[Joint House and Senate Hearing, 117 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
GAME-CHANGER: THE BALTICS UNDER PRESSURE
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HEARING
BEFORE THE
COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE
U.S. HELSINKI COMMISSION
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
MARCH 17, 2022
__________
Printed for the use of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in
Europe
[CSCE117-10]
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via www.csce.gov
__________
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
55-433 WASHINGTON : 2025
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COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE
U.S. HELSINKI COMMISSION
SENATE HOUSE
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland STEVE COHEN, Tennessee Co-Chairman
Chairman JOE WILSON, South Carolina Ranking
Member
ROGER F. WICKER, Mississippi ROBERT B. ADERHOLT, Alabama
Ranking Member EMANUEL CLEAVER II, Missouri
RICHARD BLUMENTHAL, Connecticut BRIAN FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
JOHN BOOZMAN, Arkansas RUBEN GALLEGO, Arizona
TIM SCOTT, South Carolina RICHARD HUDSON, North Carolina
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire GWEN MOORE, Wisconsin
TINA SMITH, Minnesota MARC A. VEASEY, Texas
THOM TILLIS, North Carolina
SHELDON WHITEHOUSE, Rhode Island
EXECUTIVE BRANCH
Department of State - to be appointed
Department of Defense - to be appointed
Department of Commerce - to be appointed
C O N T E N T S
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Page
COMMISSIONERS
Hon. Roger F. Wicker, Ranking Member, from Mississippi........... 1
Hon. Steve Cohen, Co-Chairman, from Tennessee.................... 3
Hon. Benjamin L. Cardin, Chairman, from Maryland................. 5
Hon. Joe Wilson, Ranking Member, from South Carolina............. 6
Hon. Ruben Gallego, from Arizona................................. 7
Hon. Robert B. Aderholt, from Alabama............................ 25
Hon. Gwen Moore, from Wisconsin.................................. 28
Hon. Emanuel Cleaver II, from Mossouri........................... 29
WITNESSES
Laima Andrikiene, Chair, Foreign Relations Committee of the
Seimas [Parliament of Lithuania]............................... 8
Marko Mihkelson, Chair, Foreign Affairs Committee of the
Riigikogu [Parliament of Estonia].............................. 10
Rihards Kols, Chair, Foreign Affairs Committee of the Saeima
[Parliament of Latvia]......................................... 12
GAME-CHANGER: THE BALTICS UNDER PRESSURE
----------
COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN
EUROPE,
U.S. HELSINKI COMMISSION,
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Thursday, March 17, 2022.
The hearing was held from 10:03 a.m. to 12:06 p.m., Room
106, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Washington, DC, Senator
Roger F. Wicker [R-MS], Ranking Member, Commission for Security
and Cooperation in Europe, presiding.
Committee Members Present: Senator Benjamin L. Cardin [D-
MD], Chairman; Senator Roger F. Wicker [R-MS], Ranking Member;
Representative Steve Cohen [D-TN], Co-Chairman; Representative
Joe Wilson [R-SC], Ranking Member; Representative Ruben Gallego
[D-AZ]; Representative Robert B. Aderholt [R-AL];
Representative Gwen Moore [D-WI]; Representative Emanuel
Cleaver II, [D-MO].
Witnesses: Laima Andrikiene, Chair, Foreign Relations
Committee of the Seimas [Parliament of Lithuania]; Marko
Mihkelson, Chair, Foreign Affairs Committee of the Riigikogu
[Parliament of Estonia]; Rihards Kols, Chair, Foreign Affairs
Committee of the Saeima [Parliament of Latvia].
OPENING STATEMENT OF ROGER F. WICKER, RANKING MEMBER, U.S.
SENATE, FROM MISSISSIPPI
Senator Wicker: This hearing will come to order. Thank you
all for being here. My colleagues, today we meet with our
friends and colleagues from the Baltic states. We meet against
the backdrop of the horrifying and totally unprovoked assault
by Vladimir Putin against the Ukrainian people, now entering
its third week.
I want to begin by thanking Senator Cardin, our chairman,
for allowing me to call this hearing to order. He generously
did so because the impulse for this hearing originated in a
meeting I had in my office on September 15 with Lithuanian
Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsbergis. At that time, the
minister and I agreed that the challenges facing the Baltic
states, including the potential of further Russian aggression,
the continued crisis in Belarus, and China's pressure campaign
against Lithuania over Taiwan merited additional attention in
Washington and that the Helsinki Commission was a natural home
for such a conversation.
What we did not know, of course, was the extent to which
Putin's callous and brutal designs would make this exchange
even more urgent and timely. Indeed, since my meeting with
Minster Landsbergis the Baltic states find themselves in an
even more challenging security situation than a few months ago.
Putin's war of aggression against Ukraine has closed the door
once and for all on any hope that his regime might be passively
deterred, and perhaps through diplomatic means come to play a
responsible role in the international system. That idea is now
over forever.
Having traveled to Kyiv in January with a bipartisan
delegation to meet with President Zelensky, and more recently
having traveled this past weekend to Poland and the Ukraine
border, I can attest that the crimes being perpetrated in
Ukraine are creating huge humanitarian and military challenges
for our NATO allies and that we have not--to the extent that we
have not seen since perhaps the height of the Cold War. I might
mention to my colleagues that the night before last the United
States Senate passed legislation calling the actions of
Vladimir Putin war crimes. I was heartened, my colleagues, that
the president of the United States yesterday when asked
specifically that question also came to the public conclusion,
that what Mr. Putin is doing is--amounts to war crimes, and
that he is a war criminal.
Putin's war of aggression against Ukraine has closed the
door once and for all for any hope. The situation for the
Baltic states has been further complicated by the Lukashenko
regime's utter subservience to Moscow. Mr. Lukashenko now leads
a client state of Russia. The unprecedented deployment of
Russian forces into Belarus, and the prospect of more to come
and, for a limited period of time--an unlimited period of time,
creates an entirely new set of challenges for our Baltic
allies. Of course, other pressures continue to press on our
Baltic friends, including China's disproportionate response to
the courageous and principled stand taken by our Lithuanian
friends regarding Taiwan.
Our Baltic friends have not been cowed by these challenges.
On the contrary, they have been at the forefront of supporting
Ukraine, lending not only moral support but also providing
funds and military equipment. Once again, in this crisis, the
three Baltic countries are punching above their weight, and I
have every expectation they will continue to do so. As our
guests are aware, members of our Commission have long been
supporters of the Baltic states. This hearing aligns with other
efforts we have made to remain engaged with our Baltic friends,
including very recent congressional delegation visits to the
region in July of 2021 and February of this year.
This hearing also follows an event I had the honor to
convene in July of 2019, when the Helsinki Commission held an
unprecedented field hearing on Baltic Sea regional security in
Gdansk, Poland, our first-ever hearing away from U.S. soil. I
will not say that on every one of these occasions, and on
others, our Baltic friends have warned us about the gathering
storm clouds under Putin's regime, and of the possibility of
the kind of tragic events we are now seeing unfold.
My colleagues, it is my hope that in today's hearing, we
will explore three main threads. First, how can we best support
our Baltic friends in meeting their direct security challenges
from Russia, Belarus, and China? Secondly, how can we deepen
our partnership to provide even more effective support for
Ukraine and others who stand in the looming shadow of Moscow?
Third, how can we work together to make sure Vladimir Putin
loses this fight as quickly and as decisively as possible? I am
especially pleased to be having this conversation with senior
leaders of three parliaments of the Baltic states, our natural
interlocutors on all issues of mutual concern.
Before I introduce our distinguished panelists, I call on
my dear friend from Tennessee, Representative Cohen, for any
remarks he might make.
Representative Cohen: Thank you, Senator.
STATEMENT OF STEVE COHEN, U.S. HOUSE, FROM TENNESSEE
It is a pleasure to be here and a pleasure to welcome each
of you to our meeting. The three of you, the foreign affairs
chairs of your parliaments in the Baltics, will bring us
information that we need to hear and the American public needs
to hear about the dangers to NATO countries on the eastern edge
bumping up to Russia. Now, I am a member of the House. The
other two gentlemen to my right are members of the Senate. In
the House, we do not have meeting rooms like this that remind
me of Putin, where we are so far away from everybody. It is
very bizarre. I see you out there, I think, without binoculars.
It is nice to have you here.
Senator Wicker: I move that we rearrange the chairs.
[Laughter.]
Representative Cohen: You all are on the edge of Russia and
have warned us for years. I have visited all of your countries,
most recently Lithuania, where we were, and we visited with
Madam Chair just about two weeks ago, maybe three weeks ago it
was. Then Estonia, Mr. Wicker was on the CODEL where we visited
Estonia, and I have been there several times, and Latvia as
well. You all are sitting right there on the edge of Russia. We
visited when we were in Estonia, we went to the east of
Estonia, to where you can get there at that castle, and you can
look out and there is the castle on the Estonian side and there
is the castle on the Russian side, and they are just cannoning
apart. It is right there.
We went on the river, and we saw the Russian patrols,
border patrols, and the barrier. It was not much. I suspect if
the three Baltic countries were not members of NATO, you might
have already met Vladimir Putin's armies. He has arisen lately
in his desire to have a Soviet Union reconstituted, or a Peter
the Great Russia reconstituted, and he is seeing himself as the
great Peter. He is a dangerous man, and we want to assure you
that we are with you.
I did a little journey in Vilnius to visit the Jewish
center, which is, unfortunately, all historical and just
markers of where the Jewish people lived in Vilnius because
they were wiped out by the Nazis, and not treated too terribly
well by the Soviets, who the Lithuanians fought for, I think it
was, nine years with guerilla warfare and fought against the
Soviet occupation of their country. They were, to some extent,
the Ukrainians of that period, in the 1940s and early 1950s, in
resisting Soviet oppression.
There is a plaque which we were shown on the wall of the
Vilnius town hall. It is a quote from President George Bush
that says, "Anyone who would choose Lithuania as an enemy has
also made an enemy of the United States of America." Our tour
guide was very proud to show us that. I was proud to see it. On
this issue, Americans are bipartisan. There is--there are a few
people out there that are on the fringe of everything. They
were on the fringe of graduating from high school, I think,
that are not necessarily with us. I would say 95 percent of the
House--and I suspect 100 percent of the Senate--supports
strongly NATO and our relationships with our NATO allies and
Article 5. We will be there with you, as President Bush was,
and America is today.
We visited with our troops, American troops that are up, I
guess, north of Vilnius. I think it was, like, 8 or 10
kilometers from Russians who, as we were told, occupied the
former Soviet forts that were built on the border of Lithuania,
and for a reason. They, I guess--I got the impression that they
would not been used lately, but now the Russians have occupied
them. They are right there on the border and close up. Of
course, we have got the Suwalki Pass, which is a serious
question about the--whether the Russians would want to come and
take that and divide the Baltic countries away from the other
countries in NATO to the south, Poland in particular, and put
the Baltic countries at great risk. That would connect them
with Kaliningrad, which is a Russian port on the Baltic.
There are not a lot of people in the world that know about
Kaliningrad and the weapons they have the importance it is to
Russia, and the Suwalki Pass, and how important that is. We
need to defend it, and it makes an attractive target for Putin.
The Biden administration understands these threats. We are
pretty much together with the Biden administration in its
sanctions that it is put together with all the Western allies,
the support we have given to Ukraine. I know when I was in
Lithuania we met with your prime minister, we met with your
president, we were hosted for lunch with parliamentarians, and
we met with your foreign minister. We got a good perspective on
how many people in Lithuania are on the alert, and they should
be.
Got the same thing when we went to Estonia. We were with
the president there in our visit to the east coast, where there
were still some, you know, obvious Russian monuments still up,
showing that the Russians are bad basically--you can go through
there. The people were walking away, and it looked like an old
Soviet city. It is an old Soviet city, where they took Russian
people, and they moved them into Estonia to make their presence
permanent. They will be doing the same thing in Ukraine. People
are happy when people leave Ukraine because he is going to
replace them with Russians and Russian passports and try to
make Ukraine Russian. It is not going to be easy, and I do not
think it will be successful.
We are with you. We appreciate your being here. We look
forward to your remarks and your perspectives on Vladimir
Putin, his actions in Ukraine, the challenges all this presents
to your countries and defense, and how much the United States
can help you. We know Lithuania wants a permanent force. We
have made some suggestions to our military folks about that,
and our State Department people. We have a battalion there now.
I think each of the other Baltic countries would like a
permanent American force there. I support it, and I think some
of the other members of Congress would support it. It is a
major undertaking to move that kind of people and what is
necessary into those countries, but at this time in our--in the
world's history it may be necessary for us to undertake that
responsibility.
With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
Senator Wicker: Thank you so much, Chairman Cohen.
Senator Cardin, do you have opening remarks?
STATEMENT OF BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, CHAIRMAN, U.S. SENATE, FROM
MARYLAND
Chairman Cardin: Well, first let me welcome our colleagues
and friends from the Baltic states, Estonia, Latvia, and
Lithuania. I want to thank Senator Wicker for his leadership on
the Helsinki Commission, bringing us together in regard to the
Game-Changer: The Baltics Under Pressure. Senator Wicker has
been a leader on this issue, on the Helsinki Commission, as
well as on the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, participating in a
Saturday special session of the standing committee, where unity
was shown within the OSCE in regard to supporting Ukraine
against the aggression of Mr. Putin.
I think we all have been just inspired by the extraordinary
courageous leadership of President Zelensky. He addressed a
joint meeting of Congress yesterday morning, and it was
powerful. I am proud of the leadership of President Biden and
Congress. By our actions against the unprovoked attack by Mr.
Putin on Ukraine. We have led by our actions. We have supplied
defense with lethal weapons so that Ukraine can defend itself.
We have imposed the strongest sanctions ever against Russia. We
have provided humanitarian assistance to deal with the
humanitarian crisis within Ukraine, as well as the refugees
that are leaving Ukraine. We have been able, under President
Biden's leadership, to unify the global community to isolate
Mr. Putin and Russia.
We have been effective in what we have done, but we must do
more. Mr. Chairman, I want you to know that the House of
Representatives will be considering legislation that will
remove Russia from [PNTR] Permanent Normal Trade Relations,
which is our trade partnership in the [WTO] World Trade
Organization. That legislation, as I understand it, will be
considered on the floor of the United States House of
Representatives today. I also understand that attached to that
bill is legislation that Senator Wicker and I have authored
that would not only make permanent the Global Magnitsky
sanctions but expand those sanctions to include the enablers,
those who enable these crimes to take place.
We are not finished. I can assure you that we will never
recognize Russia's aggression in Ukraine and the legitimacy of
any territory that they may control. It will always be Ukraine,
as we did with the Baltic states when they were overtaken by
the Soviet Union. This summer we will celebrate the 100th
anniversary of our diplomatic relations. We always recognized
the sovereignty of the Baltic states. You know firsthand what
the Ukrainian people are going through. In 1991, I was in
Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. I saw firsthand the Soviet
Russian tanks surrounding the parliament building in Vilnius.
I met with the courageous leaders of Lithuania in the
parliament building to show our solidarity against the
oppression at that time. I stayed in a hotel in Riga in which
there were bullet holes in the walls from the Russians. Just
recently, Senator Wicker, myself, Congressman Cohen, and others
have been to Estonia. We were in Tallinn just this past July.
We had a chance to visit Narva city on the Russian border. We
saw firsthand how the Baltic states are dealing with
representative governments protecting the rights of all of
their citizens.
I mention that because you all understand the risk of where
you are what Russia has done in the past, and its risk to your
sovereignty. I want you to understand that when Russia invaded
Ukraine in 2014, we stood with the Ukrainians, never
recognizing the takeover of Crimea, and we will continue to
stand with the Ukrainian people. In regards to the Baltic
states, it is different today than it was in 1991. You are now
NATO members. You are helping secure the defense of Europe by
your contributions. I am particularly proud of my state of
Maryland, our national guard, with Estonia in our defense that
we have since 1993, if I remember correctly.
We understand our commitments under Article 5 of NATO. We
stand with you on your sovereignty and will be there to protect
the sovereignty of your countries against any attempt by Russia
to interfere with that. We also must be united in our support
for the Ukrainian people, and make sure that we supply
everything we can so that they can defend themselves. Make no
mistake about it, Mr. Putin will never take away the
independence of Ukraine.
Senator Wicker: Members of the panel, you have traveled
far, and I can assure you, you are going to get a talk in a few
moments. We are--we are going to take a moment or two though to
recognize two more people for opening remarks. Representative
Joe Wilson is the Republican co-chair of the Helsinki
Commission in the House of Representatives. Representative
Wilson, you are recognized for two or three minutes of opening
remarks.
STATEMENT OF JOE WILSON, U.S. HOUSE, FROM SOUTH CAROLINA
Representative Wilson: Yes. Thank you very much, and
Ranking Member Roger Wicker Chairman Ben Cardin, and Co-Chair
Steve Cohen for holding this extraordinary hearing. It is to
show our appreciation for our Baltic allies, Latvia, Lithuania,
and Estonia. We always know that they are an inspiration, that
they never gave up on promoting their independence and freedom,
and their commitment now to NATO.
I am also grateful that I visited all three republics.
Americans can always be grateful that in 1940 the United States
never recognized the occupation as devised and divided by
Hitler and Stalin. We always recognized that the Baltic
republics were independent states and not part of the Soviet
socialist dictatorship.
Only a few weeks ago I had the honor to be in Lithuania
with the delegation organized by the commission. The main
message was to clearly indicate and show that America is fully
committed to Article 5 of the NATO treaty, to protect, as
America reassures, every inch of NATO will be protected. I was
also impressed by the support our Baltic friends are providing
to Belarusian dissidents, activists, and opposition
politicians. I was especially inspired to meet again with the
leader of Belarus democratic forces, Svetlana Tsikhanouskaya.
It is my belief that thanks to our Baltic allies, that one day
democracy will prevail again in Belarus. The dictatorship of
Lukashenko, who has become a puppet of Putin--Lukashenko will
soon be replaced, as the people prevail.
Additionally, another war we need to win, and again,
firmly, we will, is the ruthless war by Putin against the
people of Ukraine. Putin is indiscriminately shelling cities
and killing innocent women and children. Civilian deaths by the
thousands. The Baltic allies have been at the forefront of
trying to stop the advance by Putin, and from moving further
west. You are a wall. In fact, Zelensky has referred today,
speaking to the German Bundestag, to tear down the wall and
hopefully open Russia to a better future. We will not forget
that Putin is not just an enemy of the Ukrainian people, but he
is an enemy of the Russian people. We know that the
circumstance is clear that today Putin in a statement has, in a
cold-blooded, Stalinist way, threatened the, quote, "self-
cleansing" of the Russian people.
This means that Russians will become Soviet non-persons.
Today I will be offering legislation that provides for
defecting Duma members, diplomats, and Russian Government
officials that--with their defection they would be offered
immediate refugee status to come to America. This follows
another bill I had last week that I introduced that provided
legislation to encourage Russian military defectors and payment
of up to $100,000 for any Russian equipment delivered to
Ukraine. I appreciate that President Zelensky on Monday
reinforced this offer, calling for Russian troops to surrender.
Putin's evil designs have backfired and, in fact, unified
Republicans and Democrats as never before in the last year.
Additionally, it unified the European Union. We know NATO's
unified, but 27 countries of the European Union now are
actually providing military aid, including six countries that
have been traditionally neutral in every conflict. Putin's evil
design has backfired. NATO, of course, remains unified as never
before. Again, in any way, we are just so grateful for the
success--economic, military success--of the Baltic republics.
God bless Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. God save Ukraine.
Long live Volodymyr Zelensky.
I yield back.
Senator Wicker: Thank you, Representative Wilson.
Representative Ruben Gallego is chair of the Baltic Caucus
in the House of Representatives. He is now recognized for an
opening statement.
STATEMENT OF RUBEN GALLEGO, U.S. HOUSE, FROM ARIZONA
Representative Gallego: Thank you, Senator. Thank you,
Ranking Member Wicker.
Let me add my welcome to our three witnesses for joining us
today. Your presence speaks volumes at this critical time in
European security, and I want to applaud the Helsinki
Commission for holding this hearing focused on the challenges
facing the Baltic states. I am particularly glad the Helsinki
Commission is holding this hearing because it is my privilege
to serve as co-chair of the House Baltic Caucus, alongside my
fellow co-chair Congressman Don Bacon. We seek to strengthen
the defense relationship between the United States and the
Baltic countries on a bilateral basis and through NATO. We
share the passion that the Baltic people have for democracy and
freedom and strongly believe that the security of the Baltic
states is as crucial now as it ever has been.
Like all of you, I am horrified and deeply disturbed by
Russia's invasion of Ukraine and the ongoing war that it is
launching against civilians, targeting maternity hospitals and
schools. Russia has massed a large-scale military buildup,
deploying aircraft, air defense assets, and land forces,
including in Belarus, and launched a ruthless disinformation
campaign that spreads propaganda and lies. Russia's
premeditated war on Ukraine has unilaterally and radically
changed European security by violating territorial integrity.
I have one message for the Russian Federation: We stand
with Ukraine. We stand with our Baltic and NATO allies and our
commitment to Article 5 is ironclad. This is the resounding
message I hear from my colleagues in Congress across the House
and the Senate, Democrat or Republican. Our support for NATO is
bipartisan and bicameral.
It is not just words that matter, it is also actions. That
is why one of my proudest moments in Congress was securing our
first-ever authorization for the Baltic Security Initiative. It
bolsters the defense capabilities of Estonia, Latvia, and
Lithuania in areas including air defense, maritime situational
awareness, ammunition, [C4ISR] Command, Control,
Communications, Computers, Intelligence, Survelliance and
Reconnaissance, and anti-tank capabilities. The Baltic Caucus
was also able to secure 180 million [dollars] for this
initiative in last week's omnibus spending package. If we draw
any lessons from the ongoing war in Ukraine, it is that we need
to ensure our allies, and our partners are too prickly for any
adversary or competitor to swallow. We will continue to stand
with our Baltic allies in an increasingly dangerous
neighborhood.
I just want to thank you again and thank the witnesses for
being and for being such great partners. I greatly appreciate
it.
Thank you, Ranking Member.
Senator Wicker: Thank you. I hope our panelists have gotten
a clear impression of the deeply held support that we have for
our three Baltic friends.
Now we will call on our first witness. She is Laima
Andrikiene, who is chair of the foreign relations committee of
the Seimas, the parliament of Lithuania. Madam Chair, you are
recognized. Welcome.
TESTIMONY OF LAIMA ANDRIKIENE, CHAIR, FOREIGN RELATIONS
COMMITTEE OF THE SEIMAS [PARLIAMENT OF LITHUANIA]
Ms. Andrikiene: Thank you very much. Honorable Chairman,
members of the Helsinki Commission, ladies and gentlemen, first
of all, I would like to thank the Helsinki Commission for
organizing this important and, I would say, unique hearing, as
you have three chairs of the foreign affairs committees of the
parliaments of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. It is an honor
and a timely opportunity to appear before you today.
Let me start by saying that a global democratic world order
in the past decades has been greatly challenged by the
autocratic regimes of Russia and China. This competition of
powers was shaping the security environment and bringing a lot
of tensions over time up until February 24. This day not only
changed the established but deceptive peace in Europe exposing
the real goals of the autocratic state of Russia but also
unified the democratic western world and created the legend of
the greatness of the Ukrainian nation.
The Baltic states for many years have been the
whistleblowers trying to draw the attention of the whole world
to Russia's real intentions and ill perception of the world
order. The Russian revisionist policy cannot be eliminated by
making concessions or one-sided promises to "reset" the
relations. Russia has chosen confrontation with the Western
world and will remain a major threat for many years to come.
Our necessity is to establish a credible defense since any
conflict on our soil would be too costly, not only for our
nations but for the alliance as well.
For many reasons, both geographic and historic ones, the
Baltic region was bound to remain the most vulnerable part of
the NATO alliance, which required special attention from NATO
military planners and allies. In addition to the Suwalki Gap
issue, Russia's de facto absorption of Belarus means more than
a double increase in the length of the Lithuania-Russia border,
which is the NATO-Russia border. Increased Russia's military
footprint in Belarus and its engagement in the war against
Ukraine is a game-changer and significantly affects defense
calculus in our region and requires the implementation of
additional defense measures.
As we all witness today, the Kremlin employs massive
propaganda and disinformation campaigns in an attempt to
justify its aggression against Ukraine and to conceal its war
crimes and atrocities. The Kremlin's anti-Western narratives
and its interpretation of the sanctions applied against Russia
and of the support provided to Ukraine by the West as an
alleged involvement in the war against Russia serve the Kremlin
as a means of shifting the blame. Strengthening deterrence is
no longer enough. We need to build a credible defense before it
is too late. We must change our approach by moving from
deterrence based on limited forward presence and reinforcement
to deterrence by denial and forward defense.
This requires not only the re-posturing of our forces but
also a change in our mindset. The necessary measures should be
taken immediately and continue in the long term. We have
already taken robust measures to improve the host nation's
support capacity and are ready to host United States and NATO
forces by providing infrastructure, which would enable rapid
and smooth deployment of forces and their operation on the
territory of our countries and necessary training conditions.
We call on the United States of America to step up its efforts
in ensuring our defense, in particular by stationing additional
substantial permanent combat forces.
Prepositioning of U.S. military equipment and enhancement
of our region's air defense would significantly improve our
security. In our region, air defense with anti-aircraft and
long-range missile defense assets is crucial. We need our own
Iron Dome. Air defense over the Baltic states has to be
enhanced, including by deploying necessary assets such as
combat aviation and surface-based air defense of short, medium,
and long ranges in and around the Baltic states.
It would show the political backbone of NATO and give us
credibility that NATO is ready to, and will indeed, protect
every inch of its territory. For that, we need a strong
political will from the U.S. side. Firm support of the U.S.
Congress for a persistent U.S. military presence and capability
development in the Baltic region is crucial. Lithuania is
serious about its defense spending, which will reach 2.5
percent of our GDP this year. We will not stop at that.
Ladies and gentlemen, whilst Russia remains the biggest and
the most imminent conventional threat to the Baltic states,
China is becoming a pacing threat to our national security.
While Putin's regime is using heavy weaponry, China is
weaponizing cross-border economic and trade relations. China is
eager to dominate, not to cooperate. We have always backed U.S.
efforts in defending our common democratic values and
containing China's global ambitions. China is targeting the
Lithuanian economy with undeclared sanctions and applying
various trade restrictions over deepening ties with Taiwan.
Lithuania has made it clear that it considers such a
manipulative Chinese policy to be contrary to our democratic
values and a security challenge.
The case of Lithuania is a test for the entire democratic
world of our ability to withstand economic coercion and deter--
and to deter China from moving ahead with its redlines and from
using coercion as a regular foreign policy tool to advance its
goals. Enhanced coordination of actions with international
allies, including in WTO, is needed to respond to economic
coercion, find systemic long-term solutions, and send a message
to China that such coercive actions will not be tolerated.
Lithuania is not stepping back. Engagement with democratic
Taiwan is in our direct interest. China's aggressive actions,
including its threats to Taiwan, more than ever before, may
have a direct impact on European security.
We thank the United States for its strong support to
Lithuania in the face of pressure from China, including also in
offsetting the effects of China's economic coercion. In
addition, we call on the United States to lead the efforts to
encourage our common allies to take a more resolute stance
against China's intimidations.
Mr. Chairman, thank you once again for giving me the
opportunity to address this distinguished group of U.S.
Congressmen. I very much look forward to my colleagues'
statements and follow-up discussions.
Thank you very much.
Senator Wicker: Thank you very much, Madam Chair, for that
insightful opening statement. We very much appreciate it.
Our second witness is Mr. Marko Mihkelson, chair of the
foreign affairs committee of the Riigikogu, which is the
parliament of Estonia. Mr. Chairman, we are delighted to have
you. You may proceed in your own fashion.
TESTIMONY OF MARKO MIHKELSON, CHAIR, FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE
OF THE RIIGIKOGU [PARLIAMENT OF ESTONIA]
Mr. Mihkelson: Thank you, Senator Wicker. Distinguished
members of the Helsinki Commission, those who have witnessed
the advance of the Russian brutal war machine with their own
eyes are probably keenly aware that it cannot be stopped by
gentle words alone. As a young journalist covering the first
Chechen War from 1994 to 1996, I learned what Russian
authorities were capable of. The carpet bombings of Grozny
killed thousands of their own citizens. For what? To stop the
empire from disintegrating and the free will of the people from
becoming the norm. The Kremlin's appetite has only grown in 30
years and has not been thwarted by Western diplomacy, which has
lacked a proactive strategy towards Russia.
Russia's blatant aggression and military invasion of
Ukraine have caused a fundamental shift in the European
security architecture and threaten the peace and stability of
democratic nations, not only in Europe but worldwide. I argue
that the future of our common security will be decided in
Ukraine. This is why the Western allies should do everything to
coordinate and supply a wide range of lethal weaponry and other
help to Ukraine as long and as much as it is needed. At the
same time, our leaders should not let Russia feel that it has
the green light to destroy one of the biggest democracies in
Europe. Putin must be stopped in Ukraine.
Dear colleagues, Putin's war against Ukraine is the biggest
threat to Euro-Atlantic security since the end of World War II.
What we need the most now is a strong and loud allied message
that is not only loud in words but will decisively strengthen
the deterrence and defense posture in the eastern flank of
NATO. Russian military forces in the Western Military District
and Kaliningrad hold a geographic advantage and outnumber NATO
forces postured in the Baltic region. Russia's permanent
deployment of land forces, fighter jets, and air defense assets
in Belarus will strengthen Russia's force advantage even
further.
It remains the only part of NATO where Russia can create
credible military strategic dilemmas for the alliance, even
during this crisis and with short notice, if necessary. This is
the region at greatest risk of further Russian aggression.
Taking into account the precarious security situation on the
borders of NATO's Eastern flank, I would like to highlight that
continuous U.S. engagement and presence in the Baltics is of
paramount importance given the vulnerabilities of the region.
We welcome the efforts already made by the U.S. and NATO to
bolster the deterrence and defense posture in the Baltic
region, but more is needed to effectively deter Russia and
avoid the risk of miscalculation. We rely on your support for
this.
President Biden's decision to reinforce the Baltic region
with various assets and personnel has been much appreciated,
and the recent deployments have been of crucial importance in
maintaining a credible deterrence posture. We are doing a lot
for our own self-defense. All three Baltic states have annual
defense budgets above two percent of GDP and defense
cooperation between our countries is at a historical high.
However, the worsening security situation has highlighted the
need for further U.S. support to immediately fill out a number
of critical capability gaps in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania.
I would like to thank Congress for increasing the resources
for the Baltic Security Initiative for this year and hopefully
also in the future. This sends a strong message to our citizens
of U.S. support to Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania and, more
importantly, it enables us to continue our critical regional
capability development projects. We need your support with
ground-based air defense, as the Baltics should not be left out
as the only region in NATO still uncovered by air defense. We
are also in need of a long-range fire capability. These are
capabilities that the Baltic states plan to develop on their
own with the help of U.S. security assistance, but such large-
scale capability developments take time and the shortfalls in
our defense need to be addressed expeditiously.
These are shared objectives among the Baltics that are
endorsed by the United States European Command. We hope for the
United States' substantial and consistent security assistance
on this, on top of the ongoing projects under the Baltic
Security Initiative, such as maritime domain awareness, C41 and
secure communications, stockpiling of large caliber ammunition
stocks, and special forces. We need to keep bolstering NATO's
deterrence and defense posture also in the long term. NATO
needs a forward defense strategy. This requires strong
political will as well as courage to take action. It is
detrimental that the United States, as the most credible
deterrent, would take a leadership role in bolstering NATO's
eastern flank.
We consider it critical to have the U.S. presence in the
Baltics through the NATO framework. NATO should prepare to
defend the most vulnerable part of the alliance--the Baltic
states. This includes, first, establishing a permanent
increased allied forward presence in the Baltic states in the
land domain. Second, establishing a sound and appropriate NATO
Command and Control, C2, a structure that is able to plan and
conduct military operations with the Baltic state's national
home defense forces and allied reinforcement forces. Third,
establishing a credible air defense posture with additional
fighter aircraft and ground-based air defense assets.
Thank you to this commission for the service that you
provide for security and stability in the transatlantic
community, including the Baltic region. I look forward to your
questions.
Senator Wicker: Thank you very, very much, Mr. Chairman.
Our third and final witness will be Mr. Rihards Kols, chair
of the foreign affairs committee in the Saeima, the parliament
of Latvia. Welcome, Mr. Chairman. We are delighted to hear from
you.
TESTIMONY OF RIHARDS KOLS, CHAIR, FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE OF
THE SAEIMA [PARLIAMENT OF LATVIA]
Mr. Kols: Thank you, honorable Senator Wicker, honorable
Senator Cardin, distinguished members of the Helsinki
Commission. As a concluding intervention, I think I have the
task the most challenging which is to describe the threats that
are awake and blurred, and those are the hybrid threats and the
hybrid warfare that the Baltic countries have been experiencing
since regaining our independence.
To start with, Russian General Valery Gerasimov said, "The
role of non-military means of achieving political and strategic
goals has grown and, in many cases, they have exceeded the
power of force of weapons in their effectiveness." This
encompasses the majority of what I will be addressing you
today. Since we gained our independence from the Soviet Union
in 1990, the Baltics have been under constant Russian pressure.
For us, having lived in this environment for the majority of
our lives, this multi-vector warfare, hybrid warfare tactics,
and the chaos they attempt to create have become intuitively
recognizable and often seep into the background like white
noise.
A key aspect to understanding Russia's actions is the so-
called sootechestvenniki or compatriots abroad policy. Its
officially stated goal is to support Russians living abroad,
including defending their interests and rights in their place
of residence. In this context, it needs to be emphasized that
Moscow, per its compatriots abroad policy and the concept of
the Russian world, aims to bind together all Russian speakers--
not just ethnic Russians but quite literally even the
descendants of ancestors who could have had a connection to,
say, tzarist Russia. It considers these minorities as an
essential political means of exerting influence.
In past regional wars, Moscow has argued that it must
protect Russia's compatriots. In this Russian world, Putin's
Russia anoints itself with the messianic title of the
vanquisher of absolute evil, and with it the right to fight
against what it considers fascism. Russia has weaponized
information for a very long time, with it targeting not only
Russian speakers but also what it deems as its geopolitical
opposition, the West too. Spreading disinformation and building
up twisted narratives aimed at further support for its
political goals. It seeks to destabilize societies, and it does
so also by its export of corrupt practices, by abusing Western
legal and financial loopholes.
Russian doctrine argues that corrupting another country's
elites is part of a new generation war. The Russian brand of
corruption thrives on globalization and depends on access to
the global financial system to loot its own or other states'
funds and assets. The West, however, has several advantages--
time, allies, and transparency. Transparency is a potentially
devastating tool against authoritarians because when corruption
is exposed it delegitimizes the authoritarians. The governments
of free societies already face public scrutiny, which positions
them well to demand the same of others. Russia's leaders are
afraid of accountability.
Therefore, it is time for the West to realize that
corruption is a severe security issue. The Baltic states have a
lot of firsthand experience tackling hybrid threats that
previously had been tackled by democratic countries, such as
the recent Latvian, Lithuanian, and Poland experience with
illegal migrants sent in from Belarus. Although these dangers
were somewhat unexpected, the answer continues to be efficient.
Therefore, we in the Baltic see ourselves not only as learners
in the field but also as providers of expertise. The Baltic
cyber expertise has already benefited democratic countries
across the globe, and the same work should continue with border
incidents and issues such as countering disinformation and
cleaning up financial markets from Russian money streams.
A critical issue is Russia's weaponization of its energy
exports via its state-owned companies, such as Gazprom. Russia
has attempted, through varying degrees of success, to use
energy exports as a bargaining chip in achieving its political
goals. Thus, one of the ways of resisting aggression and
strengthening our resilience is the Three Seas Initiative, a
new forge of unity between nations in the Adriatic, Baltic, and
Black Sea regions, integrating the north-south axis. It is a
platform of pragmatic collaboration to create a network of
cooperation possibilities for twelve countries of the Central
and Eastern European region.
It seeks to promote large-scale infrastructural, digital,
and energy-related investments that are highly needed in this
geographic area, as the region still faces underdevelopment
challenges--mainly in infrastructure, interconnectivity, and
mobility--following 50 years of Soviet occupation and its
lasting negative setbacks after the USSR's collapse. Three Seas
would help maintain stability and democracy in countries that
the Western countries formally describe as peripheral. We are
not peripheral.
We are the frontier where democracy in the entire Western
world has to stand or fall. A more robust economic U.S.
presence in the region would strengthen transatlantic business,
energy, and geopolitical ties to Central and Eastern Europe
while compensating China's and Russia's initiatives and actions
to advance and make regional inroads. Accordingly, the Three
Seas merits, in my own opinion, American continued political
support and investment, and investment from across the
transatlantic communities.
Dear colleagues, for NATO and Europe this will be a
marathon, not a sprint. We cannot afford to be cavalier about
our short-term responses but must do everything in a strategic,
organized, conscious, and prepared manner. This should not be
mistaken for the lack of resolve and determination to act, but
it takes time. Russia spent months building up its forces on
the borders of Ukraine. Hybrid threats are often aimed at the
most vulnerable points of a state. Thus, supporting a well-
educated and informed society, using the means acceptable to
them, is a fundamental step in countering hybrid threats. Well-
educated and informed societies will be the most resilient
force against attempts of historical revisionism, revanchism,
and sowing discord.
To conclude, for those who worry that standing up to Russia
could just provoke Putin and drag the world into war, we only
have to look at the history of the 20th century. Nothing is
more provocative to a dictator than the weakness of free
nations. Acta non verba.
Thank you.
Senator Wicker: Thank you. Very well said, Mr. Chairman.
Very well stated by all three of you.
We will begin questioning now under the five-minute rule. I
am delighted to say there are 12 members of the House and
Senate participating in this hearing today, which should be an
indication of the level of interest we have, and the level of
support from both parties in both houses for our guests today,
and for the countries that they represent. Let me just say,
that there is no doubt in my mind that Russia would be aiming
its troops at your three countries if you were not members of
NATO. I want to express my support for our NATO friends, and
for your membership, and to say how much that means to us.
Mr. Kols, you mentioned the Three Seas Initiative. Madam
Chair Andrikiene, you specifically pointed to the challenge we
have from China. I see the Three Seas Initiative as a potential
alternative to the economic dominance of the Chinese Belt and
Road Initiative if we could only enhance its participation and
make sure it is as financially viable as it needs to be and
provides the countries participating in the Three Seas
Initiative with an alternative to look at--to look at lenders
and investors who do not have their own nationalistic self-
interest at heart.
Ms. Andrikiene, would you start with that? Then I will let
the other two speak to that. Where do we need to go with this
Three Seas Initiative?
Ms. Andrikiene: Thank you very much for the question. Yes,
as you probably know, Lithuania has left the 17+1 format,
designed by China for countries of Central and Eastern Europe.
Very divisive format, from the EU perspective. Our preference
is another format, 27+1, having all 27 EU member states sitting
at the table with China and making decisions. Three Seas
Initiative, yes. It is a new format. We see it as a promising,
should be effective, format to also replace One Belt, One Road
Initiative, and One Belt, One Road Strategy, which is, to my
understanding, a strategy of de-Atlantization.
China is seeking domination in the world, and they are very
clear about this. Their message was very clear, sent from the
latest Communist Party Congress. They dominate the world by the
year 2050, then they even said, by the year 2030. We have to
coordinate our actions, we have to mobilize. We are--as I
already mentioned--we are pro-cooperation, but not--we will
never, ever accept China's domination of the world.
Thank you.
Senator Wicker: Mr. Kols, is Three Seas getting where it
needs to be? I really do appreciate you bringing this up, but
where do we need to go from here? What does the West need to
do? What does the United States need to do to be helpful?
Mr. Kols: Thank you, Honorable Chair, for the question.
Well, you are absolutely right. Why I am addressing this is
that Three Seas are gaining more and more momentum, and a
clearer understanding of what the long-term benefit of such
cooperation is, particularly in Europe and Central and Eastern
Europe, connecting the north-south axis. The U.S. has been
already identified as a strategic partner to the Three Seas.
There are already operational Three Seas funds established
based in London, United Kingdom. So far, what we are advocating
and waiting for, for the financial commitment from the U.S. to
be part of this fund, which will be a very crucial signal to
any potential investor, private investor, to actually engage in
the Three Seas and the projects.
There are almost 100 projects identified that are boosting
the interconnectivity within the Three Seas region. As I
mentioned in my speech, there are a lot of disparities due to
underdevelopment for historical reasons. As we recall, I would
say the Three Seas right now for Central and Eastern Europe
would be a 21st-century Marshall Fund, by other means, and with
this, I think it is a momentum. We clearly, what Madam Chair
said about the 17+1, I have to tell you honestly. The 17+1 has
died of natural causes, at least in the political mindset.
Therefore, Latvia as well is hosting the Three Seas Summit this
year in June. We welcome also U.S. leadership and U.S. Congress
representatives to be present and to actually start off on the
practical aspects, how we can implement projects, and how we
contribute, and there is a lot to do.
According to [IMF] International Monetary Fund, in order to
reach the level of interconnectivity--be it energy,
infrastructure, roads, rail, et cetera, the whole region needs
$660 billion U.S. dollars of investment. That is a huge
difference that we are seeing. Also, it is--in my view, I see
the Three Seas projects that are identified in different
regions of the Three Seas, they have also a military dimension
to them. A fine example I can mention is the Rail Baltic in the
Baltic countries as well. It has also a close connection to the
initiative within the EU, PESCO, which is contributing to the
mobility of NATO troops within the Three Seas region.
Therefore, I think the Three Seas is paramount. We should
go from words to practical deeds and actually start to work and
implement and introduce the projects. As I mentioned, there are
more than 100 projects. The difference from maybe past similar
ventures in Europe is that the Three Seas Fund is actually
sharing the risk with the potential investors. It is not just
giving loans to somebody, but it is actually the governments
that are participating in the Three Seas fund that are actually
taking the risk together with the private investors as well.
From the Baltic countries, from Latvia, for example, and I
know Estonia and Lithuania as well, we have set already the
scrutinizing mechanism at the government level, scrutinizing
foreign investment. Then primarily we are looking at the
countries we welcome from NATO member states, EU member states,
and OECD member states investments.
Thank you.
Senator Wicker: Thank you.
Before turning to you, Mr. Mihkelson, I should point out
that our Helsinki Commission delegation to the Parliamentary
Assembly last year made--took advantage of our proximity there
to actually attend the Three Seas meeting in Sofia. I think we
benefited from that. I will say there is a learning curve--
within the United States Congress about the Three Seas that
needs to be addressed. If you could comment briefly, Mr.
Mihkelson.
Mr. Mihkelson: Yes. Thank you, Senator Wicker. This is a
very important question, of course, how to engage U.S. private
investments in most possible way in our region. If Russia still
is an immediate and existential threat to democracy in our
region, and perhaps worldwide, definitely the challenge posed
by China is long term. We have to think here strategically and
actually work together as Europeans and Americans for more
coordinated and more sort of well thought-through strategies,
including also how we build a transatlantic truly open trade
area.
I think here to accommodate better perhaps those
investments into Three Seas countries, or into Europe, is--I
would call actually up to you, to support Transatlantic
Telecommunications Security Act, which is, as far as I know, in
process here in Senate and in House, which allows better to--
for investments into projects for telecommunication in Three
Seas. First and foremost, we should create as parliaments and
governments, the possibility for private investments flow to
our region.
Thank you.
Senator Wicker: Thank you very much.
We will now turn to Senator Cardin. He will be followed by
Representative Cohen.
Senator CARDIN: Well, let me thank all of you, again, for
your presence here. Chairman Kols, you mentioned the asymmetric
arsenal that Mr. Putin uses in order to bring down democratic
states and to get his way. You also mentioned the importance of
fighting corruption, because corruption gives them the
resources to carry this out, whether it is the use of
misinformation, the weaponization of energy, or the
infiltration into Russian-speaking communities to give the
false flag opportunities that he then uses as justification for
his military actions.
We saw this in Ukraine very clearly in the eastern part of
Ukraine. Each of your countries has a Russian-speaking
population. Since the invasion of Ukraine by Mr. Putin, has
there been any activity within the Russian-speaking communities
that we should be concerned about that would indicate that
there have been efforts made by Mr. Putin to start the seeds of
trouble within your country in regard to the Russian-speaking
communities?
Mr. Kols: Thank you, Senator Cardin, for your question.
Just coming from the other way around as you posed the
question. Russian-speaking population, as I mentioned, it
encompasses not only ethnic or Russian just speaking, it is
also, you know, historical ties between tsarist Russia, and the
Soviet Union. By Putin's logic, or as they put it this policy,
even Finns might be seen at some point, you know--[laughs]--the
compatriots. It is the lunacy the regime is conducting.
Of course, it exploits the Russian-speaking populations
wherever they are in whatever quantities they are in any
society. We saw just recently this ludicrous example in
Australia, the Russian community having a support campaign in
Australia. I mean, that is very integrated, you know, society
and so on. They are praising Putin and praising the Russian war
on Ukraine.
We cannot exclude any Russian-speaking communities in any
part of the world from being exploited in this kind of way to
gain the goals of the regime. When it comes to Latvia, I mean,
the current one, we do not see the--Russia's actions in Ukraine
have come from part of the Russian-speaking population in
Latvia as a shock, really, like saying that--you know, to the
last point, we did not believe that he is going to do that.
There are new realities as well--reality check. Of course,
there are, as I call them, Russian chauvinists that, you know,
no matter what is going to happen, no matter what, how you are
going to put, you know, incentives into integration and et
cetera, they will be committed to Mother Russia, to Putin, and
et cetera.
That is something that, of course, our security
intelligence community needs to work and identify beforehand.
What I have to say is that we still have to do a lot in the
West. I mean, it has been three weeks right now when we
suddenly realized that, you know, propaganda channels, we need
to actually shut them down.
We see the fine example of Ukraine. If Ukraine had not
abolished propaganda channels back in 2004 and had not started
to strengthen its Ukrainian language, strengthen national
identity, I think the situation would be totally different
right now on February 24, and this is a miscalculation, I
think, that Putin made as well.
Chairman Cardin: I think that is a very important point. We
were in Narva, in Estonia. Our observations were that the
community of Narva is very happy being Estonian. They like
their standard of living. They like their government, but they
do have connections to Russia. The question in Estonia is, have
you seen a problem developing instigated by Mr. Putin in a city
like Narva or is there still very much free information going
into the community, to understand the realities of what is
happening?
Mr. Mihkelson: Thank you, Senator Cardin. This is a[n]
extremely important question, of course, how to handle the
perceptions and narratives that sometimes come from the
sources, you, as a government, a parliament, cannot entirely
control. What we have done throughout the last 30 years, we
have, first and foremost, recognized the issue and sensitivity
of that matter and that the number one priority for us always
has been that never mind what language or what the distance
where--our residents or citizens are. They must feel in Estonia
safe and well. This is why our reforms--economic, social,
health care, educational reforms--have directed them not
exactly how the--what you said about the feeling; do they feel
that, really, that Estonia is their home, and they would like
to support the idea that the home must be stable and secure?
Of course, the number one question today is how to handle
this massive war-mongering propaganda. Estonia cut off all the
propaganda channels of Russian national or federal TV stations,
which actually we can call them not as journalistic units but--
or TV stations but as a kind of formation of the Russian army
as a propaganda unit to actually fight for hearts and minds in
countries. They have sort of aggressive attempts. This is not
only in the neighboring countries of Russia but it is also in
countries like the United States and others where they had an
opportunity to disseminate through Russia Today and other
channels completely different narratives, which are against our
interest as democratic nations.
Thank you.
Chairman Cardin: Just to make an observation. I was part of
the OSCE mission that came to Estonia in the early 1990s to
deal with the handling of the Russian-speaking communities, and
I think Estonia was a model country in how to handle minority
communities after the fall of the Soviet Union. I just
compliment the manner in which you have engaged all communities
within Estonia and protected their rights.
Representative Cohen?
Representative Cohen: I recognize myself for five minutes.
I understand your countries, none of which are
predominantly Orthodox--they are Catholic and Protestant
majority--but you do have some Orthodox communities. A
colleague of mine, a friend, who is Greek American and has been
active in the Greek Orthodox Church in Memphis, believes that
Patriarch Bartholomew could have an influence on Patriarch
Kirill in getting him to start to espouse more of the values
that Patriarch Bartholomew has about ecumenism and peace and
human rights.
Do any of you think that there are people in your countries
who are involved with the church that might have an opportunity
or a thought that this is a possible way to move Putin? I know
that the Greek--the Russian Orthodox Church and Putin have a
political alliance and it will be hard to break.
Is there any possibility that pressure through the
religious sphere could have an influence on Putin? Maybe start
with Estonia. You have got probably the largest Russian
population. Maybe Latvia does. I do not know.
Mr. Mihkelson: I think the kind of--idea behind your
question is very noble and, obviously, we should completely not
take it--this into account that there exists some sort of
possibility that for religious communities there is a kind of
hope to work for peace, not for war.
From recent statements of Patriarch Kirill and others in
Russia, in Moscow, the patriarchy of the Orthodox Church,
unfortunately, tells us that this alliance between Putin and
Moscow patriarchy is rock solid. Unfortunately, they are
supporting in their open and public statements currently this
aggression not only against Ukraine but wider, possibly
aggression against democratic nations.
Thank you.
Mr. Kols: Just maybe a few comments. I think while Russia
is not a secular country it is obvious, and there is numerous
analyses and experts who have written articles on the Orthodox
Church, you know, interlinkage with the regime and how each of
them complements each other. Well, right now, in Latvia, of
course, there was a high expectation within the society, not
even a community that belongs to the Orthodox Church but
overall, in the general public, what the Orthodox Church in
Latvia will say about Russia's war in Ukraine. There was, you
know, a long period of silence right now. I mean, a long
period--I mean, several days. Then the leadership of the
Orthodox Church in Latvia spoke out and condemned the Russian
aggression in Ukraine.
In the meantime, we see that the leadership of the Orthodox
Church in Russia is actually echoing the opposite; that, you
know, when speaking about the--Russia's war on Ukraine, again,
"special operation," "liberating," and that is almost, you
know, saying war that Russia is conducting towards Ukraine. At
the same time also, when it references Baltic states, well, you
know what is going to await Baltic states--as they call it,
pre-Baltica. That indicates that the Orthodox Church is very
much echoing, the narratives that the Putin regime is posing
both to their population and also towards those who are outside
of Russia as well.
Representative Cohen: Yes, ma'am?
Ms. Andrikiene: If you allow me, I would like to reply to
the previous question. Is it okay?
Representative Cohen: Please. Yes.
Ms. Andrikiene: Thank you. The Russian minority in
Lithuania is relatively small. It is between 6 [percent] and 7
percent. No public actions in support of Russia's aggression
against Ukraine so far. They are quite the opposite. Our
citizens of Russian descent are part of the united stance of
our citizens in support of Ukraine, Ukraine fighting against
the aggression. I am very proud that people in Lithuania,
whatever mother tongue they speak, donated $19 million during
the first week of the Russian aggression against Ukraine. A lot
of sympathy, a lot of support, and ordinary people pledged
thousands of vehicles and their houses and apartments for the
refugees coming from Ukraine.
Finally, democratic opposition from Belarus and Russia are
seeking shelter in Lithuania and they are provided that
shelter.
Thank you.
Representative Cohen: We met with the Belarusian dissidents
when we were there. It was quite an honor to meet with them and
see what Lithuania was doing as a friendly neighbor.
Lukashenko just passed in Belarus an election referendum on
February 27, which adopted provisions that removed Belarus'
previous status as a non-nuclear and geopolitically neutral
state. Do you think that came straight from Putin and Moscow
and does that indicate a danger to the world?
Ms. Andrikiene: Thank you very much for your question. As I
mentioned already in my statement, Belarus is almost 100
percent absorbed by Russia and Lukashenko is a puppet of Putin.
He receives orders from the Kremlin, and he implements those
orders. This fake referendum initiated by Lukashenko is very
dangerous. We do not care how many caps Lukashenko will be
wearing. He is not a legitimate president for us. He is not
recognized as a president, and what we saw in 2021 were stolen
elections, the dirtiest elections in the modern history of the
Republic of Belarus.
He could call him the president of Belarus. You could call
him chairman of the People's Assembly. What is really dangerous
is that they deleted very important paragraphs from the
constitution about the neutrality of Belarus, plus, nuclear
weapons could be displaced on Belarusian soil in addition to an
unprecedented number of Russian troops in Belarus.
That is really dangerous and that is a game changer for us,
looking from our perspective.
Thank you.
Representative Cohen: Thank you. One last question, then I
am going to yield to Mr. Wilson.
We know Putin is a liar, and he talks about the Russian-
speaking people in Ukraine and Estonia and Latvia and wherever.
We do know that that is a consistent theme in Russia over the
years has been the Russian people, their heritage, the church,
the language, the authoritarian leader, the czar, and now, you
know, czar Putin.
Do you think he really cares about that or is that just
like de-Nazification, just verbiage he uses to make the
Russians think he is trying to do something for the Russian
people? Because we see what he is doing in Ukraine as he is--he
needed a port on the Black Sea and that is why he wanted
Crimea. Now he wants a highway between Crimea and the eastern
provinces there--the eastern section of Ukraine, which will
become his new breakaway Russian republic. He wants access to
the sea, and he would want the same thing in Kaliningrad, that
access that the Suwalki Gap would give him, and in Ukraine he
wants minerals.
Has he just used the Russian language as a way to build up
his support within the Russian people or to make it sound like
he is doing something for the Russian people and, really, all
he wants is access to the sea and economic power and minerals?
Yes, sir?
Mr. Mihkelson: Yes, if I may, to answer this question.
The way how Mr. Putin cares about the Russian people we see
today what is happening in Mariupol, what is happening in
Kharkiv, in many other cities of Ukraine, that thousands of
innocent people have perished by Russian brutal aggression,
bombings.
This is how Putin is building a Russian world. They do not
care about the Russian-speaking population or Russians. They
only care about this idea of reshaping the world by force and,
as we all know, they--you know, Putin and others have declared
that the biggest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century
was the breakup of the Soviet Union, and this is exactly an
idea not only to rebuild the Soviet Union but Russian Empire.
That is where human lives do not matter, of their own citizens
or the others, and this is where we have to stand as
democracies strongly against this right now and do everything
that is possible so that Ukrainians can win this war because
this war is our war as well for democracy and freedom in our
world.
Representative Cohen: Thank you, sir.
I am going to yield. My time is kind of up, and Mr. Wilson
is my co-chair, and I would like to recognize him for the
theoretical 5 minutes.
Representative Wilson: Thank you very much, Co-Chair Cohen.
Hey, it is a dream come true for me, parliamentarians, to be
with you. When I was in college, I was an intern right in this
building and I had a dream because as a follower of Senator
Barry Goldwater, a supporter of him, he believed why not
victory.
I have a little book behind my desk when you visit the
office, and everybody from Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia are
invited to come by. We will even get a picture with the dome of
the Capitol over your shoulder.
When you come by, I have a book, "Why Not Victory?" What
that meant was a liberation of the Baltic republics. It is just
been an inspiration of mine and then, of course, it was Barry
Goldwater who provided for the ultimate election of the great
liberator, Ronald Reagan, with Margaret Thatcher and Pope John
Paul II.
Again, it is just a dream come true to be here with you.
Indeed, the Ukrainian--I call it Putin's war--Putin's war is a
world war, and the people of the Baltic republics can make a
real difference. The people of the republics have friends and
family, all across Russia.
They need to hear from you the message of President
Zelensky where he called for the surrender of Russian troops.
Now, that would be somewhat bizarre, except we are talking
about conscripts, 18- and 20-year-old young persons who were
told they were going on a training mission, and then they were
told they would be greeted. Yes, they were greeted all right,
with grandmothers saying, stop. Go home.
We have an opportunity and, again, the people across Russia
need to know that, again, Putin has done something that I did
not know could occur. He has unified Democrats and Republicans
like I have not seen us unified, and that is why we have
legislation pending that would provide for refugee status for
Russian-patriotic Russian military defectors, that they would
receive refugee status immediately to the United States and
whatever equipment that they brought over would be to the
Ukrainians. They could be paid up to a hundred thousand
dollars.
This is real. Then later today other legislation will be
provided for members of the Duma--for diplomats, for government
personnel of the Russian Federation--with their defection--
patriotic defection against a dictatorship--authoritarian rule.
It is quite personal to Congressman Gallego because there was a
member of the Russian Duma--can you believe that when he and I
were in Kyiv he made a presentation on television and a member
of the Russian Duma publicly threatened to have this wonderful
fellow here kidnapped, brought to Moscow, and put on trial.
Hey, we have a real interest. We want people from Duma to
come here but to be welcomed as refugees.
With that in mind, Chair Andrikiene of Lithuania, I want to
thank Lithuania. The courage you have to stand up for the
people of Taiwan, 23 million people who could suffer the same
consequences we have seen with mass murder in Ukraine. You are
standing with the people of Taiwan and that is just such a
positive indication.
I would like to get an observation from you. With the
extraordinarily bizarre statements by Putin about possible
nuclear escalation, what do you see as the potential for that,
and what--how should this be addressed?
Ms. Andrikiene: Thank you very much, first of all, for your
kind words.
With regards to our position on Taiwan, and as I already
said, we--Lithuania is not going to step backward. We will move
forward. We will open our trade and economic representative
office in Taiwan, and, of course, we count on your solidarity
and your support, and we are grateful for what you have already
done.
On Putin's threats, this man is unpredictable. Before
February 21st, even seeing those--you know, Russia's buildup
along the Ukrainian border and in Ukraine, not many people in
the world believed that Putin would give an order for massive
military aggression against Ukraine, and I have to say that our
intelligence also they--that was, you know, miscalculated.
There was, you know, information that the Russian army will be
in Kyiv in 48 hours since the beginning of the military attack.
This did not happen, and we miscalculated the readiness of
Ukrainians to defend their country and the spirit of the
country. We also miscalculated the strengths of the Russian
army, and we miscalculated the position of the European Union
on this. Not many politician[s] and political leaders expected
this dramatic change in the position of Germany and some other
countries, and that changed the situation dramatically.
What I understand is that Putin is targeting not only
Ukraine but also our security architecture in Europe. If Putin
remains in power after this war, we will not have peace.
Lithuania is--we have to support Ukraine until the very end,
whatever Putin says, until the victory of Ukraine. If we fail
in Ukraine, it will be only a matter of time until Putin
continues his aggression against us--against NATO allies,
against Georgia and Moldova.
We are supporting--Lithuania is supporting Ukraine in many
different areas, and we will continue to do this. As you
possibly know, Lithuania was the first one to provide lethal
munition to Ukraine and many other things.
Thank you.
Representative Wilson: Again, as I conclude, you are an
inspiration and I also--as to Taiwan, my father served in the
Flying Tigers during World War II to defend the people of
China. Our families had a deep affection for the people of
China. He served in Kunming, Chengdu, and Xi'an. The people of
America are not against the Chinese people as we are not
against the Russian people.
Then I, finally, want to conclude giving credit to a U.S.
senator which, from the House side, it is really hard to do. I
want to give credit to Senator Lindsey Graham. We had a joint
roundtable at the University of South Carolina Law School,
which has been working to promote the rule of law in Ukraine
and, particularly, to undo kleptocracy. While I was there, the
senator really pointed it out--we are in a worldwide war
between authoritarians and people who support democracy.
It really needs to be placed where people can understand it
is a conflict between the rule of guns or the rule of law, and
you all--the Baltic republics are champions for the rule of
law. God bless you.
I yield back.
Representative Cohen: Thank you, Mr. Wilson.
I recognize Mr. Gallego for five or more minutes.
Representative Gallego: [Laughs.] Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Mr. Mihkelson, I want to ask you about Russian cyber
capabilities. In your written testimony, you described the
steps that you would like to see the United States and NATO
take in response to Russian aggression, largely from a
conventional standpoint. In addition to Russia's conventional
capabilities, I also worry about how it uses cyber tools. Could
you share your perspective on this key issue and how have you
seen Russia employ its cyber capabilities over the last few
weeks?
Mr. Mihkelson: Thank you. Of course, already, for the last
15 years, Estonia has built very solid and sound cybersecurity
architecture in our country in cooperation with allies within
NATO. As you know, in Tallinn we have a Center of Excellence on
NATO's cybersecurity efforts and, actually, this is one of the
most important success stories that we have created around this
particular new domain where international cooperation is much
needed and we have to be, of course, ready to address upcoming
risks.
As we have seen throughout the last several weeks, the
cyber domain in regard to Russian aggression against Ukraine
has been present. It has not been present as much, perhaps, as
we all anticipated in terms of cutting off vital infrastructure
or some other areas. Our main focus for this aggression has
been using conventional weaponry and means as we have seen
during World War II.
What we have, too, today and actually answering to your
colleague--to Representative Wilson as well--what should be
done when we hear those threats coming from Russian leadership
about the possible use of nuclear weapons, of chemical weapons,
we should not give in into this bluff.
This is not the first time Russian leadership has
threatened the world with weapons of mass destruction. They
have used it also when they even targeted their opposition
leaders like Litvinenko in London or Mr. Navalny in Siberia a
couple of years ago, but--and also, we know what they have done
in Syria.
In order to--you know, to stand against this kind of
threat, we should show our strength and resolve both in area
domain as you asked but also, I argue that today there are
three key elements that are very important.
First and foremost, reinforce also U.S. presence in the
Baltic area. Build solid and sound air defense capabilities in
our region in the Baltic states.
Secondly, we have to support Ukraine in all its efforts. We
can supply them with lethal weaponry and other tools so they
can fight against Russian aggression and prevail, and we are
sure that Ukrainians will prevail.
Last but not least, we have to build a strategy for how to
deal with Russia's evolution from this war. It is unimaginable
that we can stick still to Russia's NATO Founding Act, which
was concluded in 1997. I think it should go in the dustbin.
Representative Gallego: Thank you.
Mr. Kols, I appreciate the intel you shared regarding your
perspective on Russian information operations because I am
increasingly concerned about the threat that Russia poses,
especially in the gray zone. As I mentioned in my opening
remarks, we are drawing lessons from the ongoing war in
Ukraine, so we need to ensure our allies and partners are too
prickly for an adversary or competitor to swallow.
That is why regular warfare is so crucial. Recognizing that
we are in an unclassified setting, are there any insights you
can share about how Latvia is approaching this challenge? Are
there particular steps your government is taking to bolster
irregular warfare capabilities?
Mr. Kols: Yes. Thank you very much, Representative Gallego,
for the question.
Well, we have introduced and now the question is the
practical implementation of the total defense concept. That is,
you know, top-down bottom-up or horizontal, vertical, all
dimensions, where the capabilities, resilience are developed
across the society, across the public institutions, and that is
also what I mentioned what is critical to invest in education,
be it media literacy, be it the assessment of consuming the
information because that is, you know, where the pre-
orchestrated activities are being conducted by Russia.
It is not just, you know, they decided suddenly we are
going to intervene or interfere or attack one or another
sovereign country. There is preparation going on and usually
the preparation is through these domains--through information
space, through compatriots abroad as well, NGO sectors, et
cetera.
I would also invite another area as well to focus on, at
least for the U.S., Congress, and administration, to look at
the entities that have been working closely or been
representing the institution called the [Rossotrudnichestvo]
Russian Cooperation Agency or the Foundation Russkiy Mir. The
tentacles are wide and deep across the world and that should be
identified and cut off.
Last but not least, on the cybersecurity domain, as my
colleague, Marko Mihkelson mentioned, I think what we need to
do within NATO is establish not only security defense policies
but also think about counter-offensive measures that we can
actually take and implement because, clearly, in 21st century,
the wars in cyber domain will become more and more, and that
also includes the critical infrastructure, protection of it,
the--down to the individual consumer as well. That also applies
to purchasing and installing equipment, and [ICT] Information
Communications Technology solutions that are produced in like-
minded countries, rather than in third countries, authoritarian
regimes, at least.
I think that is also an area where we have to really focus
and at least establish the guidelines for NATO member states on
what to follow. I am pleased--for the Baltic countries to be
also the signatories of the memorandum of the 5G technology
development together with the U.S. I think this is a way
forward and this is where we have to deepen our cooperation and
expand it as well. Thank you.
Representative Gallego: Thank you.
For my magic 5 minutes last question is for Dr. Andrikiene.
Thank you, again, for your testimony, especially regarding
Lithuania's very courageous stance against Chinese aggression
when it comes to economic space. What more could the United
States and the EU be doing to support Lithuania's efforts?
Ms. Andrikiene: Thank you very much, Representative
Gallego. As we all know, Lithuania has been experiencing the
worst of China's economic coercion, not just bilaterally but
also through secondary sanctions on global supply chains. All
multinational companies in China are being pressured to cut
their ties to Lithuania and stop manufacturing and sourcing
goods in Lithuania in exchange for their access to the Chinese
market.
China's measures against Lithuania are a clear case of
economic coercion. It is in violation of the WTO rules. We
appreciate your support and the WTO's standing with the
European Union, with us, and with buyers.
What we are asking for is, first of all, China-free supply
chains. We are de facto, you know, building those China-free
supply chains. We do not have any other option. As the issue in
the--is Indo-Pacific region, we would appreciate your
expertise, your experience there, taking into account the
strategic dialogue you have with the countries of the region,
because we are looking for the--we have to have this
diversification of our export markets, and until now we were
focusing on China and Chinese market. Our expectations were not
met, and we are looking for new markets in that region.
Your support there would be highly appreciated.
Thank you.
Representative Gallego: Thank you, and I yield back.
Representative Cohen: You are very welcome, sir.
Let me recognize the gentleman from Alabama, Mr. Aderholt.
STATEMENT OF ROBERT B. ADERHOLT, U.S. HOUSE, FROM ALABAMA
Representative Aderholt: Thank you. Thank you each for
being here today. It is great to have you in Washington and a
chance to share a little bit about some of these issues that we
have worked on.
One thing that has been interesting to see is the dichotomy
of the way that different people, especially how even in
Russia--I am sorry, how Ukraine Russian speakers and some that
are sympathetic to Russia even if they are in Ukraine and, of
course, the Russian-speaking population in the Baltics are,
certainly, a target for propaganda outlets, I would assume. Of
course, the Kremlin has persistently accused your governments
of mistreatment and discrimination against this group and their
rationale is, of course, to protect the Russian--ethnic
Russians and Russian speakers.
The question--and I will just open it up to whoever would
like to answer--is whether there many avid consumers of Russian
state media in the Baltics.
Mr. Kols: Thank you very much. Well,--as we know, Russia is
not only right now a[n] authoritarian country but a
dictatorship. It is a totalitarian state, particularly, knowing
that last week's new laws adopted are actually aimed at
prosecuting any ordinary people who are expressing their
criticism of the regime, et cetera, you know, and facing
almost, potentially, 15 years, imprisonment.
That also applies to the laws of labeling democratic
liberal media as external extremist organizations. That has, of
course, silenced a lot of independent media outlets in Russia.
What the Baltics are doing and Latvia, in particular, we
are offering to relocate their activities into Latvia. Like, we
have Meduza, one of the most well-known media outlets. Right
now, they are broadcasting from Latvia, also TV Rain--the TV
Dozhd. We also understand that Radio Free Europe will be
opening its branch in Latvia and working towards the Russian
audience from the Baltic countries.
This is a lot of what we are doing. It is just trying to
provide any additional alternative information sources for
Russian people who are residing within Russia. Of course, we
know it is becoming more and more limited for any Russian--
residing people to find any alternative information whatsoever.
We see, you know, the alternative internet concept is being
introduced. The VPN channels are being blocked, and this is
something where at least those who know the bypassing avenues
in Russia can work freely and without the threats of their, you
know, workings in the Baltic countries.
We also have said the Baltic Media Center for Excellence
provides--and that was prior to February 24--both the Russian,
Ukrainian, Georgian, and Belarus journalists education on media
pluralism and expertise. There is a lot of what we are
contributing towards liberal and democratic media to be still
functioning even outside Russia.
On the contrary, with the propaganda channels, I mean, this
is what we have been raising alarms since we regained our
independence in 1990. I mean, we have been exposed to Russian
disinformation since day one and different intensities of the
levels for these certain periods.
At least, of course, we are sorry that, you know, the West
has somewhat lost pink eyeglasses in the past five years. It is
good that, you know, direction is there. We encourage and we
call to do more to tackle and to take down the propaganda
channels, be it the--on the classical media outlets or be it on
the internet area as well.
We are continuing to do that. I do not think very soon
there will be any Russian propaganda channels streamed via the
internet or TV or radio in the Baltic countries as well. Of
course, in the meantime, we have to look at how we can provide
truthful and legible information for the Russian-speaking
population in Latvia and the Baltic countries as well.
Mr. Mihkelson: If I may, just a few words on top of that,
what my colleague, Mr. Kols, said.
In Estonia, we already for several years--actually since
2015--have a public broadcasting channel TV in the Russian
language and also for many years radio channels, and actually
the popularity of those broadcasting units has grown
significantly during the last several months, actually.
Of course, it is--one is what is--how do we deal with this
Russian aggressive propaganda tools in, like, TV outlets or
tools on the internet. Another area, which is extremely
important, is also education--the education system,
specifically when we talk about teaching history and what--you
know, what is all related to that, how--once a democratic
society is built up.
In Estonia, we have succeeded quite well, but more dramatic
change we need--well, actually, we see that this is one of the
key elements why Russians today in Russia--in the Russian
Federation overwhelmingly support aggression against an
independent nation like Ukraine right now.
It is connected that they are manipulated massively by lies
disseminated by propaganda channels but also the other area,
which is critical--has a critical importance. They live in a
completely different world. Then we speak about history and
what--how they understand what happened specifically during
World War II and later on as well, how they do recognize the
repressions of Stalin's regime, for instance, and many other
issues.
It is--that is a very complicated situation and this
actually tells us that we have to be ready for a very long-term
confrontation with Russia and do not please make also a
mistake--there are very many Russians who support Putin's
aggression today. This is not only Putin.
Ms. Andrikiene: In addition to what has been said, in
addition to EU sanctions, Lithuania implemented additional
national sanctions against Russia. We suspended the
broadcasting of eight TV channels from Russia. We suspended the
sale of Russian and Belarusian printed media outlets. We
suspended visas and we also suspended certificates of Russian
and Belarusian services and products.
I would like to remind you that Lithuania took legal
international action outside the scope of the European Union
and NATO framework. We requested the ICC prosecutor to open an
investigation into the crimes of the Russian Federation and
Belarus committed in Ukraine. Also, prime ministers of Estonia,
Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland have addressed major online
platforms with the request to take measures to stop the spread
of Russian disinformation.
Thank you.
Representative Aderholt: Thank you.
Thank you. I yield back.
Representative Cohen: Thank you.
I believe we have one more panel member, who is on Zoom
with us, Representative Gwen Moore. Representative Gwen Moore,
if you are here, we are going to have to ask you to stick it to
five minutes because we are way over time. Representative
Moore, you are on.
STATEMENT OF GWEN MOORE, U.S. HOUSE, FROM WISCONSIN
Representative Moore: Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman, and
I just want to lift up the importance of the member-to-member
relationship rather than deferring always to heads of
parliaments. This is really a critical time. I think I first
visited the Baltic region in 2006 with the Helsinki Commission
and most recently, on our 2021 July trip, visited the region of
concern to us now.
Very quickly, a couple of questions, and maybe it would be
more appropriate to ask Mr. Mihkelson. You raised earlier the
concern about us doing more to help, and I--the bill that is
going to be dropped this afternoon is a product of the chair
and ranking member of the Ways and Means Committee to try to
seek suspension of Russia in the WTO, to, really, give the
president more powers to put some teeth in our sanctions
process, and to try to prevent Belarus from ascending to the
WTO, and I was wondering if that was in line with what you
thought was a rigorous enough advancement or tightening of the
reins with sanctions.
I also wanted to ask you and, perhaps, any of your other
panelists about the Suwalki Gap. I mean, it is very awkward. Of
course, I have been to Belarus, too, and it is very awkward
that Belarus is a NATO member, I am wondering if there are any
diplomatic channels available to pressure, I guess, the
Belarusians into protecting that 40-mile area and to--for them
to stand up their commitment as a NATO ally. I would yield to
you all for those answers.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your indulgence.
Mr. Mihkelson: Thank you.
On this first part of the question, what we should do more,
I appreciate very highly the leadership of the United States in
terms of immediately after Russian aggression the sanctions
which were launched, definitely, were something that Russia did
not expect, and in cooperation with European allies we have put
up a very strong first phase of sanctions, which will affect
Russian capabilities to launch and keep up this aggression for
some time.
Of course, we see and understand that Russia is not--has
not changed any significant step right now in order to turn
back or to recognize that they have miscalculated a lot. We--in
this regard, we have to, of course, add up our support to
Ukraine through military and weaponry supplies. Yesterday's
decision by President Biden was remarkable, of course, but this
should be seen as only one step in order to bolster Ukrainians'
capabilities to fight for freedom a war right now and a war for
their independence.
Also, we have to do everything, as I said earlier as well,
to make sure that Russia will not miscalculate with possible
adventures against some NATO countries, and this is why we have
to make immediate steps, perhaps, already next week during the
NATO summit in Brussels. We have to--in addition to that
declare that Article 5 is rock solid, and alliance is rock
solid.
We have to go and show the steps, what is going to be
visible on the ground in terms of the allied presence in the
Baltic states with building immediate steps to build
capabilities we badly need in coming weeks, months, or years,
like air defense I mentioned.
We have to--and here I conclude--we have to be ready for
long-term confrontation with current Russia. This is where the
solid and united strategy of Western allies is needed right
now.
Representative Cohen: Thank you very--would you like to
respond, sir?
Mr. Kols: Maybe just a few comments because----
Representative Cohen: Sure.
Mr. Kols: --it was also addressed on the Suwalki Gap and
the dimensions and the threats. While, of course, we all
realize that Kaliningrad Oblast is the--I think, the most
militarized land in the world, and that also requires a proper
response from NATO allocating as we were calling air defense
systems, be it both in the Baltics and in Poland, in
particular, because, as we know, Putin has been--claimed that
for his ultimatums put forward in December that NATO is
militarizing the Eastern Flank inappropriately and it needs to
pull its troops away and equipment as well.
Well, we know just recently, in 2019, Russia deployed
Iskander ballistic missiles in Kaliningrad with potential
tactical nuclear warheads installed on them as well. This is,
of course, a challenge. I do believe in the expertise and
skills of NATO military commanders to find the solutions that
actually secure the region and, particularly, the Suwalki Gap
as well.
Therefore, the importance is the rapid response also within
NATO and mobility, particularly, in our region as well. I mean,
we know we have in the past approved the 30-by-four. As Chair
Mihkelson mentioned, we already need to review our adapted
recent plans, be it the Baltic defense plan or wider defense
plan across the NATO alliance, because it is a totally
different security dimension that we are facing right now.
Thank you.
Representative Cohen: Thank you very much, and thank you,
Congressman Moore.
If you are okay, we will now recognize Congressman Cleaver,
former mayor of Kansas City, Missouri, a city second only to
Memphis in its barbecue. A great American city and a great
congressman. Congressman Emanuel Cleaver?
STATEMENT OF EMANUEL CLEAVER II, U.S. HOUSE, FROM MISSOURI
Representative Cleaver: I take exception to that comment. I
have been listening to the meeting, and I would yield back the
balance of my time in the interest of time.
Thank you so much.
Representative Cohen: Thank you, Representative Cleaver. I
do like your barbecue, too.
Let me just ask, briefly, to the three gentlemen--the two
gentlemen or the three panelists--or lady here. American news
media have been reporting that there is progress made between
Russia and Ukraine in the talks for peace and that they have
gotten closer and closer et cetera, et cetera, et cetera.
I find that kind of hard to believe. I heard this morning
that there was a ship or ships which had left eastern Russia,
and gone through the Japanese straits, which will take a while
to get to Ukraine if they can come through Turkey. That does
not seem like a long trip like that with a bunch of troops is--
to be--you would not plan such a trip if you were going to--
looking like you were close to having peace.
Do any of you think we are anywhere near peace? If not,
what do you think could possibly get Putin to agree to a
ceasefire and peace?
Mr. Mihkelson: If I may, quickly, there is no reason to
believe that we are anything close to--even to ceasefire right
now because Russia has violated already during the last few
weeks their own agreements to allow peaceful citizens to leave
some places like Mariupol or Irpin or some other places where,
instead, they shot evacuees and killed children and women and
others.
I think that we have to be ready for more serious fights to
be seen on the ground, and Russia--I hardly believe that they
are ready to capitulate at the moment because capitulation by
Russia is probably the option that Ukrainians are seeking right
now, definite to free their territories which are occupied
currently, including perhaps also Donbas and Crimea. Thank you.
Representative Cohen: Thank you. Any other comments?
Mr. Kols: Thank you. Just one comment. I think when you
talk about the peace talks, I think what the West needs to
avoid is actually any cause to find an intermediary as to ones
that will settle the two sides together. I think it is
exclusively right only up to Ukraine and Zelensky's office in
what will be the negotiations or talks and what will be agreed
or not agreed.
I think it is--well, I will not applaud to these attempts
that, you know, European leaders calling five, six times to
Putin, God knows talking about what for one and a half hours,
and then each time getting a slap in the face again and again
and again. That is--you know, it is just gaining time for Putin
to re-maneuver, to rethink, and so on.
Therefore, the true talks, if they are even taking place,
are exclusively up to Ukrainians and Russians that are
conducted--I do not know what it is right now--the fourth time,
and it is only for them to determine are they ready for any
concrete proposals to already being implemented.
All the rest is just empty noise, unfortunately, from
Russian sites, in particular, because you cannot talk about
peace while you are bombing civilian objects in Ukraine.
Thank you.
Ms. Andrikiene: Very briefly.
Representative Cohen: Yes, ma'am. Please.
Ms. Andrikiene: Very briefly. Composition of the--Russia's
negotiating team speaks for itself. The head of this delegation
is a former minister of culture, and everybody understands that
this delegation is not the one who makes decisions. There were
reports that they managed to agree on humanitarian corridors--
at least for the civilians from Mariupol.
Even those agreements--so-called agreements--failed. What
could help in reality is our unified position, the united
position of democracies of the world--our EU member states,
NATO allies, and other democratic countries in the world. If,
in the 21st century, in the very center of Europe, we cannot
guarantee a secure corridor for the civilians who are leaving
the war zone, I mean, all our words are nothing, and we, in the
Baltic states, all our parliaments, we very recently adopted
resolutions about security zones, no-fly zones, over
humanitarian corridors and nuclear facilities in Ukraine.
They have 15 active nuclear reactors in the territory of
Ukraine, and we know what Russian forces were doing in
Chornobyl. Their very first target was the Chornobyl nuclear
power station. Then they went to Zaporizhzhia and there was the
third nuclear power station in focus. We have to stop this. We
have to avoid, really, a very big--potentially, very big
catastrophe. What could stop Putin is, as I said already, our
united stance, our united position, and Ukrainians, who are
fighting for their freedom, for their independence, for their
families, and for the future of their children.
Thank you.
Representative Cohen: I appreciate each of you coming. I
think the idea of the three of you all traveling together is
brilliant. It is been helpful to this commission, and it will
be helpful to our nation as they hear your remarks and your
positions. I hope that you are going elsewhere. I mean, it is
not a one-night stand, I hope, and you will be appearing maybe
in Canada or the U.N. or some other--do you have some other
formats planned?
Mr. Mihkelson: Thank you. We are traveling, yes, constantly
in recent times and this is something where, actually, as Laima
said, the united position is built around the very vital
topics, which matter not only for us, for our security, but for
all security of our allies.
Representative Cohen: Well, thank you, again. On the trips
that I have made to each of your countries--and I think there
have been maybe three or four times I have been to each of your
countries and met your parliamentarians in the OSCE--I have a
deep affection for your people. My grandfather immigrated to
this country, my great grandfather from Lithuania, and besides
that, your people are just nice folks. You enjoy--they enjoy
freedom. When you visit your countries, they are free
countries. They are Western countries. They want to remain so,
they should. Same thing for Ukraine, and we need to make sure
that people are not put under the yoke of an authoritarian
figure again as they have been in the past and do not have to
surrender freedoms and opportunities.
At the last meeting we had somewhat akin to this we had
three kinds of think tank people come before us, the lady from
the--used to be at the State Department and the gentleman who
was an ambassador to--I think, to Ukraine in the past, Mr.
Taylor, and a general, and they gave us their remarks.
At the end of the hearing, I said I wanted to deliver a
message to Mr. Putin. I doubt he got the message. TikTok took
it everywhere, but not to Putin, I suspect. I told him--I said,
Mr. Putin, maybe you should just have a little drink of vodka,
take a blini, put a little caviar on it, watch the Olympics,
and chill.
It would have been good if he did that. He did not do it. I
guess the only thing I can hope for now is something that many
of my Christian friends say and that I believe is accurate,
even though I am not Christian, which is WWJD--what would Jesus
do?
Mr. Putin, if you are truly a Russian Orthodox member and
believe in the Orthodox Church, what would Jesus do? Mr. Putin,
do it.
With that, I appreciate your attendance. The hearing is
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:06 p.m., the hearing ended.]
[all]
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