[Senate Hearing 117-161]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]


                                                       S. Hrg. 117-161

                     U.S. TRADE AND INVESTMENT IN AFRICA

=======================================================================

                                HEARING

                               BEFORE THE

                       SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA AND
                          GLOBAL HEALTH POLICY

                                 OF THE

                     COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
                          UNITED STATES SENATE

                    ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS

                             FIRST SESSION

                               __________

                             JULY 28, 2021

                               __________

       Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations

[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

                  Available via http://www.govinfo.gov

                              __________

                    U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE                    
46-867 PDF                 WASHINGTON : 2022                     
          
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------   
 
                 COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS        

             ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey, Chairman        
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland         JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire        MARCO RUBIO, Florida
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware       RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin
CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut      MITT ROMNEY, Utah
TIM KAINE, Virginia                  ROB PORTMAN, Ohio
EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts      RAND PAUL, Kentucky
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon                 TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey           JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
BRIAN SCHATZ, Hawaii                 TED CRUZ, Texas
CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland           MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota
                                     BILL HAGERTY, Tennessee
                 Jessica Lewis, Staff Director        
        Christopher M. Socha, Republican Staff Director        
                    John Dutton, Chief Clerk        



                   SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA AND        
                      GLOBAL HEALTH POLICY        

              CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland, Chairman        
CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey           MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota
TIM KAINE, Virginia                  MARCO RUBIO, Florida
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon                 TODD YOUNG, Indiana
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware       JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
                                     RAND PAUL, Kentucky

                             (ii)        

                        C  O  N  T  E  N  T  S

                              ----------                              
                                                                   Page

Van Hollen, Hon. Chris, U.S. Senator From Maryland...............     1

Hagerty, Hon. Bill, U.S. Senator From Tennessee..................     4

Liser, Florizelle President and CEO, Corporate Council on Africa, 
  Washington, DC.................................................     6
    Prepared Statement...........................................     7

Signe, Dr. Landry, Senior Fellow, Global Economy and Development 
  Africa Growth Initiative, The Brookings Institution, 
  Washington, DC.................................................    10
    Prepared Statement...........................................    11

Hruby, Aubrey, Nonresident Senior Fellow, The Africa Center, 
  Atlantic Council, Washington, DC...............................    21
    Prepared Statement...........................................    22

              Additional Material Submitted for the Record

Report by the Labor Advisory Committee on Trade Negotiations and 
  Trade Policy on U.S.-Kenya Trade Agreement.....................    46

Letter From AFL-CIO Director of Government Affairs Dated July 27, 
  2021...........................................................    64

                                 (iii)

 
                   TRADE AND INVESTMENT IN AFRICA

                              ----------                              


                               WEDNESDAY, JULY 28, 2021

                           U.S. Senate,    
                 Subcommittee on Africa and
                              Global Health Policy,
                            Committee on Foreign Relations,
                                                    Washington, DC.
    The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:30 p.m. in 
room SH-216, Hon. Chris Van Hollen, chairman of the 
subcommittee, presiding.
    Present: Senators Van Hollen [presiding], Kaine, Hagerty, 
and Young.

          OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, 
                   U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND

    Senator Van Hollen. Welcome, everybody, and good afternoon.
    The Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health Policy will 
come to order.
    I want to begin by welcoming my colleague, Senator Hagerty, 
who is a fellow member of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee and ranking member of the Subcommittee on State 
Department and USAID Management, International Operations, and 
Bilateral International Development, for joining us.
    He will be filling in this afternoon for Senator Rounds, 
and I want to thank Senator Rounds and his team for all their 
work as part of this subcommittee.
    I also want to welcome today's witnesses. We have with us 
Florizelle Liser, who is the president and CEO of the Corporate 
Council on Africa, Landry Signe, senior fellow in Global 
Economy and Development Program, and the Africa Growth 
Initiative at the Brookings Institution, and Aubrey Hruby, 
Senior Fellow with the Atlantic Council's Africa Center. I will 
provide a little more on each of their bios shortly.
    Welcome, everybody, to the first hearing of the 117th 
Congress for the Africa and Global Health Policy Subcommittee. 
Today's hearing will focus on U.S. trade and investment in 
Africa, an area that holds real promise for U.S. businesses, 
for our partners on the continent, and the global economy.
    I hope that we can use this hearing as a venue to explore 
practical ways to expand U.S. economic engagement in sub-
Saharan Africa and work together to identify clear trade and 
investment priorities for Congress to explore.
    Africa represents an ever more promising investment 
frontier, and targeted economic engagement will be key to 
unlocking opportunity, building prosperity, and bolstering 
security both on the continent and here at home.
    Make no mistake, we all recognize there are vast economic 
challenges and other obstacles facing African nations. Those 
challenges begin with low-quality high-cost infrastructure, 
which creates real barriers to economic growth.
    As we have seen in our own country, infrastructure touches 
every part of our lives, from the digital divide, to energy 
costs, to job and business growth to innovation, and we are now 
working to try to reach a bipartisan agreement on modernizing 
our infrastructure here at home.
    The current infrastructure deficit across Africa takes a 
daily toll, ballooning the price of energy, making it harder 
for businesses to move their products, and stunting 
productivity in most sectors.
    We must view these infrastructure and other challenges as 
opportunities to overcome by nurturing some of the budding 
infrastructure, by boosting American business and export 
possibilities, and opportunities to lift communities across the 
continent and unleash economic potential.
    These opportunities are amplified by a fast-growing African 
population. In the next 30 years, the population of the entire 
continent is expected to double and one-quarter of the world 
will live in Africa by the year 2050.
    It is also the youngest continent in the world, with 60 
percent of Africans under the age of 25 years old. This new 
wave of young people provides new opportunities, expanding 
markets, innovation, technology, and growth, not just for 
Africa but around the world.
    This youth growth presents huge potential for the 
continent, and I am pleased that Senator Mike Rounds and I will 
shortly be introducing legislation to codify the Young African 
Leaders Initiative, the YALI program, legislation that 
Congresswoman Bass has introduced in the House side, and I want 
to thank Senator Rounds for his leadership on that.
    African nations are already taking steps to seize the 
growing economic potential through the new African Continental 
Free Trade Area, a multi-phased endeavor to grow trade between 
African nations.
    The first phase of the project launched in January of this 
year, and over the next few years this initiative will link 55 
African member nations and become the largest free trade area 
in the world since the establishment of the WTO.
    The World Bank estimates that the successful implementation 
of this free trade area would increase Africa's exports by $560 
billion and add $76 billion to the income of the rest of the 
world.
    As you can see, the potential is enormous and part of our 
goal on this subcommittee is to help American businesses large, 
medium, and small become familiar with the economic landscape 
across the African continent and emphasize the potential 
rewards of engagement.
    The good news is we already have many tools to help us meet 
the mission of building public and private partnerships between 
the United States and Africa. The duty-free tariff program 
AGOA, shorthand for the African Growth and Opportunity Act, has 
long been a magnet for trade between the United States and 
African countries.
    U.S. imports under AGOA a total of $4.1 billion in 2020, 
and 39 countries and counting are currently eligible AGOA 
states. Over the years, USAID has established a series of trade 
and investment hubs throughout the continent to boost AGOA use, 
among other key priorities.
    It should be our shared goal to make full use of this vital 
program and do more to strengthen AGOA as we push ahead.
    We also have some newer tools at our disposal, including 
Power Africa, an initiative dedicated to expanding energy 
infrastructure through public-private partnerships with a focus 
on clean energy, and Power Africa has provided more than 100 
million people with access to power since 2013.
    More recently, the United States Government formed two 
programs that will help build out economic engagement in 
Africa. The first is the U.S. International Development Finance 
Corporation, or DFC, which Congress created in 2018 and which 
focuses 27 percent of its total portfolio on Africa.
    I was pleased to see that just last month, the DFC joined 
forces with the development finance institutions from the G-7 
nations in committing to invest $80 billion in the private 
sector in Africa over the next 5 years to support sustainable 
economic growth on the continent.
    The second initiative is Prosper Africa, which is designed 
to weave together the efforts of 17 U.S. agencies and 
departments involved in trade, investment, and development, 
including USAID, DFC, the Ex-Im Bank, and the U.S. Trade and 
Development Agency, among others.
    I look forward to discussing how Prosper Africa can most 
effectively achieve its mission with all of our witnesses 
today.
    As we work to make full use of these resources, we will, in 
turn, strengthen our ability to do effective business in the 
region, and when the United States does effective business we 
not only enhance our bilateral relationships, we also set an 
example for the world.
    Our economic partnerships can and must be focused on mutual 
gain and shared success. While a number of our adversaries, 
especially China, attempt to use their economic leverage and 
engagement as a weapon for taking advantage of other countries 
including through debt trap diplomacy, we must remain dedicated 
to promoting prosperity for all here at home and on the African 
continent.
    That proposition must be our guide as we work together to 
deepen bilateral trade and investment relationships throughout 
Africa, and I look forward to hearing the perspective of our 
committee members and our witnesses as the best way to move 
forward.
    It is in that spirit that I would like to end where I 
began, thanking all of our witnesses for being here to share 
their thoughts, and before I turn it over to our witnesses, I, 
again, want to thank Senator Hagerty for joining us and turn it 
over to him for his opening statement.
    Senator.

                STATEMENT OF HON. BILL HAGERTY, 
                  U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE

    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Chairman Van Hollen.
    I appreciate very much your convening this hearing today 
and I also appreciate all of our witnesses for being here to 
discuss the important topic of the United States trade with 
Africa and the potential that it presents to all of us.
    I am a lifelong businessman and I also served as head of 
economic development in my home state, and I have an acute 
appreciation for the value and the importance of capital 
investment and what it can mean to growth and prosperity.
    Africa possesses significant economic potential and offers 
tremendous opportunities for the United States, particularly as 
American businesses search for new markets and for new 
investment opportunities.
    In the next decade, Africa's importance to the world market 
will only grow, most notably in sectors that drive American 
prosperity and innovation including energy, resources, finance, 
infrastructure, and telecommunications, to name a few.
    Furthermore, as Africa's population continues to increase, 
expected to be 26 percent of the world's population by 2050, 
the failure to successfully integrate Africa into the global 
economy could pose major threats to global prosperity and 
stability. We all know that a strong economic foundation 
underpins broader political and social stability.
    Increased U.S.-African cooperation also serves the 
strategic interest of the United States. It is not a 
coincidence that there is increasing demand from Africa for 
greater economic cooperation with our great nation.
    Leaders in government and business understand the need for 
robust market-based economic growth, a model that the United 
States continues to espouse in developing countries.
    In contrast, the Chinese Communist Party continues to 
aggressively pursue predatory economic projects in Africa. 
According to a recent report, China is now the single largest 
financier of infrastructure in Africa, funding one in five 
projects and constructing every third.
    Make no mistake, China will leverage their economic 
advantage to press their geopolitical ambitions. This neo-
colonial approach to trade breeds corruption and dependency.
    China has no interest in hiring local people. China has no 
interest in training the local people. China has no interest in 
leading them. Indeed, China's self-serving approach will not 
establish the foundation for long-term economic success in 
Africa.
    The onus is on the United States, working with our allies 
and partners, as well as various multinational institutions to 
demonstrate that there is another path to prosperity.
    The United States stands for local jobs, honest business 
practices, high-quality projects, environmental responsibility, 
and mutual prosperity. For instance, the Prosper Africa 
initiative that Chairman Van Hollen just mentioned, seeks to 
foster us investment.
    It expands Africa's middle class and it improves business 
climates across the region. We need more programs like this. 
Congress should also do its part to ensure that such 
initiatives have the appropriate oversight and the resources 
necessary to advance their objectives.
    I hope that the hearing today will spur greater debate 
about ways to improve U.S. trade and investment in Africa.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator.
    Now I would like to introduce our witnesses more fully 
before we turn it over to them.
    We are joined by Ms. Liser, who is the third president and 
CEO of the Corporate Council on Africa, and before taking this 
role, Ms. Liser served as Assistant U.S. Trade Representative 
for Africa where she led trade and investment toward 49 sub-
Saharan African nations and oversaw the implementation of the 
African Growth and Opportunity Act.
    In addition to her role on the Corporate Council on Africa, 
Ms. Liser also sits as co-chair of the Advisory Council for the 
Millennium Challenge Corporation and is a member of the Sub-
Saharan Africa Advisory Committee for the Ex-Im Bank.
    Ms. Liser received her B.A. in international relations from 
Dickinson College, and I am proud that she earned her M.A. in 
international relations from Johns Hopkins University in the 
state of Maryland.
    Welcome to you.
    Dr. Signe is a senior fellow in the Global Economy and 
Development program at the Africa Growth Initiative at the 
Brookings Institution.
    In addition to his role at Brookings, he is also a full 
professor and founding co-director of the Globalization 4.0 and 
Fourth Industrial Revolution Initiative at the Thunderbird 
School of Global Management, a distinguished fellow at Stanford 
University Center for African Studies, and chairman of the 
Global Network for Africa's Prosperity, as well as a senior 
advisor to top leaders in business and politics from around the 
world.
    Dr. Signe is the author of numerous scholarly publications 
and has taught at Oxford, Stanford, Georgetown, and many other 
institutions of higher education. Dr. Signe was educated in 
Cameroon, France, and Canada, received his Ph.D. from the 
University of Montreal and completed his post-doctoral studies 
at Stanford University on a Banting Fellowship. Welcome, Dr. 
Signe.
    Ms. Hruby is a nonresident senior fellow with the Africa 
Center at the Atlantic Council. Over the course of her career, 
she has consulted extensively in over 25 African markets and 
regularly advises senior policymakers and private sector 
leaders on doing business in Africa.
    Ms. Hruby also teaches at Georgetown University and is the 
co-author of ``The Next Africa: An Emerging Continent Becomes a 
Global Powerhouse.''
    Previously, she worked as managing director of the Whitaker 
Group, an Africa-focused advisory firm that has helped 
facilitate over $2 billion in capital flows to the continent, 
and served as an international trade specialist at the Barnett 
Group, where she specialized in Middle East and Africa trade.
    She studied economics, political science, and international 
relations at the University of Colorado, received a Master's 
degree from the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown, and 
received an executive MBA from the Wharton School at the 
University of Pennsylvania.
    Welcome, Ms. Hruby.
    I think we can see from the vast experience and expertise 
on this panel that we have a terrific group of people. So why 
do not we begin now in the order in which I introduced all of 
you with, Ms. Liser.

  STATEMENT OF FLORIZELLE LISER, PRESIDENT AND CEO, CORPORATE 
               COUNCIL ON AFRICA, WASHINGTON, DC

    Ms. Liser. I would like to thank Senator Van Hollen, the 
Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health Policy, Senator 
Hagerty, and others on the committee for the invitation to 
speak today at this important hearing.
    I am Florie Liser, president and CEO of the Corporate 
Council on Africa, which is the only U.S. trade association 
solely focused on expanding trade and investment between the 
United States and Africa.
    This hearing is perfectly timed. Today, CCA concluded the 
second of 3 days of this year's U.S.-Africa Business Summit. 
Although we are holding it virtually this year, the summit 
annually gathers U.S. and African leaders from government and 
business to discuss the most important opportunities and 
issues.
    The theme of this year's summit is ``New Pathways to a 
Stronger U.S.-Africa Economic Partnership,'' and sessions at 
the summit have just covered a number of important themes you 
target in this hearing, including a session we had just this 
morning where we hosted Representative Karen Bass and 
Representative Chris Smith, who met with a number of key 
companies who are investing in Africa to hear more from them 
about just how we can expand our trade and investment 
relationship with the nations of Africa.
    This is the right time to reassess our economic 
relationship with the continent, and the short version of my 
conclusions about how we do this is that the United States and 
companies are not taking advantage of the opportunities we 
could in terms of what Africa offers, while our competitors are 
doing a much better job.
    In the next 10 to 20 years, Africa's importance to world 
markets will grow significantly in many of the sectors that 
drive American prosperity, including ICT, energy, finance, 
infrastructure, and health.
    The COVID pandemic has accelerated existing African efforts 
to change the continent's narrative. As they look to build back 
better, African countries are doubling down on integrating 
their economies, accelerating digitalization efforts, better 
linking up with shifting global supply chains, and improving 
their health security as well as their overall economic 
prosperity by increasing manufacturing of health as well as 
many other products on the continent, and they are looking to 
the private sector to lead the way in each of these cases and 
sectors.
    In sum, African governments and companies have made it 
crystal clear that they intend to build a better Africa that is 
much more competitive and better integrated into global supply 
chains. They have also made it clear that the United States and 
American companies are very welcome, often preferred partners.
    So how should we respond? The U.S. Government and Congress 
can help by providing some public guidance on what kind of 
long-term relationship we have in mind. Since its enactment in 
2000, AGOA has been the cornerstone of U.S. economic policy 
towards Africa. It is now set to expire in 2025.
    Africa has become much more sophisticated and better 
integrated globally since 2000. Africa is now in the process of 
completing the first phase of creating the world's largest 
unified market through the African Continental Free Trade 
Agreement.
    The United States would best serve its own interests by 
recognizing the progress Africa has made and putting in place 
policies that will allow our companies to mutually grow the 
U.S. and African economies along the lines above.
    We should adopt a more nuanced policy and multifaceted 
approach that recognizes that there is no one-size-fits-all 
approach to Africa that accepts that unilateral preferences for 
certain African nations should continue under AGOA while we go 
beyond AGOA in developing mutually beneficial reciprocal 
agreements, FTAs, and support the AfCFTA's implementation and 
ensure its success.
    The Biden administration has helpfully reiterated U.S. 
support for AfCFTA and we should definitely continue that. On 
AGOA, the goal should be to help the countries which have yet 
to benefit from this important duty-free access to U.S. market, 
and there is no conflict in doing these while at the same time 
continuing the U.S.-Kenya FTA discussions and establishing a 
template or model for trade agreements with Africa that go 
beyond Africa, go beyond AGOA, and mutually benefit our 
companies and workers.
    We should also keep in mind that these discussions are 
taking place against the backdrop of Africa's pressing fight to 
combat the COVID pandemic. African officials never again want 
to be at the end of supply chains that can fail, leaving their 
populations vulnerable.
    One of the aspects of the U.S. response to COVID that 
African leaders have singled out approvingly is the provision 
of the advanced market purchase for vaccines. The G-20 is 
already looking at whether some version of this can be applied 
to set up funding to minimize the impact of future pandemics.
    In conclusion, CCA looks forward to the opportunity to work 
with members here today and many others, both Senate and House 
and on both sides of the aisle, to develop the kind of 
multifaceted approach that will grow and enhance the U.S.-
Africa economic relationship.
    Thanks for the opportunity to speak to you today at this 
hearing, and I look forward to answering any questions.
    [Prepared statement of Ms. Liser follows:]

               Prepared Statement of Ms. Florizelle Liser

    I would like to thank the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health 
Policy for the invitation to speak today at this important hearing. I 
am Florie Liser, the President and CEO of the Corporate Council on 
Africa, which is the only U.S. trade association solely focused on 
expanding trade and investment between the United States and Africa.
    This hearing is perfectly timed. Today, CCA concluded the second of 
3 days of this year's U.S.-Africa Business Summit. Although we are 
holding it virtually this year, the Summit annually gathers U.S. and 
African leaders from government and business to discuss the most 
important opportunities and issues. The theme of this year's Summit is 
``New Pathways to a Stronger U.S.-Africa Economic Partnership,'' and 
sessions at the Summit have just covered a number of important themes 
you target in this hearing.
    This is the right time to reassess our economic relationship with 
Africa. The short version of my conclusion is that:

   The United States and American companies are not taking 
        advantage of all of the opportunities we could be in terms of 
        what Africa offers, while our competitors are doing a much 
        better job.

   In the next 10 to 20 years, Africa's importance to world 
        markets will grow significantly in many of the sectors that 
        drive American prosperity, including ICT, energy, finance, 
        infrastructure and health.

   The COVID pandemic has accelerated existing African efforts 
        to change the continent's narrative. As they look to build back 
        better, African countries are doubling down on integrating 
        their economies, accelerating digitalization efforts, better 
        linking up with shifting global supply chains and improving 
        their health security as well as their overall economic 
        prosperity by increasing manufacturing of health as well as 
        many other products on the continent. And they are looking to 
        the private sector to lead the way in each of these cases.

    In sum, African governments and companies have made it crystal 
clear that they intend to build a better Africa that is much more 
competitive, and better integrated into global supply chains. They have 
also made it clear that the United States and American companies are 
very welcome--often preferred--partners. How should we respond?
    The U.S. Government and Congress can help by providing some public 
guidance on what kind of long-term relationship we have in mind. Since 
its enactment in 2000, AGOA has been the cornerstone of U.S. economic 
policy towards Africa; it is now set to expire in 2025. Africa has 
become much more sophisticated, and better integrated globally since 
2000. Africa is now in the process of completing the first phase of 
creating the world's biggest unified market through the African 
Continental Free Trade Agreement, or AfCFTA. Far beyond just lowering 
tariffs, it has set up an innovative mechanism to resolve trade 
disputes and resolve non-tariff barriers to trade, as well as establish 
a payments network and adopt common standards and regulations.
    The United States would best serve its own interests by recognizing 
the progress Africa has made and putting in place policies that will 
allow our companies to mutually grow the U.S. and African economies 
along the lines outlined above. We should adopt a much more nuanced 
policy and multi-faceted approach that recognizes that there is no `one 
size fits all' approach to Africa--that accepts that unilateral 
preferences for certain African nations should continue under AGOA 
while we go beyond AGOA in developing mutually beneficial, reciprocal 
agreements (FTAs), and support the AfCFTA's implementation and ensure 
its success.
    The Biden administration has helpfully reiterated U.S. support for 
AfCFTA. This should be a critical component for U.S. economic 
engagement with Africa, and nothing we do should undermine this 
important African process. Indeed, to the extent that we can support 
African governments creating the kinds of trade and investment 
provisions under AfCFTA that will allow U.S. companies to thrive, it is 
in our interest to support Phase II negotiations on chapters like 
digital services and standards. The U.S. Government should make more 
experts from the technical U.S. agencies available immediately to 
consult and offer lessons learned from our experience. Greater 
engagement with select U.S. regulatory agencies will also pay huge 
dividends as African governments grapple with how to handle technical, 
but crucial issues, particularly in the digital space.
    On AGOA, the goal should be to help the countries which have yet to 
benefit from this important duty-free access to the U.S. market.
    And there is no conflict in doing these while at the same time 
continuing the U.S.-Kenya FTA discussions, and establishing a template 
or model for trade agreements with Africa that go beyond AGOA and 
mutually benefit our companies and workers The USG has the opportunity 
to negotiate a trade agreement that doesn't merely adopt the U.S. 
``gold standard'' FTA provisions, but is open to an FTA model that 
makes sense for the U.S. and its African partners. . Such a model would 
cover more than just goods trade to include services, digital trade, 
and other areas that are critical to 21st century trade, and would 
highlight what kind of transition periods that may be necessary, and 
will help both sides think through how to integrate bilateral trade and 
investment provisions with existing African Regional Economic 
Communities and the AfCFTA. For other African countries, our best 
approach may well be to consider extending AGOA provisions broadly or 
for specific sectors, like textiles and apparel, although we should do 
so in a way that reinforces regional economic integration and value 
chains, while also not eroding African competitive access to the U.S. 
market.
    There is an urgency about this, as several of our competitors are 
ahead of us in terms of developing their potential for two-way trade 
and investment with Africa. Europe, in particular, has concluded 
Economic Partnership Agreements with most of the continent, including 
Regional Economic Communities. Kenya has very recently concluded a 
trade agreement with the UK and other Africans are in the process of 
doing the same. And the advanced of African countries (like Mauritius) 
have concluded reciprocal trade agreements with a range of countries 
including China, the European Union, EFTA, and Mercosur countries. The 
faster we can raise our profile and increase our engagement, the 
better.
    We also need to get more allies involved. Specifically, the U.S. 
Government could best amplify its efforts by engaging more trade 
associations and private sector groups, both to make them aware of the 
opportunities, and to engage them in trade negotiations and discussions 
with our African partners. Prosper Africa is an admirable initiative to 
raise the USG profile and to more effectively support U.S. companies 
who are competing against companies from all around the world (not just 
China) who have the full support of their governments in helping them 
be competitive in Africa's growing markets. Beyond Prosper Africa and 
the President's Advisory Committee on Africa (PAC-DBIA), the U.S. 
Government can do more to level the playing field and support more 
U.S.-Africa commercial deals.
    We should also keep in mind that these discussions are taking place 
against the backdrop of Africa's pressing fight to combat the COVID 
pandemic. African officials never again want to be at the end of supply 
chains that can fail, leaving their populations vulnerable. They are 
determined to partner with private sector firms to increase investments 
in vaccines, their various inputs and PPE. Their preferred partners 
would be American, but they are intent on moving quickly with whichever 
companies will respond. DFC has announced some very helpful investments 
and grants. CCA is pleased to share that we have established our U.S.-
Africa Health Security Resilience Initiative, which was specifically 
designed to help identify gaps and areas where the private sector can 
help deliver better health outcomes while saving limited resources, and 
building a much bigger market. This is the kind of proactive initiative 
that can help raise the U.S. profile in health and beyond.
    One of the aspects of the U.S. response to COVID that African 
leaders have singled out approvingly is the provision of the Advanced 
Market Purchase for vaccines. The G20 is already looking at whether 
some version of this can be applied to setting up a fund to minimize 
the impact of future pandemics and/or support current commercial 
investments to bolster the base line of health systems. Congress might 
usefully consider whether that kind of mechanism could be applied in 
other priority areas, including energy, infrastructure, and 
agriculture. This could be combined with the very important efforts of 
creating mechanisms to reallocate the $650 billion in additional IMF 
Special Drawing Rights that have been critical to address the economic 
impact of COVID beyond health.
    CCA looks forward to the opportunity to work with the Members here 
today and many others--both Senate and House and on both sides of the 
aisle--to develop the kind of multi-faceted approach that will grow and 
enhance the U.S.-Africa economic relationship.
    Thanks for the opportunity to speak to you today at this hearing 
and I look forward to answering any questions.

    Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you for your testimony, Ms. 
Liser.
    I want to explain that we have a vote on, so it is nothing 
that you said as to why Senator Hagerty left. He is going to go 
vote and come back, and then we will do a relay so that we can 
continue with the hearing without interruption. So thank you.
    Dr. Signe.

 STATEMENT OF DR. LANDRY SIGNE, SENIOR FELLOW, GLOBAL ECONOMY 
    AND DEVELOPMENT AFRICA GROWTH INITIATIVE, THE BROOKINGS 
                  INSTITUTION, WASHINGTON, DC

    Dr. Signe. Thank you very much, Chairman Van Hollen, 
Ranking Member Rounds, and distinguished members of the 
subcommittee for your extraordinary leadership on U.S. trade 
and investment with Africa.
    I am incredibly honored and grateful for the opportunity 
offered to me by the members of the subcommittee to testify on 
U.S. trade and investment in Africa.
    I am Landry Signe, executive director and professor at the 
Thunderbird School of Global Management, senior fellow at the 
Brookings Institution, Global Economy and Development, and 
Africa Growth Initiative. I am the author of ``Unlocking 
Africa's Business Potential.''
    It is time for the U.S. to reverse the trend on the ground 
in Africa, the ground lost in Africa, as many traditional and 
emerging powers are racing to capture Africa's tremendous 
economic potential.
    By 2050, Africa's combined consumer and business spending 
will exceed USD $16 trillion and the combined GDP may also 
exceed USD $29 trillion.
    So by the end of the century, Africa will contain up to 40 
percent of the world population. The United States has a 
sustained competitive advantage to partner with Africa, advance 
U.S. trade and investment with Africa while meeting Africa's 
priorities for mutual prosperity.
    This could be best realized through a long-term 
comprehensive Africa strategy building on value-based foreign 
policy and a market-based model of development, technology, 
commerce, education, accountability, amongst others.
    My recommendations for effective U.S. trade and investment 
in Africa are as follows.
    Focus policy action on impact and on the effective 
implementation and delivery of initiatives beyond big policy 
announcements.
    Make Prosper Africa more agile in its ability to manage 
complexity and competition, and appoint a dedicated full time 
chief executive officer to assist the current leadership team.
    Redefine the base for new engagement with Africa by 
appointing a U.S. Special Presidential Envoy for Africa to 
represent the U.S. at high-level meetings and increase 
presidential and high-level visits in Africa.
    Promote commercial diplomacy through an economic strategy 
that goes beyond the traditional vision of trade and 
investment, and domestically increase efforts to document and 
disseminate Africa's tremendous potential to U.S. SMEs.
    Capitalize on the AfCFTA that provides the opportunity for 
the U.S. and the world to address the global macroeconomic 
imbalances largely due to excessive concentration of supply 
chains.
    For the AfCFTA of the post-2025 AGOA to be successful, the 
U.S. should really be involved in regular high-level 
consultations between the United States Trade Representative, 
the AfCFTA, and the African Union, creating a working group 
which will define the critical steps forward.
    Capitalize also on the diaspora, which is heavily 
represented in the U.S., by specifically adopting a diaspora 
commercial diplomacy.
    Accelerate the COVID-19 vaccine strategy and partnerships, 
and invest in the vaccine-manufacturing industry and healthcare 
in Africa.
    Contribute to closing the gap in the physical and digital 
infrastructure by leveraging existing program through 
initiatives and agencies, but also by supporting African 
strategic digital transformations.
    The U.S. can, finally, build on higher education to provide 
technical training and reskilling programs through initiatives 
and agencies to close the digital skill gap and improve human 
capital, especially the youth and women. You spoke about YALI, 
which is an illustration of such an initiative.
    In closing, by acting promptly and forging transformative 
leadership aligned with African values, the U.S. has the 
opportunity not only to advance its own interests but to 
contribute to the transformation of Africa.
    Thank you very much for your attention. I am looking 
forward to your questions.
    [Prepared statement of Dr. Landry Signe follows:]

                 Prepared Statement of Dr. Landry Signe

    Thank you very much, Chairman Van Hollen, Ranking Member Rounds, 
and distinguished members of the Subcommittee, for your extraordinary 
leadership on U.S. Trade and Investment with Africa. Your exemplary 
bipartisan work on Africa inspires many in the U.S. and abroad on how 
politics can be used to serve the greater good. I am incredibly 
honored, and grateful, for the opportunity offered to me by the members 
of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's (SFRC) Subcommittee on 
Africa and Global Health Policy to testify on U.S. Trade and Investment 
in Africa.
    I am Landry Signe, Executive Director and Professor at the 
Thunderbird School of Global Management, Senior Fellow at the Brookings 
Institution's Africa Growth Initiative in the Global Economy and 
Development Program, and a member of the World Economic Forum's 
Regional Action Group on Africa, and the World Economic Forum's Global 
Future Council on Agile Governance.
    Advancing trade, investment, and technology in Africa offers 
enormous economic growth and increased prosperity for both regions and 
is best realized through value-based foreign policy and a market-based 
model of development, education, and accountability. There is no better 
time to accelerate U.S. trade and investment in Africa than now. 
Despite Africa's tremendous economic potential, the U.S. has lost 
substantial ground to traditional and emerging partners, especially 
China. Indeed, while recent trends indicate that the U.S. engagement 
with the region has fallen, it has not and should not cede its 
relationship with the region to other powers.
    Importantly, the U.S. can build on new regional momentum to revive 
and strengthen its partnership with Africa for mutual prosperity, 
including building on the recent launch of the African Continental Free 
Trade Area (AfCFTA), and given the promise of the initiatives of the 
DFC, Prosper Africa, and the post-AGOA 2025 options. To do so means a 
shift in emphasis in the relationship to one more focused on value-
based foreign policy (https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/01/15/united-
states-africa-biden-administration-relations-china/),\1\ and also 
building upon the areas of strength and convergence with African 
citizens' preferences (https://www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-in-focus/
2020/10/23/us-foreign-policy-toward-africa-an-african-citizen-
perspective/); \2\ such as trade, investment, technology, education, 
accountability, and a market-based model of development.
  why should the u.s. care? africa's tremendous trade and investment 
      potential, and expanding continental integration and global 
             partnerships (strategic geopolitical partner)
    ``Borders frequented by trade seldom need soldiers.''

        -William Schurz, second President of the American Institute for 
        Foreign Trade (now the Thunderbird School of Global Management)

    Trade and investment are not just about money and prosperity. They 
also bring and support peace, stability, and security. In my book 
Unlocking Africa's Business Potential (https://www.brookings.edu/book/
unlocking-africas-business-potential/),\3\ I explore key trade and 
investment trends, opportunities, challenges and strategies, that 
illustrate the tremendous potential of Africa, and explain the complex 
competition between emerging and established powers on the continent. 
The following key trends are critical for policymaking given their 
implications for trade investment, economic transformation, inclusive 
prosperity, geopolitical dynamics, and mutual U.S.-Africa interests.
Africa's economic transformation and business potential are more 
        substantial than most people think: the world's next growth 
        market
    Considered a hopeless continent in 2000 by The Economist (https://
www.economist.com/weeklyedition/2000-05-13), Africa has seen the two 
best cumulative successive decades of its existence in the 21st 
century. Trade in and with Africa has grown 300 percent in the last 
decade, outperforming global averages (196 percent).\4\ It has become 
home to many of the world's fastest-growing economies, offering unique 
opportunities for U.S. trade and investment. Moreover, Africa has 
tremendous economic potential and offers rewarding opportunities for 
local and global partners looking for new markets and long-term 
investments with some of the highest returns, but also the potential to 
foster economic growth, diversification, job creation, including for 
women and youth, and improved general welfare.
The fast population growth on the continent could be turned into 
        demographic dividends, or threats to global prosperity and 
        stability
    Africa was home to 17 percent of the world population in 2020, and 
is expected to have 26 percent of the global population in 2050 (2.53 
billion people).\5\ If Africa is not successfully integrated into the 
global economy, there could be a major threat to global prosperity and 
stability. Citizens could be further subject to extreme poverty, 
fragility, violent extremism, illegal immigration, health challenges, 
among others--challenges that many already face on the continent. If 
our goal is a prosperous and safe world, Africa must not be left 
behind.
The growth of household consumption and business spending: a unique 
        opportunity for U.S. trade and investment
    By 2050, Africa will be home to an estimated USD $16.12 trillion of 
combined consumer and business spending.\6\ \7\ And Africa's prosperity 
can be good for the U.S.: Such growth will offer tremendous 
opportunities for U.S. businesses in household consumption (USD $8 
trillion) in areas such as food and beverages, housing, hospitality and 
recreation, health care, financial services, education and transport, 
and consumer goods, but also business to business spending 
(construction, utility, and transportation, agriculture and agri-
processing, wholesale and retail, etc.).
The rise of global partnerships and the competition between traditional 
        and new players: an opportunity for the U.S. to build on its 
        sustainable competitive advantage
    China (https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/01/15/united-states-africa-
biden-administration-relations-china/) became the region's prime 
trading partner. In fact, between 2006 and 2016, China's trade with 
Africa surged, with imports increasing by 233 percent and exports 
increasing 53 percent, as they did for several other global players as 
well.\8\ During the same period, the U.S. lost ground in exports to 
Africa (^66 percent).\9\
    China's influence goes beyond the trade relationship: It is also 
the top investor in infrastructure, and now is the first destination of 
English-speaking African students, outperforming the U.S. and the 
U.K.\10\




    But the U.S. remains a critical player on the continent, as I 
mentioned in a recent article (https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/01/15/
united-states-africa-biden-administration-relations-china/): 
``Successes in the past decades--initiatives such as the African Growth 
and Opportunity Act (AGOA), the President's Malaria Initiative, the 
President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, the Millennium Challenge 
Corporation, and U.S. trade and investment hubs--have generated 
tremendous opportunities for millions of Africans and Americans. But 
the current era--and competition from other global powers--will require 
new ideas and a new approach to several key issues.'' \12\ In fact, 
African countries would often prefer to work with the U.S. given local 
content regulation rules, more investment in on-the-ground resources, 
and standards about hiring/training locals. In other words, it's less 
extractive and more transparent than numerous other partners.
Fast urbanization but also fast rural population growth
    By 2030 (https://www.brookings.edu/research/spotlighting-
opportunities-for-business-in-africa-and-strategies-to-succeed-in-the-
worlds-next-big-growth-market/), Africa will be home to 5 cities of 
more than 10 million inhabitants and 12 other cities of more than 5 
million inhabitants.\13\ Cities in Africa are becoming powerful 
economic centers, and a city-based approach to foreign policy, but also 
trade and investment, will be critical to outperform competitors and 
build mutual prosperity. Contributing to the prosperity of African 
cities will also make a difference in addressing security challenges.
Africa has made tremendous progress in mobilizing resources for 
        infrastructure development, working hard to bridge gaps in ICT, 
        energy, water and sanitation, and transportation
    Despite the remaining deficits, the Infrastructure Consortium for 
Africa (ICA) (https://www.mckinsey.com/business-functions/operations/
our-insights/solving-africas-infrastructure-paradox) reported that 
between 2013 and 2017 the annual funding for infrastructure development 
in the region was USD $77 billion, about twice as much as the annual 
funding average of the first 6 years of the two-thousands.\14\ However, 
many of these gaps persist. In 2018 the African Development Bank (AfDB) 
found that Africa's infrastructure requirements range between USD $130 
and $170 billion (https://www.afdb.org/en/documents/document/african-
economic-outlook-aoe-2018-99877) a year, leaving a financing gap of USD 
$68 to $108 billion.\15\ China has played a key role in financing, and 
has become the largest bilateral infrastructure financier in Africa 
(Chinese FDI grew 40 percent annually (https://www.forbes.com/sites/
miriamtuerk/2020/06/09/africa-is-the-next-frontier-for-the-internet/
?sh=4f4d1f774900) over the last decade).\16\ However, the U.S. has the 
chance to make a monumental difference when it comes to investing in 
infrastructure development in Africa.
    In fact, Africa has one of the fastest-growing (https://
www.afdb.org/en/knowledge/publications/tracking-africa's-progress-in-
figures/infrastructure-development), and is the second-largest, mobile 
phone market in the world.\17\ \18\ In sub-Saharan Africa alone, there 
were 477 million mobile subscribers in 2019; by 2025, the region will 
host 614 million cell phone subscribers, and 475 million mobile 
internet users.\19\ The internet is also expected to contribute to at 
least 5 to 6 percent (https://www.afdb.org/en/knowledge/publications/
tracking-africa's-progress-in-figures/infrastructure-development) of 
Africa's total GDP by 2025.\20\ While the Information and Communication 
Technology sector is making incredible advancements, water and 
sanitation, transportation, and energy infrastructure development still 
needs significant investment. However, this is indicative of positive 
and extensive investment opportunities that can be undertaken on the 
African continent.
Fast digitalization, increased technological innovation, and an 
        accelerated Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR)
    The Fourth Industrial Revolution is characterized by the fusion of 
the digital, biological, and technological world, and technologies such 
as artificial intelligence, big data, 5G, drones and automated 
vehicles, and cloud computing.\21\ As a world leader in technological 
innovation, digital transformation, and the Fourth Industrial 
Revolution, the United States is well-positioned to play a leading role 
in the African digital space and contribute to Africa's pursuit of now-
vital technologies.
    Indeed, advanced technology can have beneficial spillover effects: 
For example, in health, countries such as Rwanda and Ghana are using an 
American drone company (https://www.businessinsider.com/zipline-drone-
coronavirus-supplies-africa-rwanda-ghana-2020-5), Zipline, to deliver 
in record time, medication, blood, and medical supplies to remote rural 
areas with limited road accessibility.\22\ In agriculture, African 
farmers now have access to affordable precision farming tools (https://
hbr.org/2017/05/how-digital-technology-is-changing-farming-in-africa) 
that use sensors, satellites, smart devices, and big data technologies 
to inform every decisions. The lending, insurance, and e-commerce 
opportunities provided by the fintech industry are transforming the 
lives of all Africans, and not just those in urban centers. These 
advancements are just the beginning too, as African entrepreneurs are 
increasingly seeking partners to bring transformative businesses to 
life. African tech startup funding increased over 40 percent in 2020 to 
over USD $700 million, a fraction of tech startup funding outside of 
Africa. Despite such progress, the digital divide remains important and 
must be bridged to allow inclusive development. During the pandemic for 
example, access to school and business on the continent was more 
complex given the level of internet connectivity, among others. 
Bridging the digital divide represent an opportunity to both advance 
U.S. trade and investment in Africa while addressing some of Africa's 
key priorities.
Fast regional integration and the African Continental Free Trade Areas: 
        opportunities for a continental engagement
    With the signing of the African Continental Free Trade Area 
(AfCFTA) in 2018, ratification in 2019, and an official launch in 
January 2021, African growth prospects and business opportunities have 
been magnified. The continent is giving the world just one more reason 
to invest in it with the creation of the largest new free-trade zone 
per number of countries in world, since the creation of the WTO. The 
AfCFTA will accelerate Africa's industrialization as well as incomes, 
which will lead to the increase of both household consumption and 
business spending, generating unique opportunities for U.S. trade and 
investment. Per a World Bank study (https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/
trade/publication/the-african-continental-free-trade-area), the AfCFTA 
has the potential to lift 30 million people out of extreme poverty, 
increase the income of 68 million Africans, increase Africa's exports 
by USD $560 billion, and generate USD $450 billion of potential gains 
for African economies by 2035.\23\
The sustained demand for accountability, democracy, and stability of 
        African citizens, and policy priorities aligned with U.S. core 
        values
    Per Afrobarometer surveys (https://www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-
in-focus/2020/10/23/us-foreign-policy-toward-africa-an-african-citizen-
perspective/), 7 out of 10 Africans support democracy and accountable 
governance, and approximately two-thirds are opposed to a single party 
or military government.\24\ Importantly, areas in which the U.S. has a 
sustained competitive advantage, given its global leadership in 
democracy and human rights, and its support for such issues as health 
and education, are priorities for Africans too.\25\ Given China's 
leadership in infrastructure, the U.S. could grow its footprint in this 
area but by partnering with other players such as the G7 and the 
European Union countries. This approach will be welcomed by African 
citizens, who prefer the U.S. model of development (32 percent) over 
the Chinese one (23 percent).\26\
    u.s. policy recommendations for bolstering trade with africa by 
increasing investment, bridging the digital divide, and addressing the 
              continent's energy and infrastructure needs
    The pandemic has created unique momentum for engagement with 
Africa. The U.S. should seize this momentum and build on Congress' 
historical bi-partisan support for the region to develop and 
successfully implement a long-term comprehensive Africa strategy that 
effectively coordinates action around trade, investment, commerce, and 
economic growth. This strategy should draw from consultations with 
African partners and multilaterals, building on areas of sustainable 
competitive advantages. The strategy should:

      a)  be rooted in the American values and principles that are 
            aligned with the priorities of African citizens and U.S.-
            Africa mutual trade and investment interests

      b)  protect American, African, and global interests by advancing 
            security, stability, and peace through strategic 
            partnerships with African organizations

      c)  utilize U.S. strengths (digital transformation, Fourth 
            Industrial Revolution, education, creative industries, 
            health, democratic values, etc.) in the context of the new 
            continental trade dynamics brought about by the African 
            Continental Free Trade Areas (AfCFTA).

    Importantly, these are areas where the U.S. can still outperform 
its main competitors such as China or Russia. More specifically, my 
recommendations to the Subcommittee are as follows:
Build on multilateralism and strategic alliances in concert with 
        African partners to advance U.S. and African interests
    Given Africa's own emphasis on regionalism, the U.S. would do well 
to support those efforts and align its own strategy with this 
perspective in mind. Core African partners include: the African Union, 
the African Continental Free Trade Area, the Africa Centres for Disease 
Control and Prevention, the African Union Development Agency, the 
African Development Bank, among others.
    African leaders are looking for partners, especially in terms of 
trade and investment, more than they need aid. Initiatives from the 
Millennium Challenge Corporation and the DFC should further support 
African regional and continental projects, when possible, through 
regional compacts (MCC, through the 2018 AGOA and MCA Modernization Act 
(https://www.mcc.gov/news-and-events/feature/regional-investments), 
allows investments to be made across borders in Africa, creating 
opportunities for trade and investment by fostering regional 
integration and integrated markets).\27\ For the U.S. to outperform its 
competitors, it must be on the ground engaging with Africa both at the 
base but also at the highest levels, building on the Trade and 
Investment hubs, but going much further.
Enhance the effectiveness and better coordinate the action of U.S. 
        agencies acting around trade and investment in Africa by 
        adopting the principle of agile governance
    The U.S. already has phenomenal tools, which in principle, could 
make a monumental difference if successfully implemented. Prosper 
Africa holds a lot of potential in terms of trade, investment, shared 
prosperity, and effective coordination of U.S. agencies, which is not 
yet realized. The goal of Prosper Africa is to coordinate the tools 
from across government agencies \28\ and to foster trade and investment 
between the U.S. and Africa. Although it is a great idea, many players, 
especially on the African side, are still hoping for it to achieve its 
full potential. It will be extremely important to have major wins to 
reinstate trust with African partners.
    I recommend making Prosper Africa more agile in its ability to 
manage complexity and competition, and appoint a dedicated full-time 
Chief Executive Officer to assist the current Executive Chairman and 
Chief Operating Officer, who are doing tremendous work. This new 
position should have the authority needed to fix the pacing, 
(appropriate speed of action) coordination (legitimate and appropriate 
coordination), and representation challenges (uniqueness of the voice, 
communication, and acceptance of the credibility), to deliver 
exceptional outcomes for U.S. and African businesses, and investors, to 
achieve mutual prosperity.
Redefine the base for new engagement with Africa by appointing a U.S. 
        Special Presidential Envoy for Africa to represent the U.S. at 
        high-level meetings and multiply presidential and high-level 
        visits in Africa
    To stop ceding ground to other powers in Africa, it is crucial that 
the U.S. reiterate the respect it has for Africa, Africans, and their 
leaders. Appointing a Special Envoy and reinstating high-level 
meetings, including presidential visits to the region, between the 
United States and Africa will send a strong signal. Regular visits by 
senior U.S. officials, including the President and his cabinet, will 
help to shift perceptions around Africa, highlighting the continent as 
a safe, reliable destination for investment. Creating a forum for 
dialogue between government officials and the SME community will create 
the opportunity to engage in a systematic and coordinated way.\29\
    Advancing such levels of engagement, with specific actions, will 
substantially advance mutual interests. The U.S. should build on this 
to further institutionalize relations with Africa and engagements at 
the highest level. The success of the U.S.-Africa Business Forum 
(https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2016/09/21/
remarks-president-obama-us-africa-business-forum), which did contribute 
to deals around USD $14 billion between 2014 (first edition) and 2016, 
with additional deals and commitments of USD $9 billion at the 2016 
edition, illustrate the importance of high-level meetings, which should 
be reinitiated (The first edition (https://2014-2017.commerce.gov/tags/
us-africa-business-forum.html) of the U.S.-Africa Business Forum was 
attended by about 50 heads of state and governments, and 150 global 
CEOs).
    This is not just important for African leaders, but also for 
African citizens who prefer the U.S. model of development compared to 
any other country.\30\ Strategically seizing such as opportunity to 
build a long-term sustainable advantage will be critical.
For the successful implementation of the AfCFTA and other critical 
        initiatives (post-2025 AGOA, among others) the U.S. should be 
        involved in regular high-level consultations between the United 
        States Trade Representative, the AfCFTA, and the African Union, 
        creating a working group which could define the critical steps 
        forward
    It is important to engage with Africa on the way forward about 
U.S.-Africa relations, through regular consultations. The AfCFTA offers 
new opportunities for U.S. businesses to use Africa as a global 
platform, not just to capitalize on the large African market, but to 
benefit from the unique advantage provided to sell around the world. 
The U.S. will also gain market shares, etc. Africa can become the base 
for U.S. companies to trade not just with Africa, but with the world as 
well. Africa is not just a market, but also a platform to manufacture 
and export in other regions of the world. The AGOA Forum provides a 
platform to discuss these questions in partnership with Africans, but 
it remains underutilized.
The U.S. should capitalize on the AfCFTA that provides the opportunity 
        for the U.S. and the world to finally address the global 
        macroeconomic imbalances which have been reflected in 
        structurally large U.S. current account deficits with a handful 
        of countries largely on account of excessive concentration of 
        supply chains
    The growth opportunities associated with increasing economies of 
scale and productivity growth under the AfCFTA provides the path to 
reorder and diversify the supply chains for greater resilience and 
while also sustainably addressing the macroeconomic imbalances which 
have dominated the world economy over the past decades.
    Already several countries and corporations are taking advantage of 
growth opportunities offered by the AfCFTA in the automotive industry. 
Volkswagen (https://www.economist.com/business/2018/06/28/vw-opens-
rwandas-first-car-assembly-plant) has opened its first car plant in 
Rwanda.\31\ \32\ Groupe Peugeot Societe Anonyme (https://
www.peugeot.co.za/brand-and-technology/news/peugeot-to-open-a-new-
assembly-plant-in-namibia.html) has established its first plant to 
assemble up to 5000 cars a year in Namibia, taking advantage of the 
free market area to target customers in other countries across the 
region.\33\ With its population growth and rising middle class, Africa 
could well become the largest market for the automotive industry in the 
coming decades.
    These are tremendous opportunities that U.S. carmakers, including 
those manufacturing less polluting new energy vehicles should be 
targeting, especially with Africa's excess reserves of lithium and 
coltan which are some of the most important raw materials for a rapidly 
changing industry.
Focus policy action on impact, and on the effective implementation and 
        delivery of initiatives, not just on big policy announcements
    The U.S. should distinguish itself by focusing on successful 
implementation of existing or new initiatives. For example, the G7 
countries and partners have announced an USD $80 billion dollars 
commitment for Africa's private sector for the next 5 years. How will 
it be implemented? It is critical to have a clear mechanism for 
successful implementation that includes sufficient details about the 
projects. For example, the U.S. and partners should engage with African 
multilaterals (AfCFTA, AU, etc.) and governments during the 
policymaking and implementation processes to strategically identify and 
align objectives. An implementation unit may be created, and a 
multistakeholder working group to assess and decide on mutual 
priorities. Similarly, how could the Build Back Better World initiative 
be successfully implemented, and to what extent will Africa benefit 
from it? The Administration needs to appoint a leader to strategically 
engage and to have consultations with allies. Bringing the allies 
together, and giving teeth to the plans that have been put together, 
will be critical to build sustainable competitive advantage for the 
U.S.
The U.S. should promote commercial diplomacy through an economic 
        strategy that goes beyond the traditional vision of trade and 
        investment. Domestically, the U.S. should increase efforts to 
        document and disseminate the tremendous potential Africa can 
        have for U.S. businesses
    Given that a central goal of Prosper Africa is to double two-way 
trade, the United States should play a better role in identifying and 
sharing business and investment opportunities with its domestic 
businesses and corporations. As large corporations are already better 
resourced when dealing in Africa, American SMEs are the most likely 
beneficiaries of Prosper Africa--whether through market access or on 
the supply side--and the DFC should provide them with resources to help 
trade and invest in a timely manner. For Prosper Africa to benefit both 
the U.S. and Africa, each side needs to feel confident in the trading 
process and consider each other as friends.
    Prosper Africa should focus on specific mechanisms aimed at 
ensuring that American SMEs better understand the dynamics in Africa, 
to develop a specific interest and attraction on the continent and make 
others more eager to invest and do business there. This goal can be 
achieved through business promotion and facilitation activities 
encouraging business development as well as corporate diplomacy.
The U.S. should capitalize on the African Diaspora, which is heavily 
        represented and active in the U.S., by specifically adopting 
        diaspora commercial diplomacy to foster trade and investment 
        between the U.S. and Africa
    President Biden has made steps in strengthening this relationship 
through early engagement with the community, but this strategy can be 
pursued further in regard to trade and investment with Africa in order 
to distinguish the U.S. from other competitors and accelerate its 
competitive advantage. The collaborations between African innovators on 
the continent and African and African-American innovators based in the 
U.S. have the potential to advance (https://www.brookings.edu/blog/
africa-in-focus/2019/02/14/from-wakanda-to-reality-building-stronger-
relations-between-african-americans-and-africa/) U.S.-Africa relations 
on several levels.\34\ Members of the African diaspora have an 
incredibly valuable understanding of Africa-U.S. cross-cultural 
engagement, not to mention existing relationships and networks on the 
continent, making them perhaps the best suited to Prosper Africa's 
efforts to support and facilitate business I mentioned above. Prosper 
Africa should formalize a relationship with the African diaspora's SME 
community and the continent's SME community, and routinely engage as a 
group, to support the formulation of strategies and mechanisms to 
increase two-way trade. It has started such an effort, but can do more: 
For example, in 2019, Brookings hosted a conversation between USAID and 
members of the diaspora's SMEs. It brought to light specific, 
actionable ways to enhance the program's mechanisms, including the need 
to expand staff support at trade hubs, expedite DFC loans, and improve 
data collection and analysis. SMEs in Africa are crucial to include in 
these conversations so that all stakeholders are involved to ensure 
Prosper Africa designs effective, efficient policies.
Accelerate the COVID-19 vaccine strategy and partnerships, and 
        aggressively pursue vaccine diplomacy beyond COVID-19 by 
        supporting the development of a vaccine manufacturing industry 
        in Africa, including investments in human capital and 
        technology development \35\
    According to the Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 
(Africa CDC), only 3.19 percent (https://africacdc.org/covid-19-
vaccination/) of Africans have received at least one dose of the COVID-
19 vaccine as of July 21, 2021.\36\ A Duke University study estimated 
that most Africans will not have had an opportunity to receive the 
COVID-19 vaccine until 2024 (https://www.ey.com/en_gl/public-policy/
how-free-trade-can-accelerate-africas-covid-19-recovery).\37\ The 
devastation of the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as other epidemics in 
recent years like, has revealed the urgent need for investment in 
Africa's national and continental healthcare systems. Vaccine diplomacy 
is a crucial first step towards helping Africa recover from the 
pandemic and prevent the emergence of new variants that might damage 
the recoveries in other nations.
    While it is the right thing to do, it will also support U.S. 
businesses. Poor healthcare systems threaten Africa's industrialization 
and workforce development, and now is the opportunity for the U.S. to 
help build equitable health systems and ensure preparedness for future 
health emergencies. This support should not be limited to loans or 
donations. Partnerships with academic institutions or public-private 
partnerships between U.S. and African agencies and firms that create 
avenues for collaboration, knowledge exchange, and skill and technology 
development will all be instrumental in strengthening the soft power of 
the U.S.
    Specifically, the U.S. should provide broad technical and financial 
support for the new African Union-Africa CDC initiative, Partnerships 
for African Vaccine Manufacturing (PAVM), which aims to build five 
vaccine-manufacturing research centers over the next 10-15 years. The 
success of this PAVM initiative would open doors for a transformation 
of Africa's pharmaceutical industry in Africa, a sector that has 
enormous growth potential. The development must go beyond ``fill and 
finish'' manufacturing, which does little to truly decrease Africa's 
overreliance on foreign suppliers.\38\
Contribute to closing the gap in the physical and digital 
        infrastructure by leveraging existing programs supporting 
        African countries' digital transformation strategies \39\
    The U.S. already has established infrastructure and technology 
development programs, but is underutilizing them. Such initiatives, 
especially those that focus on electricity and internet penetration, 
should be prioritized and fast-tracked.\40\
    Most importantly and prior to even leveraging these existing 
initiatives, the U.S. should consult and act in partnership with 
African countries for the investments in major infrastructures, 
including 5G. For example, an opportunity is within OPIC [now DFC]'s 
``Connect Africa'' initiative, which was launched with a fund of USD $1 
billion for transportation, ICT, and value chain development 
projects.\41\ The Power Africa initiative has been successful, and 
augmenting the program now would contribute to repairing and 
strengthening the U.S.-Africa relationship.\42\
    Furthermore, several African countries are developing and 
implementing a multi-stakeholder Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) 
national task force or commission to assess country readiness and adopt 
a comprehensive national strategy. Initiatives such as the Centers for 
the Fourth Industrial Revolution (South Africa and Rwanda), or the 
Presidential Commission on the 4IR (South Africa) should be supported 
and replicated across the continent.
The U.S. must continue and increase its support to bridging the 
        infrastructure gap in Africa while advancing trade and 
        investment for mutual prosperity
    This, simultaneously, represents both a way forward to enhance 
trade and investment while achieving the global public good. In fact, 
in Sub-Saharan Africa, over 50 percent (https://data.worldbank.org/
indicator/EG.ELC.ACCS.ZS?locations=ZG) of people live without access to 
electricity, more than 70 percent (https://data.worldbank.org/
indicator/SH.H2O.SMDW.ZS?locations=ZG) of people live without access to 
safe drinking water, 69 percent (https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/
SH.STA.BASS.ZS?locations=ZG) of people live without basic 
sanitation,\43\ and 53 percent (https://www.afdb.org/en/knowledge/
publications/tracking-africa's-progress-in-figures/infrastructure-
development) of the roads are unpaved.\44\ China has been playing a 
central role by investing in these areas.
    Importantly, the U.S. should differentiate its approach from 
competitors by emphasizing engagement with African continental 
organizations (PIDA, the AFDB, the African Development Fund, among 
others), bilaterally--and more importantly, transparently, with 
specific countries, and by partnering with allies. The U.S. also could 
better support capacity building and regional projects through 
investments, new projects, and partnerships. The U.S. could better 
partner with Africa to bring its own expertise and knowledge to serve 
at various phases of project development, such as studies and 
implementation.\45\ A long-term partnership will also be key to 
outperforming other players. The U.S. will see a high return for its 
investments, as well as geostrategic balance. The U.S. will fill an 
empty seat, that would otherwise be occupied by other players on the 
continent.
The U.S. can build on higher education, another area of comparative 
        advantage, to provide technical training and reskilling 
        programs through initiatives and agencies to close the digital 
        skills gap and human capital gap (especially for youth and 
        women) \46\
    It is crucial the U.S. expand educational and training 
opportunities in Africa. The soft skills and development of academic 
institutions provide the opportunity for the U.S. to lay the foundation 
for a lasting win-win partnership with Africa, sustained by knowledge 
exchange and deepening business ties. U.S. policy needs to provide 
support that incentivizes American universities to open more campuses 
and degree programs, especially in STEM and technology, throughout 
Africa. Such programs provide skills in areas critical for the rise of 
manufacturing industry and effective decentralisation of global supply 
chains and will be equally beneficial learning opportunities for 
African students and American students who may study abroad. For 
example, Carnegie Mellon University has a campus in Rwanda that offers 
master's programs in information technology and electrical and computer 
engineering.\47\ Morgan State University has recently launched a 
partnership (https://global.morgan.edu/africa/) with a university in 
Ghana, offering two graduate degree programs to students.\48\ Fast-
growing SMEs will be far more likely to evolve and invest in areas 
where there is a skilled workforce or, at least, resources to support 
training workers, and added U.S. support could go a long way towards 
creating an attractive business environment for SME investment. It is 
indeed an opportunity to establish a long-term partnership of a new 
nature between U.S. and Africa.
                               conclusion
    In closing, it is time for U.S. to reverse the trend in the ground 
lost in Africa as many traditional and emerging global powers are 
racing to capture Africa's tremendous economic potential. The U.S. has 
a sustained competitive advantage to partner with Africa, advance U.S. 
trade and investment with the continent, while meeting the majority of 
Africans' priorities. It is up to the U.S. to pursue the 
recommendations above and seize this unique momentum to advance mutual 
U.S.-Africa trade and investment interests. By acting promptly, and 
forging transformative partnerships aligned with African values, the 
U.S. has the opportunity not only to advance its own interests, but to 
contribute to the transformation of a continent that will make up 
nearly 40 percent of the world's population by 2100, but also the 
opportunity to lead the way in building a more prosperous, democratic, 
secure, and stable world. As mentioned by William Schurz, ``borders 
frequented by trade seldom need soldiers.''
    Thank you very much for your attention and looking forward to your 
questions.

----------------
Notes

    \1\ Landry Signe, ``How to Restore U.S. Credibility in Africa,'' 
Foreign Policy, January 15, 2021 (https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/01/15/
united-states-africa-biden-administration-relations-china/).
    \2\ E. Gyimah-Boadi, Landry Signe, and Josephine Appiah-Nyamekye 
Sanny, ``US foreign policy toward Africa: An African citizen 
perspective,'' Africa in Focus, Brookings (https://www.brookings.edu/
blog/africa-in-focus/2020/10/23/us-foreign-policy-toward-africa-an-
african-citizen-perspective/).
    \3\ Landry Signe, Unlocking Africa's Business Potential 
(Washington: Brookings Institution Press, 2020).
    \4\ Landry Signe and Chris Heitzig, ``Seizing the momentum for 
effective engagement with Africa,'' forthcoming 2021.
    \5\ Signe, Unlocking Africa's Business Potential, p. 247.
    \6\ Ibid.
    \7\ Ibid., p. 14.
    \8\ Wenjie Chen and Roger Nord, ``Reassessing Africa's global 
partnerships,'' in Foresight Africa 2018 (Brookings Institution, 
January 11, 2018) p. 110 (https://www.brookings.edu/research/
reassessing-africas-global-partnerships/)
    \9\ Ibid.
    \10\ Signe, ``How to Restore U.S. Credibility in Africa.''
    \11\ Ibid.
    \12\ Signe, ``How to Restore U.S. Credibility in Africa.''
    \13\ Acha Leke and Landry Signe, ``Spotlighting opportunities for 
business in Africa and strategies to succeed in the world's next big 
growth market'' in Foresight Africa 2019 (Brookings Institution, 
January 11, 2019), p. 83 (https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/01/15/united-
states-africa-biden-administration-relations-china/)
    \14\ Kannan Lakmeeharan and others, ``Solving Africa's 
infrastructure paradox,'' McKinsey & Company, March 6, 2020 (https://
www.mckinsey.com/business-functions/operations/our-insights/solving-
africas-infrastructure-paradox)
    \15\ AfDB, African Economic Outlook 2018, p. xvi (https://
www.afdb.org/en/documents/document/african-economic-outlook-aoe-2018-
99877)
    \16\ Miriam Tuerk, ``Africa is the Next Frontier for the 
Internet,'' Forbes, June 9, 2020 (https://www.forbes.com/sites/
miriamtuerk/2020/06/09/africa-is-the-next-frontier-for-the-internet/
?sh=1bf4088a4900)
    \17\ AfDB, ``Infrastructure Development,'' 2021, (https://
www.afdb.org/en/knowledge/publications/tracking-africa's-progress-in-
figures/infrastructure-development).
    \18\ GSMA, ``The Mobile Economy Sub-Saharan Africa,'' 2020 (https:/
/www.gsma.com/mobileeconomy/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/
GSMA_MobileEconomy2020_SSA_Eng.pdf).
    \19\ Ibid. In Sub-Saharan Africa mobile internet users (https://
www.gsma.com/mobileeconomy/sub-saharan-africa/) are expected to 
increase from 272 million (26 percent of the population) in 2019 to 475 
million (39 percent) in 2025, and 65 percent of people will own 
smartphones by 2025.
    \20\ AfDB, ``Infrastructure Development.''
    \21\ Njuguna Ndung'u and Landry Signe, ``The Fourth Industrial 
Revolution and digitization will transform Africa into a global 
powerhouse,'' in Foresight Africa 2020, (Brookings Institution, January 
8, 2020), p. 61 (https://www.brookings.edu/research/the-fourth-
industrial-revolution-and-digitization-will-transform-africa-into-a-
global-powerhouse/)
    \22\ Noah Lewis, ``A tech company engineered drones to deliver 
vital COVID-19 medical supplies to rural Ghana and Rwanda in minutes,'' 
Business Insider, May 12, 2020 (https://www.businessinsider.com/
zipline-drone-coronavirus-supplies-africa-rwanda-ghana-2020-5)
    \23\ World Bank, ``The African Continental Free Trade Area,'' July 
27, 2020 (https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/trade/publication/the-
african-continental-free-trade-area)
    \24\ Gyimah-Boadi, Signe, and Sanny, ``US foreign policy toward 
Africa: An African citizen perspective.''
    \25\ Ibid.
    \26\ Signe, ``How to Restore U.S. Credibility in Africa.''
    \27\ MCC, ``Regional Investments,'' 2021 (https://www.mcc.gov/news-
and-events/feature/regional-investments)
    \28\ The agencies include: USAID (U.S. Agency for International 
Development), DFC (U.S. International Development Finance Corporation), 
U.S. Department of Commerce (DOC), U.S. Department of State, U.S. Trade 
and Development Agency (USTDA), Export-Import Bank of the United States 
(EXIM), U.S. African Development Foundation (USADF), U.S. Office of the 
Trade Representative (USTR), Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), 
U.S. Department of Energy (DOE), U.S. Department of Labor (DOL), U.S. 
Department of Homeland Security's Customs and Border Protection (DHS/
CBP), U.S. Department of Transportation (DOT), U.S. Department of 
Treasury, U.S. Department of Defense (DoD), U.S. Department of 
Agriculture (USDA), U.S. Small Business Administration (SBA).
    \29\ This recommendation is an adapted excerpt from my previously 
published article ``Can Trump's Prosper Africa make America greater 
than China and other partners in Africa?'' Brookings, 26 July 2019 
(https://www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-in-focus/2019/06/26/can-trumps-
prosper-africa-make-america-greater-than-china-and-other-partners-in-
africa/)
    \30\ Gyimah-Boadi, Signe, and Sanny, ``US foreign policy toward 
Africa: An African citizen perspective.''
    \31\ ``VW opens Rwanda's first car-assembly plant,'' The Economist, 
June 30, 2018 (https://www.economist.com/business/2018/06/28/vw-opens-
rwandas-first-car-assembly-plant)
    \32\ Ignatius Ssuuna, ``Volkswagen opens Rwanda's 1st car assembly 
plant,'' The Washington Post, June 27, 2018 (https://
www.washingtonpost.com/world/africa/volkswagen-opens-rwandas-1st-car-
assembly-plant/2018/06/27/83c9bcb2-7a07-11e8-ac4e-
421ef7165923_story.html)
    \33\ ``Peugeot to open new assembly plant in Namibia,'' Peugeot, 
2018, (https://www.peugeot.co.za/brand-and-technology/news/peugeot-to-
open-a-new-assembly-plant-in-namibia.html)
    \34\ Landry Signe, ``From Wakanda to reality: Building mutual 
prosperity between African-Americans and Africa,'' Africa in Focus, 
Brookings, February 14, 2019 (https://www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-in-
focus/2019/02/14/from-wakanda-to-reality-building-stronger-relations-
between-african-americans-and-africa/)
    \35\ This recommendation is adapted from my forthcoming report, 
``Seizing the momentum for effective engagement with Africa,'' co-
authored with Chris Heitzig.
    \36\ Africa CDC, ``Africa CDC Vaccine Dashboard,'' (https://
africacdc.org/covid-19-vaccination/)
    \37\ Douglas Bell and Kyle Lawless, ``How free trade can accelerate 
Africa's COVID-19 recovery,'' EY, February 23, 2021 (https://
www.ey.com/en_gl/public-policy/how-free-trade-can-accelerate-africas-
covid-19-recovery)
    \38\ Carlos Mureithi, ``What Pfizer and BioNTech's partnership in 
Africa means for the continent,'' Quartz Africa, July 22, 2021 (https:/
/qz.com/africa/2036736/what-pfizer-and-biontechs-partnership-in-africa-
means-for-africa/?utm--source=email&utm_medium=africa-weekly-
brief&utm_content=2ed74f95-ebc6-11eb-a0a8-ca71a6b14d37)
    \39\ This recommendation is adapted from my forthcoming report, 
``Seizing the momentum for effective engagement with Africa,'' co-
authored with Chris Heitzig.
    \40\ Emilia Columbo, ``Leveraging Africa's Technology Boom to 
Protect U.S. Interests,'' Lawfare, April 7, 2020, (https://
www.lawfareblog.com/leveraging-africas-technology-boom-protect-us-
interests)
    \41\ U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (USDFC), 
``OPIC Launches Connect Africa Initiative to Invest more than $1 
Billion Supporting Infrastructure, Communications, and Value Chain 
Connectivity,'' July 2, 2018, (https://www.dfc.gov/media/opic-press-
releases/opic-launches-connect-africa-initiative-invest-more-1-billion-
supporting)
    \42\ Katie Auth and others, ``Going Big on Power Africa: Fortifying 
the Initiative for Today's Urgent Challenges,'' Energy for Growth Hub, 
March 24, 2021 (https://www.energyforgrowth.org/report/going-big-on-
power-africa-fortifying-the-initiative-for-todays-urgent-challenges/)
    \43\ Data retrieved from the World Bank DataBank (https://
databank.worldbank.org/home.aspx) and represents various years between 
2017 and 2019.
    \44\ AfDB, ``Infrastructure Development.''
    \45\ The United States Trade and Development Agency (USTDA) is 
already playing an important role in advancing capacity building and 
regional projects in Africa.
    \46\ This recommendation is adapted from my forthcoming report, 
``Seizing the momentum for effective engagement with Africa,'' co-
authored with Chris Heitzig.
    \47\ W. Gyude Moore, ``Biden already has Africa's early goodwill, 
here's how to deliver on its promise,'' Quartz Africa, January 22, 2021 
(https://qz.com/africa/1961323/?utm_term=mucp)
    \48\ Morgan State University, (https://global.morgan.edu/africa/)

    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. Thank you, Dr. Signe.
    Now we will turn to Ms. Hruby. Thank you for your testimony 
today.

   STATEMENT OF AUBREY HRUBY, NONRESIDENT SENIOR FELLOW, THE 
        AFRICA CENTER, ATLANTIC COUNCIL, WASHINGTON, DC

    Ms. Hruby. Thank you, Senators, for the opportunity to 
speak today, and a special thanks to your hard-working staff 
for putting this hearing together and all that they do.
    My name is Aubrey Hruby and I am a senior fellow at the 
Africa Center at the Atlantic Council and I am a long-term 
advisor to investors investing across the continent.
    You spoke eloquently about the tools that we now have in 
our toolbox when it comes to U.S.-Africa commercial diplomacy. 
I wanted to give some recommendations on how those tools could 
be improved and then what we should use those tools to do.
    So going first to the DFC, the biggest issue there has been 
the equity power that was granted to the DFC in the BUILD Act 
and has not been fully realized because of scoring budgetary 
issues with OMB.
    So I fully support efforts by Senator Murphy and by 
Representative Castro in the EAGLE Act and the Innovation and 
Competition Act to fix this issue and allow the DFC to be able 
to operate with its full equity allocation, making it 
competitive with European DFIs and with other states that 
finance infrastructure and projects globally.
    The DFC should also work with Prosper Africa to engage 
domestically in the United States, not invest but to engage in 
terms of mobilizing investment, interest, and institutional 
capital to be introduced to African opportunities.
    We have a big country and we have a very dynamic market, 
and one of the reasons why many companies do not look to Africa 
is they have many other places to look, and we need to 
introduce them to the opportunities. So this domestic 
imperative to mobilize capital should be a part of how the DFC 
works with Prosper Africa.
    Also on the DFC, I hope that it continues to remain focused 
on investing in lower income countries and maintaining that 
development finance mandate with the exceptions it can get 
through the White House process to invest in higher income 
countries.
    The focus should remain one that would benefit U.S. 
companies and African markets as they seek to develop.
    On Prosper Africa, I think the biggest issue there comes in 
terms of its focus area. It needs to have sectoral focus, 
because trying to mobilize investment around a general mission 
of just facilitating trade investment is very difficult because 
no one goes to a cocktail party and says, I work for the 
private sector.
    No, they work in banking. They work in farming. They work 
in tech. So we need to organize the Prosper Africa outreach 
based on a sectoral focus.
    When it comes to MCC, I believe MCC should have the ability 
to do subnational compacts. Today, it can do national compacts, 
partnerships between, say, the U.S. and Ghana, which received 
multiple compacts from the MCC, and it can do regional 
compacts, and I was pleased to see the announcement of a 
movement to do the West Africa Power Pool, which is an example 
of a regional compact.
    However, I do believe we are leaving something on the table 
when we do not think about working with subnational entities 
like Nigerian states, for example, where we could have huge 
impact on poverty alleviation and encourage good governance 
with that competition that happens in federalism, which we know 
well, as a large, messy federal democracy ourselves.
    So in that sense, I think we are missing an opportunity 
with MCC.
    On AGOA, Florie spoke eloquently on the importance that 
AGOA has played in undergirding our commercial ties with 
African nations.
    Thinking about what replaces a 25-year program is an 
important process, and I think this committee and others can 
encourage hearings, encourage Prosper Africa to start a process 
of thinking about what should replace AGOA. It needs the best 
minds and energies that we have to bear.
    Now, with these tools, what should we focus on? We spoke 
about the need to remain competitive in the face of competition 
with China.
    My focus would be on digital infrastructure, in particular. 
We have been concerned for some time about Huawei, ZTE, and 
other companies building out the telecom infrastructure that is 
in African markets.
    I think we have the opportunity in the U.S. to leapfrog 
some of that with satellite, not to mention our dominance in 
things like media, entertainment, and venture capital.
    So if you think of the future of African markets, it will 
be shaped by the cell phone, and this is the mirror of the 
world of hundreds of millions of young Africans.
    The question is who is going to shape how this is used, 
what is on it, the content of the future, and for me, that is 
what we should be thinking about, how best the U.S. can use our 
tools and American companies' investments and our policy to 
kind of shape a better digital future more aligned with shared 
values between the U.S. and African nations around democracy, 
free and fair internet, and participating fully in a digital 
economy.
    So thank you. I look forward to taking questions.
    [Prepared statement of Ms. Hruby follows:]

                   Prepared Statement of Aubrey Hruby

    Distinguished members of the committee and fellow witnesses: I 
would like to begin by thanking you for the opportunity to testify 
before you today.
    My name is Aubrey Hruby. I am a Senior Fellow with the Africa 
Center at the Atlantic Council, and I have spent my career advising 
Fortune 500 companies and investors to design and implement successful 
investment and market entry strategies in over 32 African markets. I 
will devote my testimony to the following 5 themes: (1) improving DFC, 
USAID, MCC, AGOA, Prosper Africa and the new tools needed to bolster 
economic engagement in Africa; (2) playing a greater role in helping to 
aid implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) 
and the opportunities the AfCFTA afford U.S. firms; (3) how to work 
with allies and partners to meet Africa's needs and present a better 
alternative to China and Russia; (4) how U.S. investment in 5G and 
telecoms can help bridge the digital divide on the continent; and (5) 
what the next generation of Africans is looking for in U.S.-Africa 
relations and where the alignment is between U.S. investment 
opportunities and African growth needs.
                              introduction
    Emerging markets, home to 6 billion people, accounted for nearly 
two-thirds of global growth and half of new consumption came from 
emerging markets over the past 15 years.\1\ In order to remain 
competitive throughout the 21st century and beyond, U.S. companies need 
to be better equipped to navigate and succeed in the fast-growing 
markets of Asia and Africa. As the youngest continent with the highest 
urbanization rate in the world, Africa's 1.2-billion-person market, 
home to six of the world's ten fastest growing economies, increasingly 
commands more attention from U.S. tech and entertainment companies. 
This momentum should be accelerated by creative U.S. government 
financing and support initiatives. Ensuring that Prosper Africa 
actualizes its potential and continuing to enhance the DFC should be 
key pillars of U.S. commercial policy moving forward.
Improving DFC, USAID, MCC, AGOA, Prosper Africa and the new tools 
        needed to bolster economic engagement in Africa
    DFC--In order to enable the U.S. to compete with Chinese financing 
activity in African markets and match the offerings of European DFIs, 
the DFC needs the full equity power afforded to it in the BUILD Act and 
potentially more. It is my understanding that OMB faces challenges 
scoring equity in the budget and the DFC has yet to receive the full $1 
billion outlined by the BUILD Act because OMB is treating equity 
investments on a dollar-to-dollar basis as it would with grants. The 
DFC must be allowed to start with at least $1 billion in equity 
authority, using a net present value model so only 5 percent of the $1 
billion needs to be provided in direct appropriations in the form of a 
loan loss reserve as is common with European DFIs. The legislation 
currently allows for up to 35 percent of its $60 billion investment 
portfolio (or $21 billion) to be made in the form of equity.\2\ 
Therefore $1 billion of equity authority is a minimum for the DFC to be 
taken seriously. As the Senate considers the EAGLE Act and reconciles 
it with the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act, I urge that the 
changes put forth in the amendment from Rep. Joaquin Castro (D-TX) to 
the EAGLE Act and those from Senator Chris Murphy to the Innovation and 
Competition Act that would fix the budget scoring issue around equity 
investing be codified into law.
    I strongly supported the expansion of the DFC through the BUILD Act 
as it is crucial to U.S. commercial policy globally and particularly in 
African markets. And going forward, it should remain focused on 
investing in low-income countries and this committee should resist 
efforts that have been made within the EAGLE Act to shift the agency 
away from its core development finance mandate. The DFC also needs the 
resources, personnel, and direction to mobilize capital domestically in 
order to optimize its international activities.
    While, by mandate, the DFC must operate internationally, it must 
also embrace a domestic imperative, in partnership and coordination 
with Prosper Africa, to actively mobilize institutional capital and 
better support U.S. investors who venture into new markets. This will 
require the DFC to address key data, network, visibility, and 
structural gaps that have historically handicapped U.S. investment in 
the emerging world. It can no longer remain passive in Washington 
waiting for investors or project sponsors to facilitate opportunities.
    The DFC could partner with USAID's Prosper Africa to create an 
office of project promotion that would facilitate the collection and 
synthesis of data from an investor perspective on projects in sectors 
of U.S. competitive advantage. The data could be accessed via a portal 
by state offices of international trade, business associations and 
investors, and used as part of DFC roadshows to major U.S. cities.
    There remains a widespread perception that U.S. companies are not 
active and are disadvantaged in African markets. This office could help 
to dispel this misperception by working with U.S. business schools to 
commission a series of in-depth case studies of both successes and 
failures in African markets. High-level business forums can also help 
to address the visibility gap between U.S. investors and investment 
opportunities by creating a platform for sharing these investment case 
studies, especially when they have highly visible White House or 
Congressional support. The natural tendency of investors is to invest 
in what they know best, which is often what is in their backyard. But 
in today's interconnected market and video-conferencing world, distance 
is no longer an excuse for ignorance.
    In parallel, the DFC should create a program for private sector 
secondees, volunteers, and retirees to serve in advisory council roles 
on specific funds, deals, and sector teams. Or for those interested in 
a longer, on-the-ground commitment, a Peace Corps MBA-type initiative 
(a U.S. commercial corps) should be considered.\3\ The Dutch 
Government-funded PUM Netherlands Senior Experts--a nonprofit 
organization that develops small and medium-sized enterprises in over 
thirty emerging markets--provides a viable model.\4\ These types of 
programs would amplify U.S. soft power and create a new cadre of 
American business leaders with experience and linkages to African 
markets.
    Prosper Africa--Building on the recommendations above, I believe 
that Prosper Africa, despite its slow roll-out, has been a positive 
development in U.S. Africa commercial policy. The deal teams are an 
unprecedented effort to coordinate the disparate agencies involved in 
U.S.-Africa commercial policy. This backend coordination should be 
sustained and strengthened. In terms of enhancing its competitiveness, 
Prosper Africa needs to have an outward sectoral organizing principle 
and focus. For example, Power Africa should be a front-facing focus of 
Prosper Africa, as well as a future digital Africa program. I often 
like to use the analogy of a computer chip to describe Prosper Africa. 
Prosper Africa is like the intel chip of a Dell or HP laptop. For me, 
Prosper Africa is our computer processor, universal in the backend 
process, operating as a coordination mechanism that brings everything 
together while the front-facing brand to our African partners or U.S. 
companies in Chicago, Houston or Seattle see and engage with Power 
Africa or Digital Africa.
    As Prosper Africa approaches its 2-year mark, it is still 
struggling to articulate and operationalize its vision of doubling 
trade and investment by mobilizing U.S. capital. To put it on the right 
course, the Biden administration and/or Congress should encourage the 
following recommendations:

      (1) Define priority sectors for U.S. commercial policy in African 
markets. Prosper Africa should announce and market a focus on two or 
three priority sectors, choosing among energy, financial services, 
agribusiness and renewables, specialized oil and gas services, digital 
infrastructure/technology, or media and entertainment as priority 
sectors for its capital mobilization and partnership development 
efforts. Each can then be operationalized through task forces, 
replacing the Doing Business in Africa (DBIA) campaign as the mechanism 
for channeling engagement with U.S. companies. When it comes to 
infrastructure and implementing the vision outlined by the Build Back 
Better World Initiative, the U.S. Government should engage companies on 
African opportunities in niche areas that make commercial sense--
especially in renewables, energy management services, cybersecurity, 
data centers, and smart city technologies.

      Taking a sectoral approach does not mean that U.S. Government 
agencies will shut the door on companies seeking support in sectors 
that are not a priority, but rather structure active promotion and 
communication around priority sectors. If Prosper Africa were to adopt 
a sectoral focus, it could inject excitement about potential 
investments through industry-specific communications and outreach. A 
sectoral emphasis also has a secondary effect--it enhances and 
accumulates expertise in a particular sector within the U.S. Government 
(as has happened with Power Africa), which can be further leveraged to 
support investors. Instead of being jacks-of-all-trades and masters of 
none, U.S. officials become steeped in specific sectors and 
consequently become well positioned to engage with and help U.S. 
companies succeed.

      (2) As part of the office of project promotion outlined above, 
Prosper Africa should find credible interlocutors and create champions 
to be used in investment mobilization efforts. Prosper Africa should 
convene a group of industry ambassadors in priority sectors with 
experience in emerging markets to act as validators and mobilize their 
networks. These industry ambassadors would play a critical operational 
role in the sectoral task forces. The ideal person would be someone who 
had recently retired or was taking a sabbatical and is interested in 
goal-oriented public service. They should remain based in cities 
outside of Washington, DC, enabling the Prosper Africa team to have a 
wider reach across the country.

      (3) Take the show on the road. Prosper Africa needs to 
significantly expand outreach efforts to connect U.S. businesses with 
commercial opportunities in African markets. Prosper Africa can help 
coordinate with the DFC and other government agencies on a series of 
roadshows in U.S. cities that are home to the most competitive 
companies to generate interest in Prosper Africa's target sectors. For 
example, a focus on the media and entertainment sector would include 
regular activities in Los Angeles and New York.

      Internal mobilization of capital and business interest could be 
paired with U.S. investor trips, segmented by sector and investor type, 
to African markets and reverse trips of stellar African entrepreneurs 
to the U.S. These trips could be modeled on the USAID-supported 
Mobilizing Institutional Investors to Develop Africa's Infrastructure 
(MiDA) program that has been bringing U.S. pension funds to large 
African markets for the past 3 years. By educating and building trusted 
networks for U.S. companies, focused investor missions can help Prosper 
Africa meet the goal of doubling trade and investment between the 
United States and Africa.

    The efforts outlined above should be informed by market data. Given 
the size and breadth of the American economy, mobilizing U.S. 
investment into African markets will require experimentation. As a 
starting point, Prosper Africa could focus on experiments in three main 
areas: messaging, education, and structure. First up, U.S. Government 
agencies need a better understanding of how to effectively present 
African investment opportunities to U.S. investors. Despite years of 
economic and governance progress in African nations, old stereotypes 
remain, and U.S. investment is stagnant. By holding focus groups and 
leveraging innovative public relations and marketing firms, this team 
could experiment with new messaging tactics to learn what works and 
what doesn't. Beyond messaging, effectively educating different types 
of investors from venture capitalists to pension fund trustees requires 
some experimentation. This includes everything from determining who in 
these organizations are the correct targets for education to 
understanding which up-to-date, actionable data are needed and which 
platforms are most effective.
    MCC--Congress must also work to make the Millennium Challenge 
Corporation a more efficient and sustainable investment platform by 
allowing it to make subnational compacts. MCC currently works on a 
bilateral basis with individual national governments and the Millennium 
Challenge Act allows for such assistance to ``regional or local 
government units,'' but the act requires the MCC Board to identify and 
evaluate countries, not regions, for compacts.\5\ I am glad to see that 
MCC is using its regional capacity in West Africa with the recent 
progress with ECOWAS around the West Africa power pool.\6\ This is an 
important new effort that will hopefully deliver learnings that can be 
used in future regional projects.
    But we are missing an opportunity to advance MCC's mandate to drive 
poverty alleviation in well-governed places at the subnational level. 
MCC's selection indicators typically reported only at the national 
level, especially for the corruption and democratic governance hurdles 
which are the primary cause of scorecard failures.\7\ It is likely that 
the MCC is going to run out of partner countries as countries 
increasingly will not pass the indicators on the national level. This 
would also prevent particularly impoverished regions of otherwise 
wealthy countries from participation in the MCC. Therefore, I am in 
agreement with former MCC CEO Dana J. Hyde that the MCC should, in 
certain contexts, address poverty reduction at the local level through 
regional or sub-regional compacts.
    The subnational approach would make a lot of sense in federal 
countries such as Nigeria and would mirror the changing private sector 
market-entry strategies of focusing on cities rather than national 
economies. It would enable the MCC to partner with states and 
municipalities that would be overlooked given national failure in the 
scorecard assessment and mobilize the competitive nature of federalism 
to drive regulatory reform.
    The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA)--Given that AGOA has 
been the backbone of the U.S.-Africa trade relationship for the past 
20+ years and its expiration is on the horizon, it is important to 
create a process to mobilize the best thinking on the future of U.S.-
African trade. Prosper Africa, working with USTR, could oversee this 
process working with think tanks to create a working group with 
experts, surveying companies and consulting with African policy and 
business leaders. Congress can support this process by calling for 
hearings and reports.
Playing a greater role in helping to aid implementation of the African 
        Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the opportunities the 
        AfCFTA afford U.S. firms
    AfCFTA promises U.S. firms a much larger market in which to operate 
their businesses by helping to reduce the high costs of operating in 
the region, particularly in terms of regulatory and logistics expenses. 
The challenge lies in implementing the bold vision that African nations 
have codified in the AfCFTA. The market potential will remain 
unrealized if there is a major gap between the realities on the streets 
and border crossings and what is on the books in terms of the AfCFTA. 
The U.S. can lead in the effort to support the Secretariat of AfCFTA in 
developing digital infrastructure solutions, smart city and e-
government solutions and reducing the cost of logistics through 
digitization. While we have certainly faced our own challenges in 
modernizing our digital and physical infrastructure in the U.S., U.S. 
targeted support for digitization would help African countries to 
leapfrog 20th century approaches to moving people, goods, and services 
across borders. The focus on digital infrastructure would also allow 
the U.S. to compete with Chinese approaches to shaping the digital 
future of over 1 billion Africans. In addition to digital 
infrastructure support, the U.S. can provide embedded advisors and 
technical experts to the Secretariat to support the implementation of 
the AfCFTA.
How to work with allies/partners to meet Africa's needs and present a 
        better alternative to China and Russia
    This is a broad and far-ranging question, and I will touch on some 
of the issues when discussing digital and telecom infrastructure. I 
would like to draw the attention of the committee to one particular 
area of potential U.S.-European-African cooperation--the lithium 
battery value chain. China currently dominates the supply chains for 
inputs to lithium batteries though the majority of the primary 
resources sit in African markets. Ensuring U.S. competitiveness in 
electric vehicles and the future green economy will require a 
rethinking of existing supply chains. To move these supply chains away 
from China and towards the U.S. and EU, we need to create a triangle 
value chain that incorporates African value addition to these vital 
natural resources.
How U.S. investment in 5G and telecoms can help bridge the digital 
        divide on the continent
    It is important that we recognize that most African countries are 
years away from 5G, and estimates state only seven African countries, 
including South Africa, Nigeria, and Kenya will have 5G by 2025.\8\ 
Currently, Chinese companies such as Huawei and ZTE have state-backed 
financing mechanisms and have already built 2G and 3G infrastructure in 
over 40 African countries. According to Cobus van Staden, a senior 
China-Africa researcher at the Southern African Institute of 
International Affairs, Huawei has built roughly 70 percent of the 
continent's 4G network.\9\ Currently, eleven Sub-Saharan African 
nations are deploying Huawei's AI surveillance technologies.\10\ They 
include Cote d'Ivoire, Ghana, Kenya, Uganda, Nigeria, Rwanda, South 
Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. During the COVID crisis, China is greatly 
expanding its aid to African countries and may support countries with 
surveillance technologies that can support tracking and tracing that 
may have other uses beyond the pandemic.\11\ Therefore, the U.S. should 
focus support on other aspects of the telecom and mobile tech space 
sector such as: satellite development and support, support for African 
space agencies, phone applications, fintech, venture capital, content 
creation and creative industries (i.e. Netflix), cybersecurity. This 
could all be done in a flagship digital Africa initiative that would be 
housed under Prosper Africa. By doubling down on sectors in which the 
U.S. is already competitive or at a significant advantage, we can 
maximize U.S. support for a digital future in Africa markets that 
aligns with U.S. values and enhances long-term U.S. competitiveness.
    The current competitive challenge that China presents the U.S. in 
African markets is no longer around its financing and construction of 
physical infrastructure, but rather its new efforts to shape Africa's 
technology stack \12\ and digital future, and as a result how the next 
generation of Africans will consume, interact, and do business with the 
world. Mobile devices have near-universal penetration in Africa's media 
markets, and increasingly, smartphones are becoming more accessible and 
affordable throughout the continent.\13\ Chinese firms have the lion's 
share of the market. By 2025, Africa's mobile penetration is expected 
to reach 50 percent or 614m connections, with 65 percent of those via a 
smartphone.\14\ Shenzhen-based Transsion, which does not operate in the 
United States or Europe, dominates the African smartphone space. It 
holds 40.6 percent unit share under its three brands (Tecno, Indinix, 
and iTel), ahead of second-place Samsung with roughly 19 percent.\15\ 
Increasingly important are the preferential treatment Transsion can 
give its own apps, including market-leading music streaming service 
Boomplay and mobile-money provider PalmPay.\16\ These Transsion brands 
also dominate the featured phone landscape with a combined 69.5 percent 
share. In South Africa alone, Huawei accounts for 14.5 percent of 
phones sold, the second-highest share and significantly more than 
Apple's 4 percent.\17\ Price and Africa-focused features are some of 
the determining factors. Smartphones that cost under $100 composed of 
half the total market share in Africa in Q4 in 2019.\18\
    However, as China's telecommunication infrastructure expands across 
the continent, there are concerns around built-in Chinese-apps, 
privacy, data protection, and over dependence. The recently launched 
African Youth Survey, which interviewed 4,200 African youths aged 18 to 
24, finds that 80 percent of those surveyed view regular access to the 
internet as a human right.\19\ Access to the internet, especially in 
autocratic countries, is often restricted or completely shut down 
during periods of protests and around elections.\20\ A report by Access 
Now, indicates that globally, in 2019, there were 36 incidents in 19 
countries of internet shutdowns lasting longer than 7 days.\21\ Among 
these countries include eight African nations including Chad, Ethiopia, 
the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Eritrea, Mauritania, Sudan and 
Zimbabwe. The U.S. can appeal to young Africans by defending open 
internet standards and policies, especially as U.S. companies are 
involved in some of the largest digital infrastructure projects 
underway in African markets.
    In 2019, Google announced a subsea cable called Equiano that runs 
from South Africa to Portugal, with a stop in Nigeria.\22\ This 
submarine cable will be owned and operated solely by Google, in 
contrast to the consortium of investors that typically co-own these 
cables. Facebook is undergoing an even more ambitious project--the 
2Africa subsea cable that loops around the continent and connects 23 
countries in Africa, Europe, and the Middle East.\23\ The 2Africa cable 
alone, which is scheduled to be completed by 2024, would double the 
total internet capacity on the continent. These subsea investments from 
American firms stand to drastically increase the supply of internet on 
the continent, potentially leading to reduced internet prices.
    The additional broadband capacity that will be delivered by the new 
subsea cables will then require investment into terrestrial fiber 
infrastructure to spread access from the port inland. U.S. companies 
are also investing in innovations still at pilot stage but with the 
potential to scale and be transformative. Google's parent company, 
Alphabet, through its X moonshot company has launched Project Taara to 
expand the existing fiber network to surrounding rural areas at 
significantly lower costs.\24\ Initially piloted in Kenya and India, 
Project Taara transmits high-speed data between two points above ground 
through invisible streams of light.\25\ Transmitting data through the 
air avoids the costs and inconveniences of digging paths to lay fiber 
cables and will be met with fewer regulatory hurdles since private and 
public land is not required. U.S. Government agencies, such as the 
Millennium Challenge Corporation, the U.S. International Development 
Finance Corporation, the Export-Import Bank of the United States, and 
the U.S. Agency for International Development, could partner with X 
moonshot to scale these pilots and provide regional solutions as 
learnings accumulate and costs drop.
    The high cost and low margins of laying fiber cables in rural areas 
has led to a persistent last-mile problem, reinforcing dependence on 
mobile data usage and reinforcing the digital divide. Less than one-
third of Africans have regular access to internet of any kind.\26\ U.S. 
policy should also provide an alternative to Chinese technology by 
promoting new direct-to-consumer satellite solutions. The SpaceX 
StarLink satellite project could also prove transformative in 
delivering high-quality internet directly to consumers wherever they 
may be.\27\ The project's network of interconnected satellites can 
provide high-speed internet access to even the most remote locations on 
the planet, with speeds that are faster than 95 percent of U.S. 
connections.\28\ It is currently in a public invitation-only testing 
phase and is only available in latitudes 45 to 53 degrees, which covers 
a small range of regions in the northern hemisphere.\29\ Initially only 
available in the northern United States and southern Canada, recent 
regulatory permission in the U.K. has allowed StarLink services to be 
offered in the country as well. As more satellites are launched, more 
areas around the globe will be covered by this service. Countries such 
as Greece, Germany, and Australia have already approved StarLink 
operations in anticipation of such an expansion.\30\ StarLink's startup 
kit cost of $499 and monthly payment of $99 would be an obstacle for 
expansion into African economies but expected price drops of new models 
will make this an exciting option for internet access in African 
markets in the next 18 to 24 months.
    In addition to supporting U.S. tech firms that are already 
investing in African markets with financing, advocacy or promotion, the 
United States can also invest in tech solutions, such as improved 
routing protocols, that stand to build device trust and avoid the 
binary choice between U.S. and Chinese tech.\31\ Through these 
policies, the United States can slow and possibly erode the gains that 
companies like Huawei have made on the continent by promoting 
innovative U.S. technologies and providing resources to help unleash 
the second wave of the internet revolution in African countries.\32\
What is the next generation of Africans looking for in U.S.-Africa 
        relations and where is the alignment between U.S. investment 
        opportunities and African growth needs
    Africa's young people are looking to countries and companies that 
can speak to and keep up with their ambitions. They want to engage 
actively in the digital economy and in creative industries and consume 
creative content. And they increasingly are demanding a free and open 
internet as seen in the rise of VPN usage in Nigeria after the June 
Twitter ban. Already a 1.2-billion-person market, Africa's youth are 
better connected than ever before and COVID has accelerated 
digitization of products and services. African start-up ecosystems have 
attracted double-digit fundraising growth year-over-year.\33\ As 
technology adoption expands, the means by which Africans view and see 
the world will be shaped by the hardware and software they have access 
to and use.
    Despite the influx of Chinese investment into the backend of the 
continent's telecommunications infrastructure, venture start-ups, and 
the media space, the United States still has many competitive assets to 
build upon.\34\ The U.S. must leverage the strategic advantage of our 
African diaspora population to build and strengthen ties with the 
African continent. Higher education has a central role to play. The 
United States was built on the backs of Africans and their descendants, 
and the African diaspora continues to play an important role in 
strengthening people-to-people ties across the Atlantic. Of the more 
than 46.8 million African Americans, as of 2018, there were about 2.4 
million foreign-born Africans in the United States, a dramatic rise 
from even 2000 when there were fewer than 1 million. About 40 percent 
of America's African immigrants hold at least a bachelor's degree, a 
rate higher than that of the U.S. born population.
    One area the U.S. Government has long promoted, but faced setbacks 
under the Trump administration, is opening the American education 
system to international students. Since 1950, the United States has 
welcomed an estimated 1.6 million African students to colleges and 
universities adding diversity to classrooms and communities. Today, 
Nigeria is ranked eleventh for the number of students in the United 
States based on country of origin, ahead of countries including the 
United Kingdom, Germany, and France. U.S. universities, and people-to-
people exchanges such as YALI, thus serve as essential mechanisms for 
developing close relations with future African decision makers. More 
than 20 percent of current African leaders studied in the United 
States, including the leaders of Cote d'Ivoire, Ethiopia, Ghana, and 
Kenya. Studying or living in the United States unquestionably deepens 
one's understanding of the country, and while this does not mean future 
African leaders will agree with all U.S. policies, it often does 
predispose them to an openness and familiarity with American policy and 
business ties. Yet, China surpassed the U.S. in 2015 in hosting the 
largest number of English-speaking African students for higher 
education.
    While we face our own infrastructure challenges at home in the U.S. 
in terms of roads and bridges and rail, we should focus on our 
strengths in education as we think of investing in African 
infrastructure as part of the B3W initiative. Creating jobs for the 10 
to 12 million young Africans that enter into the labor force each year 
will require a revolution and expansion of education and it will need 
to be delivered in a mobile digital format.
    Even during the current global pandemic, following the closure of 
schools because of government efforts to mitigate the spread of COVID-
19, the Chinese StarTime's Kenyan subsidiary has launched homeschool 
programming.\35\ It presents primary and high school students with the 
unique opportunity to continue their education through audio visual 
programming that will include live sessions by experienced teachers at 
no cost.
    China is also shaping media content through educational 
initiatives. It helps shape the careers of African journalists through 
high-level media cooperation initiatives and new China-Africa press 
centers.\36\ Each year about 1,000 African journalists participate in 
training programs in China with the aim to build deeper understanding 
and cultural ties with the country.\37\ This is a concerning practice 
given China's history of media coercion and censorship.\38\
    With traditional markets moving digital, the future of the African 
technology stack will only rise in importance. A critical area of 
future competition will be in digital currencies, including China's 
digital yuan, and the potential to undermine dollar hegemony. While 
today the utility of the digital yuan in Africa is minimal, 10 years 
down the road this picture could change significantly with businesses, 
governments, and perhaps everyday individuals using digital yuan to 
settle transactions. All of this may be accelerated by Chinese handsets 
with pre-downloaded apps and wallets that support these 
transactions.\39\
    While trucks, trains, and planes have long dominated how African 
consumers and businesses are able to interact with global markets, the 
digitization in the last decade has changed this equation, and the U.S. 
must update U.S.-Africa policy considering this important trend. By 
marrying soft power and commercial success, the United States can do 
much more than simply help the bottom line of American companies--it 
can win the next generation of hearts and minds in some of the world's 
fastest-growing and youngest markets.

----------------
Notes

    \1\ ``Outperformers: High-growth emerging economies and the 
companies that propel them,'' McKinsey, September 11, 2018, https://
www.mckinsey.com/featured-insights/innovation-and-growth/outperformers-
high-growth-emerging-economies-and-the-companies-that-propel-them#; 
David Muller, ``Emerging Markets--Powerhouse of global growth,'' 
Ashmore Group, May, 2018, http://www.ashmoregroup.com/sites/default/
files/article-docs/MC_10%20May18_2.pdf.
    \2\ Rob Mosbacher, ``We need to get the new U.S. DFC over the 
finish line. Here's why.'' Devex, October 2, 2019, https://
www.devex.com/news/opinion-we-need-to-get-the-new-us-dfc-over-the-
finish-line-here-s-why-95728.
    \3\ Aubrey Hruby, ``Go where the action will be: Biden needs to 
pursue African initiatives,'' The Hill, January 21, 2021, https://
thehill.com/opinion/international/535171-go-where-the-action-will-be-
biden-needs-to-pursue-africa-initiatives.
    \4\ For more on PUM see: https://www.pum.nl/en.
    \5\ Sec. 605(c) identifies the entities eligible for assistance, 
while Sec. 606 and Sec. 607 define the selection process.
    \6\ ``MCC Advances Regional Integration to Expand Energy Access in 
West Africa,'' MCC, June 16, 2021, https://www.mcc.gov/news-and-events/
release/release-061621-mcc-advances-regional-integration-west-africa.
    \7\ Nick M. Brown, ``Millennium Challenge Corporation: Overview and 
Issues,'' Congressional Research Service, October 3, 2019, https://
fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL32427.pdf.
    \8\ `` 5G in Sub-Saharan Africa: laying the foundations,'' GSMA, 
July 16, 2019, https://www.gsma.com/subsaharanafrica/resources/5g-in-
sub-saharan-africa-laying-the-foundations.
    \9\ Amy Mackinnon, ``For Africa, Chinese-Built Internet is Better 
Than No Internet at All,'' Foreign Policy, March 19,2019, http://
foreignpolicy.com/2019/03/19/for-africa-chinese-built-internet-is-
better-than-no-internet-at-all/.
    \10\ Abdi Latif Dahir, ``Chinese firms are driving the rise of AI 
surveillance across Africa,'' Quartz Africa, September 18, 2019, http:/
/qz.com/africa/1711109/chinas-huawei-is-driving-ai-surveillance-tools-
in-africa/.
    \11\ Simnikiwe Mzekandaba, ``Govt puts mobile tech at centre of 
COIV-19 mass screening, testing,'' itweb, March 31, 2020, http://
www.itweb.co.za/content/rxP3jqBmKaKMA2ye.
    \12\ The technology stack is defined as the individual layers that 
makeup the digital communications ecosystem, including six main layers: 
undersea cables & satellites, telecommunication companies & internet 
service providers, mobile handsets, cellular networks & Wi-Fi, 
operating systems, and lastly apps, mobile money, content platforms, 
and web browsers.
    \13\ ``New study reveals African media consumption habits,'' 
African Marketing Confederation, June 3, 2016, http://
www.africanmc.org/index.php/daily-articles/item/433-new-study-reveals.
    \14\ ``The Mobile Economy of Sub-Saharan Africa 2020,'' GSMA, 2020, 
https://www.gsma.com/mobileeconomy/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/GSMA--
MobileEconomy2020_SSA_Eng.pdf.
    \15\ ``Africa's Smartphone Market Posts Growth, but Uncertainty 
Around Global COVID-19 Outbreak Casts Shadow over Short-Term 
Prospects,'' IDC, March 5, 2020, http://www.idc.com/
getdoc.jsp?containerId=prMETA46110420.
    \16\ Ingdrid Lunden, ``Boomplay, a Spotify-style music and video 
streaming service for African music and Africa, raises $20M,'' 
TechCrunch, April 5, 2019, https://techcrunch.com/2019/04/05/boomplay-
a-spotify-style-music-and-video-streaming-service-for-african-music-
and-africa-raises-20m/
?guccounter=1&guce_referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuZ29vZ2xlLmNvbS8&guce_referre
r_sig=
AQAAAE6IdsMZejXxQIGSAEEURIQUXsRZqDK-hoPJGG413N1cS6YQ-
eiQ9c2kWEXUd9eigOia6Sn9IJFJmXjEHGQI00QP79vAomFzKr4i-
Ct0jp-3VQD2lR8YWvtZPJEA5dq6NQ5aCHPpGQZxCgW8zhS4Jgd3TVR1YstGga-
IL0rZW7hY.
    \17\ ``Huawei is beating Apple in South Africa--and is gaining on 
other competitors,'' My Broadband, August 3, 2019, http://
mybroadband.co.za/news/smartphones/270741-huawei-is-beating-apple-in-
south-africa-and-is-gaining-on-other-competitors.html.
    \18\ Yinka Adegoke, ``The Chinese-made, sub-$100 smartphone is 
Africa's fastest-growing handset.''
    \19\ ``Africa Youth Survey 2020,'' Ichikowitz Foundation, 2020: 60, 
http://ichikowitzfoundation.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/African-
Youth-Survey-2020.pdf.
    \20\ Yomi Kazeem, ``Internet shutdowns in Africa were more frequent 
and lasted longer in 2019,'' February 27, 2020, http://qz.com/africa/
1808728/african-internet-shutdowns-were-more-frequent-in-2019/.
    \21\ Ibid.
    \22\ For Equiano overview see: https://cloud.google.com/blog/
products/infrastructure/introducing-equiano-a-subsea-cable-from-
portugal-to-south-africa.
    \23\ Najam Ahmad, Kevin Salvadori, ``Building a transformative 
subsea cable to better connect Africa'' Facebook Engineering, May 13, 
2020, https://engineering.fb.com/2020/05/13/connectivity/2africa/
#::text=As%20part%20of%20our%20commitment,continent%20and%20Mid
dle%20East%20region.&text=At%2037%2C000%20kilometers%20long%2C%202Africa
,the%20cir
cumference%20of%20the%20Earth.
    \24\ For more on Project Taara see: https://x.company/projects/
taara/.
    \25\ Mahesh Krishnaswamy, ``Bringing light-speed internet to Sub-
Saharan Africa,'' X, November 10, 2020, https://blog.x.company/
bringing-light-speed-internet-to-sub-saharan-africa-4e022e1154ca.
    \26\ ``Individuals using the Internet (% of population)--Sub-
Saharan Africa,'' World Bank, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/
IT.NET.USER.ZS?locations=ZG.
    \27\ For more on Starlink see: https://www.starlink.com/.
    \28\ Kate Duffy, ``SpaceX's Starlink internet public beta is giving 
some users blistering download speeds of more than 210 Mbps, including 
in rural Montana,'' Business Insider, July 27, 2021, https://
www.businessinsider.com/starlink-internet-satellite-public-beta-speed-
spacex-mbps-elon-musk-2020-
11#::text=SpaceX's%20public%20beta%20test%20of,as%20part%20of%20the%20be
ta.
    \29\ ``Starlink Mission,'' Space X, November 24, 2020 https://
www.youtube.com/watch?v=J442-ti-Dhg&feature=youtu.be&t=606.
    \30\ Thomas Seal, ``Elon Musk's Starlink Broadband Terminals Gets 
Approval in U.K.'' Bloomberg Quint, January 11, 2021, https://
www.bloombergquint.com/business/elon-musk-s-starlink-broadband-
terminals-gets-approval-in-u-k.
    \31\ David Bray, ``5G's geopolitics solvable by improving routing 
protocols against modern threats,'' Atlantic Council, April 9, 2020, 
https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/geotech-cues/5gs-geopolitics-
solvable-by-improving-routing-protocols-vs-modern-threats/.
    \32\ Briefing, ``How the pursuit of leisure drives internet use'' 
The Economist, June 8, 2019, https://www.economist.com/briefing/2019/
06/08/how-the-pursuit-of-leisure-drives-internet-use.
    \33\ Tage Kene-Okafor, ``How African startups raised investments in 
2020,'' TechCrunch, February 11, 2021, https://techcrunch.com/2021/02/
11/how-african-startups-raised-investments-in-2020/.
    \34\ Aubrey Hruby, ``Making the most of Prosper Africa; Leveraging 
U.S. competitiveness in African markets,'' March 27, 2020, http://
www.atlanticcouncil.org/in-depth-research-reports/report/making-the-
most-of-prosper-africa-leveraging-us-competitiveness-in-african-
markets/.
    \35\ Molly Wasonga, ``StarTimes Launches a Homeschooling Program 
For Students,'' CIO, April 6, 2020, http://www.cio.co.ke/startimes-
launches-a-home-schooling-program-for-students/.
    \36\ ``The 4th Forum on China-Africa Media Cooperation Held in 
Beijing and Joint Statement on Further Depending Exchanges and 
Cooperation Declared,'' Forca Summit, July 19, 2018, http://
focacsummit.mfa.gov.cn/eng/pthd_1/t1578639.htm; Darrel Frost, ``Even if 
you don't think you have a relationship with China, China has a big 
relationship with you,'' Columbia Journalism Review, June 20, 2019, 
http://www.cjr.org/special_report/china-foreign-journalists-oral-
history.php.
    \37\ ``China is broadening its efforts to win over African 
audiences,'' The Economist, October 20, 2018, http://www.economist.com/
middle-east-and-africa/2018/10/20/china-is-broadening-its-efforts-to-
win-over-african-audiences.
    \38\ Geoffrey York, ``Why China is making a big push to control 
Africa's media,'' The Globe and Mail, September 11, 2013, http://
www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/media-agenda-china-buys-newsrooms-
influence-in-africa/article14269323/.
    \39\ Eric Olander, ``Don't Worry America, Africans Aren't Going to 
Start Using China's New Digital Currency . . . At Least Not Right 
Away,'' China Africa Report, May 26, 2021, https://
chinaafricaproject.com/analysis/dont-worry-america-africans-arent-
going-to-start-using-chinas-new-digital-currency-at-least-not-right-
away/.

    Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you very much, Ms. Hruby, 
for that terrific testimony, and to all of you. We have been 
joined by Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
    Let me just start with the questioning and then Senator 
Hagerty will be back and I will go vote after that. Let me 
start with you, Ms. Hruby, because thank you for identifying 
some specific measures that we could take in terms of improving 
some of these tools, including the DFC, and we are working to 
try to address the issue of making sure that we have more 
equity, leverage, and power with the CBO issue you identified.
    You also mentioned the issue of focusing on digital, 
especially with Huawei and 5G, and I am pleased that it is part 
of the sort of competitiveness bill that we passed here in the 
Senate to enhance our competitiveness.
    We included an amendment to direct the DFC to strengthen 
its capabilities there. You have mentioned a sectoral approach. 
I do not know if you have got an idea of what sectors you think 
would be most fruitful for us to focus on as we move forward.
    Ms. Hruby. Sure, I can speak to that issue.
    I spent some time working on questions of American 
competitiveness when looking to African markets, and I think it 
is important when we talk about infrastructure, because we 
talked about infrastructure broadly.
    If you look at the composition of the U.S. economy, we are 
a services-based economy. We have not built infrastructure in 
our own country for decades, and this is something that is, 
obviously, taking up a lot of your time here in the Senate.
    When we think about being involved in infrastructure, I 
think it is important to think about niche areas: renewable 
energy, satellite infrastructure, basically, digital 
infrastructure.
    So I agree with some of the efforts that is happening in 
the White House to think about a digital Africa policy or 
initiative that would fall under Prosper Africa. Prosper 
Africa, for me, is like the umbrella.
    It is the back end that facilitates the coordination 
between all of our disparate government agencies. The front end 
needs to be led with a sector.
    So I think digital Africa makes sense, which is digital 
infrastructure, content development, that kind of 
entrepreneurial ecosystem and venture capital. I would put that 
all under a digital Africa kind of headline.
    Power Africa continue to focus on power and renewable 
energy, especially with the new ambitious climate goals this 
Administration has, and then we can look to other things.
    We can look at finance. We can look at agriculture and 
agribusiness. There are many areas. I think the key is to pick 
two or three and stick with them and stop having the focus of 
generalities when it comes to promoting trade and investment 
with Africa.
    Companies do not invest in Africa. They invest in a country 
like Nigeria, they invest in a city like Lagos, and they invest 
in a sector. So I think it is important to drill down and have 
a sector focus when it comes to building our partnerships in 
African markets and in mobilizing U.S. investment.
    So when Prosper Africa was rolled out, and you will 
remember it was kind of a stuttering rollout, many my 
colleagues and friends in African market said, wait, is it just 
an American--that the agencies are just going to do their jobs 
better?
    They are just going to coordinate better? That cannot be 
what we are selling or putting on the table that is the nature 
of American partnership.
    No, it needs to be around things like educational 
partnerships, which Dr. Signe just mentioned. It needs to be 
around digital partnerships or agribusiness investments.
    We need something specific to focus on. So from my 
perspective, there are quite a few good choices. We just need 
to pick two or three.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you for that, and that leads to a 
question.
    Ms. Liser, you mentioned in your comments that while some 
African countries have prospered more or taken more advantage 
of AGOA, many have not benefited.
    If you look at the figures, I think you see that over 50 
percent of trade and investment in Africa is, really, two 
countries, Nigeria and South Africa.
    How do we do what you suggested? How do we get more African 
countries to benefit from that, using these other tools as 
well?
    Then, Dr. Signe, if you could also focus on that question.
    Ms. Liser. Thank you, Senator. I think that picking up a 
bit on what Aubrey said, we need to be sector focused and we 
need to be region focused, and we need to think about how 
global supply chains work.
    So I have had the privilege over the years when I was at 
USTR and even since then to visit factories on the continent in 
Africa in a range of sectors, and what I mean by focusing on 
sector country is that if you look at value chains, if you 
visit a plant in Mombasa that is producing apparel--Kenya is 
now the largest exporter of apparel to the U.S. under AGOA--
what you realize is that you have factories there that have 
5,000, 6,000 people, you can visit similar factories in 
Tanzania and Uganda that only have maybe 200 or 300 people.
    They are not able to really scale up in the same way as the 
Kenyans. But if they work together through the East Africa 
Customs Union, and if Kenya actually had a free trade agreement 
where it had permanent duty-free access to U.S. market, then 
what we would be able to do is not just scale up competitive 
production of apparel in Kenya, but they would then be able to 
bring into that value chain some of the smaller producers in 
the region and perhaps some who might be able to make zippers 
but could not really put the final product together, or the 
buttons or, any of the things that go into apparel.
    So I think that as we think about how to help countries 
like the Tanzanias and the Ugandas to take greater advantage of 
AGOA, we should think about are there particular supply chains 
where they already have some capacity but if they are linked to 
others in the region that they could do more.
    I saw this also in the automobile sector. I visited a 
factory in Lesotho that was producing leather seats for 
automobiles in South Africa that are being shipped to the U.S. 
under AGOA.
    Again, it is unlikely that an auto manufacturer is going to 
go and set up in Lesotho. How do you bring the Lesotho in to 
the automotive value chain? That is something that is possible.
    I think we could take lots of these kinds of example, 
including in value-added agricultural products, manufacturing 
of footwear. I have seen that as well, and then try to take 
advantage of the way that companies operate these days.
    They cannot be in small, tiny markets all across Africa. 
They need a larger unified market that can drive investment.
    I would just think that that goal of the companies for 
markets that are larger and economies of scale can also be 
linked to how we help countries do better under AGOA.
    Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen. To my colleagues, we will do 7-minute 
rounds. I think we will have ample opportunity and we will have 
more than one round of questions if people are interested.
    Dr. Signe, I am going to apologize because I do have to 
vote right now, but I will be back to follow up with some of my 
questions. Let me turn it over to Senator Hagerty.
    Senator Hagerty. Thank you, Chairman. I will see you in a 
few minutes after your vote.
    Ms. Hruby, I would like to turn to you for the moment to 
talk with you about something that you mentioned in your 
testimony I found very interesting and that is electric 
batteries.
    You mentioned specifically that we need to work more 
closely with our allies and partners to meet Africa's needs and 
prevent a better alternative than what is presented by China 
and Russia.
    I think that is an excellent case in point that you brought 
up about the potential of focusing on the electric battery 
value chain as a way to cooperate between the United States, 
between Europe and, certainly, with Africa, and something that 
I am aware of and that you brought up as well is that China 
currently dominates the supply chain for lithium batteries.
    Yet, the majority of the inputs come from Africa, and I 
think you highlight a critical point that is of great interest 
to me, because in my home state of Tennessee we produce a lot 
of cars. We are very interested in the evolution toward the 
electronic vehicle.
    We want to maintain our leadership role there. In fact, we 
just announced a $2.3 billion investment in Tennessee in 
lithium batteries.
    I would, certainly, support any initiative that we can work 
on that would increase cooperation between Africa and the 
United States on this issue, particularly, when it comes to 
supply chains.
    I would look forward to just having you elaborate a bit on 
how we might create greater cooperation with Africa on the 
electric battery supply chain.
    Ms. Hruby. Thank you, Senator.
    I think the COVID crisis has shown us globally a need to 
rethink supply chains and many countries around the world--many 
of our allies are doing that.
    I know the Japanese, for example, they have this big 
program through their central bank to reshore some supply 
chains outside of China after they realized vulnerabilities 
that they did not see before.
    I think the lithium battery supply chain is one we can look 
at because of its importance to continued U.S. competitiveness 
when it comes to EVs and other areas of renewable energy.
    Obviously, solar is very key in terms of use of renewable 
or lithium batteries. So as African countries are home to many 
of these resources from the lithium that you can get in Congo 
to graphite in Mozambique, right now, China refines about 80 
percent of the world's graphite that goes into these supply 
chains and there is a need to think about how to do that 
better.
    Because of some of the trade and proximity benefits that 
European countries have to African nations and their shared 
desire to have supply chains that are less dependent on China, 
I think there are ways we can begin to have that conversation.
    One of them is to convene a lot of the mining companies 
that know a lot of the rare earth minerals and core competitive 
minerals like lithium to understand what they consider key in 
thinking about their supply chains and what investments would 
need to be made.
    I think where African nations share this interest is they 
want to do value addition locally. For too many centuries, you 
could say even decades for sure, but centuries they have been 
exporting raw commodities to the world unrefined and, 
therefore, exporting the jobs that comes with them.
    So many of the countries seek to do some of the refining at 
home, and, hopefully, with Power Africa, because some of the 
problems with refining is because the high cost of electricity, 
with some of the Power Africa investments that have been made 
and increasing investment into renewable energy sources, maybe 
some of that power can be locally used to do some of the 
smelting and refining.
    So, for me, it is about having a dialogue with both the 
mining companies, private sectors, the companies that are doing 
the batteries and consuming the batteries, and then European 
and Asian countries in addition to the African homes of these 
minerals.
    Senator Hagerty. Yes. I think it also is important as well 
to continue to convey the basic principles of free market 
competition that we support here in America that are not 
available in dealing with Chinese companies.
    There has been adequate experience, I will just say this, 
in Africa and around the world right now to see the great 
difference and there is a great contrast between our approach 
and that of the Chinese Communist Party.
    I hope we can continue to find ways, but I particularly 
appreciate your identifying that sector because it rings close 
to home for me, and I look forward to finding ways to continue 
to cooperate.
    Ms. Liser, I would like to turn to you next and talk about 
recent press reports that China has proposed an alternative 
Quad framework.
    I was surprised to see their outreach to Germany and France 
to propose a Quad framework with the African nations, and they 
propose to cooperate on development projects there in Africa.
    It is not clear whether or not this proposed China-led Quad 
will actually materialize or go anywhere. If it were to 
proceed, it might pose significant challenges to the United 
States, and I would like to get your perspective and your 
opinion on how this might evolve.
    What would it mean for our U.S. interest in Africa?
    Ms. Liser. Yes, this kind of approach where the Chinese are 
trying to, basically, become a part of sort of the usual 
processes, become linked to others that may have more of the 
reputation that African countries and others like is a part of 
their strategy.
    They know they have been in Africa. They surpassed U.S. in 
trade with Africa years ago. They are providing favorable 
financing for their companies to build roads and airports, et 
cetera, in Africa and build out the infrastructure, which the 
Africans, very much need. So when the Chinese come to them, 
they offer that.
    Now, I think that if they can link arms with others who are 
considered probably a bit more legitimate in terms of the kinds 
of things that they do and the ways that the Africans view 
them, then I think that that is something that will benefit 
them.
    I think the key for the U.S., though, is to not be 
reactive. I think we have to think proactively and creatively 
about what we can do, because I have not been to any country, 
and I have been to many on the continent, where they are not 
saying, look, Florie, where are the U.S. companies? How can we 
get more U.S. investment? What do we have to do to get your 
companies to come?
    They like our products. They like the fact that U.S. 
companies will transfer technology, will transfer skills and 
train. So they want to work more with us, and I think that what 
we have to do is to look at the tools that we have now.
    As has been said here already, look at the Prosper Africa, 
where they are bringing together all of the 17 U.S. Government 
agencies and try to be on one page and leverage what the others 
are doing.
    I think that we have to look at what it is that the U.S. 
can do, both the Government, Congress and the executive branch 
and what U.S. companies can do in Africa that is desirable, 
perhaps more than anything than those others and this new G-4 
approach can offer, and I think it will be welcomed, sir.
    So that is where I think we have to sit down and map out 
what we can do and the tools that we can use more effectively.
    Senator Hagerty. I, certainly, agree with the substance of 
your statement.
    In terms of not being reactive, that was precisely my 
reaction to what China announced in terms of an Africa-oriented 
Quad because we have been so successful with our Quad approach 
between ourselves, Japan, India, and Australia and the Indo-
Pacific.
    In many ways, I think this is yet more propaganda coming 
from China. I like your choice of words legitimate because 
United States does provide a legitimate framework, and I agree 
with you.
    If we can bring our 17 agencies together under the Prosper 
Africa initiative and really develop and drive the full force 
and power of the American position, I think we can make great 
strides.
    Dr. Signe, may I turn to you quickly?
    Africa's infrastructure needs are massive, as we have 
discussed. Recent estimates by the African Development Bank put 
the continent's minimum infrastructure needs at $130 to $170 
billion. For over two decades, China has actively poured money 
into infrastructure projects in Africa and it is unclear 
whether their motives are market-based or whether they are 
strategic.
    As a lifelong businessman, I understand it is very 
difficult to do business with a competitor that plays by a 
different set of rules and has the balance sheet of China 
behind it.
    So, Dr. Signe, are U.S. firms showing interest in building 
infrastructure and can they do so in an effective way, given 
the difference in a competitive posture versus China?
    Dr. Signe. Thank you very much for the question.
    So one point I want to highlight is that African citizens, 
per Afrobarometer surveys, prefer the American model of 
development compared to the Chinese one. For example, in one of 
the recent studies, 32 percent prefer the American model over 
the Chinese model (23 percent); other countries lagged 
substantially.
    So, definitely, there is an appetite in Africa for American 
investors, and I think both Madam Liser and Ms. Aubrey Hruby 
have identified also that appetite as illustrated.
    So that is one point. So the second point is that I think 
the U.S. should be strategic in terms of engagement, in terms 
of infrastructure. A sectoral perspective and as mentioned in 
my written testimony, in the context, especially to bridge the 
gap in terms of digital technology, the digital infrastructure 
gap. Extremely important. It is still possible for the U.S. to 
be more competitive than some of the Chinese corporations.
    I think for this to happen, it is important to engage with 
African organization, whether the African Union, who have 
programs for infrastructure development in Africa like, for 
example, the plan aiming at bridging the infrastructure gap in 
Africa by 2040, among other initiatives. It is important to, 
engage especially at the continental level from a multilateral 
perspective, by setting the priorities together, and given the 
support that the U.S. already has on the continent, I think it 
will definitely be possible for American companies to 
outperform some of the external players.
    Senator Hagerty. I would certainly like to see that. Thank 
you, Dr. Signe.
    I would like to turn it over now to my colleague, Senator 
Kaine from Virginia.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you, Senator Hagerty, and to you and 
the chair of the subcommittee for holding this important 
hearing today on trade and investment opportunities.
    I am going to spend my time talking about the interaction 
between economic opportunity and COVID and vaccination. I just 
returned from a CODEL to the Americas with six members of this 
committee--three Democrats, three Republicans--and it was 
pretty amazing.
    Even if I had seen the briefing and it had said exactly 
what I am about to say, it was so different seeing it in 
person, and that was the incredible gratitude of the nations we 
visited--Mexico, Guatemala, Ecuador, and Colombia--for the U.S. 
donations of vaccines.
    What we heard from the presidents of these nations, and the 
shortest meeting we had was 2 hours and the longest was 3 
hours, and that is not the norm. I think it was because of this 
vaccine diplomacy.
    What we heard was they really appreciate the U.S. donations 
of vaccines because they can buy vaccines from China or Russia, 
but the donations from both the U.S. but then also from COVAX 
to which the U.S. is a significant supporter, that is 
appreciated.
    They also feel that the U.S. quality of the vaccines--
Moderna, Pfizer, J&J--is very high while the Sinovax and 
Sputnik vaccines are safe but the effectiveness is not nearly 
as desirable, at least in their view and I think the evidence 
would bear that out.
    So the power of U.S. vaccine diplomacy became very obvious 
to me when we were there, but also the stories of the economic 
challenges faced by these nations during COVID while they are 
still dealing with the Delta variant, et cetera, are pretty 
stiff.
    This is the case for Africa as well. The IMF estimates that 
Africa, the continental GDP contracted by 1.9 percent in 2020 
and that was the largest regional contraction on record.
    There is a growth prediction of 3.4 percent in 2021, but 
that is compared with a global growth projection of about 6 
percent. The recent surge in coronavirus cases has lessened, 
but Africa continues to struggle, as we all do, with the Delta 
variant.
    Thus far, only about 1 percent of Africans have been fully 
vaccinated and the AU's relatively modest goal of getting 20 
percent vaccinated by the end of 2021 seems pretty hard to 
reach.
    The U.S. has to recognize that the continent is not going 
to reach its potential economically on the issues we are 
talking about today until the virus is contained. That is the 
case for Africa and elsewhere.
    So what I want to ask is each of you to give us your own 
thoughts about what the U.S. should do. In July, the U.S. began 
making its first COVID-19 vaccine shipments to Africa, the 
ultimate goal of sharing 25 million doses this summer across 
the partnership in connection with the African Union.
    The Biden administration's recent vaccine donations are a 
good step. The reality is that Africa will need about 200 
million doses to stem the crisis and meet its year-end goal.
    So given the crying need to do better on vaccination in 
order to both help people but also create the conditions that 
are necessary for robust economic activity, what do each of you 
have to recommend to us in the U.S. Senate with respect to U.S. 
vaccine diplomacy in Africa?
    Ms. Liser. May I?
    Senator Kaine. Please.
    Ms. Liser. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
    At the Corporate Council on Africa, we are very focused on 
this issue you are talking about. In fact, we had just 
yesterday as a part of our U.S.-Africa Business Summit a 
session on vaccine access, and we had in that session 
executives, some CEOs from major companies in the U.S., some 
that are members of CCA, Pfizer, Johnson & Johnson, Abbott and 
others, who are playing a role.
    We had the CEO of a South African company that is producing 
vaccines with the support of Johnson & Johnson. The key here 
is, is that collaboration is definitely needed. It is needed 
between the African Union, the African Medical Supply Platform, 
the AMSP, that they have put into place.
    If I can just say I commended them. When the COVID pandemic 
was sort of at its start, all the African countries were 
competing against each other to try to get vaccines for their 
people, and then finding that because others could outbid them 
on the market and it was sort of the wild, wild, west was going 
on out there, so they would order. They would not get any and 
they were competing against each other.
    When they put that platform together under the African 
Union, they were then able to say, okay, what are all the needs 
and then they said, okay, who can supply, and only people who 
could supply at the right prices and deliver within 2 weeks, I 
believe they gave them, were then contracted to be a part of 
that.
    So collaboration is important across the continent, 
collaboration between government and private sector. For 
example, in Ghana, the Government is supporting an effort with 
the private sector where the private sector, like banks and 
other institutions, are saying we will buy vaccine for our 
workers and for every one vaccine we buy for a worker we will 
donate one vaccine to the Government, because COVAX has been, 
largely, focused on just the health workers.
    So the average workers, the average people in African 
nations, have not had access. So the private sector has to work 
with the Government to say, how can we do better on this?
    So that is one of the things that they are doing now is 
private sector, basically, boosting the Government's ability to 
supply vaccine while also getting vaccine to people that they 
need to come to work and to be able to reopen their businesses 
because we all know that they took a double hit, not just the 
health impact but the collapse of their economies, no tourism, 
airlines not functioning, et cetera.
    So I would just say that that is the key for government and 
private sector working together and then for the U.S. working 
with the African Union and with individual countries to supply 
vaccine.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you.
    Senator Hagerty, would you allow me to have the other two 
witnesses weighing in on this? I have hit the end of my time, 
but I think it is an important topic.
    Senator Hagerty. Absolutely. Absolutely, Senator Kaine.
    Senator Kaine. Please.
    Dr. Signe. Thank you very much for the question. According 
to the Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, only 
about 3.19 percent of Africans had received at least one dose 
of COVID-19 vaccines as of July 21st. So that is an extremely 
important question, and thank you very much for asking this.
    A few elements are important here. Africans are now moving 
towards trade and investment and less aid, although under the 
current circumstances (COVID-19 Pandemic) aid is important and 
should be acknowledged.
    However, the U.S. can build on areas of strengths and 
distinguish itself from other players by contributing to 
investment in Africa in the pharmaceutical sector, in the 
vaccine industry, and should also provide broad technical and 
financial support to the new African Union, Africa CDC 
initiative, the Partnership for the African Vaccine 
Manufacturing, which aims to build five vaccine manufacturing 
research centers over the next 10 to 15 years.
    So here again, we have seen China donating vaccines 
extensively to many countries on the continent, so yes, it is 
important the U.S. is doing so as well.
    But, really, the element of sustained competitive advantage 
here will be to partner with African countries, partner at the 
continental level, at the subregional level, at the national 
level, with strategies which will allow Africa to produce 
COVID-19 vaccines, but even more, to produce other vaccines 
which are much needed in the continent. We have already seen 
some of those partnerships with Pfizer, for example, in South 
Africa.
    So those are the types of initiatives which should be 
accelerated.
    Ms. Hruby. I will be brief, Senator. I think we do a couple 
things. In the nearest term, we continue to donate as much as 
we possibly can.
    We also have many are unvaccinated in this country, so have 
to balance that. In the medium term, we do deals as the DFC has 
done with, for example, the Aspen deal that Landry just 
mentioned, which is to produce J&J, and then there was recently 
another one with Pfizer and Biovac in Cape Town, and then there 
is the partnerships in Dakar, Senegal.
    So those are the medium term, which is to try to get the 
supply chains working to produce some of the vaccine inputs and 
vaccines on the continent.
    Longer term, it is research partnerships because this is 
not the last pandemic we will see, and their need to ensure 
that no one is left behind when designing new medicines and 
thinking about the discoveries that will keep us all safe in 
the future.
    Senator Kaine. Thank you very much. I yield back. 
Appreciate it.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
    Senator Young, I think, is joining us virtually here.
    Senator Young. Well, thank you, Chairman, and I thank all 
of our witnesses for appearing before the subcommittee.
    We have seen how Chinese aid, investment, and trade in the 
region have grown in the past decade. These large numbers often 
over inflate the value of China's engagement and mask the true 
costs that various countries face.
    A recent report by Aid Data shows that African countries 
that borrow from the PRC have had to sign confidentiality 
clauses, set up offshore revenue accounts, and agree to many 
burdensome conditions.
    To put it indelicately, you might say China sometimes acts 
like a loan shark rather than a true partner of various 
countries. This is all the more apparent now as countries 
struggle to recover from the COVID-19 pandemic, and Communist 
China continues to balk at participating fully in debt relief 
measures.
    Now with that said, I do not doubt that PRC resources can 
do some good and are doing some good in the region. So I would 
just like to hear from our witnesses what your assessment is of 
how, on balance, the effect of Chinese official lending in the 
region is impacting the region and actually promoting 
development and sustainable infrastructure.
    If you can touch on how countries are responding to Chinese 
assistance now that some of the true costs of these 
arrangements are coming to light.
    I would appreciate it. Thank you.
    Ms. Hruby. I am happy to start. I would think this speaks 
to another question we had earlier about infrastructure, and 
the need that is dire on the continent to fill the 
infrastructure financing gap.
    Many African countries are looking at financing solutions 
from China because they have not many other options that make 
sense in a political timeline that you all understand and we 
understand here in Washington.
    You get elected, you need to bring power and roads and rail 
to the people and you do not have time to wait 8 years for 
long-term processes by multinational institutions.
    So China brings a fast solution to that. African partners 
are not naive in that process. They understand that there are 
tradeoffs to be made, and often they come to that because there 
are not many alternatives.
    You had asked earlier, Senator, where are American 
companies on infrastructure, and I think outside of the digital 
space most of them are missing. They are not there, right.
    If you look at the largest EPCs, engineering, procurement, 
and construction companies, in the world, of the top 10, seven 
are Chinese. There are the Bechtels every once in a while. 
There are a few, but we are not rapidly looking for these type 
of opportunities to build transport infrastructure on the 
continent.
    I think we have to look at areas where we are. Look at what 
Google and Facebook are building when it comes to undersea 
broadband cables. Look at the potential the transformative 
potential of SpaceX's Starlink, which could do last-mile 
internet at a way that completely leaps over the Huawei and 
ZTE-built 2G, 3G infrastructure. It is going to be direct from 
satellite.
    I think we have to look at those opportunities. I think to 
the senator's question about an assessment, an honest 
assessment, listen, those roads that are built by Chinese 
companies sometimes they carry Coca Cola and sometimes they 
carry PNG products, and they allow people to get to clinics 
faster and they allow people to go to school.
    So those roads and transport infrastructure has a positive 
impact. The question is, is the debt worth it? Is the debt 
worth it at the terms that it is being given, and is it being 
used to actually be efficient in terms of generating growth?
    Debt is not a problem in and of itself. Bad debt is taken 
on when you cannot afford it and when it is used for the wrong 
ways. I think we have to break down the issue of indebtedness 
in African markets. Many, many African countries are not even 
at their limits in terms of the GDP debt ratio.
    We are talking about specific countries. Zambia is, 
obviously, one where indebtedness is an issue. Not all African 
countries are in that boat.
    I think we always have to be aware of averages, right? The 
average African country is the size of Montana. But talking 
about it that way does not make sense when you have a Nigeria 
that is 200 million person versus a Namibia, which is 2 
million, right.
    Averages are a challenge and regional kind of 
generalizations can be a challenge as well. So I think the 
Chinese footprint in African markets when it comes to 
infrastructure is a mixed bag.
    It has gotten better over time. You do not see the crazy 
projects that you saw of the kind of white elephant in the 
stadiums that we saw 10, 15 years ago. It has made a march 
towards the market. So I will stop there.
    Senator Young. Could I top off with you, briefly? I am 
grateful for your response there, for your fulsome response.
    Do we see multinationals--the IMF comes to mind, maybe the 
World Bank--bringing more transparency to the terms or 
encouraging these countries to learn from lessons that the 
multinational institutions have learned?
    I am not suggesting that all the countries or leaders are 
unsophisticated, but sometimes they are new to these 
arrangements.
    So have multinational institutions been helpful in 
improving the terms that we are seeing across the continent of 
Africa as it relates to infrastructure investment from 
Communist China?
    Ms. Hruby. Those institutions, certainly, bring with them 
high levels of ESG standards. So environmental, social, 
governmental, community engagement, conversations need to be 
had to ensure that an infrastructure project has long-term 
sustainability.
    Those processes have a downside. We understand that. The 
more you inject consultation and transparency in something, 
sometimes it takes longer.
    You know how that is in the Senate. Think about when you 
try to go to a dinner and you have to show that it is less than 
$35 or whatever the limit is because there is rules and things 
take time.
    So when countries look for fast mobilization of resources 
when it comes to infrastructure, they look to entities and 
partners like China, like Turkey. China is not the only one 
that can move quickly on infrastructure.
    So I do think it is a situation whereby they do bring 
higher standards. Sometimes those standards take longer to 
implement the projects.
    Senator Young. Thank you. Anyone else, if I have remaining 
time? I think there is 1 minute left.
    Senator Van Hollen. Yes, please.
    Senator Young. I will just ask a related question. What has 
been the impact of the G-20 debt service suspension initiative 
and the common framework in terms of promoting sustainable 
investment and economic recovery in Africa, and what are the 
consequences of China not participating fully in these 
initiatives?
    Ms. Liser. I wanted to actually just add two quick points 
on your previous question, Senator.
    Senator Young. Please.
    Ms. Liser. One of them is on the fact that a lot of people, 
including in Africa, do not often give the U.S. credit for what 
we are doing in infrastructure through the Millennium Challenge 
Corporation.
    We have invested, I think it is over $11 billion in 
infrastructure, in ports and roads, in energy production on the 
continent, and we have the highest standards for it.
    I serve on the MCC Advisory Committee, and so African 
countries, when they qualify, they do the right things, they 
will have all the transparency criteria that are there, and I 
think that one of the things we need to do more of is to 
encourage Africans to meet the MCC criteria so that this 
infrastructure gap that they have can be met with U.S. dollars 
and U.S. companies that can provide that infrastructure.
    I think the other point is that in the past, the Africans 
would be pushed and urged by international institutions to take 
the lowest priced bids. That has now shifted.
    There are new rules in place which talk about dollar for 
value and lifecycle cost, where just because somebody gives an 
offer and a bid that is the cheapest does not really mean that 
it is the best for you.
    Maybe you get that road and 3 years later it has fallen 
apart, and there has been some experiences of that in Africa.
    So if you get quality of roads and airports and others that 
are built, that is critical.
    The last point I will make is that, and Aubrey touched on 
this, our companies are probably far more competitive in 
providing the engineering services and the high technologies, 
the GPS, and so forth, that are needed at airports, the kinds 
of products that should be used when you are building roads in 
Africa.
    We do that better. We do not actually, though, construct 
the roads.
    So I would just say that we need to, again, lean to our own 
strengths. Our companies are strong. Then we need to make sure 
that African countries know that they have the room to choose 
bids that are not the least expensive, the cheapest ones.
    Senator Young. Thank you.
    Dr. Signe. Thank you very much for the extremely important 
question. I will try to address both.
    First, debt is not the problem. What is important is 
whether we have a productive use of resources (debt) or not, 
and I think that is where we have some challenges.
    The second point is also the question of transparency. One 
of the challenges with some partners is the lack of 
transparency in large infrastructure deals, where when engaging 
with companies, especially from the U.S. and many of the 
European companies, we have more transparency.
    Now, what do Africans think? At least with many engagement, 
including at the head of state level, there is an 
infrastructure gap and many Africans leaders are willing to 
work with any of the partners who could help in bridging that 
gap.
    I think that is a consideration for the U.S. in the 
strategy for investment engagement with Africa to take into 
consideration the fact that Africans leaders in the private 
sector really prefer working with the U.S. when possible, as 
shown by Afrobarometer surveys, and also African citizens 
prefer, for example, 7 out of 10 Africans prefer democratic and 
accountable governance, among others.
    Those are values and areas of strength in the United 
States. Now when it comes to investing in infrastructure, it is 
important to simplify processes, so that the U.S. could act 
with the level of agility and of speed that we see in some of 
the emerging countries or some of the competitors.
    If processes cannot be simplified or if the level of 
agility remains asymmetric, I think that partnering with other 
players will be critical.
    It is extremely important to have the U.S. engage because 
when the U.S. is engaged we have better quality, we have more 
accountability, and sustainable development will also follow.
    Thank you.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you, Senator Young.
    Just to follow up, Dr. Signe, because you have written 
previously that attention to African preferences and policy 
priorities should be of heightened attention if the United 
States is serious about successfully countering the $10 billion 
Chinese soft power initiative and better competing with other 
global players.
    Is that--your response to the last question seemed to sort 
of flesh out that idea. Do you want to add anything else to 
what you meant in this statement?
    Dr. Signe. Absolutely. I mentioned some of these elements 
when you went to vote.
    So very simply, first, African citizens prefer the U.S. 
model of development over the Chinese one and over the European 
ones as well. So that is the first element.
    Second, African citizens prefer deep democracy, accountable 
governance over other forms of governance. So those are clear 
areas of strong competitive advantage of alignment with the 
U.S.
    So African citizens also want their governments to address 
some priorities, questions related to unemployment, to 
infrastructure, to education, among other.
    Those are also, especially on the digital sphere but also 
in terms of education, those are areas where the U.S. is 
leading around the world.
    So we have this unique advantage that the U.S. has. On the 
African side, Africa is also offering with the African 
Continental Free Trade Area, the largest free trade area for a 
number of countries since the creation of the World Trade 
Organization, and the Secretary General, I think, intervened 
today during the event with the Corporate Council on Africa.
    So those are clear opportunities for the U.S. to engage 
with Africa at the continental level, at the national level, at 
the subregional level, and to have a conversation.
    I think the key words here are partnerships, conversation, 
and building on those to develop a strategy to capitalize on 
U.S.-Africa trade and investment and generate shared 
prosperity.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you. I just have one last 
question for you and the panel, because one of your 
recommendations is the United States should capitalize on the 
African diaspora which is representative and very active in the 
United States, including in my state of Maryland, and it is an 
incredibly dynamic community, and as you point out, also a huge 
opportunity for the United States to engage with Africa.
    The challenge is, how would you organize that? How would 
you actually provide a framework for input? The diaspora, of 
course, comes from many, many different countries.
    We have talked about different sectors. Do you have ideas, 
and then I just would ask the other two as well, on how the 
U.S. Government might want to frame that input.
    Dr. Signe. Thank you very much for the question. 
Definitely, the diaspora plays an incredibly important role 
building bridges, representing, facilitating transaction, 
technology transfer, also in public service.
    In fact, at the Brookings Institution we organized 
recently, and I think that was in partnership with USAID, we 
organized a convening with various members of the diaspora to 
discuss, engage, and strategize on how the diaspora could be 
better involved in the policymaking process, but also in 
investment and trade.
    I think one of the ways to create a diaspora commercial 
diplomacy is to have a council of the diaspora, to have 
specific tools including in terms of investment because the 
diaspora has been involved with many countries, mostly their 
countries of origin, but some of them are many generations--for 
many--after many generations.
    So it will really be important to create a space for 
conversation. So a conversation will really be important, to 
have a conversation with many representative of diaspora, the 
association, among other, to have a diaspora council and to 
have a very proactive commercial diplomacy or what I call 
diaspora commercial diplomacy to make sure that the U.S. 
capitalize on the assets, on the unique contributions that 
those members of the diaspora will provide.
    Some countries have even provided financial resources, in 
the case of Canada, for example, where they have specific funds 
where some member coming from the diaspora are also eligible to 
support their business operations, among other.
    We can have a broader framework, and the current 
Administration has also distinguished itself before the 
election by having a diaspora platform.
    I think that a diaspora policy can build on the diaspora 
platform, on the campaign diaspora platform. Of course, 
building and continuing the incredibly important bipartisan 
work on engagement that this subcommittee has been known for 
and for which we are very grateful. So showing an illustration 
on how politics could be done to serve the greater good.
    Senator Van Hollen. Do our other two witnesses have 
anything to quickly add to that before I turn it over to 
Senator Hagerty, who also has some additional questions?
    Ms. Hruby. Sure. I will jump in and be brief.
    Honestly, Senator, I do not think you are going to organize 
the diaspora into a way that is easy to engage with. My 
suggestion is, instead, on focusing on higher education. That 
is what brought a lot of the diaspora here. That is what keeps 
them here, and if you know that the African diaspora, 
particularly Nigerian diaspora, is one of the most highly 
educated diaspora groups in the United States.
    Today, if you look at African leaders, 20 percent of 
current African leaders, presidents and heads of state, studied 
in the United States. In 2015, we lost out that position of 
hosting the most English-speaking African students to China. 
Now they go there.
    So 25 years from now, where will they have studied? So I 
think it is very important to focus on education as one of the 
key areas in which to engage the diaspora, because many of them 
are organized. Every one of the business schools has an African 
kind of diaspora business club. There is ways to do it through 
education.
    Senator Van Hollen. Thank you.
    Ms. Liser. I would like to just add actually some specific 
things that I think can be done in terms of promoting U.S. 
diaspora trade with Africa.
    The Minority Business Development Agency has a way to reach 
small diaspora-owned businesses in the U.S. SBA has a program 
focused on Africa, and I think if you are looking to link the 
U.S. diaspora to the continent, you are looking at products 
that they import and export regularly.
    This is something that they do informally most of the time, 
and that one of the things that we can do is to try to support 
formalizing that kind of trade and engagement between small 
diaspora-owned, women-owned businesses here in the U.S. with 
women-owned businesses and small enterprises on the African 
side.
    I think that there is room for us to support those small 
businesses more. They are the ones who get the least amount of 
support in terms of our institutions like the Export-Import 
Bank, DFC, et cetera.
    I support fully what DFC and Export-Import Bank and others 
do. But these kinds of small companies, diaspora-owned 
businesses, do not get that kind of support.
    So we need to see how we can use the SBA and the Minority 
Business Development Agency to work on identifying those groups 
and helping them with trading with Africa.
    Senator Van Hollen. Well, thank you.
    I want to thank all of you for your testimony today. It is, 
obviously, a very broad and deep subject, and in a hearing even 
a few hours you only begin to scratch the surface.
    I think you gave us a lot of really good leads and I 
appreciate the specific recommendations that each of you have 
made and I know my colleagues do as well. If there are issues 
that you think sort of we glaringly left out, we welcome you to 
submit any follow-up testimony to the committee.
    I also, before closing, want to ask the consent of my 
colleagues to enter into the record two additional materials.
    The first is a report by the Labor Advisory Committee on 
trade negotiations and trade policy on a potential U.S.-Kenya 
trade agreement.
    The second is a letter from the AFL-CIO director of 
government affairs addressing the topics of today's hearings, 
and I urge my colleagues to review those materials.

[Editor's note.--The information referred to above can be found 
in the ``Additional Material Submitted for the Record'' section 
at the end of this hearing.]

    Senator Van Hollen. The record in this hearing will be open 
until the close of business Thursday.
    Without any other statements, this hearing is adjourned. 
Thank you all very much.
    [Whereupon, at 3:57 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
                              
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              Additional Material Submitted for the Record


Report by the Labor Advisory Committee on Trade Negotiations and Trade 
                  Policy on U.S.-Kenya Trade Agreement

[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
                                 ______
                                 

Letter From AFL-CIO Director of Government Affairs Dated July 27, 2021 

[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]


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