[Senate Hearing 117-279]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]


                                                      S. Hrg. 117-279

                        WESTERN BALKANS: SUPPORTING 
                          PEACE AND PROSPERITY

=======================================================================

                                HEARING

                               BEFORE THE

                       SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPE AND
                     REGIONAL SECURITY COOPERATION

                                 OF THE
                                 
                     COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
                          UNITED STATES SENATE

                    ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS

                             SECOND SESSION
                               __________

                            FEBRUARY 16, 2022

                               __________

       Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
       
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                  Available via http://www.govinfo.gov

                               __________

                    U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE                    
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                 COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS        

             ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman        
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland         JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire        MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware       RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut      MITT ROMNEY, Utah
TIM KAINE, Virginia                  ROB PORTMAN, Ohio
EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts      RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon                 TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey           JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii                 TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland           MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota
                                     BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
                 Damian Murphy, Staff Director        
        Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director        
                    John Dutton, Chief Clerk        


                   SUBCOMMITTEE ON EUROPE AND        
                 REGIONAL SECURITY COOPERATION        

            JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire, Chairman        
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland         RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut      JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland           MITT ROMNEY, Utah
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware       ROB PORTMAN, Ohio
                                     TODD YOUNG, Indiana

                              (ii)        

                      C  O  N  T  E  N  T  S

                              ----------                              
                                                                   Page

Shaheen, Hon. Jeanne, U.S. Senator From New Hampshire............     1

Johnson, Hon. Ron, U.S. Senator From Wisconsin...................     3

    Prepared Statement...........................................     4

Escobar, Gabriel, Special Representative for the Western Balkans, 
  Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Europe and Eurasian 
  Affairs, U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC..............     4
    Prepared Statement...........................................     6

Lisa Magno, Deputy Assistant Administrator for the Bureau for 
  Europe and Eurasia, U.S. Agency for International Development, 
  Washington, DC.................................................     8
    Prepared Statement...........................................     9

              Additional Material Submitted for the Record

Responses of Mr. Gabriel Escobar to Questions Submitted by 
  Senator Robert Menendez........................................    25

Letters From the Embassies of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, 
  Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia Concerning the 
  Western 
  Balkans........................................................    27

                                 (iii)
 
 
                      WESTERN BALKANS: SUPPORTING 
                          PEACE AND PROSPERITY

                              ----------                              


                      WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 2022

                           U.S. Senate,    
        Subcommittee on Europe and Regional
                              Security Cooperation,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:00 a.m., in 
room SD-G50, Dirksen Senate Office Building, and via Webex, 
Hon. Jeanne Shaheen, chairman of the subcommittee, presiding.
    Present: Senators Shaheen [presiding], Menendez, Cardin, 
Murphy, Van Hollen, Johnson, Romney, and Young.

           OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN, 
                U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE

    Senator Shaheen. Good morning. This meeting of the Senate 
Foreign Relations Europe Subcommittee will come to order. I am 
pleased to be joined by Ranking Member Senator Johnson from 
Wisconsin, as well as Senator Murphy, from Connecticut.
    Supporting peace in the Western Balkans remains an 
important U.S. priority, and I hope that our discussion today 
will address how Congress can best support the efforts that are 
already underway.
    There should be no question as to why this region matters 
for U.S. security. It was not that long ago that we witnessed 
the breakup of the former Yugoslav Republic and saw the 
horrible and unrepeatable tragedy of war in the region. It has 
been a priority in the ensuing decades to repair the damage 
from that conflict and build a prosperous and peaceful region 
in the heart of Europe.
    I had the privilege of visiting the Western Balkans in 
2010, and I returned several times, most recently to 
commemorate the 20th anniversary of the Srebrenica massacre. 
Together, we have witnessed remarkable progress for peace, 
democracy, and equality in the region. Montenegro and Serbia 
have opened accession negotiations with the EU. Similarly, 
Albania and North Macedonia are awaiting the official opening 
of EU accession talks. Albania, Montenegro, and North Macedonia 
are now members of NATO. We have deep engagement through 
diplomatic and defense relations, including a recently 
announced forward-based Special Operations Forces headquarters 
in Albania.
    There are also concerning developments in areas where we 
still need to improve the pace of progress. That is why we have 
convened this hearing today and very much appreciate our 
witnesses joining us.
    Bosnia faces an uncertain future, as Bosnian Serb leader 
Milorad Dodik wants to undermine the unifying government by 
pushing for the secession of the Republika Srpska. His efforts 
to withdraw key institutions from the unified state risk the 
unity at the heart of the Bosnian state. At the same time, 
political power struggles prevent the government from 
functioning and corruption stalls economic development, driving 
young people to flee the country.
    Across the Balkans, improving economic development and 
prosperity is a key concern for ensuring a stable and 
democratic future. To address a lack of employment and prevent 
young people from seeking prosperity elsewhere, we must look 
toward better regional economic integration, like that of the 
Open Balkans Initiative, which shows promise for building 
connections among neighboring economies.
    Another sign of a robust democracy is a government that is 
transparent and accountable to its people. Here, too, we are 
seeing positive developments, as we have seen major reforms, 
particularly in the judicial sector take hold in some countries 
in the region.
    I also want to express, at the outset, my appreciation for 
those Balkan states who stepped up to host Afghan refugees who 
are awaiting resettlement in the United States and other 
countries. It is especially poignant that in a region which has 
long known conflict, many are opening their arms to people 
fleeing conflict on their own, and here in the United States we 
very much appreciate that.
    Finally, we have seen years of hard-won peace in the 
Western Balkans, but as is often the case, this is a fragile 
peace that requires constant attention to maintain. With the 
events in Ukraine and with Russia's continued threats to 
democratic values there and around the world, it is all the 
more important that we stay the course in the Western Balkans. 
That is why I have been pleased with the high level of 
engagement from this Administration in the past few months, and 
I want to acknowledge the efforts of the State Department and 
USAID, including Administrator Power's recent visit to the 
region.
    I also want to recognize the embassies who have submitted 
letters for this hearing: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, 
Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia. Without 
objection, these statements will be entered into the record.

[Editor's note.--The information referred to above can be found 
in the ``Additional Material Submitted for the Record'' section 
at the end of this hearing.]

    Senator Shaheen. Once again, before I introduce the people 
testifying today, I just want to take a minute to reiterate the 
need for us to act to get U.S. ambassadors in place. Currently, 
we are awaiting a vote on nominee Christopher Hill to be 
Ambassador to Serbia. Ambassador Hill is a career diplomat, one 
with extensive experience in the region, and his expertise is 
needed to advance our national security priorities there. So I 
am hopeful that we will see Congress move on his appointment as 
soon as possible.
    We must not underestimate the importance of keeping a 
critical eye on issues of concern in the Western Balkans while 
working at the same time to build a positive and prosperous 
future that is grounded in European integration. I hope this 
hearing will help us in that.
    Let me just introduce our witnesses who will begin after 
Senator Johnson's remarks.
    Our first witness today is Deputy Assistant Secretary of 
State for the Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs at the 
Department of State, Gabriel Escobar. Mr. Escobar also holds 
the title of Special Representative to the Western Balkans, 
where he has been numerous times since his appointment last 
fall. Mr. Escobar is no stranger to the region, having most 
recently served overseas as the Deputy Chief of Mission in 
Embassy Belgrade.
    His Balkan expertise goes back even farther in his long 
career as a diplomat. From 1998 to 2001, Mr. Escobar completed 
four consecutive tours in the Balkans, in Banja Luka, Bosnia 
and Herzegovina, Podgorica, and Belgrade. We are fortunate to 
have someone with such deep and longstanding knowledge of the 
region in your position, Mr. Escobar, and we very much look 
forward to hearing your testimony.
    Ms. Lisa Magno is Deputy Assistant Administrator in the 
Bureau for Europe and Eurasia at the U.S. Agency for 
International Development. Ms. Magno also comes from a recent 
tour in the region. She was the USAID Mission Director in 
Kosovo for 3 years. Her experience with USAID over the last 30 
years has taken her all over East Asia and Latin America, where 
she has worked closely with civil society and local partners 
implementing USAID programs. We are grateful to have Ms. Magno 
here representing USAID and the work they do in the region, 
which we know is very important for Administrator Power.
    So with that I will turn to the Ranking Member, Senator 
Johnson, and when he is finished ask our witnesses to testify. 
Senator Johnson.

                STATEMENT OF HON. RON JOHNSON, 
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN

    Senator Johnson. Well thank you, Madam Chair. I would also 
like to welcome our witnesses. I am looking forward to your 
testimony and our discussion regarding the Western Balkans.
    I think it was kind of noteworthy about this hearing. By 
the way, I would just ask my written opening statement be 
entered into the record, because I would be repeating an awful 
lot of things that you just stated, and I think that is what is 
noteworthy. I have been a member of this committee and 
subcommittee for a number of years, and we certainly have begun 
focusing more on the Western Balkans. I know the countries of 
the region want U.S. involvement. I think it is obviously 
interesting. It seems like they want our involvement in their 
disputes, and they want us to side with them, impose a 
solution. We are just not going to do that. We are not going to 
do it on a bipartisan basis.
    Whether it was this Administration or the previous 
Administration, or the Administration before that, we have been 
paying attention to the region because we realize stability in 
the Western Balkans is important. We want to be supportive of 
stability. We are concerned about China's initiative. We want 
them to embrace the rule of law, reduce corruption, so that 
foreign investment can flow in there, the right kind of foreign 
investment.
    So I think the fact that we are holding this hearing should 
send a very strong signal that we are paying attention, we want 
to be supportive, we are not going to impose solutions, and on 
a bipartisan basis. Regardless of Administration, regardless of 
Republican or Democrat, we want to see peace and stability in 
the region, and we are going to be supportive of it.
    So with that I will enter my remarks into the record and 
look forward to the testimony.
    [The prepared statement of Senator Ron Johnson follows:]

               Prepared Statement of Senator Ron Johnson

    Thank you Senator Shaheen.
    Today's hearing will examine recent developments in Southeast 
Europe, specifically in the Western Balkans, and U.S. policy options 
for the region. Many Western Balkan countries are still seeking greater 
European and transatlantic integration, and U.S. interests would be 
well served by helping them achieve it.
    There has been significant progress in the Balkans over the last 
decade. Yes, considerable challenges remain, but solving them does not 
require any great U.S. expenditure; it requires U.S. patience and 
leadership. Again and again, we have seen consistent U.S. diplomatic 
engagement help overcome intractable disputes in the Western Balkans. 
Our goal here today is to examine the Administration's plans for 
furthering that record.
    NATO and EU integration remain critical incentives for Western 
Balkan countries to make the difficult reforms needed to combat 
corruption and strengthen the rule of law. Building transparent and 
impartial legal systems is essential for attracting the foreign 
investment needed for growth and to offer young people enough economic 
opportunity to stay in their home countries. And there is real progress 
on many fronts. In Albania, North Macedonia, and last month in Serbia, 
major judicial reforms have brought these countries closer to EU 
standards and boosted their EU aspirations.
    In 2017 and 2019, I had the honor of presiding over the Senate as 
we voted overwhelmingly to welcome Montenegro and North Macedonia into 
NATO. Four of the seven Western Balkan nations are now in the alliance, 
Albania and Croatia having joined in 2009. Last year, I was at the 
White House for the signing of the Washington Agreement between Kosovo 
and Serbia. Albania and North Macedonia are well on their way to being 
welcomed as the next EU members. While Serbia, Kosovo, and Bosnia and 
Herzegovina still have a ways to go, their transatlantic trajectory is 
clear. We must build on the progress made already, prioritize Serbia 
and Kosovo normalization, and continue to push Bosnia and Herzegovina 
to enact needed electoral and constitutional reforms.
    We have only to look to the crisis unfolding on Ukraine's borders 
to grasp the importance of European and transatlantic integration for 
all of the Western Balkan nations. The United States wants peace, 
prosperity, security, and freedom for the people of the region. There 
should be a sense of urgency to ensure that progress on European 
integration in the Western Balkans continues, and U.S. leadership will 
continue to be vital.
    I look forward to hearing from our witnesses today about the Biden 
administration's strategy for promoting progress and prosperity in the 
region.

    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much, Senator Johnson. DAS 
Escobar, we will ask you to begin.

 STATEMENT OF GABRIEL ESCOBAR, SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE FOR THE 
WESTERN BALKANS, DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR EUROPE 
 AND EURASIAN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, DC

    Mr. Escobar. Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Johnson, 
distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank you for 
inviting me to discuss engagement in the Western Balkans. A 
Europe free, whole, and at peace remains in the United States' 
vital interest and at the core of our policy. The Western 
Balkans is central to this vision, although its potential 
remains unfulfilled. The Biden administration recognizes this 
challenge and remains committed to this region, which is an 
indivisible part of Europe. Our longstanding diplomatic 
engagement supports the Western Balkans' full integration into 
Euro-Atlantic structures. A stronger Balkans, integrated in a 
stronger Europe, means a stronger transatlantic community.
    The United States continues to deepen our partnerships in 
the region. In the past few months, we celebrated 140 years of 
diplomatic relations with Serbia and held our first bilateral 
defense consultations in 5 years. We announced a forward-based 
Special Operations Forces headquarters in Albania, welcomed 
Croatia into the visa waiver program, and relied heavily on our 
partners in Kosovo, Albania, and North Macedonia in an hour of 
need to temporarily host thousands of Afghan evacuees.
    We continue to build America's economic ties to the region. 
In the past year, we launched the inaugural U.S.-Montenegro 
economic dialogue, bolstered European energy security through 
projects in Albania and Croatia, and celebrated significant 
investments by U.S. firms in Serbia.
    Our partners are set on integrating with the European 
Union. Single market and regional initiatives such as the EU 
Common Regional Market, Open Balkan, and Green Agenda show that 
deeper economic cooperation is indispensable for growth and EU 
membership. There are vast opportunities for U.S. businesses, 
and we encourage countries to strengthen the rule of law, fight 
corruption, and increase transparency to expand investment 
opportunities. These reforms will increase prosperity, 
prioritize clean energy, and stem the brain drain.
    Indicators of progress toward EU integration include deeper 
regional cooperation and growing democratic and economic 
development. We have seen earnest efforts to strengthen 
democratic institutions and counter corruption in the region, 
but there have also been setbacks. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, 
the ongoing political crisis and endemic corruption hurts its 
citizens and jeopardizes regional stability, Euro-Atlantic 
integration, and progress achieved since the Dayton Peace 
Accords.
    We continue to make clear to all leaders that de-escalation 
of rhetoric and resolution of differences through 
constitutional processes are the only paths in democracy. Along 
with our European partners, we are vigorously engaged with 
local actors to find ways forward on the path from Dayton to 
Brussels, including through step-by-step reforms that will 
benefit all of the citizens.
    The need for dialogue, compromise, and reform applies 
across the region. We strongly back the EU-facilitated dialogue 
to normalize relationships between Kosovo and Serbia. The 
dialogue is the forum in which both sides, as equals, must work 
together to resolve their differences and find a comprehensive 
agreement, which both countries need for the European futures. 
We believe this effort should be centered on mutual 
recognition.
    We continue to work with our EU partners to advance EU 
integration in the region and reinforce the importance of 
keeping Europe's doors open as the most important incentive for 
reforms. North Macedonia and Albania have made significant 
reforms and sacrifice, and deserve to advance in the accession 
process. Forward momentum would be important proof for the 
entire region that difficult compromises enable a better 
future.
    Conversely, our warning to actors who engage in corrupt, 
destabilizing, or anti-democratic behavior is clear: there will 
be consequences. In December, we utilized Global Magnitsky 
authorities against an organized criminal group operating in 
the region. In January, the Treasury Department designated 
Milorad Dodik and a television station under his control using 
new Western Balkans sanctions authority. The State Department 
also imposed visa restrictions under our Section 7031(c) 
authorities against corrupt officials. We will use all 
available tools to hold accountable those who block the 
region's progress for their own financial and political gain.
    Regional progress is also threatened by foreign political 
and economic influences from Russia and China. Russia 
weaponizes its energy supply to coerce politicians, foster 
corruption, and stunt growth potential. It also fans ethno-
nationalism and divides and distracts from a brighter future. 
The People's Republic of China is expanding its presence by 
building critical infrastructure through opaque and predatory 
loans and so-called investments. Promoting transparent 
governance, human rights, and a rules-based international order 
will remain the core of our engagement against these 
destabilizing activities.
    In closing, the Western Balkans have been the focus of 
sustained U.S. engagement, investment, and bipartisan support 
for three decades. The results are clear: the countries of the 
former Yugoslavia now include four NATO allies and two EU 
member states. Among the countries of the Western Balkans, four 
are NATO allies and all are either EU aspirants or EU member 
states.
    Our job is not over. Our continued leadership, including 
here in the Senate, remains essential to completing the 
transformation of the Western Balkans into stronger partners, 
able to contribute to global peace and prosperity. We continue 
to stress the need for a fully confirmed slate of ambassadors 
in the Western Balkans, most notably our nominee to Serbia, who 
is awaiting confirmation by the full Senate. I will continue to 
work with Congress on this effort and welcome your questions. 
Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Escobar follows:]

               Prepared Statement of Mr. Gabriel Escobar

    Chairwoman Shaheen, Ranking Member Johnson, distinguished Members 
of the Subcommittee, thank you for inviting me to discuss engagement in 
the Western Balkans. A Europe free, whole, prosperous, and at peace 
remains in the United States' vital interest and at the core of our 
policy. The Western Balkans is central to this vision, although its 
potential remains unfulfilled. The Biden administration recognizes this 
challenge and remains committed to this region, which is historically, 
politically, culturally, and geographically an indivisible part of 
Europe. Our longstanding diplomatic engagement supports the Western 
Balkans' full integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. A stronger 
Balkans, integrated in a stronger Europe, makes a stronger 
Transatlantic Partnership.
    To these ends, the United States continues to deepen our 
longstanding partnerships in the region. In the past few months alone, 
we: celebrated 140 years of diplomatic relations with Serbia and held 
our first bilateral defense consultations in 5 years; announced a 
forward-based special operations forces headquarters in Albania; 
welcomed Croatia into the visa waiver program to expand bilateral 
travel and commerce; and relied heavily on our partners in Kosovo, 
Albania, and North Macedonia in an hour of need to temporarily host 
thousands of Afghan evacuees.
    We also continue to build America's economic ties to the region. In 
the past year, we launched the inaugural U.S.-Montenegro economic 
dialogue, bolstered European energy security through projects in 
Albania and Croatia, and celebrated significant investments by U.S. 
firms in Serbia. Our partners in the Western Balkans are set on 
integrating more closely with the EU single market, and we continue to 
support them. Regional initiatives such as the EU Common Regional 
Market, Open Balkan, and Green Agenda show that deeper economic 
integration and cooperation are indispensable for sustainable growth 
and EU membership. There are vast opportunities for U.S. businesses, 
and we continue to encourage countries to strengthen rule of law, fight 
corruption, and increase transparency to expand investment 
opportunities. The necessary reforms will increase prosperity, 
prioritize sustainable investments and clean energy, and stem brain 
drain. They will also reduce politically driven investment from outside 
actors and build the foundations for good neighborly relations and 
stable governance.
    Indicators of progress toward EU integration of the Western Balkans 
include deeper regional cooperation and growing democratic and economic 
development. In some countries of the region, we have seen earnest 
efforts to strengthen democratic institutions and counter corruption. 
This is not the case in all countries of the Western Balkans, and there 
have been setbacks. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the ongoing political 
crisis and endemic corruption hurts its citizens, and jeopardizes 
regional stability, its Euro-Atlantic trajectory, and the progress 
achieved since the Dayton Peace Accords. We continue to make clear to 
all leaders that de-escalation of rhetoric and the resolution of 
differences through established constitutional processes are the only 
viable paths to a democratic, European future. Along with our European 
partners, we are vigorously engaged with local actors to find ways 
forward and advance along the path from Dayton to Brussels, including 
through step-by-step reforms that will benefit all citizens.
    The need for dialogue, compromise, and reform applies across the 
region. We strongly back the EU-facilitated Dialogue to normalize 
relations between Kosovo and Serbia. The Dialogue is the forum in which 
both sides, as equals, must work to resolve their differences and find 
a comprehensive agreement, which both countries need for their European 
futures. We believe this effort should be centered on mutual 
recognition.
    The United States continues to work with our EU partners to advance 
EU integration for all countries in the region and to reinforce that 
the reforms that are part of the accession process bring their own 
benefits. At the same time, we stress to our EU partners the importance 
of keeping Europe's doors open, as this is the most important incentive 
generating political will for critical but sometimes-difficult reforms. 
North Macedonia and Albania have made significant reforms and 
sacrifices, and both countries deserve to advance in the accession 
process. Forward momentum would be important proof for the entire 
region that difficult compromises enable a better future.
    Conversely, our warning to actors in the region who engage in 
corrupt, destabilizing, or anti-democratic behavior is clear: there 
will be consequences. In December, we utilized Global Magnitsky 
authorities against an organized criminal group operating in the 
region. In January, the Treasury Department designated Milorad Dodik 
for his corrupt and destabilizing behavior and a television station 
under his control using the new Western Balkans sanctions authority. 
The State Department also imposed visa restrictions under our Section 
7031(c) authorities against corrupt officials in Bosnia and 
Herzegovina. The United States will continue to use all available tools 
to hold accountable those who block the region's progress for their own 
financial or political gain.
    Regional progress is also threatened by the harmful foreign 
political and economic influences of Russia and China. Russia 
weaponizes its energy supply to coerce politicians, foster corruption, 
and stunt growth potential. It also fans ethno-nationalism that divides 
and distracts from a brighter future. The People's Republic of China 
(PRC) is expanding its presence by building critical infrastructure 
through opaque and predatory loans and ``investments.'' Promoting 
transparent governance, human rights, and a rules-based international 
order will remain the core tenet of our engagement against these 
destabilizing activities in the Western Balkans.
    In closing, for the past three decades, the Western Balkans have 
been the focus of sustained U.S. engagement, investment, and bipartisan 
support. The results are clear: the countries of the former Yugoslavia 
now include four NATO Allies and two EU member states. Among the 
countries of the Western Balkans, four are NATO allies and all either 
share the strategic goal of deeper Western integration as EU aspirants 
or are EU members. Our job is not over. Continued leadership from the 
United States, including here in the Senate, remains essential to 
completing the transformation of the Western Balkans into stronger 
allies, Transatlantic partners and contributors to global peace and 
prosperity. We continue to stress the need for a fully confirmed Slate 
of Ambassadors in the Western Balkans, most notably our nominee to 
Serbia, who is still awaiting confirmation by the full Senate. I will 
continue to work with Congress on this effort and welcome your 
questions.

    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. Ms. Magno.

STATEMENT OF LISA MAGNO, DEPUTY ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR FOR THE 
 BUREAU FOR EUROPE AND EURASIA, U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL 
                  DEVELOPMENT, WASHINGTON, DC

    Ms. Magno. Thank you. Chairperson Shaheen, Ranking Member 
Johnson, distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank you 
for inviting me to discuss the U.S. Agency for International 
Development's work in the Western Balkans. Thanks to generous 
bipartisan support from Congress, USAID has partnered with 
citizens and governments of the region to support their 
aspirations for a democratic and economically prosperous 
future. Starting with Bosnia and Herzegovina, during USAID 
Administrator Samantha Power's recent trip, she made clear that 
the peaceful and prosperous future for BiH depends on all 
political leaders and citizens working together to advance the 
reforms necessary to achieve BiH's democratic and economic 
aspirations.
    In Serbia and Kosovo, USAID continues to support the 
European Union-led dialogue and its goal of comprehensive 
normalization of relations, including initiatives to promote 
regional economic operation. In Kosovo, where I recently serve 
as USAID's Mission Director, USAID is increasing citizen demand 
for accountable institutions and promoting democratic and 
economic opportunities for all of Kosovo's citizens. USAID will 
also continue to assess the Serbian people and the Serbian 
Government to advance democratic and economic reforms.
    In Albania, USAID assistance is addressing corruption, one 
of its toughest remaining development challenges. Similarly, in 
North Macedonia, USAID assistance is countering corruption, 
enhancing business competitiveness, and increasing 
opportunities for young people to contribute to the economy and 
their communities.
    From the pandemic to youth brain drain, USAID recognizes 
that many of the barriers to further economic and democratic 
progress are regional in nature and therefore require a 
regional response. USAID assists countries in confronting 
common challenges such as support the independent media and 
cross-border economic linkages.
    Beyond corruption, the pandemic is one of the most urgent 
regional challenges which has wrought damage on the health and 
economies of the Western Balkans. USAID is part of the overall 
U.S. Government response to COVID-19 in the region. In 
addition, USAID is also assisting enterprises to survive the 
pandemic and prepare for an increasingly digital economy.
    Whether it is the Kremlin's efforts to subvert the region's 
fledgling democracies or the People's Republic of China's 
intention to capture partner economies, foreign malign 
influence is capable of reversing progress. USAID's Countering 
Malign Kremlin Influence Development Framework informs our 
programming, which supports democracy and political processes, 
enables the media environment to resist disinformation, and 
diversifies economic relationships to minimize reliance on 
Moscow.
    A key tenet to countering the PRC's efforts to gain 
political and economic leverage in the region is ensuring 
partner countries are able to make informed choices and 
identify viable investment alternatives that do not require 
them to sacrifice their long-term interests in favor of short-
term gains.
    USAID, in coordination with interagency partners, is 
developing a program to help partner governments understand 
investment flows, identify beneficial ownership, assess risk 
and opportunities, and analyze transaction terms to ensure 
transparent, beneficial investments consistent with national 
interests.
    This winter's acute energy crisis across the European 
continent has underscored the importance of USAID's energy 
programming. USAID is enabling partner countries to build and 
expand regional energy markets, diversify energy supplies, and 
build resilience in the system. This foundational work will 
strengthen the region's energy security and advance a 
sustainable and just clean energy transition.
    As we discuss the remaining significant challenges it is 
equally important to highlight the strength of our partnership 
with countries in the region. This year, our partners stepped 
up to support at-risk Afghans who were evacuated or fled from 
Afghanistan in August 2021. North Macedonia, Kosovo, and 
Albania provided refuge to approximately 4,500 at-risk 
individuals. We are tremendously grateful for the refuge our 
partners continue to provide.
    In closing, I want to underscore that the Western Balkans 
region holds tremendous potential to demonstrate that democracy 
delivers. Ensuring that the region continues on this path will 
require a united front with partner governments committed to 
reform, citizens who continue to advocate for democracy, 
transparency, and rule of law, and coordinated assistance 
between the European Union and USAID. Assistance must also 
continue to be responsive to external threats to the region's 
Euro-Atlantic future.
    I look forward to continuing to work with Congress and 
welcome your questions. Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Magno follows:]

                  Prepared Statement of Ms. Lisa Magno

    Chairperson Shaheen, Ranking Member Johnson, distinguished Members 
of the Subcommittee, thank you for inviting me to discuss the U.S. 
Agency for International Development's (USAID) work in the Western 
Balkans.
    For over three decades, USAID has partnered with the citizens and 
governments of the region to support their aspirations for a 
democratic, economically prosperous future firmly grounded in European 
institutions. Thanks to generous bipartisan support from Congress, 
USAID assistance is helping our partners to tackle both the internal 
and external challenges slowing their path towards Euro-Atlantic 
integration. Your support also allows the agency to remain agile and to 
adjust to the shifting political dynamics of the region, including 
responding to foreign malign actors who seek to disrupt democratic 
progress, undermine institutions, exercise economic and political 
leverage, and ultimately reverse the hard won democratic and economic 
gains of the past 30 years.
    During USAID Administrator Samantha Power's recent trip to Bosnia 
and Herzegovina (BiH) she made clear that a peaceful and prosperous 
future for BiH depends on all political leaders and citizens working 
together to advance the reforms necessary to achieve BiH's democratic 
and economic aspirations. She further underscored throughout her visit 
that USAID will continue to support all those working to build a more 
stable, inclusive, democratic future for BiH. USAID's focus is on 
fighting corruption, strengthening rule of law, fostering 
entrepreneurship, promoting reconciliation, and creating a transparent 
business environment which attracts investment and ensures young people 
have a reason to stay and build their lives in BiH.
    In Serbia and Kosovo, USAID continues to support the European Union 
(EU)-led Dialogue and its goal of comprehensive normalization of 
relations, which the United States believes must be based on mutual 
recognition. We also support any initiatives to promote regional 
economic cooperation that will help prepare the countries of the region 
to meet their requirements for EU accession, and we believe these 
initiatives should be broadly open to all countries of the region. In 
addition, USAID is launching a regional reconciliation program that 
will focus on cross-border people-to-people activities between Serbia, 
BiH, and Kosovo. Bilaterally, USAID's strategy in Kosovo seeks to 
strengthen and increase citizen demand for accountable institutions and 
promote democratic and economic opportunities for all of Kosovo's 
citizens. USAID will also continue to assist the Serbian people and the 
Serbian government to advance democratic and economic reforms and meet 
the challenge of malign influence. In both countries, USAID is working 
with our partners to enhance the accountability of government 
institutions and build a business enabling environment which attracts 
investment and fosters small and medium sized enterprises (SME) growth 
and innovation.
    USAID assistance in Albania takes a targeted approach to address 
one of Albania's toughest remaining development challenges, countering 
corruption. USAID has also been a ready partner with Albania in times 
of crisis, from providing firefighting expertise during the 2021 
wildfires to responding to COVID-19. Similarly in North Macedonia, 
USAID assistance is countering corruption, enhancing the 
competitiveness of SMEs, supporting North Macedonia's response to the 
pandemic, and increasing opportunities for young people to contribute 
to the economy and their communities.
    From the pandemic to youth brain drain, USAID recognizes that many 
of the barriers to further economic and democratic progress are 
regional in nature and therefore require a regional response. USAID 
funds a range of regional initiatives that reinforce and coordinate 
with bilateral programs and engage on issues that are inherently 
regional in nature, such as programs that promote trade facilitation 
and regional energy security. USAID also invests in areas where there 
is the opportunity to achieve economies of scale to assist countries 
confronting common challenges, such as support to independent media and 
cross-border economic linkages. For example, through our regional media 
programs, we are helping journalists to produce high quality content, 
enhance their digital security, and build sustainable financial models 
so that they can continue to produce independent, fact-based journalism 
and keep communities informed. This work includes support for 
investigative journalists committed to uncovering systemic corruption 
in the region. USAID's regional civil society program increases the 
capacity of civil society to promote local, national and regional 
reforms in the Balkans. Our flagship regional economic growth 
activities are working across borders, and in concert with our 
bilateral activities, to improve the region's business enabling 
environment, reduce barriers to trade, enhance the competitiveness of 
businesses in the region, and increase access to finance.
    Beyond corruption, one of the most urgent regional challenges in 
the past 2 years to furthering prosperity in the region is the damage 
wrought by the pandemic on the health and economies of the Western 
Balkans. USAID has supported the response to COVID-19 in all of our 
partner countries in the Western Balkans. Through USAID, the U.S. 
Government has provided vaccines and medical, testing and laboratory 
equipment, helped schools adapt to online and hybrid learning, 
supported social entrepreneurship, upgraded sanitation and hygiene in 
medical facilities, provided critical hygiene supplies, helped to 
combat vaccine mis- and dis-information, and put shots into arms. 
Further, USAID is assisting enterprises to pivot to domestic tourism, 
engage in e-commerce, and enable access to capital through the creation 
of alternative financing mechanisms and by assisting businesses to 
negotiate bank loans. All of this work will not only help SMEs to 
survive the pandemic but will prepare them to engage in an increasingly 
digital economy as the pandemic subsides.
    Whether it is the Kremlin's efforts to subvert the region's 
fledgling democracies and shape political decisions abroad, or the 
People's Republic of China's (PRC) intention to capture partner 
economies and undermine sovereign decision-making, foreign malign 
influence is capable of reversing the tremendous progress that has been 
made in over 30 years. USAID targets its efforts to address these 
external challenges to regional stability. USAID's Countering Malign 
Kremlin Influence (CMKI) Development Framework in the Western Balkans 
informs programming that is strengthening vulnerable sectors in each 
country, including support for democracy and political processes, 
enabling the media environment to resist disinformation, and 
diversifying economic relationships to minimize reliance on Moscow. To 
address the PRC's efforts in the region, our programs seek to limit the 
PRC's economic and political influence gained through debt dependency, 
opportunistic economic engagements and trade imbalances; to counter its 
export of corruption, disinformation and pro-authoritarian narratives; 
and to reduce partner countries' technological and energy 
vulnerabilities to PRC influence. A key tenet to countering the PRC's 
efforts to gain political and economic leverage in the region is 
ensuring partner countries are able to make informed choices and 
identifying viable investment alternatives that do not require them to 
sacrifice their long-term interests in favor of short-term gains. In 
addition to new programming on cyber security and investigative 
journalism, USAID, in coordination with interagency partners, is 
developing a program to help partner governments understand investment 
flows, identify beneficial ownership, assess risks and opportunities, 
and analyze transaction terms to ensure transparent, beneficial 
investments consistent with national interests.
    This winter's acute energy crisis across the European continent, 
leading multiple countries in the Western Balkans to declare national 
emergencies, has underscored the importance of USAID's efforts to 
enable partner countries to build and expand regional energy markets, 
diversify energy supplies, and build resilience in the system. This 
foundational work will strengthen the region's energy security and 
advance a sustainable and just energy transition to a clean energy 
future. USAID's support for long-term planning, policy reforms, and 
market integration has enabled Southeast Europe to invest more than $10 
billion in the electricity network and new generation, expand solar and 
wind generation, and lay the groundwork for stronger, more diversified 
markets connected with the EU.
    As we discuss the significant challenges that remain, it is equally 
important to highlight the strength of our partnership with countries 
in the region. This year, our partners in the Western Balkans stepped 
up to support at risk Afghans who were evacuated or fled from 
Afghanistan in August 2021. North Macedonia, Kosovo, and Albania 
provided refuge to approximately 4,500 at risk Afghans. In Albania, 
USAID is providing support to the government of Albania to strengthen 
the resilience of national systems and improve quality and access to 
needed services by vulnerable populations, including those relocated 
from Afghanistan, during times of disruption or shock. In North 
Macedonia, USAID is planning new programming which will ensure Afghan 
children have access to education and that evacuees have access to 
legal support and essential health services. We are tremendously 
grateful for the refuge our partners continue to provide for the 
evacuees.
    In closing, I want to underscore that the Western Balkans region 
holds tremendous potential to illustrate to the world that democracy 
delivers. Ensuring that the region continues on this path will require 
a united front with partner governments committed to reform, citizens 
who continue to advocate for democracy, transparency, and rule of law, 
and coordinated assistance between the EU and USAID which targets the 
fundamental challenges which are holding these nations back. Assistance 
must also continue to be responsive to external threats to the region's 
Euro-Atlantic future. USAID will continue to support our partners who 
have been working for over 30 years to build a democratic and 
economically prosperous future for their countries and for the region.
    I look forward to continuing to work with Congress in this effort 
and welcome your questions.

    Senator Shaheen. Thank you very much. As you all can 
probably tell there is a little bit of an echo. I think it is 
because we also have some people coming virtually, so I 
apologize for that and hope that people will just try and get 
close to the microphone as they are asking questions.
    I would like to begin with you, Mr. Escobar, because I 
think it is important for us to have a sense of what the 
strategy is for the Balkans region. So maybe you could begin 
with talking in more detail than your statement about what the 
vision is for the region, what are the key elements of our 
strategy there, and how we are expecting to accomplish that.
    Mr. Escobar. Thank you very much for that question. Our 
policy rests on three pillars: Europe, NATO, and regional 
integration. So beginning with the first, it is our belief that 
these countries should be part of the European Union. They are 
culturally, historically, and increasingly economically part of 
Europe, and we believe that they should be members. Our history 
of European integration for our partners has been one of 
unqualified success. Every country that has entered the 
European Union is more democratic, more stable, and more 
prosperous at almost no cost to the rest. So that is the 
central feature of our policy in the Balkans.
    Our second is NATO for those who qualify, and those who are 
not interested yet in NATO, more NATO engagement, and nowhere 
is this more visible than in Serbia, which is politically 
neutral, but has increased its engagement with the United 
States and with NATO dramatically over the last 2 years.
    Finally, regional political and economic integration. That 
is why we support Open Balkans, the Common Regional Market, and 
every other element and every other program that creates strong 
institutions and greater interoperability with the European 
Common Market as a way of creating opportunities for multi-
ethnic reconciliation and inter-party dialogue, inter-country 
dialogue.
    So those are the three policies, and we are pursuing all 
three very aggressively.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Obviously, one of the countries 
I have been following closely is Bosnia-Herzegovina and right 
now a continuing disruptive actor, Mr. Dodik, is attempting to 
secede the Republika Srpska from the larger country. I was 
pleased to see the Administration announce sanctions on Mr. 
Dodik and his activities, but what more can we do as we think 
about how to address his behavior and support more integration 
in Bosnia among the ethnic groups there?
    Mr. Escobar. Well, I do have to state that even though 
Milorad Dodik is a very difficult actor, he is not the only 
one. Our actions against Milorad Dodik are directed at him as 
an individual and not against Serbs and not against Republika 
Srpska. That is very important.
    The fundamental problem in Bosnia is not ethno-nationalism. 
It is corruption. It is deep-seated corruption that prevents 
Bosnia from joining the success stories of the rest of the 
Western Balkans. It is the third-most corrupt country in 
Europe. It is the primary cause of youth brain drain, and it is 
the largest block to Euro-Atlantic aspirations.
    So our policy really is about creating a more functional 
state through step-by-step reforms--that my colleague, Matt 
Palmer, is undertaking, along with his European Union 
colleagues--to make the relationship between Croats and 
Bosniaks in the federation more effective, to implement 
election integrity measures, and to make the central state more 
functional.
    At the same time, our hope is that Serbs will return to the 
central institutions, but until they do, our goal is either 
political dialogue with opposition figures and other leaders to 
bring Serbs back to the table and to prevent Dodik, either 
through political engagement or through sanctions, from 
inflicting any more damage to the central institutions.
    Senator Shaheen. Well thank you. I appreciate that.
    Ms. Magno, how is USAID supporting those efforts?
    Ms. Magno. Through USAID assistance and close coordination 
with stakeholders in Bosnia-Herzegovina we are, for example, 
providing specialized training to prosecutors' offices to 
harmonize practices and processes for high-profile corruption 
cases. As an example, USAID has helped develop the checklist of 
quality indicators for investigative actions and criminal 
reports of law enforcement agencies. This checklist will help 
ensure the legality of evidence collected and improve the 
quality of criminal reports submitted to prosecutors' offices.
    We have also helped the Judicial and Prosecutorial Council 
adopt the guide to crisis communications for courts and 
prosecutors' offices.
    A third and also equally important approach that we have 
taken is to help independent media, particularly investigative 
journalists, and we have just supported a state-of-the-art 
digital newsroom which will allow local journalists to better 
cover and expose corruption.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. My time is up so I will turn to 
Senator Johnson, but I still have lots of questions and I am 
sure my colleagues do. Senator Johnson.
    Senator Johnson. Thank you, Madam Chair.
    Assistant Secretary Escobar, let us go back to Bosnia, that 
region. I think we are at 27 years after the signing of the 
Dayton Accords. I do not think anybody envisioned we would be 
kind of operating in that region. That is their basic 
constitution still. Can you just give me, from your 
perspective, the history, from the signing of the accords to 
the where we are today, why is that really the governing 
document still in place?
    Mr. Escobar. Well, Senator, the idea behind Dayton really 
was about European Union integration. It was about a promise of 
being a member of a larger organization that protects people's 
freedoms and civil and democratic rights. That is still our 
goal. Unfortunately, because of the dysfunction of the country 
and, in part, because of enlargement fatigue, that promise has 
not been met, but it is still our intention. It is still our 
policy that these countries should be integrated into the 
European Union.
    So Dayton has been very successful in keeping the peace for 
over 25 years, so it is an important document and it is the 
basis of our policy. We believe that we can help them improve 
their governing processes and help them meet some of the 
requirements for European Union membership through step-by-step 
constitutional reform and limited constitutional reform and 
electoral reform that would create the ability for the country 
to reach political consensus better. So it is still our goal to 
get them into the European Union. By the way, that sentiment is 
shared by our partners as well.
    In the meantime, our engagement is still absolutely 
critical. Our leadership is absolutely critical in the region, 
and this Administration will continue to show that leadership.
    Senator Johnson. I think the thrust of my question was what 
has gone wrong. I understand what you want to do to try to make 
it right, but why is the Dayton Accord still in place? Why have 
we not moved on? What have been the problems? What has 
prevented progress?
    Mr. Escobar. I would say that the primary problem is 
corruption. It is true that Dayton allows a tremendous amount 
of opportunity for obstruction and political delay, and those 
opportunities have been capitalized by some of the more 
powerful parties to further corruption and to capture the 
state. That has had a very, very detrimental effect on the 
country. It has a detrimental effect on the investment climate 
and on the capacity to behave as a state.
    Now that is not necessarily because of Dayton. That blame 
can be laid almost entirely at the feet of certain political 
actors, but we are confident that we can fix what is wrong with 
Bosnia through both American engagement, limited reform, and a 
clear path to Europe.
    Senator Johnson. So what would you say are the greatest 
threats or dangers to the basic three pillars of our approach 
toward the region?
    Mr. Escobar. Well, I would say that they are three-fold. 
One is the lack of a clear vision for European integration. The 
second is endemic corruption and the lack of rule of law, and 
that is something that we all agree on, and that is our 
European partners and United States. Third, there is an 
increasing amount of malign foreign influence, both from China 
and particularly from Russia. So we have to have a plan, and we 
do have a plan, for countering all of that.
    Senator Johnson. So you just transitioned to my next 
question. Can you describe China's involvement in the region?
    Mr. Escobar. China's involvement in the region is mostly 
economic for now, but it does have political costs. So China 
provides seemingly attractive infrastructure projects, loans, 
and so-called investments. Most of the time those investments 
are non-transparent. They rely on government-to-government 
agreements; not open tender. They rely on keeping the details 
of those deals as state secret and therefore not accessible to 
the taxpayers, or the voters. Third, it involves frequently not 
respecting the environmental and social standards of the 
countries. I should add it almost never involves hiring local 
people to work on these infrastructure projects.
    So what seemingly is an attractive investment frequently 
becomes a debt trap, and nowhere is that more visible than 
Montenegro.
    Senator Johnson. Just a real quick follow-up. So these are 
primarily infrastructure types of projects. Do we have a sense 
of the total dollar value of their--I will put quotation marks 
around it--``investments'' in the Western Balkans? Do we have 
some kind of sense, an estimate?
    Mr. Escobar. It is in the tens of billions, and in some 
cases it is a significant portion. The debt represents a 
significant portion of the countries' GDPs.
    Senator Johnson. Okay. Thank you.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Johnson. We now have 
Senator Cardin, who is coming to us on Webex.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Madam Chair, and let me thank 
both of our witnesses. I am going to follow up on Senator 
Johnson's questioning, because, Mr. Escobar, I think you are 
giving a much more rosy scenario as to the likelihood of 
progress. It has been since 1995 we have been following the 
same path in regard to the Dayton Accords, and the Dayton 
Accords was only supposed to be a transitional type of an 
arrangement. It was not supposed to be the final word in regard 
to the constitutional authority for Bosnia. Now you are 
mentioning that we have had systemic corruption there that is 
blocking integration into Europe. So the problems seem to be 
getting worse rather than better.
    So to my question to you, you say you have a game plan in 
regard to China. You have a game plan in regard to Russia. I 
assume you have a game plan in regard to constitutional reform. 
You have imposed sanctions against Mr. Dodik, and I agree with 
Chair Shaheen that that is the right thing to do.
    So how do we intend to engage the parties to really move 
forward to the type of constitutional change, to the type of 
dealing with corruption? It seems to me, how do you deal with 
the malign influence of Russia and China, and how do you engage 
Serbia more in regard to bringing about a more permanent reform 
in Bosnia that could lead to emigration to Europe?
    Mr. Escobar. Well, thank you for that question. Before I 
talk about Bosnia and Herzegovina, I have to tell you a little 
bit about the context the neighborhood in which Bosnia and 
Herzegovina lives. The story of the Western Balkans is 
overwhelmingly a positive story. Of the seven countries of the 
ex-Yugoslavia, two are members of the European Union and four 
are members of NATO.
    Senator Cardin. Let me just stop you for a second, because 
I agree with you on that. I agree with you that is a positive. 
So how are we engaging the other partners that have made a lot 
more progress in that region, whereas Bosnia, if you would have 
gone back a decade ago I think we would have thought Bosnia 
would be one of the first countries to emerge. It is now 
lagging behind.
    Mr. Escobar. I would say it is true that Bosnia is the most 
concerning country in the Western Balkans. So it does not share 
in the prosperity of the other five, it is not on a solid 
integration track, and the corruption is the worst anywhere 
else. By the way, that corruption is causing a brain drain and 
a net emigration that is ten times that of Serbia. So it is at 
the top of our priorities.
    Now it is true, also, that there is nothing inherent about 
Dayton that prevents Bosnia-Herzegovina from moving forward as 
a democratic and prosperous state. So it really is a lot of 
about the entrenched corruption, which we hope through 
engagement, through development, through capacity building, and 
through sanctions that we can address.
    Senator Cardin. That does not--I agree with you on the 
corruption issue. You are absolutely correct, and I hope we can 
do everything we possibly can. I remember the briefings we got 
during the Dayton Accords, and it was very clear that it was 
aimed at resolving the conflict that was occurring, the 
violence that was occurring in Bosnia, but it was never meant 
to be the final word in regard to governance that they knew 
that additional constitutional reform was going to be needed. 
It dealt with the practical problems of the ethnic communities, 
not so much as a final way of resolving the governance of 
Bosnia. It seems to me you are saying you think that could be 
the final solution.
    Mr. Escobar. I do not think so. I think the final solution 
is European Union membership, and that is why we need to 
encourage our European colleagues to show a clear path to 
Europe for Bosnia-Herzegovina. We have seen, alongside with 
this Administration, you have seen a new UN Special 
Representative, a more engaged European Union external action 
service, and a more invigorated, bilateral relationship between 
a lot of the countries and Bosnia-Herzegovina, because the 
crisis that has emerged with Milorad Dodik has brought into 
stark relief the problems of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
    I agree with you that Dayton was compromises laid upon 
compromises as a way of stopping the war, but in that regard it 
was very successful. There has not been any conflict in Bosnia 
in almost three decades, and there will not be.
    So we need to work closer with our European partners to 
give them a vision of what they need to do and how they need to 
function as a government to be able to be a successful member 
of the European Union.
    Senator Cardin. Just one last question. Would not that also 
include constitutional reform?
    Mr. Escobar. It does. Now we are starting with limited 
constitutional reform as a way of creating opportunities on the 
ground for greater interethnic reconciliation and greater 
institutional functionality. I do think that at least the core 
of that plan will be successful.
    Senator Cardin. Thank you, Madam Chair.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Cardin. Senator Murphy
    Senator Murphy. Thank you, Madam Chair. Thank you both for 
being here today. I thank the Chair and the Ranking Member for 
convening this hearing.
    Mr. Escobar, I wanted to ask you about the current role of 
the high representative in Bosnia. You served in the OHR office 
back in the 1990s. This is a position that does have the 
authority to impose binding decisions, although the use of that 
tool is relatively rare.
    I met with a group of Bosnian Americans in Connecticut 
earlier this week who were asking questions about why we do not 
press harder on the high representative to step in and be more 
forceful in some of these developments inside Bosnia as the 
country threatens disintegration. It does not seem like it 
makes much sense for the high representative to stand on the 
sidelines.
    What is our current position as to the role of the high 
representative? Do we think that the high representative can be 
more forceful than the position has been? I understand the 
Russians' position here that they want to the whole thing to go 
away, but what is the role here to try to solve the ongoing 
stalemate in Bosnia?
    Mr. Escobar. Well, I think, first of all, that it should be 
clear that the high representative is just one of the tools 
that the international community has to exert influence in 
Bosnia and Herzegovina. Now we strongly support the high 
representative and his role as a mediator.
    I understand the concern of people who would like to see 
imposed solutions, but imposed solutions are not a democratic 
answer to democratic challenges. So we hope to be able to 
partner with European-minded, democratically focused political 
parties and leaders to be able to resolve for themselves the 
problems of their own country.
    Now that does not mean that we do not support the bond 
powers of the high representative, but we think that is a last 
resort, a nuclear resort, and one which then puts the onus on 
the international community to implement. We think that the 
political system and the political leaders--most of the 
political leaders--of Bosnia-Herzegovina are mature enough and 
democratically focused enough to be able to resolve the 
difference through their own processes, and that is the way it 
should be.
    Senator Murphy. I do not mind referring to it as a last 
resort. I maybe wish we did not refer to it as a nuclear 
resort. This is a legitimate power of the high representative. 
I understand the difficulty in imposing it, but if the choice 
eventually becomes the disintegration of the country and the 
region into civil war versus a difficult decision made by the 
high representative, I think we will have to carefully weigh 
the equities on both sides.
    I wanted to turn to the----
    Mr. Escobar. Well if I can, Senator, on that issue.
    Senator Murphy. Sure.
    Mr. Escobar. --first of all, this situation is not 
analogous to 1991. We have a European peacekeeping force. We 
have a high representative. Neither Croatia nor Serbia are 
interested in seeing a war on their borders. We have a NATO 
presence. So there are a lot of checks and balances to prevent 
conflict.
    So the fundamental issue is that the high representative 
is, and always has been, on a path to being phased out after 
certain conditions are met. We want to make sure that those 
conditions are met. So we do not see the situation as 
destabilizing, as some of the most drastic commentators see it.
    Senator Murphy. Okay. I agree with you that so long as the 
impression remains that the path to the EU is difficult and 
rocky, it is really hard to press our friends in the region to 
continue reform, and it is not coincidental that you have seen 
the doors shutting to the EU at the same time that we have seen 
democratic backsliding in the region.
    So let me ask you about the news last month that there will 
be a renewed discussion between Bulgaria and North Macedonia. 
That was welcomed. It has been a year or more since Bulgaria 
vetoed the ability for talks between North Macedonia and Europe 
to continue. Do you see hope that those talks can bear fruit, 
and what leverage is there for the United States with Bulgaria? 
To me this is a disaster if we cannot show progress towards 
Europe, and why on earth would we let one country stand in the 
way. What more can the United States--what more can we be 
doing? What hopes do you have for these discussions with two 
new leaders?
    Mr. Escobar. Well, both Bulgaria and North Macedonia are 
valued NATO allies. So it has always been our hope that they 
could resolve their differences through constructive dialogue 
and good faith negotiation. Both of these new governments have 
given us assurances that that is happening. So we support that 
and we hope that that can come to a conclusion within a 
reasonable period.
    Senator Murphy. That is fine. That is a very diplomatic 
answer, but these discussions are not going to come to a 
conclusion unless the United States plays an active role and 
unless we make clear to the Bulgarians that it is in their 
interest, as a Balkan nation, to make sure that there is a path 
into the European Union. So I appreciate the answer, but I will 
still press for increased U.S. involvement at the highest 
level, to try to resolve this, given that we have an 
opportunity to do it with new leadership.
    Thank you, Madam Chair.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Murphy. We have Senator 
Van Hollen on Webex.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Madam Chair. Let me thank 
both of the witnesses here. Much of the ground I wanted to 
cover has been asked about, including a lot on Bosnia.
    I do want to ask both of you, starting with Deputy 
Assistant Administrator Magno, about the Russia and Chinese 
disinformation campaigns in the Western Balkans. There was a 
poll conducted I believe last July by the National Democratic 
Institute that found that these disinformation campaigns were 
having an impact. In fact, the majority of the respondents 
across the region agree with the statement that, ``Democracy is 
a failed governing system used by the West to impose on 
countries in transition certain values aimed to masquerade 
their geopolitical interests.''
    We have seen a rise in e-liberal thinking, in 
authoritarianism in the overall region. Can you talk a little 
bit about these disinformation campaigns and whether we have 
any strategy to try to counter them?
    Ms. Magno. Thank you, Senator. In terms of disinformation, 
a big component of what we are doing in our partner countries 
is to help independent media in several ways. One is to help 
them provide quality content, and second also to make sure that 
they are on the path to financial viability, because without 
needed resources it is much easier for media outlets to be 
either captured or essentially to go out of business.
    Another component of our efforts is also to raise media 
literacy among the public and making sure that there is 
discernment about the sources of information, whether it is 
through traditional outlets or through social media.
    Senator Van Hollen. Well, I appreciate that. I mean, 
clearly we need to bolster our strategy, because the ability of 
leaders in these countries to pursue policies of freedom, human 
rights, democracy obviously depend on their standing with the 
public and how the public perceives those ideas.
    Turning again to Bosnia, and Mr. Escobar, I know you 
testified quite a bit on this topic. As you indicated and as we 
know, we have imposed sanctions on the Bosnian Serb leader 
Dodik. Are we encouraging our European partners to do the same, 
and would that unity prove to be more effective in trying to 
accomplish our goals?
    Mr. Escobar. Absolutely, and yes, we are in constant 
discussions with our European partners on their ability to use 
sanctions, their ability to track money, and their ability to 
impose visa bans on some of the corrupt officials in Bosnia-
Herzegovina.
    Additionally, we have had, in the last couple of days, here 
in Washington, some very productive discussions with our UK 
colleagues, who also are very interested in modeling their 
sanctions regime closely with ours and coordinating closely on 
targeting. That is a very important one because the UK is a 
very important financial hub for Europe, and a lot of money 
that comes out, a lot of the corrupt funds that come out of the 
Western Balkans transit through London or through New York. So 
the sanctions regimes are very, very important, and we hope to 
see more from our European partners as well.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, and thank you, Madam Chair.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Van Hollen.
    Ms. Magno, I would like to pick up on his questions about 
the disinformation and what we are doing to respond to that. To 
what extent is USAID coordinating with the Global Engagement 
Center at the State Department and also with working with RFE 
and Radio Liberty on their efforts in the region? Or are there 
any efforts in the region?
    Ms. Magno. We are closely coordinating with both the Global 
Engagement Center as well as having regular conversations with 
colleagues at RFE, and we share information, analytics, trends 
that we see, especially those coming from our partners on the 
ground. We also ensure that our tactics or our approaches are 
consistent with each other.
    Senator Shaheen. Do you have any evidence that what we are 
doing is working?
    Ms. Magno. I have to admit the challenges are huge, and we 
are trying to get our story, our own narratives out there to 
the maximum extent possible. I will take your question into 
consideration and provide more information at a later time.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I would appreciate that. Also, 
when I was in Bosnia back in 2010--so it has been a long time 
ago--but I was there with former Senator Voinovich, and we had 
a lunch with a number of young people. It was probably the most 
impactful session I had in our week in the region, because the 
young people that we talked to felt like there was no hope for 
a future in Bosnia-Herzegovina. So can you talk about some of 
the programs that you are working on in the region for young 
people, and are there examples of successful efforts that you 
can point to, that you think we should be modeling in other 
places?
    Ms. Magno. Thank you for your question, and I totally 
agree. That sense of desperation among the youth was also 
illustrated during the recent visit of our administrator to 
Bosnia-Herzegovina and as well as my almost 4 years in Kosovo, 
I have had many conversations with young people in the region.
    One of the things that we are doing, for example, in 
Bosnia, in several of these countries we are able to identify 
sectors in the private sector which have high potential, and in 
Bosnia it is tourism, in Kosovo it is agribusiness, as well as 
information, communications, and technology.
    Maybe just to elaborate, in Bosnia what we are doing right 
now is to provide support to young potential entrepreneurs who 
can start future enterprises in the tourism sector. We did a 
needs assessment and forecast and we estimated that the tourism 
industry in Bosnia will actually require something like 18,500 
jobs, if things go in the right direction. So we are working 
with both young potential entrepreneurs as well as institutions 
of higher education to make sure that they understand 
international standards, they have the skills and capacities 
that will meet the demands of international tourists.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Senator Menendez.
    Senator Menendez. Thank you, Madam Chair, to you and the 
Ranking Member.
    Deputy Assistant Secretary Escobar, I understand that you 
and your EU counterparts have recently urged Kosovo to 
establish an association of Serb municipalities. While this 
concept has its basis in the 2013 Brussels Agreement, I am 
concerned that this would lead to a Republika Srpska within 
Kosovo. Moreover, Kosovo's Constitutional Court has found the 
association concept, ``not entirely in compliance with the 
spirit of the constitution.''
    Are you concerned that such an association could lead to 
the destabilization of Kosovo and take away powers reserved for 
a possible central government?
    Mr. Escobar. I do not. We support the formation of an 
association for many reasons. One is it is already agreed to. 
Even though the Constitutional Court ruled that some parts of 
the proposal were inconsistent with a constitution, it did not 
say that the association itself is unconstitutional. So in the 
dialogue, within the context of the dialogue, it is up to 
Kosovo and Serbia to decide how that would look. So it does not 
have to be, and we certainly do not want it to be similar to 
Republika Srpska, but we have urged, and my counterpart, 
Miroslav Lajcak, has urged the Kosovar Government to look at 
models that they believe would be compatible with them that 
would not undermine their sovereignty or their functionality as 
a way of allowing Serbs to continue to receive health care, 
certain benefits and education in Serbian language.
    Personally, I think that this effort, which would unwind 
Belgrade's engagement in Serbian communities and offshore it to 
a domestic, transparent institution under the control of the 
government of Kosovo, would actually enhance Kosovo 
sovereignty, not detract from it.
    Senator Menendez. Let me ask you, I am concerned that the 
state of talks, or lack thereof, is more due to Serbia's 
reticence to recognize Kosovo's sovereignty. What concessions 
are you seeking from Serbia to justify pressuring Kosovo in 
this way?
    Mr. Escobar. Well, first of all, the purpose of the 
dialogue is to move everything in Kosovo's direction, to be 
quite honest, with the end result of mutual recognition and 
normalized relations, something that they do not have already. 
So it is not about Kosovo's status, but about the recognition 
that they are a sovereign and independent country.
    So the dialogue is the mechanism, and it has proven itself 
to be an effective mechanism in resolving differences between 
the two countries, most recently in September, when the EU 
negotiated a successful resolution to the license plate dispute 
with our support.
    So with our backing--and our backing to Kosovo is 
resolute--we want to make sure that the dialogue helps them 
move through all the difficult challenges of unwinding the two 
countries' engagement, difficult engagement, to have a common 
European future together.
    Senator Menendez. Well, I hope that our commitment to 
Kosovo is resolute.
    Let me ask you, I have heard from many in the Serbian 
diaspora here in the United States about the elections that are 
underway there and the lack of legitimacy, the use of the 
government in extraordinary powers as it relates to the 
elections, the resources that they are using that are not just 
their private political resources. What are your insights into 
that?
    Mr. Escobar. That is something that we openly express our 
concern about and privately engage with the government about. 
There are three elements to this. One is the treatment of the 
opposition. So we believe the opposition should have free and 
fair conditions to participate in the elections. Second, the 
media environment. It is true that much of the government-
controlled and private media in Serbia is very favorable to the 
current government. Thirdly, the treatment of civil society, 
those people who engage in democratic activities, to monitor 
elections, to monitor media freedom, and to support citizen 
engagement. Those organizations must be treated fairly by the 
Serbian Government. It is not just the United States who has 
made this clear, but also the European Union, the OSCE, and 
other international organizations that have been very clear 
about our expectations for the April elections in Serbia.
    Senator Menendez. As of now that is not the case?
    Mr. Escobar. As of now there are definitely concerns about 
all of that.
    Senator Menendez. One final question if I may, Madam Chair. 
You know, Vucic traveled to Moscow in December seeking cheap 
gas, which he got. In return, the Russians got some contracts 
inside of Serbia. He was also in Beijing not too long ago to 
discuss a free trade agreement that he is now touting in his 
re-election campaign.
    It seems to me that both Russia and China are making 
significant inroads in the Western Balkans. What are we doing 
to combat malign Russian and Chinese influences in this regard?
    Mr. Escobar. Well, first of all, it is true that the 
influence of Russia and China is maligned in the Western 
Balkans. In the case of Russia, Russia is not even in the top 
ten biggest trade partners for the Western Balkans. It is 
mostly about energy. So on the energy security front, we have 
encouraged Serbia to look at alternatives to Russian gas, 
including renewables and liquid natural gas, and we have made 
some progress there.
    With regard to the political influence, over the last year 
Serbia has become more aligned with European Union foreign 
policy, including not recognizing Crimea. So we are making 
inroads politically on that.
    In the case of China, we have encouraged reforms and 
greater transparency in the procurement process that gives 
Chinese firms and the Chinese Communist Party a leg up over 
American and European countries, but one of the reasons that we 
support a more integrated market for the Western Balkans is 
that if it is more integrated and more integrated with Europe, 
with institutional standards that match those of Europe, it 
will create opportunities for greater transparency, greater 
openness in procurement, and requirements for environmental and 
social impact easement that will give American and European 
firms the advantage over Chinese in the region.
    Senator Menendez. I look forward to following up with you 
on some of these issues.
    Thank you, Madam Chair.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Menendez. Senator 
Johnson.
    Senator Johnson. Thank you, Madam Chair.
    Assistant Secretary Escobar, I want to return to Serbia and 
Kosovo. I spent a fair amount of time traveling back and forth 
between Serbia and Kosovo during the previous Administration, 
trying to help facilitate agreements. I really thought 
Ambassador Grenell did a really good job, and I thought it was 
an excellent strategy to forge an agreement really based on 
economics. There are so many areas that they disagree on, but I 
think one thing they definitely agreed on was how can they 
improve the lot of life for their citizens.
    I always felt every additional agreement, success builds on 
success, the agreement between Kosovo and Montenegro in their 
border dispute, and the agreement between Greece and North 
Macedonia on the name, and then the economic agreement between 
Kosovo and Serbia, can you give me your perspective of what is 
the current status of that agreement? I know it has not been 
fully taken advantage of--let us put it that way.
    Mr. Escobar. Secretary Blinken said, in his confirmation 
hearings, that it is our intention to build upon the successes 
of the previous Administration, and the Washington commitments 
are part of that. I particularly like the idea of a moratorium 
on recognitions and de-recognitions to allow diplomatic space 
for the dialogue, to make progress.
    On economic issues I agree with you, Senator, that the 
greater the integration is in the region the more easily we can 
tackle the political problems. That integration is happening, 
and it is happening both organically, through European-led 
processes, and increasingly through the Open Balkans 
Initiative. All of these promote greater business ties between 
the regions, greater ease of movement and travel, the mutual 
recognition of diplomas and certificates.
    So it is one of the reasons why we believe that regional 
economic integration is a winner, and we will continue to 
pursue that.
    Senator Johnson. In my opening remarks I mentioned that it 
seems like these countries do want the U.S. fully engaged and 
involved in the region, but oftentimes to impose the U.S. will 
on the other side to reach agreement. It has always been my 
viewpoint, as well as, I think, my understanding of every 
Administration's viewpoint, that we are there to facilitate, to 
help the parties come to agreement between themselves. We are 
not going to impose anything on anybody, but at the same time 
every now and again we do need to apply some pressure.
    I have been concerned, in my dealing with both Serbia and 
Kosovo, that Kosovo has obviously recognized strong support for 
the U.S., and I think we all agree on that, but I am a little 
concerned that they rely on that so heavily that they do not 
really feel that they have to provide the give in the give-and-
take. I do not know how many times, on both sides, they say 
negotiation is really give and take. I have oftentimes heard a 
lot of the take, not a whole lot of give. Can you just kind of 
comment on that?
    Mr. Escobar. Well, we have been very clear with the 
government of Kosovo that our expectation is that they engage 
fully in the EU-led dialogue, that they look at that as a true 
negotiation in achieving their ultimate goal, which is mutual 
recognition between Serbia and Kosovo, recognition by the five 
remaining European Union members who are currently not 
recognizing Kosovo, and membership in all of the international 
organizations that they would like to be members of.
    So that will require compromise, and we have been very 
clear. Our recently arrived ambassador, Jeff Hovenier, has made 
that very clear, beginning with his opening meetings with the 
Kurti Government, and he will continue to press that, and we 
will continue to support him as he moves in that direction.
    Senator Johnson. My concern is in Kosovo I often heard that 
they were more than willing to forgive if a proper apology was 
provided, and that was pretty much their give. I think they 
probably need to do a little bit more in terms of compromise 
and good faith. Would you agree?
    Mr. Escobar. Well, I would leave that to my European 
colleagues, because there is truly a plan to move forward in 
the dialogue in a way that ends up with normalizing 
relationships, and it is more complicated than--I can 
respectfully disagree--than just a simple apology. There are 
property issues. There are missing persons issues. There are 
energy issues and a host of other issues that we have to work 
through, in good faith, to achieve what we want to achieve, 
which is a European future for both Serbia and Kosovo.
    Senator Johnson. So just talk--this will be my last 
question--just talk in a little bit greater detail, Russia's 
influence, not just in Serbia or Kosovo, but within the Western 
Balkans in total. Can you just kind of speak in general, what 
they are doing, what they are trying to accomplish?
    Mr. Escobar. What Russia is trying to accomplish really is 
to create a vulnerability within the Euro-Atlantic space. That 
is fundamentally what it is. They have found partners within 
certain countries that are willing to help advance those goals, 
to keep us distracted from other issues, including Russia-
Ukraine. Those parties are more likely than not to try to 
create ethnic division, and they use misinformation, 
corruption, and in some cases attempted assassination to 
achieve their goals.
    Senator Johnson. Okay. Thank you, Madam Chair.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Johnson. I want to 
pursue that a little bit, because Russia has a long history in 
the Balkans, and their attempts to court Serbia through 
military equipment, sales of military equipment, through energy 
obviously gives them really undue influence in the region.
    So can you talk about--and this is for Ms. Magno as well--
talk about the energy connections between Russia and the 
Western Balkans. Senator Menendez, I think, referenced the trip 
to Russia where Putin pledged cheaper energy for Serbia, but 
what are we doing to counter some of those influences, 
particularly around energy?
    Mr. Escobar. Well, the question of dependence on Russian 
energy is not solely a problem for the Western Balkans.
    Senator Shaheen. Right.
    Mr. Escobar. It is a problem for a good portion of Europe, 
but the Balkans have an additional problem in that they are 
heavily dependent on coal energy. So we have a comprehensive 
energy security strategy that stresses renewables, liquid 
natural gas, and alternative suppliers and routes for energy 
supplies. We are close to unwinding some countries from full 
dependence on Russian gas.
    I would add that in that process there are tremendous 
opportunities for American companies to help these countries 
both free themselves from their dependence on Russian gas and 
to move forward to a cleaner, more renewable energy mixture.
    Senator Shaheen. Well, I would certainly agree with that. 
Are we getting any takers from the United States in terms of 
companies who are looking at the region as opportunities?
    Mr. Escobar. We are. We have several.
    Senator Shaheen. Ms. Magno, can you add to that in terms of 
what USAID is doing?
    Ms. Magno. What USAID is doing in the energy sector is 
really to help the governments make informed choices and 
decisions. So a lot of the work that we do is support for the 
government's long-term planning, market integration, as well as 
helping them with legal and regulatory forms. So for example, 
in Kosovo right now we are assisting the ministry in helping 
draft legislation that is around renewable energy.
    We are also providing technical advice to ensure that our 
partner countries--and many of them have made or set ambitious 
targets in relation to what the European Union requires with 
regard to clean energy. Through our analysis and technical 
counsel we are helping them meet those targets.
    Senator Shaheen. Thank you. That is good to hear.
    Mr. Escobar, what is going to be the impact in the Western 
Balkans if Russia does invade Ukraine?
    Mr. Escobar. Well, as you know, Senator, some of these 
countries are quite vulnerable, and they are quite vulnerable 
to Russian malign influence. It is our hope, however, that we 
can ensure that these countries remain stable and protected 
against any efforts by Russia to use the Western Balkans as a 
distraction for the Euro-Atlantic community from Russia and 
Ukraine. So we are watching very closely, and we do have the 
bandwidth to watch both regions at the same time and make sure 
that we try to insulate them.
    I would also say that in the region, the Western Balkans, 
three of the countries are NATO allies, so not only are they 
participating in the discussions that NATO is having on that, 
but they are also contributing, both to our efforts and to our 
messaging.
    Senator Shaheen. Have we heard from any of the other 
countries who are not NATO members about concerns about 
Russia's activities?
    Mr. Escobar. Every country in the region has expressed 
their desire to see a peaceful, diplomatic resolution to the 
crisis.
    Senator Shaheen. Good. I just have one other area that I 
would like to explore a little bit, and as we are thinking 
about the challenges in Bosnia-Herzegovina and looking at what 
is happening with Russia and Ukraine, EUFOR is increasingly 
important, I think, and yet its size has steadily decreased 
over the years.
    So can you talk, Mr. Escobar, about how we are preparing 
for the next round of the UN authorization of EUFOR and how 
concerned we are about Russia's efforts to undermine the 
mission there?
    Mr. Escobar. Well, Russia was not opposed to the renewal of 
the EUFOR mandate, and I believe they will not be. It is in 
everybody's interest that the region remains stable, at least 
free from conflict.
    Additionally, we are working with our European colleagues 
to enhance their capabilities, to enhance their capacity, to 
address various scenarios that could arise, and I should 
mention that they also have an over-the-horizon reserve 
capacity to surge, should they need it. So I am confident that 
EUFOR is capable of doing the job it was intended to do, which 
is keep the peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
    Senator Shaheen. So you are not advocating that the size of 
the forces should be increased?
    Mr. Escobar. We are advocating that the size of the force 
match the challenges and the requirements, and we are confident 
that it does.
    Senator Shaheen. Good. When is the UN authorization going 
to happen?
    Mr. Escobar. I believe it will happen again in the fall, 
late fall.
    Senator Shaheen. Do you know how long that will last?
    Mr. Escobar. They usually last a year.
    Senator Shaheen. Okay. Well, thank you both very much. I 
very much appreciate your responses to all of the questions and 
your continued commitment to the region, and I hope that you 
will engage with this subcommittee and also with the full 
committee in terms of how we might be more helpful as we are 
looking at the challenges ahead for the region.
    So with that, I will conclude the hearing, and again, thank 
you both.
    [Whereupon, at 11:22 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
                              ----------                              


              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


             Responses of Mr. Gabriel Escobar to Questions 
                  Submitted by Senator Robert Menendez

    Question. Much like in the 1990's, Bosnia and Herzegovina's 
neighbors are stepping up attacks on the country's legitimacy, 
sovereignty, and unity. Of particular concern are recent statements by 
Croatian President Zoran Milanovic regarding NATO expansion, and his 
persistent attacks on the legitimacy and viability of Bosnia and 
Herzegovina. Aleksander Vucic also continues to promote and reward 
secessionist rhetoric by Bosnian-Serb politicians. What is the 
Department's engagement strategy Bosnia and Herzegovina's neighbors, 
particularly Croatia, to reiterate that meddling in Bosnia and 
Herzegovina's internal affairs is unacceptable, given that it risks 
extreme instability and return to conflict?

    Answer. Bosnia and Herzegovina's (BiH) sovereignty and territorial 
integrity are unquestionable, and no third country can dictate its 
chosen Euro-Atlantic trajectory. Croatia and Serbia have enduring 
interests in BiH, and we engage both to advance regional stability and 
common goals for BiH, including its EU path. We look to Croatia to 
encourage reforms by BiH officials to advance democratic growth, the 
rule of law, human rights, and prosperity for all citizens. Croatia's 
constructive advocacy within the EU could lead the bloc towards 
meaningful action to advance BiH's EU perspective. In Serbia, President 
Vucic has reiterated, on multiple occasions, Serbia's support for the 
Dayton Peace Accords and BiH's sovereignty and territorial integrity.

    Question. While the Dayton Accords ended the war in Bosnia, they 
also installed a flawed ethno-nationalist political system rife with 
kleptocracy. Many citizens have lost faith in their leadership and are 
leaving the country, and ethno-nationalist parties have led to 
gerrymandered voting districts along ethnic lines. How is the 
Department seeking to re-think and reform the current flawed government 
design? What is the Department's plan to engage with civil society and 
opposition groups as part of such a process?

    Answer. The reforms necessary to move Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) 
from Dayton to Brussels are clear and achievable with political courage 
and building on the Dayton Peace Accords. We regularly engage all BiH's 
leaders--in civil society, government and from across the political 
spectrum--to focus on reform and advancement within the Dayton 
framework, such as the EU's Key Priorities and the 5+2 Agenda for the 
closure of the Office of the High Representative. Step-by-step reforms 
will increase prosperity for citizens, advance BiH's Euro-Atlantic 
trajectory, and permanently enhance the democratic integrity, 
stability, and functionality of the state.

    Question. Russia continues to meddle in the Balkans as part of its 
effort to expand its influence and reach. Kremlin officials have 
perpetuated unfounded narratives about the region, even claiming they 
have links to the conflict in the Donbas, indicating the Russians are 
laying the groundwork for future destabilizing actions in the Balkans. 
Is the Department planning to re-double efforts to counter Russian 
aggression in the Balkans, particularly given Russia's willingness to 
engage in such tactics?

    Answer. The United States and Russia have very different visions 
for the future of the Western Balkans. Moscow actively opposes the 
region's Euro-Atlantic integration and sows division, distrust, and 
inter-ethnic and inter-religious tension. U.S. interests align with 
those of the people of the Western Balkans and are best served by 
cementing democratic norms, rule of law, and deepening cooperation 
based on common values and a shared future. We engage our partners in 
BiH to advance our shared priorities. This includes pushing back 
against Russia's destabilizing narratives and behavior, including 
through our bilateral foreign assistance, which in FY 2021 totaled more 
than $145 million.

    Question. The Sejdic-Finci ruling demonstrates that the structure 
of the Bosnia and Herzegovina political system violates key rights of 
minority groups. Will the Department ensure that any future electoral 
reforms address the issue of minority and ``other'' rights as a key 
tenant of agreements?

    Answer. Electoral and limited constitutional reforms are required 
to improve election integrity and implement key European Court of Human 
Rights and Bosnian Constitutional Court rulings to ensure equal 
opportunities and representation for all citizens of Bosnia and 
Herzegovina (BiH). These measures will strengthen democracy, bring BiH 
in line with European standards, and further its European Union (EU) 
path. We encourage compromise and constructive dialogue by all sides to 
reach a deal that furthers these objectives as soon as possible in 
advance of the upcoming elections. The United States, along with our EU 
partners, meets regularly with key interlocutors from all political 
parties to inform solutions that work for all.
                                 ______
                                 

Letters From the Embassies of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, 
 Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia Concerning the Western Balkans
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