSO's highest
    policy priorities are coordinating interagency implementation of the
    Global Fragility Act (2019), the 2018 Stabilization Assistance Review,
    and Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act of 2018.
        It is my understanding that CSO coordinates closely with other
    bureaus and agencies, and I am committed to ensuring unity of effort
    and preventing duplication, particularly among State, USAID and the
    Department of Defense. If confirmed, I will reinforce current
    coordination efforts to implement policy priorities.

    Global Fragility Act
        Question. In your view, what role should CSO play in country
    selection, strategy design, and program implementation under the Global
    Fragility Act?

        Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with my colleagues
    in the White House, across the U.S. interagency in Washington and the
    field, and with multilateral partners and civil society, to ensure full
    implementation of the Global Fragility Act (GFA), including country
    selection, strategy design, and program implementation. CSO's expertise
    and coordination role will be critical to innovative implementation of
    the GFA and will advance ongoing learning, monitoring, and adaptive
    management to inform policy and programming decisions.

        Question. Does CSO have the authority to act as arbiter of disputes
    between the relevant Federal departments and agencies charged with
    implementing the Global Fragility Act, to include U.S. embassies in
    selected partner countries?

        Answer. CSO does not currently have formal authority to act as
    arbiter of disputes among the relevant Federal departments and agencies
    charged with implementing the Global Fragility Act, to include U.S.
    embassies in selected partner countries. If confirmed, I will work
    closely with the White House, across the U.S. interagency including
    embassies and missions in the field, and with multilateral partners and
    civil society to implement fully the Global Fragility Act. I will work
    to enhance CSO's coordinating role and build consensus among all
    involved.

    Data, Analytics, and Early Warning
        Question. The White House-led Atrocity Early Warning Task Force
    (the Task Force) was designed to serve as a focal point for the
    relevant Federal departments and agencies, policy makers, and civil
    society working to identify and address the early warning signs of
    atrocities.

       If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure that existing and
            future data analytics and forecasting tools developed and
            managed by CSO are relevant and readily available for use
            within the Department, and by overseas missions?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that CSO commits and advocates
    for the necessary resources to keep its data analytics tools and
    capabilities freely available to support the Department and its
    overseas missions. My understanding is that all State Department
    employees and select interagency partners are able to freely access
    CSO's Instability Monitoring and Analysis Platform (IMAP) which
    includes global data analytics on conflict and instability, forecasting
    tools, and past reports and products. I look forward to engaging with
    you further on evidence-based policy making.

        Question. What is the task force's role in identifying security
    priorities and regional policy?

        Answer. The Atrocity Early Warning Task Force (AEWTF) coordinates a
    whole-of-government approach to strengthen the U.S. Government's
    ability to forecast, prevent, and respond to atrocities. To inform
    security and regional policy development, the Task Force conducts
    global atrocity risk forecasting, using both quantitative and
    qualitative methods, and shares early warning signs with policy
    decision-makers. The Task Force has worked closely with relevant
    regional directorates to conduct atrocity risk assessments and produce
    corresponding atrocity risk response plans for at-risk countries. The
    AEWTF is a functional Interagency Policy Committee, for which close and
    ongoing partnership with regional directorates and policy processes is
    critical. If confirmed, I will support CSO's role in atrocity
    prevention, which President Biden reaffirmed as a core moral obligation
    and national security priority for the United States.

        Question. How does the task force define success?

        Answer. My understanding is that the Atrocity Early Warning Task
    Force defines success as early warning leading to early action. This
    process includes early identification and communication of atrocity
    risk, development of atrocity risk assessments and response plans for
    countries at-risk, and securing long-term attention through integration
    of atrocity prevention in existing regional policy processes.

        Question. What efforts can the task force undertake to amplify
    public messaging on signs of atrocities and/or other conflict
    indicators?

        Answer. Pursuant to recommendations engendered by the Elie Wiesel
    Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act of 2018, the Atrocity Early
    Warning Task Force has progressed on improving public messaging through
    civil society, Hill, and public engagements. The 2021 congressional
    report - released by Secretary Blinken - sent a clear signal that the
    U.S. Government will publicly call out atrocities that have occurred or
    are ongoing - a strong risk factor for further atrocities. These
    efforts can be useful to shed light on, and raise the costs for,
    perpetrators of potential or ongoing atrocities, but their use must be
    weighed carefully according to context. If confirmed, I will evaluate
    where CSO should recommend the Task Force amplify its public messaging.

        Question. If confirmed, how would the Bureau of Conflict and
    Stabilization Operations address the on-going crisis in Afghanistan?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the Bureau of Conflict and
    Stabilization Operations (CSO) remains engaged in the Department's
    efforts to address the on-going crisis in Afghanistan through peace
    process support, atrocity prevention, and stabilization initiatives.
    CSO will continue to provide technical support to the U.S. Special
    Representative for Afghanistan Reconciliation (SRAR) and others
    involved in the negotiations. CSO will continue to participate in the
    interagency processes to mitigate atrocity risks facing women and
    minorities via planning discussions, recommendations for short- and
    long-term civilian protection, and atrocity risk analysis.

        Question. If confirmed, how would the Bureau of Conflict and
    Stabilization Operations address the on-going crisis in Tigray?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that CSO contributes to
    Department efforts to address the on-going crisis in Tigray by urging
    Ethiopians to come together to confront growing divisions. CSO
    currently supports efforts to promote a negotiated ceasefire and
    inclusive political dialogue to end the conflict in Tigray. CSO stands
    ready to support preparations to assist Ethiopians to advance post-
    election dialogue and national reconciliation in Ethiopia.

                                   __________

           Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
             to Ms. Anne A, Witkowsky by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin

    Ethiopia
        Question. As the second most populous country in the African
    continent and given its recent transition toward democracy in 2018 with
    the election of Prime Minister Abiy. With the recent June 21 general
    election and allegations of irregularities in the voting process,
    conflict and violence are expected to increase. The political violence
    has proven to have devastating impacts on the country, from disrupting
    Ethiopia's response to the COVID pandemic to the famine in the Tigray
    region which is reported to have spawned the most severe hunger crisis
    the world has seen in more than a decade. CSO's mission includes both
    conflict-resolution as well as crisis mitigation in regions determined
    to be vital to American interests.

       Does the current conflict in Ethiopia pose a threat to American
            interests and if so, in what ways?

        Answer. Yes. A secure, stable, peaceful, and developing Horn of
    Africa is critical to U.S. economic and security interests. Conflict
    and instability in Ethiopia adversely affect the entire Horn of Africa
    region. The United States has a strong interest in supporting democracy
    and human rights overseas, and the current conflict undermines these
    efforts. For that reason, the Biden-Harris administration has urged all
    parties to end the hostilities, pursue a negotiated ceasefire and
    inclusive political solution, and hold accountable all those
    responsible for human rights violations and abuses.

        Question. What steps could CSO take to ensure a fair and verifiable
    election to help secure democracy in Ethiopia and prevent further loss
    of life in the region? Is there a role for the bureau in such a
    situation?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that CSO continues to join
    Department leadership in supporting Ethiopians who exercised their
    right to vote on June 21. The Department is calling for the September 6
    elections to be free and fair. The September 6 elections will cover
    several areas that did not participate in the June elections due to
    logistical and security challenges. While elections alone are not a
    sufficient marker of democracy or true political reform, these
    elections are part of a democratic political process that should
    involve dialogue, cooperation, and compromise among all Ethiopians on
    the future of their country.

    Burma
        Question. On February 1, 2021, the military of Burma launched a
    military coup d'etat, endangering their nascent democracy by detaining
    State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and other
    members of parliament. The situation has been further escalated by
    gross human rights violations, including the ongoing ethnic cleansing
    of the Rohingya people. The coup has also sought to create ``media
    blackouts'' in the region, preventing information from leaving and
    entering Burma during a political and public health crisis. Senior
    generals of the Tatmadaw have been sanctioned by the United States
    Government for perpetrating gross human rights violations and are
    subject to ongoing investigations into their conduct by the
    International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice.

       What steps besides sanctions and investigations could the U.S.
            Government and its subsidiaries, such as the CSO, be taking to
            bring about an end to the military coup in Burma, especially
            considering that, as of today, the coup leaders remain in power
            and are continuing to persecute the Burmese people and foreign
            nationals, such as journalists, in what can only be described
            as authoritarianism in its most severe form?

        Answer. The United States has led the international community's
    immediate and forceful response to the military coup in Burma. The
    United States has galvanized allies and partners to take concrete
    action and urge the regime to end violence, release all those unjustly
    detained, and restore Burma's path to democracy. I understand that such
    efforts include diplomatic outreach to ASEAN members, Japan, the
    Republic of Korea, and other countries in the region. The
    administration has worked with international partners to deny the
    regime access to hundreds of millions of dollars in resources in
    international financial institutions, and pushed for an arms embargo as
    well as restrictions on exports of dual use technology. The Department
    continues to urge all countries to use all available levers to restrict
    the junta's access to financial institutions. If confirmed, I will work
    diligently to ensure that CSO continues to add value to State
    Department efforts to support the people of Burma.

    Stabilization Priorities
        Question. With many countries in conflicts to keep a close eye on
    around the world, it is important to assess how the US will engage in
    specific regions.

       If confirmed, what criteria would you utilize when assessing
            whether the United States should engage more in conflict-
            affected countries and regions?

        Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to strengthen CSO's
    analytical capacities to incorporate data, evidence, and quantitative
    and qualitative methods into policy-making and priority setting as the
    Department assesses its engagement in conflict-affected countries and
    regions. CSO's analytical tools provide the State Department and
    interagency partners with a basis for decision making on state
    fragility, instability, and conflict. I understand that among other
    factors, CSO is monitoring the impacts of climate change, the COVID-19
    pandemic, gender inequality, human rights abuses, and democratic
    backsliding, to understand how these factors impact conflict risk, how
    targeted intervention might mitigate these trends, and what adjustments
    might be recommended for policy focus and attention.

        Question. With these criteria in mind, are there any countries or
    regions where conflict is either already evident or at risk of
    occurring where you believe the United States should consider
    dedicating more resources and attention?

        Answer. It will be critical to monitor and address the broader,
    regional impact of the situations in those countries laid out in this
    year's Elie Wiesel Act report to Congress, including Ethiopia and
    Burma. If confirmed I will ensure CSO provides full analysis of
    conflict criteria as the Department determines its engagement in
    countries or regions where conflict is already evident or at risk of
    occurring.

                                   __________