[House Hearing, 117 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
ASSESSING THE BIDEN
ADMINISTRATIONS U.S. STRATEGY TOWARD SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
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HEARING
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
NOVEMBER 17, 2022
__________
Serial No. 117-138
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://
docs.house.gov,
or http://www.govinfo.gov
_________
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
51-549 PDF WASHINGTON : 2023
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York, Chairman
BRAD SHERMAN, California MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Ranking
ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey Member
GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida
KAREN BASS, California
WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts
DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island
AMI BERA, California
JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
DINA TITUS, Nevada
TED LIEU, California
SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania
DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota
ILHAN OMAR, Minnesota
COLIN ALLRED, Texas
ANDY LEVIN, Michigan
ABIGAIL SPANBERGER, Virginia
CHRISSY HOULAHAN, Pennsylvania
TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey
ANDY KIM, New Jersey
SARA JACOBS, California
KATHY MANNING, North Carolina
JIM COSTA, California
JUAN VARGAS, California
VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas
BRAD SCHNEIDER, Illinois
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio
JOE WILSON, South Carolina
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania
DARRELL ISSA, California
ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois
LEE ZELDIN, New York
ANN WAGNER, Missouri
BRIAN MAST, Florida
BRIAN FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
KEN BUCK, Colorado
TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee
MARK GREEN, Tennessee
ANDY BARR, Kentucky
GREG STEUBE, Florida
DAN MEUSER, Pennsylvania
CLAUDIA TENNEY, New York
AUGUST PFLUGER, Texas
PETER MEIJER, Michigan
NICOLE MALLIOTAKIS, New York
RONNY JACKSON, Texas
YOUNG KIM, California
MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida
Sophia Lafargue, Staff Director
Brendan Shields, Republican Staff Director
C O N T E N T S
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Page
WITNESSES
Phee, Honorable Molly, Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of
African Affairs, U.S. Department of State...................... 10
Muyangwa, Honorable Monde, Assistant Administrator for the Bureau
for Africa, U.S. Agency for International Development.......... 16
APPENDIX
Hearing Notice................................................... 54
Hearing Minutes.................................................. 55
Hearing Attendance............................................... 56
RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD
Responses to questions submitted for the record.................. 57
ASSESSING THE BIDEN ADMINISTRATIONS
U.S. STRATEGY TOWARD SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
Thursday, November 17, 2022
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:27 a.m., in
room HVC-210, The Capitol, Hon. Gregory W. Meeks (chairman of
the committee) presiding.
Chairman Meeks. The Committee on Foreign Affairs will come
to order.
And, without objection, the chair is authorized to declare
a recess of the committee at any point.
And all members will have 5 days to submit statements,
extraneous material, and questions for the record, subject to
the length limitations in the rule. To insert something into
the record, please have your staff email the previously
mentioned address or contact for committee staff.
As a reminder to members, please keep your video function
on at all times, even when you are not recognized by the chair.
Members are responsible for muting and unmuting themselves.
And consistent with House rules, staff will only mute members
as appropriate when they are not under recognition, to
eliminate background noise.
I see that we have a quorum, and I now recognize myself for
opening remarks.
Before, though, we begin the hearing, I want to recognize
our newest member to the committee, and that is Congresswoman
Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick, from the great State of Florida.
We welcome you to this committee and look forward to
working together with you. Congratulations. It is good to have
you.
Pursuant to notice, the full committee meets today to
discuss the United States' Strategy Toward Sub-Saharan Africa.
And so let me start by thanking Assistant Secretary of State
for African Affairs, Molly Phee, and USAID's Assistant
Administrator for Africa, Monde Muyangwa, for appearing before
our committee today.
Just a few months ago, Secretary of State Anthony Blinken
traveled to South Africa to announce a renewed American
approach to Sub-Saharan Africa that reframes the region's
importance to the United States' national security interests.
And I want to get into the substance of the strategy in a
moment, but I think it is important to discuss why this
reframing is necessary in the first place. For far too long,
perceptions of Africa have been shaped by outdated and
uninformed depictions of a region in constant crisis. And
roughly 4 years of disparaging comments and misguided policies
of the previous Administration set relations with many of our
African partners back decades.
To get back on the right track with our African partners, a
serious and critical course correction was required, and that
is why I applaud the Biden Administration for developing a bold
and ambitious U.S. strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa.
Many observers agree that Africa, the second most populous
region in the world, will shape the future. By 2050, 1 out of
every 4 people on the globe will be African. African nations
comprise nearly 30 percent of the United Nations. The U.N.
estimates that there are roughly 650 million cell phone users
in Africa, more than in the United States or Europe. When it
comes to critical minerals and other resources, it is hard to
overState how important this region is to the global effort to
modernize our economies and combat climate change.
Once the African Continental Free Trade Area is fully
implemented, Africa stands to become the fifth largest economy
in the world. Therefore, it should come as no surprise that
foreign partners in the private sector and public sectors alike
continue to expand their engagement with their presence in
Africa. And while opportunities in Africa abound, we must be
clear-eyed about the challenges that negatively affect
stability and undermine economic growth.
When I meet with African leaders from across the continent,
common themes emerge and continue to resonate with me. African
people of all backgrounds and income levels favor democracy and
strongly prefer America's democratic values, yet we continue to
see governments in parts of Africa give way to autocratic and
anti-democratic movements.
Africa has experienced more coups than any other region
since 1950, with recent trends heading in the wrong direction.
So we need to take the opportunity the strategy provides to
acknowledge the governance challenges facing the region and
identify what actions State and USAID should undertake to
fortify democracy in Africa.
The demand signal for democracy is clear. We must step up
to meet the moment. The United States is in a prime position to
redouble efforts to strengthen democracy, support good
governance, and address the conditions associated with
democratic backsliding, like endemic poverty and human rights
abuses.
I have always been a strong proponent of engaging our
African partners with an emphasis on equity and agency,
ensuring African stakeholders have a seat at the table and lead
the change we all want to see in many parts of the continent.
What I find most promising about the Administration's
strategy is that it outlines a clear and modern approach to
enhancing our engagement in Africa and it rightly calls for
leveraging the private sector and the African diaspora,
bolstering civil society, supporting sustainable development,
including through support for an equitable energy transition,
strengthening trade and investment, and driving digital
transformation on the continent.
What will be key for this discussion is how, how are the
State Department and USAID deploying their tools and resources
to make this strategy successful; what resources are required
to advance U.S. foreign policy objectives in Africa; and how
can Congress be most helpful in this effort.
So I look forward to the answers to these questions and the
discussion that follows.
And I now will recognize Mr. McCaul for his opening
statement.
Mr. McCaul. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and welcome to our new
committee room. I told the chairman, I think I'm cursed. When I
chaired Homeland Security Committee, I got moved out of the
beautiful committee room to here, but it is nice and it is
close to votes, but it is great to see all of you back here
again. And let me say, first, Africa, that--let me thank the
witnesses too.
Ensuring strong engagement with our African partners has
been a bipartisan priority, and for over two decades, both
Republicans and Democratic Administrations, the U.S. has
partnered with African nations to address key challenges.
Next year will be the 20th anniversary of President Bush's
launch of PEPFAR, which as I talk to leaders in Africa say,
saved a generation from extinction. I look forward to ensuring
that this important work continues in the next Congress and
being reauthorized.
The U.S. has a legacy of investment of which to be proud.
In the last year, the United States provided over a billion
COVID vaccines to African countries and funding to address
unprecedented levels of food insecurity and famine in the Horn
of Africa. But we need to also think long-term about our
investments.
And while the U.S. offers partnership, the PRC and Russia
seek to leverage their offers of financing and security
guarantees for their own political, economic, and security
priorities. A perfect example of this is the CCP's debt-trap
diplomacy through their Belt and Road Initiative. And,
Secretary, you and I talked about this, and if we are not on
the field, Mr. Chairman, you cannot win, if you are not on the
field. And we need to get on field.
And, again, when I meet with our partners and allies all
over the world, they do ask--and ask why they are entering into
these dangerous agreements with China, they tell me, again,
because we are not there. And we need to be there. We cannot
allow the CCP and Russia to exert their malign influence over
the continent.
Promoting two-way trade and investment with African nations
and creating economic opportunity must be a top priority. And
that is why I am proud that my bill, the Championing American
Business Through Diplomacy Act, was signed into law.
Earlier this year, I introduced legislation that codified
the Prosper Africa initiative, and I want to thank Chairman
Meeks for his cosponsorship and helping us get that marked up.
This effort coordinates the various tools of the U.S.
Government to speak with one voice and support U.S. companies
looking to invest in Africa.
I have some concerns, Secretary, as you and I talked about,
about the Development Finance Corporation, that I worked very
hard and many members on this committee did, to get private
investment. I believe this Administration was putting a lot of
restrictions on that investment as it has to be certain types
of energy and has to have all sorts of restrictions. And I have
heard from the private sector that this has really stalled our
ability to have that private investment.
I think that with the invasion of Ukraine by Putin and the
world's rush to secure oil and gas from alternative regions
reveals that we cannot really keep the DFC hamstrung from
investing in traditional energy. It can only be green. We were
in Romania. They wanted to have these small modular nuclear
reactors, Madam Secretary, and we were told the Development
Finance Corporation would not finance that because it was not,
quote/unquote, green energy. However, nuclear power has zero
carbon emissions, and even the EU Parliament voted that nuclear
is green energy.
So I think that is an issue on energy we need to focus on.
We still have the counterterrorism issues there that I dealt
with when I chaired Homeland--ISIS, al-Qaeda. Now, anytime you
have instability, poverty, you have these terror groups. Al
Shabaab, well financed; ISIS affiliates are active in over 20
African countries, and they are growing.
Passing the Global Fragility Act was an important step to
stabilize Africa through a whole-of-government approach. Back
then it was Chairman Engel and Senator Graham and Coons and
myself.
So I really look forward to hearing about the
implementation of that as well, Madam Chair--Secretary, toward
implementation in West Africa and Mozambique.
So proud that the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership
Act, which was stalled by the Senate last Congress, was enacted
earlier this year to improve U.S. response to terror threats in
the Sahel.
So we have many challenges, a lot of work to do. It is time
to roll up our sleeves and get things done, and I thank both of
you for being here today.
I yield back.
Chairman Meeks. I thank the gentleman.
I will now recognize for 1 minute--the title is still the
chair of the Africa Subcommittee, it soon will be the mayor of
the city of Los Angeles. The Honorable Karen Bass is now
recognized for 1 minute. Congratulations.
Ms. Bass. Thank you. Thank you very much, Mr. Chair, for
convening this hearing and for the opportunity to speak on the
importance of President Biden's Africa STRATEGY.
As noted in the Biden Administration's Africa strategy, it
is impossible to meet this era's declining challenges without
African contributions and leaderships. The strategy is a much
needed effort to, quote, recast traditional U.S. policy
priorities--democracy and governance, peace and security, trade
and investment and development--as pathways to bolster the
region's ability to solve global problems alongside the U.S.
Throughout my time in Congress, I have worked to shift the
paradigm from seeing Africa as a continent that is defined by
crisis, conflict, poverty, and corruption, to engaging Africa
as a continent with immense opportunities for robust and
mutually beneficial partnerships. I have led several
delegations to the continent with Members of Congress, and
every time they come back, they are always amazed at the
richness of the continent.
But let me just conclude by thanking you. I know that this
will probably be my last hearing. And the most difficult part
of my decision to leave Congress was really because of the work
of this committee.
And so I look forward to elevating international affairs in
an international city. And I just want to express my
appreciation to our wonderful chairman and ranking member, soon
to switch roles, and soon to be Chairman Chris Smith, for the
partnership that we have had over the last 12 years, and all
the members of this committee. So thank you for the opportunity
to address you.
Chairman Meeks. We thank you, Chairwoman-mayor, for your
dedication, for surely this is the most appropriate last
committee hearing that you attend because of your focus, your
life-long focus, even before you became a Member of Congress,
to the Continent of Africa.
You have always been one that I depended upon and leaned on
when it came to the continent, and your vision for the
continent is absolutely, absolutely superb, and it leads to
many of the things that has helped me as a Member of the House
and as chair of this committee. And you will not escape,
though, because I will still be calling the mayor of L.A. on
various things, particularly as it regards the Continent of
Africa.
So thank you for your service to the U.S. Congress, and
thank you for your service to this committee. We are deeply
indebted to you. Thank you very much.
Mr. McCaul. May I?
Chairman Meeks. Yes.
Mr. McCaul. And if I could echo that sentiment. Karen, it
has been a joy to work with you. Your positive energy is
infectious. And we have worked on many initiatives related to
Africa together that have, I think, made a difference, and that
is what it is all about really.
I congratulate you on your new position as mayor of L.A.
You may enjoy being an executive more than just one of 435. So
we are going to miss you. I hope you come back to visit.
I yield back.
Ms. Bass. Thank you.
Chairman Meeks. And I will yield to a person who has been a
partner because, you know, oftentimes when I talked to
Representative Bass, the next mayor, she always told me how she
worked very well with Mr. Smith over the years. And so I
recognize now Representative Chris Smith.
Mr. Smith. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Karen, we are going to miss you. It has been a great
partnership for many years, a dozen years. We have traveled
together. I remember very well we traveled to Ethiopia. You
came all the way from L.A., and as things turned out, you went
back right away. I do not think you slept for about 3 days. We
had some very good meetings with the new prime minister,
unfortunately then he disappointed, but now we have a peace
agreement that hopefully will flourish.
You are taking over what is the equivalent of a small
country, 4 million people, and, you know, you have a lot of
friends on both sides of the aisle, and it has always been a
real joy to work with you. Our staffs have worked very closely
together, and I think that is extremely important.
So I am going to miss you, Karen, but do not be a stranger.
Look forward to seeing you over and over again going forward.
Chairman Meeks. Run that clock back to a minute. That is
not his time.
Mr. Smith. Oh, good. Thank you very much, Chairman.
Just a couple of things I would like to raise as we meet.
It is good to see Ambassador Molly Phee. I remember when we met
in Sudan in the past--South Sudan, I should say--and I
appreciate your work, and, of course, to the--Muyangwa,
congratulations to you for your work.
Just a couple of brief things because this is an important
hearing, and I thank the chair for calling it.
As the primary author of the Frank Wolf International
Religious Freedom Act, I am a little concerned that in the
strategy--and I, you know, have read it, read it carefully--
that religious freedom is not there.
And, you know, we have--I have, particularly in Nigeria and
a number of other countries, whether it be Muslim on Muslim or
Christian-Muslim fights, these issues have to be front and
center and not in any way--we cannot look askance when
Nigeria--and I disagree with the Administration when they got
rid of CPC status for Nigeria. I think, you know, the country
itself, particularly the Christians, there has been a spike in
death to Christians that is because there are Christians in
Nigeria. I hope that we can come back to redesignating--
designating Buhari and his government as a CPC country, because
they have not earned getting off that.
On Nigeria and on DR Congo real quick, I chaired a meeting
on July 14 of the Tom Lantos Commission, and we focused on the
cobalt mining. And we had a number of unbelievably incisive
witnesses, including two DR Congolese who told us how 35-to
40,000--some estimates there--a little bit lower, but that is
order of magnitude--children are in those mines getting cobalt,
and who is running them? Chinese Communist Party. They are
taking over because they want to have a monopoly on electric
cars going forward. You know, if you want an electric car,
great, but it shouldn't be on the backs of little children and
people who are adults who are exploited as well.
So I hope we can really, really raise that issue to the
highest possible level. Hearing about how kids are dying,
getting cancer working in the mines without any kind of
protection whatsoever. So I am deeply concerned about that as
well.
And I thank you. I yield back. Thank you.
Chairman Meeks. The gentleman yields back.
I will now introduce our witnesses. Ambassador Molly Phee,
she is a career member of the Senior Foreign Service with the
rank of minister counselor, and has served as U.S. Assistant
Secretary of State for African Affairs since last September,
and most recently served as deputy special representative for
Afghanistan Reconciliation.
Her experience in African affairs include serving as U.S.
Ambassador to South Sudan, deputy chief of mission in Ethiopia,
and chief of staff--the special envoy for Sudan and South
Sudan.
Assistant Secretary Phee has extensive experience in U.N.
engagement in Africa and the Middle East, and began her career
at several Middle Eastern posts, including Jordan, Egypt, and
Kuwait.
Dr. Monde Muyangwa was appointed as Assistant Administrator
for the Bureau of Africa in September, and has over 25 years of
leadership experience on Africa and U.S.-African relations,
including in the areas of development, gender, education,
housing, health, and nutrition.
She previously served as the director of the Africa Program
of the Woodrow Wilson Center, academic dean at the Africa
Center for Strategic Studies, and professor of civil-military
relations at ACSS.
She served on the board of trustees at Freedom House, the
board of directors at the Elizabeth Glaser Pediatric AIDS
Foundation, the International Advisory Council of
Afrobarometer, and the Advisory Council in the Ibrahim Index of
African Governance.
So I want to thank our witnesses for being here today. And
I now yield to Ambassador, the Honorable Molly Phee--Deputy
Secretary, I should say.
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE MOLLY PHEE, ASSISTANT SECRETARY FOR
THE BUREAU OF AFRICAN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Ms. Phee. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member McCaul,
Subcommittee Chair Bass, Subcommittee Ranking Member Smith, and
distinguished members of the committee. Thank you for devoting
your time today and to share your interest in Africa.
As you know, the Africa strategy of the Biden-Harris
Administration is based on a simple but important premise.
Building a 21st century partnership with Africa is critical to
meeting this era's defining challenges and achieving results on
our shared global priorities.
As Secretary Blinken has said, Africa is a geopolitical
force that will shape the world's future. The continent is home
to the fastest growing and youngest population in the world,
enjoys breathtaking ecological diversity, and nurtures vibrant
and historic cultures whose past is inseparably intertwined
with our own.
The strategy commits to elevating, broadening, and
deepening our partnerships with diverse African audiences,
including notably the diaspora. We will prioritize listening
and acting on what we hear. Even when we have disagreements, we
will seize the opportunity to engage and discuss.
The Administration's National Security Strategy and the
State Department-USAID Joint Regional Strategy for Africa
recognize the profound transformation of the continent, capture
the region's importance to U.S. national security interests,
and identify how we will boost Africa's ability to maximize
opportunities and counter challenges.
The upcoming U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit is a prominent
example of how we are putting this reframing into practice.
President Biden also made this point at the U.N. when he
announced U.S. support for permanent seats on the Security
Council for countries in Africa.
The strategy's first objective is to foster openness and
open societies. Building on the hunger of African publics for
foundational values--democracy, transparency, accountability,
equity, inclusivity, rule of law, anticorruption, and religious
freedom--we will support those who understand that
incorporating these values into governance is the best path to
unlock the potential and prosperity of individuals and
societies.
Choice is also central to our second objective, to deliver
democratic and security dividends. Poor governance and abusive
security forces render countries vulnerable to instability. We
will direct U.S. programming to address the drivers of
conflict, strengthen democratic institutions, and invest in the
development of local security forces that are capable and
accountable. Thanks to Congress, we now have an innovative new
tool with the Global Fragility Act.
Poor governance also affords space for malign actors such
as the Kremlin-backed Wagner Group. We are engaging our African
partners to counter Russia's malign influence. We are also
working intentionally to present our African partners with
alternatives to substandard Chinese practices while remaining
open to collaboration when U.S., Chinese, and African interests
align.
Our third objective is to advance pandemic recovery and
economic prosperity. We have provided millions of COVID-19
doses and billions of dollars in COVID-related support. The
additional resources provided by Congress for food security and
humanitarian assistance have been invaluable in mitigating the
compounding effects of Russia's war of aggression in Ukraine.
We are committed to helping our African partners strengthen
health systems for the next global health challenge, building
on the foundation of decades of investment. One example, in
recent weeks, the State Department has been a leader in the
U.S. Government team, helping Uganda effectively respond to an
Ebola outbreak.
The strategy also includes plans to promote economic
growth, especially job creation. We are working through
multilateral banks, as well as U.S. Government programs you
know well--the DFC, MCC, Prosper Africa, Power Africa, and Feed
the Future. We need to do more and better in this space, and we
look for your support and guidance as we seek to advance new
initiatives such as PGII.
Finally, in line with the fourth pillar, we will support
conservation, climate adaptation, and a just energy transition.
At COP 27 last week, President Biden announced more than $150
million to accelerate the implementation of the President's
emergency plan for adaptation and resilience across Africa.
This funding will help address what African counterparts
highlight as their most urgent need in responding to the
climate crisis, especially facilitating access to finance for
populations vulnerable to climate change.
As we enter this decisive decade, we firmly believe that
Africans should and must have a seat at the table. Our
challenges are shared and so too should be our solutions. I
look forward to addressing your questions.
And, Mr. Chairman, if I might, I would like to speak on
behalf of the State Department to honor and thank Congresswoman
Bass for her leadership on Africa issues. I well remember when
she and Congressman Smith visited me in Juba, a difficult place
to be, and their engagement there, as it has been throughout
the continent, has been so important. And if I might presume to
speak on behalf of our African friends, I am sure they would
want me to wish her congratulations and best wishes.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Phee follows:]
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Chairman Meeks. Thank you. And thank you for your remarks.
I now recognize Assistant Administrator Muyangwa.
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE MONDE MUYANGWA, ASSISTANT
ADMINISTRATOR FOR THE BUREAU FOR AFRICA, U.S. AGENCY FOR
INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you.
Good morning, Chairman Meeks, Ranking Member McCaul, and
members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to
discuss the new U.S. strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa and for
your longstanding bipartisan commitment to the African
continent.
I arrived at USAID only a few weeks after the new strategy
was launched. It comes at a crucial moment and underscores my
long-held belief that the future of the United States and
Africa are inextricably linked.
The COVID-19 pandemic has erased years of development
gains, and recent conflict has killed thousands and displaced
millions more. Roughly 21 million people face starvation in the
Horn of Africa, and we are also seeing the setbacks to
democracy as well as a rise of malign actors.
Yet the Africa that I know is also characterized by
resilience, transformation, and promise. African nations hold
significant political heft at international organizations, and
the African Continental Free Trade Area has created the world's
fifth largest economy. And despite democratic setbacks, African
citizens are demanding governments that respect the rights and
dignity of all people.
The U.S. Strategy Toward Sub-Saharan Africa recognizes both
challenges and opportunities facing Africa and reflects its
influence on the international stage. Let me walk through how
USAID is aligned with the strategy and highlight our way
forward.
First, the strategy commits to promoting fair and open
societies, and USAID will continue to strengthen transparency
and accountability. And we are working with civil society
partners to improve the information ecosystem, including
training journalists and others to stop the spread of
misinformation.
We will help countries address challenges of digital
infrastructure and increase gender equality and inclusion. We
will also strengthen the rule of law and independent
judiciaries to address corruption and safeguard individual
rights.
Second, the strategy recognizes the essential role that
effective democracy and governance play in peace and security.
So we will continue to promote democracy and good governance
and collaborate with the Department of State and Defense and
other international partners to advance peace and security in
Africa and to support locally led peace-building efforts
through the Global Fragility Act.
Third, the strategy emphasizes the need to continue our
response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Through the U.S. Government
vaccine effort Global VAX, over 229 million vaccines have been
delivered to Africa. Public-private partnerships and engagement
with key regional organizations like the West Africa Health
Organization will continue to be essential.
And when it comes to expanding economic opportunity, the
U.S. Government, through Prosper Africa, Power Africa, and
other USAID programs, will continue to strengthen trade ties
and improve the business-enabling environment. Both Prosper
Africa and Power Africa have already yielded impressive
results. Since Prosper Africa's launch, the U.S. Government has
helped close 800 trade and investment deals across 45 African
countries, for an estimated value of $50 billion. Power Africa
has connected more than 33 million homes and businesses to on-
and off-grid solutions, bringing first-time electricity to over
159 million people across the country.
Feed the Future has expanded to eight new African countries
and continues to strengthen food systems across the continent.
The Young African Leaders Initiative has trained more than
22,000 youth, who bring innovation, creative energy, and
opportunity to civil society and economies across Africa.
Fourth, the strategy recognizes the need for climate
adaptation, conservation, and the restoration of ecosystems and
natural resources. USAID will expand engagement on climate
change issues, especially adaptation, and build on our work in
conservation and biodiversity. The U.S. Government recently
renewed its longstanding commitment to the protection,
conservation, and sustainable management of the Congo Basin.
Power Africa will work closely with countries to diversify
energy sources, advance the use of renewable energy, and
increase the efficiency of existing systems while balancing gas
to power infrastructure to help advance energy security.
As you can see, USAID programs are well positioned to
support the objectives in the U.S. Strategy Toward Sub-Saharan
Africa. Yet it will not be business as usual. We must step up
our engagement with African partners, diversify the breadth of
countries that we work with, and engage with medium and small
States to advance shared priorities, including the Africa
Union's Agenda 2063.
I am deeply committed to USAID's mission and to advancing
the U.S. strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa. I thank you for
your continued support of USAID's work, and I welcome your
questions.
As I conclude, I too would like to join Assistant Secretary
Molly Phee in thanking Congressmember Bass for her work to
advance and support U.S.-Africa relations, and we wish you well
in your new job.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Muyangwa follows:]
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Chairman Meeks. Thank you. Thank you for your testimony.
Thank you both for your testimony.
I will now recognize members for 5 minutes each pursuant to
House rules, and all time yielded is for the purposes of
questioning our witnesses. And I will recognize members by
committee seniority, alternating between Democrats and
Republicans.
And please note that I am going to be somewhat strict in
enforcing the 5-minute time limitation for questioning,
including with myself. But I will start by recognizing myself.
Let me say ask this question. You know, the strategy that
the Administration will redouble its efforts to ensure it has
sufficient human and financial resources to plan, organize, and
execute. Now, I want to make sure so I address this question to
both of you. What deficits do you see in your staffing or
funding in order to achieve the strategy's objectives, and what
can we do to fill those gaps here in Congress? And also, how
will the State Department and USAID ensure that--something that
I have been on--that recruitment, retention, and incentives in
your respective African bureaus are sufficient to meet the
strategy's objectives?
Ms. Phee. Mr. Chairman, first of all, I want to thank you
for your attention to this issue, because to realize our
ambitious goals, we do need resources.
As you know, the State Department has a deficit of
personnel related to decisions that were taken in the past
Administration. This Administration asked for and received
funding for 500 new positions, but we still have a challenge in
meeting, particularly at the mid-level grade, filling our
positions.
So the Administration, and under Secretary Blinken's
leadership, is working very hard on both recruitment and
retention. He has, as you know, appointed a diversity officer
to address that aspect of recruitment and retention. So we
continue to focus on building up the State Department core so
that we can staff our embassies and staff the Bureau.
Second, on resources, Congress is very generous with
resources for health. There is a lot of money earmarked for
health, also education. I think we would benefit from more
resources in the democracy area. That would help us address the
issues of backsliding that you identified in your opening
statement.
Thank you.
Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you, Chairman Meeks, for that question.
We have had several thousand positions, I think, that have been
approved for the agency, and we are in the process of
recruiting for those positions. That is going to take a while,
but those efforts are definitely underway. We are also looking
at ensuring that, as we recruit, issues of diversity, equity,
and inclusion are well reflected because that strengthens the
outcomes of the work that we are doing.
And as the assistant secretary mentioned, and as you have
all mentioned in your remarks, the question of democracy and
democratic backsliding on the continent is critical. And so we
are looking at ways of how we can bring more resources, energy
to really attacking those issues, to arrest democratic
backsliding.
And so we are going to continue to look for your continued
advocacy on those issues and as we work through how best to
arrest this democratic backsliding on the continent.
Chairman Meeks. So one of the things that has always--you
know, that has interested me, because there are, you know,
different things that are taking place on different parts of
the continent. But private sector, it seems to me, when you
look at the future, you know, as we talked about it--I talked
about it in my opening statements and Secretary Phee also--it
is there. And sometimes the risk factors--and I think that it
has been somewhat outdated, some of the risk factors.
So can you tell us what roles that State and USAID should
and/or could play in educating the private sector on the
opportunities that exist on the continent and as far as also
the perception of risk as we get ready to get into the summit?
All the African leaders I talked to say they want
investment, they need private sector investment to help them
grow their economies, to make a difference. And we see others
who are in there, other governments, like China, who is not
doing the right thing in that regards, but because of the
vacuum, they are able to--can you give us a response to that?
Ms. Phee. Sure. I think it is clear that through the
discussions that have taken place at the G7, that there is a
general recognition that we all need to do more, our like-
minded partners, on trade and investment in Africa. And there
will be a day devoted, an Africa Business Forum, during the
leaders summit, where we hope to create real opportunities for
American companies to engage African leaders.
And we also need to continue to remind African leaders that
they need to take steps to create, what the jargon is, an
enabling environment to attract that private investment.
I think the area where we see a lot of engagement now that
is new is the climate area. As you just learned when you were
in Sharm el-Sheikh, and as the ranking member and I discussed,
there is a lot of interest in our private sector, also in our
philanthropic community, to try and match U.S. Government
investment in that space. So I think that is a growth area for
us moving forward in the future.
And last, I would mention the Africa Free--the Continental
Free Trade Area. As we look toward AGOA expiration or renewal
in 2025, I think there might be some opportunities to link our
engagement on trade preferences with the building of that free
trade area that benefits both Africans and Americans.
Thank you.
Chairman Meeks. Thank you. My time is expired.
I now yield to Mr. McCaul.
Mr. McCaul. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me first, Secretary, just ask you about the Ethiopia
peace agreement that was signed. Can you give us an update as
to whether that is effective and how is it being implemented?
And as I understand it, we still cannot get the
humanitarian aid into Tigray at the scale necessary.
Ms. Phee. We are very pleased with the outcome of the AU-
led efforts first on November 2 in Pretoria, where a cessation
of hostilities agreement was agreed, and we have seen that take
effect, and then of followup discussions in Nairobi on the
implementation of the agreement on November 12.
We are very lucky to have the leadership of Kenya and South
Africa and the African Union to help the parties. As you know,
we also contributed to this positive outcome.
Aid stopped going into Tigray on August 24 when hostilities
began. It is urgent that it be resumed and be unhindered and
that there also be restoration of services.
Those were key elements of the discussion in Nairobi on
November 12, and we already are seeing movement of aid into
Mekelle and other towns in Tigray, and we expect that to
increase in the days and weeks ahead. That is part of the
agreement.
Mr. McCaul. Well, that is certainly encouraging. If I can
move to, you know, kind of followup on what the chairman was
talking about. You know, I passed the Championing American
Business Through Diplomacy Act and the Prosper Africa Act. I
have already expressed to you my somewhat disappointment with
the Development Finance Corporation's inability to do this. But
these are two other pieces of legislation to get more private
investment which will stabilize, you know, Africa.
And can you tell us--and I think this will be for both of
you. And I know you mentioned that in maybe 20 different
countries that the Prosper Africa Act was being effective. But
can you maybe give us a progress report on those two?
Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you for that question, Representative
McCaul. So Prosper Africa is our primary engagement tool on the
economic front with Africa, and we are really looking to boost
those efforts in terms of its engagement and contributions to
two-way trade with the continent.
In that regard, we are focusing on three priorities. The
first is mobilizing U.S. institutional investments to the
continent in three key sectors--climate, health, and
sustainable infrastructure. The second is really looking for
ways to fostering U.S. investments toward African innovation
and entrepreneurship, particularly in the digital space, which
we think is going to drive Africa's digital revolution. And
then third is boosting African exports to the United States by
connecting the supply chain a little bit more tightly there.
So those are three areas that we are looking at, and we
feel that if we do that, we are also going to bring in AGOA, as
well as the African Continental Free Trade Agreement, they are
having a much more cohesive approach.
Mr. McCaul. Secretary?
Ms. Phee. I would just add that at the upcoming leaders
summit, Ambassador Tai will host a meeting with her African
counterparts to talk about how we can do more in the trade
space, and just to affirm for you my commitment and the
commitment of the Administration to do better in engaging the
private sector so that we achieve our shared goals.
Mr. McCaul. Thank you. I know the chairman mentioned this
as well, that when we meet with the Ambassadors, they all echo
that, and, you know, it is Central America too. I mean, it is a
common theme, but I do think in areas where stability is key,
it would help stabilize the continent and some of these
countries where if they become destabilized--and many are--you
are just going to breed, you know, crime, terrorism, no
governance, and create problems for the world.
So, anyway, with that, I just want to say thanks to the two
of you. And I will yield back.
Chairman Meeks. The gentleman yields back.
I now recognize Representative Brad Sherman from California
for 5 minutes.
Mr. Sherman. It is, of course, natural that the Congress
bemoan that Karen Bass is leaving us, but she is coming to us
in Los Angeles. Many of you would like to have a mayor as good
as Karen Bass.
There are many issues in Africa, but I am going to devote
my 5 minutes to the conflict in Ethiopia and Tigray, which is
the bloodiest conflict in the world this decade.
We have seen some food get in, and I hope that we also
focus on the medicine getting in as well.
I want to focus on Eritrea. Our embassy in Asmara has
verified that Eritrean forces have been in northern Ethiopia,
that they have blocked humanitarian assistance, that they
committed human rights abuses, including rape and the killing
of children.
There is no legitimate reason for Eritrean troops to be in
any part of Ethiopia. I am, of course, hopeful that they will
withdraw their troops, but they are not a party to the
agreements that the assistant secretary has cited.
Assistant Secretary Phee , will--we support--and will you
support--additional sanctions on Eritrea if they fail to
withdraw their troops, including sanctions on President Afwerki
himself and on mining in Eritrea?
Ms. Phee. Thank you, Congressman. Absolutely, we concur
with your assessment of the negative role of Eritrea in
Ethiopia. It is, I think, a positive development that as part
of these discussions the issue of foreign forces is part of the
agreement and the withdrawal of foreign forces, but----
Mr. Sherman. But if Eritrea does not withdraw----
Ms. Phee. Yes, yes. Yes.
Mr. Sherman [continuing]. You would--we would do those
sanctions?
I would point out that we could look at U.N. Security
Council efforts. Of course, Russia would veto because Eritrea
is one of the five countries in the world to actually vote
against the Ukraine resolution.
We could include not only that, but we could look at an
anti-shipping campaign, not aimed at ships bringing food or
medicine but those bringing luxury goods to Asmara.
For 2 years, the Ethiopian Government has used hunger as a
weapon. We have to have a contingency plan should the Ethiopian
Government fail to meet its conditions under these agreements.
Assistant Secretary Phee , will you commit to not restoring
AGOA and not supporting IMF, World Bank, et cetera, loans to
Ethiopia until the Ethiopian Government fulfills its
obligations under the agreement, including humanitarian aid,
protection for civilians, human rights monitoring, and a
restoration of services, including the internet.
Ms. Phee. Yes. We have made clear to leaders of the
Ethiopian Government that implementation--full implementation
of the agreement reached in Pretoria and elaborated in Nairobi
is essential to restoring the partnership that we previously
enjoyed.
Mr. Sherman. We have got tens of thousands of Tigrayans,
ethnic Tigrayans, in other parts of Ethiopia that have been put
in detention centers. The U.N. International Commission for
Human Rights on Ethiopia in September of this year said that
the detentions are ongoing and that reliable information
indicates that torture is occurring at these facilities.
Will you commit to not supporting lifting AGOA and not
supporting international lending until these ethnic Tigrayans
are released?
Ms. Phee. Yes. This is part of our dialog with the
Ethiopian Government and with all parties who committed abuses
during this terrible conflict.
Mr. Sherman. And then there is the disputed area of Western
Tigray. We saw ethnic cleansing there in November 2020. The
agreement calls for a constitutional resolution as to which
regional government should control Western Tigray. That could
very well mean a referendum.
Wouldn't any such referendum have to include only those
people who lived there before the ethnic cleansing, rather than
excluding those who have been driven from their homes and
including those who moved in after November 2020?
Ms. Phee. Congressman, I know that issue is going to be
discussed by the parties, as you said, under their
constitution, and I do not believe the details about how they
would conduct any referendum or address resolution of that
dispute have yet been determined. So I am not in a position to
address specifically----
Mr. Sherman. And--and----
Ms. Phee [continuing]. A hypothetical scenario at this
point.
Chairman Meeks. The gentleman's time is expired.
I now recognize Representative Chris Smith from New Jersey,
who is the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Africa, Global
Health, and Global Human Rights, for 5 minutes.
Mr. Smith. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
As I mentioned earlier, cobalt is heavily concentrated in
DRC. Most cobalt is processed in the People's Republic of China
by the Chinese Communist Party. They are succeeding in creating
a monopoly. EVs became the largest end users of cobalt last
year, 34 percent, followed by smartphones 15 percent, and
laptops and desktop computers by 9 percent.
At our hearing, one of our witnesses from the The Sentry
said, imagine you are a second grader being forced to spend all
day tunneling in a dangerous mine with little to no safety
equipment in an area that has many known collapses, with
soldiers illegally intimidating and abusing minors and other
civilians.
My question is, what are we doing to stop it? Is President
Tshisekedi complicit in any way, shape, or form with this
outrageous exploitation of children and adults in the cobalt
mines in DRC?
Ms. Phee. Thank you, Congressman Smith, for raising this
critical and tragic issue. The U.S. Department of Labor is
engaged with the Government of the Democratic Republic of Congo
to try and improve standards, working standards in these mines.
We recognize that this is unacceptable practice, and we are
working with the government to try----
Mr. Smith. And we have had serious reports that Tshisekedi
is involved with this, he is corrupt, and my question is, what
is your findings on that? If you have a President who allows
the Chinese to abuse your own children, that is unconscionable.
Ms. Phee. I know that President Tshisekedi has reached out
to the United States, told us that we would be a preferred
partner in investment in these mines, which I understand to be
an implicit recognition of the challenges and poor practices of
Chinese investment. So we are working hard to try and take him
up on that offer.
Mr. Smith. But, again, how do you assess the President's
role?
Ms. Phee. I am not aware of direct Presidential
involvement, but let me look at that specifically and come back
to you.
Mr. Smith. Could you? It is extraordinarily important.
Ms. Phee. Yes.
Mr. Smith. You know, with the elections coming up in
December 2023 in DR Congo, I know the Catholic and the
Protestant churches have combined. Are we going to work with
them to make sure that that is a free, fair, and inclusive
election?
Ms. Phee. That is why we asked Secretary Blinken to travel
to Kinshasa in August, to make clear our expectations that the
upcoming election be free and fair and peaceful.
We continue to engage with the government, and Dr. Monde
could talk a little bit about USAID's support for the Electoral
Commission. But absolutely we share those goals and are working
I think diligently to try and achieve them.
Ms. Muyangwa. And we recognize the importance and some of
the challenges of the upcoming elections, so we are working to
strengthen the electoral management body in the DRC to ensure
that they have the capacity to hold free, fair, and transparent
elections.
We also continue to engage with officials from the DRC on
reinforcing the same----
Mr. Smith. Again, probably the most credible entity in DRC
are the churches, the faith community, and they have done,
against all odds, yeomen's work in the past. Will they be
included, both the Catholic and the Protestant churches, and
most importantly, will they get the funding to make it possible
for them to do their work in a free and fair way?
Ms. Muyangwa. We engage with civil society. I cannot speak
directly to what the breakdown is in terms of faith
organizations' participation in that engagement. But we could
definitely followup and provide you with that response.
Mr. Smith. Chairman, I am hoping to lead a delegation there
next year, because we have got to get this right. I mean, after
that hearing--I knew what was going on in those mines, I raised
it a number of times--but until I heard from two DR Congolese
leaders, including a Jesuit priest, it just--how could this
President be complicit in this? And I believe he is, and I
think that we have got to follow that up very aggressively,
this abuse of children.
Ms. Phee. Congressman, I just want to add, to inform you
that I had the honor to meet with a delegation of religious
leaders from Congo to talk about these very issues, and I want
to reassure you that we here in Washington, as well as our
mission in Kinshasa, are actively engaged and respect very much
the leadership role they play and----
Mr. Smith. Thank you. I am almost out of time. Just a
couple of other questions, and I have many, but the strategy,
again, did not include religious persecution, which is on the
rise on the subcontinent.
Was Rashad Hussain, our, your, your designee, but he is the
Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom, was he
involved with that process? Because surely he would have
wanted, I think, a major section of this to be devoted to
religious freedom.
And, last--again, out of time--do you support--and do this
in written form--a criminal tribunal for Liberia? I have had
hearings in the past. We have had Allan White testify. Yes,
there was one in Sierra Leone, but Liberia still has a number
of people who committed genocide that have not been held to
account.
Charles Taylor, of course, is at the Hague, you know, was
convicted, but that was Sierra Leone's Tribunal.
There was a call in 2009 to establish a war crimes tribunal
there. Will you support that?
Ms. Phee. On the last issue, I would like to come back to
you. I am not well versed on that issue, so if I could take
that for the record, I will come back to you.
On the issue of religious freedom, again, I always want to
thank you. It is so important that you raise this issue
vocally. It really amplifies U.S. voice and impact.
We very much consider the law to be a guiding principle of
how we conduct ourselves, the embassy and all of us here in
Washington, including Ambassador Hussain. So I do not want you
to think that because there is not a specific section, that it
isn't embedded in every way in which we engage. I just want to
affirm that for you.
Ms. Muyangwa. I would just echo the assistant secretary's
work that the issue of religious freedom is one that is
reflected in the work that USAID does, and so we will continue
to engage on that issue in all of our partnerships and work
with our African partners.
Chairman Meeks. I now recognize Representative and the next
mayor--or the mayor-elect from Los Angeles, California, Karen
Bass, currently still the chair of the House Africa
Subcommittee, for 5 minutes.
Ms. Bass. For as long as I can be. Thank you. Thank you,
Mr. Chairman, again, and thank you, Ambassador----
Chairman Meeks. Unmute yourself.
Ms. Bass. Oh, I am. Can you hear me? Can you hear me? No?
Chairman Meeks. We cannot hear you.
Ms. Bass. Oh, I am not muted. How about now?
Chairman Meeks. Can we check that here? I cannot hear.
Ms. Bass. Yes, I am not muted. No?
Mr. Schneider. I can hear her on Zoom.
Chairman Meeks. Hold on 1 second.
Ms. Bass. OK.
How about now? Any luck?
Chairman Meeks. As we deal with the technical difficulties,
and I do not know whether it is just Representative Bass, but
while we try to work to see--let me try and yield 5 minutes to
Representative Bill Keating of Massachusetts, the chair of the
Europe Subcommittee.
Is he on? Let's see if his audio works.
Mr. Keating. I am here.
Ms. Bass. Hello? Can you guys hear me?
Mr. Keating. I can hear.
Ms. Bass. You can hear me, Bill?
Mr. Keating. I can hear you, yes.
Chairman Meeks. We do not see Representative Keating. I am
also just trying to check to see the depth of the technical
problems.
Let me recognize Representative Dina Titus of Nevada for 5
minutes, if she is on.
Mr. Keating. We are on.
Ms. Titus. Mr. Chairman, can you hear me? Can you hear me,
Mr. Chairman?
Chairman Meeks. So I am told that Webex is having issues
for those that are on virtually. So while we fix those
technical difficulties, I will yield 5 minutes to
Representative Tom Malinowski from New Jersey, who is the vice
chair of the full committee.
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to our
witnesses.
I wanted to focus on Ethiopia as well. And I would start by
saying, I think this agreement is a potentially huge step
forward, and thank you to both of you and Ambassador Hammer and
Secretary Blinken and everybody who has been working very hard
to try to bring an end to the fighting and the killing and the
suffering of the people of Ethiopia.
We already went over one of the potential weaknesses, and
thank you for the very clear and definitive answers on
Eritrea's role in the conflict. I wanted to ask as well about
the humanitarian access challenges. Obviously, part of the
agreement includes a commitment by the Government of Ethiopia
to expedite humanitarian assistance and the restoration of
services.
What we have seen thus far is still very, very limited
though, as I am sure you would acknowledge, basically two
trucks to Mekelle, which is nothing. And I wanted to started
with just a broad question.
What do you think the problem is, why is the government
still apparently holding up aid shipments, and what are we
doing to overcome them?
Ms. Phee. I think we are in a much better position than we
were in the summer where aid--we worked very hard, as you know,
to get aid rolling, but it only went through a far province.
What the government is now willing to do and what we have
already seen is trucks moving from Amhara Region. The roads are
better, and that will open up multiple lines. So my expectation
is that we will begin to see the kind of aid deliveries that we
need.
Part of the challenge bureaucratically or logistically is
that the international humanitarian agencies needed to do a
security survey before they began moving. Those surveys should
be completed within the next few days, and that will
facilitate.
I also wanted to call your attention to an ICRC delivery of
medical supplies, which is in addition to the truck movements.
So I believe we are cautiously optimistic that we will see the
results that need to happen.
Mr. Malinowski. OK. Well, there is a comment by the lead
government negotiator, Reda, who is saying--that struck me as
concerning. He said, quote, ``Once the government controls the
airports, the navigation system, and the airspace fully, then
we will allow aid to flow both on the ground and in the air.''
What is going on there? Does that strike you as an
appropriate condition to place on the free flow of food and
medicine?
Ms. Phee. I also saw those comments. What is important is
that the agreement--the elaboration of the agreement that was
negotiated in Nairobi has no such reservations. And that is our
expectation that they will--the government will comply with
those--with that agreement.
Mr. Malinowski. OK. And, finally, I want to ask you about
an aspect of this that we do not talk about often enough, and
that is the role that some of our leading American companies
have played in creating this environment in Ethiopia and in
many other countries around the world in which people who live
together now hate each other with a passion that has, in this
case, led to horrific acts of violence.
I am talking, obviously, about Facebook and Google that
created these platforms, which they try to moderate in the
United States but moderate far less in countries where people
speak languages that Silicon Valley does not speak.
I am just wondering--I am sure you share my assessment on
this--to what extent is the department, the Administration
engaging with leadership of these companies to pressure them to
dedicate the vastly greater resources that are needed to ensure
that incitement of violence, incitement of genocide by armed
actors and just by regular people in countries like Ethiopia is
actually dealt with?
Ms. Phee. I appreciate you raising this concern. I do not
think I have a good answer. We have had episodic engagement
with the leadership of those companies. We haven't achieved the
results we would like to see. I would observe that that in the
more specific case of Ethiopia we have separately attempted to
engage with the diaspora, which itself has played a role in
accelerating this rhetoric, so sort of having diplomatic
engagement to compensate for the deficiencies in the social
media space.
I would also observe that I think this is a problem across
the continent. We have a lot of fragile societies that coexist
uneasily, and social media, as well Russian propaganda, for
example, by the Wagner Group, can be very disruptive and
divisive.And I do not know--it is a problem, frankly, in our
own society as you know well, and I think it is an area where
we can work together.
We are lucky to have Nate Fick now at the State Department
who is looking at cyber and digital policy, and I think there
is hope that we can try and do more in this space.
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you.
My time is up.
Chairman Meeks. The gentleman's time has expired.
I think we are trying to do a mike check on the virtual, so
let's see what we have there.
Staff. Mike check, five, four, three, two, one.
Chairman Meeks. Can we do the mike check?
Staff. Trying again. Five, four, three, two, one.
Chairman Meeks. I can hear it very faintly, five, four,
three, two, one, but we cannot hear you clearly or loudly.
Staff. Ten, nine, eight, seven, six, five, four, three,
two, one.
Chairman Meeks. I can now hear you.
So I would move forward to our next member, and that is
Representative Scott Perry of Pennsylvania. You are recognized
for 5 minutes.
Mr. Perry. Thank you very much.
I would like to start out by acknowledging the service of
my colleague on the other side of the aisle from New Jersey,
Mr. Malinowski. I have found him to be an engaged, informed,
and thoughtful and worthy adversary. We haven't agreed on a
lot, but he has been here to serve. And I just wanted to say
that that should be acknowledged and appreciated.
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you so much, seriously.
Mr. Perry. Ladies, Director, Secretary, thanks for being
here.
Would you acknowledge, both of you, that Congolese child
labor in the cobalt mines is occurring? Is that something that
we can agree on?
Ms. Phee. Yes.
Mr. Perry. Sounds like that is a yes.
Would you characterize--I do not know where you are on
this, but would you characterize yourself as generally for
colonialism or generally against colonialism? And I would
describe it as the exploitation of one nation's resources by
another nation's.
Ms. Phee. I think I can speak for my colleague that we
would both be opposed.
Thank you.
Mr. Perry. OK. So it wouldn't be--Director, I think you
mentioned disinformation. It wouldn't be disinformation to say
that the Chinese are practicing colonialist activities in
Africa, particularly in the Congo in the cobalt mines and in
particular with the child labor practices that are occurring
there? That wouldn't be disinformation, would it?
Ms. Phee. No, sir.
Mr. Perry. No, I did not think so.
Would you also acknowledge that there is slave labor
incorporated--and I know this is out of your sphere of direct
work, but in East Turkestan, Xinjiang Province in China--
regarding the construction of batteries and related items to
electric vehicles and electronics and essentially the net zero
agenda, slave labor?
Ms. Phee. As you mentioned, I wouldn't feel comfortable
speaking outside of Africa. I do not have the data or the
knowledge.
Mr. Perry. Director?
Ms. Muyangwa. Nor do I.
Mr. Perry. OK. So neither one of you have ever heard about
these claims or are unaware? Are you aware and just not sure
or----
Ms. Phee. Obviously, sir, we are aware as hopefully
informed foreign affairs professionals.
Mr. Perry. I just wanted to get that from you.
Ms. Phee. Thank you.
Mr. Perry. So what autonomy do you believe that Africa
should have in deciding how it produces and distributes energy?
And where does the United States tax dollar play a factor in
that? What autonomy should African nations have in choosing?
Ms. Phee. As the central tenet of the strategy is to treat
Africans as partners, we believe they should have autonomy and
that they do have autonomy.
Of course, as the United States seeking to advance our
interests, we will use all of the tools available to us to
promote our views and interests in our engagement with African
nations.
Mr. Perry. So do you think that the United States should
promote its views on religion on the people of Africa?
Ms. Phee. It is U.S. law, sir, for us to promote religious
freedom.
Mr. Perry. OK. But what about religious dogma? I understand
religious freedom, and we can get into a long discussion about
promoting religious freedom as it is juxtaposed to what
actually happens in the law. But, generally speaking, do you
think that the United States should promote the--the U.S.
Government, through United States tax dollars, should promote
the belief in Christianity, so to speak, or Judaism, or
anything else?
Ms. Phee. Congressman, my conduct and the conduct of our
team is guided by our Constitution and by our law.
Mr. Perry. What does that mean? Do you believe in the
promotion of that or not?
Ms. Phee. I believe in the promotion of religious freedom
but not as to any particular dogma.
Mr. Perry. OK. Yes, not in any particular dogma, which I
would agree with you.
So why then do you think it is appropriate for the United
States to impose on Africa the zero carbon or the net zero
agenda on a population that is striving and struggling to get
out of poverty knowing, knowing, that it is also the imposition
of Chinese colonialism, tied to child labor, slave labor, at a
minimum, and also at an increased cost to some of the people--
to people who can least afford it on the planet? Why is that
appropriate?
Ms. Phee. The verb ``impose'' is perhaps not an accurate
reflection of policy. I understand our policy to be to
encourage zero carbon results, but to also recognize the
challenges that Africa is facing right now, just as you have
identified, and to support adaptation and to support
transition.
So I think we recognize the complexity of the situation,
and we also recognize that the Russian war in Ukraine has
created additional complications on the global energy agenda,
and we need to work through those complications.
Chairman Meeks. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. Perry. Thank you, Chair.
Chairman Meeks. I now recognize Representative Dina Titus
from Nevada for 5 minutes.
Ms. Titus. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I would like to followup on some of the points that were
made earlier about the Ethiopian conflict and ask this to
Assistant Secretary Phee.
Now that the conflict has ended--and we hope that
continues--I wonder what actions the Administration has taken
to support unfettered access to the Tigray Region so that they
can conduct, oh, investigations into potential war crimes,
human rights violations, crimes against humanity? We have heard
that access has been hindered from a number of different
sources. I wonder if you could enlighten us more on that.
Ms. Phee. Representative Titus, thank you for raising that
important issue.
In conversations that the Secretary, Ambassador Hammer, and
I have had with Ethiopian government and TPLF representatives
about resolving this conflict, we have raised the importance of
addressing accountability, the grave human rights violations
that have occurred during this conflict, and the importance of
having independent monitors, chiefly those from the United
Nations, be able to enter Tigray and other areas of Ethiopia
where we understand abuses have taken place.
So I want to reassure you that in recent days, in every
conversation we have had about addressing this conflict, we
have explained the importance to the United States of
significant action to address the human rights violations that
took place.
Ms. Titus. Well, good. I am glad to hear that, and I know
some of my constituents who have been very concerned about that
will also. Maybe you could keep us kind of posted on some of
the findings that you all have as you pursue this.
Now I would like to ask the director, we are talking about
Prosper Africa and how that is going to be a key player as we
enhance our economic relations between the U.S. and Africa. I
wonder if you could explain how Prosper Africa is working to
connect building on public-private relationships in order to
provide more opportunities for women-owned businesses or micro
industries.
Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you for that question, Congresswoman.
So Prosper Africa, through a number of initiatives focuses
on women, there is an actual standalone on an initiative that
we have that focuses on women businesses and trying to
encourage them in the trade sphere. So we will continue to push
on that end, to expand that program, and have it take hold both
within Prosper Africa itself but also in our support for AGOA
and African continental free trade area work that we are doing.
Ms. Titus. How do you get the word out that this is
available for people to take advantage of or to use to startup
businesses for women or promote their products so that we
become a better market for those companies in Africa?
Ms. Muyangwa. Prosper Africa has actually established a
digital platform--its name escapes me now--where businesses on
both ends can tap into this digital platform to get all of the
information that they need about doing business with each
other. And we have seen tremendous access to that platform
trying to find out what the opportunities are, trying to find
out how the U.S. Government can support those who would like to
engage in Africa.
I can definitely followup on that and get you the
information that you need.
Ms. Titus. Well, thank you.
And thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back.
Chairman Meeks. The gentlewoman yields back.
I now recognize Representative Darrell Issa of California
for 5 minutes.
Mr. Issa. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And I want to continue on on the Prosper Africa initiative.
You know, Secretary Pompeo put a lot of time and effort
into getting it started, but today now, 2 additional years past
the changing of the Administration, one of my questions is what
can you point to as specifics of accomplishment? In other
words, usually there is at least anecdotal stories, and I
haven't heard any of them today.
Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you for that question, Representative
Issa.
Let me just go to some of the accomplishments that we have
had in the Prosper Africa, if you will just give me a second.
Sorry.
Mr. Issa. While you are doing that, I am going to ask a
followup question, realizing we are dealing primarily with
Africa. Is this, in fact, a program that is equally portable
and should be equally distributed throughout similar countries
beyond Sub-Saharan Africa?
Maybe that is a good question while we are waiting for
specific accomplishments.
Ms. Muyangwa. So let me just very quickly speak to some of
the accomplishments.
Since its establishment, we have mobilized $1.5 billion of
investment in climate health and sustainable infrastructure and
also established teams of investment advisors at both USAID and
DFC who work with embassy drill teams to advance trade and
investment transactions.
We are working with dedicated Prosper Africa funding to
mobilize exports into the trade space by expanding our
resourcing operations. And so for every $1 of U.S. Government
funding, we are leveraging at least $15 in private sector
investment.
We recently took a group of U.S. pension funds from
Chicago, Hartford, and Philadelphia to Africa to break down the
perceptions of risks; therefore, bridging this perception of
the risk in Africa being too high. Often what we find is that
when people actually get on the ground, they get to see that
that risk perception is not uniform across the continent and
that there are areas where they could actually invest.
And as a result, they invested $85 million in a Pan African
fund along with a South African pension fund, and this is going
to provide financing to entrepreneurs and small businesses
across West Africa.
So those are just some of the accomplishments that we have
had that we are looking to build on.
Mr. Issa. So the $85 million fund has not been distributed
yet, but it is in process? Is that your statement?
Ms. Muyangwa. I understand, sir, but I can confirm that and
get back to your office.
Mr. Issa. OK. And I appreciate your answer, and I know you
were attempting to be fully responsive. What I was looking for
were those examples where an implementation has led to a change
in a community or individual entrepreneurs, and so on.
What I heard is what we usually have--do in government. We
talk about how many people we employed and how much money we
spent. So if you do not mind, for the record, if you would
followup with examples of implementation that have led to
economic differences; in other words, the effect of the money
we spent rather than the effort we made to spend it and to
educate.
Mr. Chairman, I am going to use my remaining time to just
make a comment.
I know this is an important hearing. And with my colleague
and longtime friend, Karen Bass, moving on to another large job
in her career, I wanted to take a moment to thank her for the
hard work and the many years that she has been a leader on this
committee. I know she'll be missed by all of us, on both sides
of the aisle. So, you know, we often get--we often talk about
what we do not agree on, and I could certainly bring up a few
here today. But it would be inappropriate when, in fact, Karen,
you have worked so hard on what we do agree on. And I want to
thank you for your service.
And with that, Mr. Chairman, I will yield back my last 12
seconds.
Mr. Malinowski [presiding]. Thank you.
The chair now recognizes Representative Castro for 5
minutes.
Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairman.
And also thank you, Karen, for all your work on the African
Subcommittee over the years, incredible work.
I will jump right in. In 1 month the United States is
hosting the U.S. Africa Leaders Summit here in Washington.
This, of course, is an important opportunity to demonstrate
U.S. leadership in the region. But I believe there should be
more visibility on what we hope to substantively accomplish at
this summit.
And so my question for Assistant Secretary Phee is what
concrete deliverables can we expect from this summit?
Ms. Phee. Thank you very much for the question.
I view this summit as an opportunity to consolidate the
great work that is already underway. You know, thanks to
Congress, we have doubled our normal food security investment
of about $400 million to about $800 million this year to help
Africans deal with the consequences of the war in Ukraine.
Likewise, under the President and the Secretary's
leadership, we have also massively increased our investment in
health to help Africans not only deal with the COVID pandemic
and the economic impact but to help develop health security to
deal with the next pandemic that is coming. And you see a lot
of news coming out of Sharm El Sheikh where we have increased
our engagement to help with managing climate change.
So a lot of what we will be doing in the summit is sort of
consolidating what great work and partnership is already
underway, having a conversation about what else is needed, and
using the summit to catapult the relationship forward.
I expect there to be serious discussion about increasing
the African role in the multilateral system, whether the G20,
the Security Council, or reforms to multilateral banking
institutions so that they have the financing and investment
that we have talked about.
And it will be important for leaders to meet not only
President Biden but the rest of the Cabinet.
And I mentioned earlier the Africa Business Forum, as well
as related side events, where we are really making an effort to
expose African leaders to American companies.
So those are the types of activities that we expect to come
out of the summit.
Mr. Castro. Wonderful. Well, thank you so much for your
great work.
And, you know, Congress has played a leading role in
deepening our engagement with Africa such as through the
African Growth and Opportunity Act and the Electrify Africa Act
of 2015. What legislative efforts will support the anticipated
summit outcomes?
And then also if I heard that African countries have not
received their formal invitations to the summit, what is the
timeline for sending those invitations or getting them out?
Ms. Phee. The latter question first, I think that is an
erroneous report. We have formally invited the delegations, and
we are looking forward to receiving confirmation this week of
who is coming. They also have received a draft program with
speaking roles, and we are engaged with both our embassies in
Africa and here in Washington with the diplomatic corps.
Ambassador Tai will be hosting a meeting of her
counterparts to discuss the future of AGOA. It is my belief
that there is a win-win scenario for us with AGOA and for
Africans through the continental free trade area, and I am
hopeful that in that discussion we can talk about how we can
help both populations do better with trade and investment and
jobs.
So those are some of the types of activities that will also
be part of this multiday extravaganza.
Mr. Castro. Great. Well, you know, I am glad that the
formal invitations have been extended and that you are going to
hear back soon on who is attending because I have seen and
others have seen these summits coming together at the last
minute and we end up not getting out of the summit everything
that we potentially could. So I am very glad that the State
Department is on top of it.
It is also good to see including African companies in
multilateral forums. I have been disappointed they have not
been as vested at the U.N. on Ukraine issues, for instance. And
we have to be more inclusive. We should be more inclusive of
the people of Africa, the people of Latin America, and places
in the world that the U.S. Congress, for example, does not
often pay as much attention to as Europe or other places.
So thank you for all of your work, and I look forward to
being helpful, you know, in helping to deliver legislatively
whatever we agree to at the summit.
I yield back.
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you.
The chair now recognizes Representative Burchett of
Tennessee for 5 minutes,
Mr. Burchett. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Appreciative your
friendship. You are an excellent legislator and an excellent
receiver I will say on the congressional football team.
Ms. Phee, could you talk to me a little bit about China's
growing influence in Africa and how, in fact, that is
undermining our relationship across the continent? I am always
concerned about the Belt and Road Initiative and the way that
they just mistreat folks. And I am wondering if you could
elaborate on some of that please, ma'am.
Ms. Phee. Thank you for the question.
It is a challenge that we are alert to and trying to
address. Even though are some areas where we can cooperate with
China, particularly in the environment, but there are many more
areas where we need to compete and in some instances contest.
We have a different model than the Chinese, as you know. We
invest in human capital and development and in systems and in
institutions. Sometimes some of that investment is less
obviously visible. The Chinese tend to do bright and shiny
objects. Some of the investment in infrastructure has been
helpful. Other practices have resulted in substandard
infrastructure and substandard labor practices.
So we are working to develop alternatives for our African
partners so that they are able to choose U.S. engagement, and
we are also working with the G7 and the EU to expand the
opportunities for Africans to move away from the Chinese model.
Mr. Burchett. Thank you.
I would hope at some point we would look into creating
entrepreneurs in Africa, not just creating sweatshops. And I
kind of weird out on bamboo all the time. I make bamboo
skateboards at home. It is cheaper than a psychiatrist, so it
kind of gets my mind off things. But I notice in some areas
they use what is called iron bamboo and make bicycles, and then
they export them to America and they sell them for thousands of
dollars, things like that. I would hope we would kind of look
outside of the--you know, they are not going to create a
computer out in middle of the desert somewhere. But, dadgummit,
they could do some things I think that would help, and I would
hope that we would look to some of those.
I have an another question, though. You brought up
environment. It is not in my notes, but I've been studying this
for quite some time, is the reclaiming of some of these deserts
that are really just ravaging these countries due to they do
not have education. They do not have fuel. They have to burn
the trees. There is not anything left, nothing to hold the top
soil down. The U.N. a few years ago listed not--they listed
several things that were of great concern. Their No. 1 concern
at one time to humanity was the depletion of top soil, oddly
enough.
And I am wondering, are you all doing anything to work with
them? I know the Chinese are, and that scares the daylights out
of me because the Chinese aren't doing it because they love the
people of Africa. They want to control more and get more rare
metals.
I wonder, are you all doing anything in that realm of
reclaiming deserts in some of those really deprived areas?
Ms. Phee. That is such an important issue, but it is very
specific. So I would like to look into the blizzard of
environmental project finance that has just been announced as
part of Sharm El Sheikh and come back to you. I would offer
that both important issues you have highlighted, entrepreneur
and helping Africans deal with the terrible impacts of climate
change, I think are united, and we are trying to see how we can
support entrepreneurs in this space. But if it is OK, I will
come back to you on the specific issue of the soil in the
Sahara.
Mr. Burchett. I wish you really would. I do not--do not
just check a box. Unless the Lord or somebody else takes me
out, I am going to be here for 2 more years, so I would expect
to hear from you all hopefully in the new year.
Ma'am, did you want to add to that, please?
Ms. Muyangwa. Sure. We at USAID have some work going on in
that area, particularly in the Sahara. I am not sure as to the
scale and scope, but I would say that given developments in
that region it is probably work that we would appreciate some
advocacy in terms of scaling up that work.
Mr. Burchett. OK. And I would also--I like USAID. Sometimes
I do not like some of the stuff USAID does. I think you all
have a PR problem. And with just like the desert changing
sands, there are changing sands in Washington. And if you all
could work some on your PR and letting us know exactly the good
things you all are doing, I would really appreciate that,
ma'am, because I would like to be in your corner on a lot of
issues.
Thank you all.
And I yield back the remainder of my 2 seconds, Mr.
Chairman.
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you.
And I have been wondering whether dadgummit is an allowable
word in the Foreign Affairs----
Mr. Burchett. Dadgummit, D-a-d-g-u-m-m-i-t.
Mr. Malinowski. I am going to allow it.
Mr. Burchett. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Malinowski. It is just a thought that I had.
Mr. Burchett. If you did not, it would knock out about half
of my vocabulary.
Thank you, Brother.
Mr. Malinowski. And with that, we are going to recess the
committee for just a short period of time so that we can
observe interesting events on the floor of the House and
hopefully come back as soon as possible.
So if I could ask the witnesses to hang out for a bit, that
would be great.
Thank you so much.
[Recess.]
[1 p.m.]
Mr. Malinowski. Let's call the committee back in session.
And we will begin or resume with Representative Sara Jacobs
of California for 5 minutes.
Ms. Jacobs. Well, thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you so much
to our witnesses. And I will echo the comments of my
colleagues. We are going to miss the leadership of
Congresswoman Bass. And I know that Los Angeles is very lucky,
and I am very lucky that we are only 2 hours away in San Diego.
So my first question is for you, Assistant Secretary Phee.
I was so glad to see in the Administration's Africa strategy a
recognition that our counterterrorism approach over the past 3
decades has come up short and that there are strong linkages
between exclusionary governance, human rights abuses, and
corruption with insecurity.
Just the other day Assistant Administrator Jenkins from
USAID CPS Bureau noted that 71 percent of violent extremists
escalated to violence because they or a close family member
experienced violence personally from the State.
So my question is how will this acknowledgment of the needs
to change our counterterrorism approach actually change our
approach? In other words, as the lead on U.S. diplomacy in
Africa, how will you use your position to incentivize needed
reform and governance in human rights so that governments hear
this signal loud and clear that our priority is actually those
things and not if they just help us a little a long time on
counterterrorism, we will turn a blind eye on everything else?
Ms. Phee. Thank you very much for your leadership on this
issue and for your focus on the linkages between good
governance and bad security.
I think we all agree, for example, what we are seeing in
the Sahel is problems in governance that lead to
vulnerabilities that the terrorists exploit.
We have two big tools at our disposal. One is our voice,
how we engage with leaders. And I want to reassure you that we
are emphasizing the importance of these issues in our
discussions with governments, as well as other aspects of a
society, to help increase their understanding that it is a
priority for our funding and our engagement.
We are also looking at our resourcing, and the Global
Fragility Act I think will be the best tool that is available
to us.
And we are also--a third leg, which I would like to take
the time to brief you on later if I can, is that we have done a
lot of review and research of programs, particularly the Trans-
Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership, what worked, what hasn't
so that we can guide our interventions in the future.
And, last, I would say one of the exciting aspects to me of
the GFA is the focus on metrics and constant evaluation so that
we hold ourselves accountable to doing better and changing the
way we do things.
Ms. Jacobs. Thank you. And I will look forward to that
briefing.
On the same topic I think nowhere is more clear that our
military first approach has failed than Somalia, and while
there have been recent tactical gains in central and southern
Somalia against Al-Shabaab, the absence of effective governance
has prevented long-term progress, deep divisions among Federal
leaders, et cetera.
So given that reconciliation among these entities is vital
to moving forward, what concrete actions is the Biden
Administration taking to support efforts on reconciliation
which the president, President Hassan Sheikh, has identified as
a priority? And does the State Department have a plan to help
the Federal Government of Somalia seek reconciliation through a
long-term effort?
Ms. Phee. Absolutely. We are working in support of the
president's leadership for the Federal Government to engage in
a sustained and systemic growth with the member States so that
they can achieve the kind of political reforms you have
identified.
You will recall that Under Secretary Nuland traveled to
Somalia this summer. President Hassan Sheikh came to Washington
in September and met, among others, with Secretary Blinken, and
a key message in those engagements is the need for him to
sustain and expand that political reconciliation.
Ms. Jacobs. Thank you.
Assistant Administrator Muyangwa, my next question is for
you.
I was pleased by Administrator Power's prioritization of
locally led development at USAID. I think it is particularly
relevant for Africa where the international communities'
approach has historically not been locally led. Unfortunately,
most development in Africa has too often been led by U.S.-based
contract developers.
So I wanted to ask about the recently announced Africa
Localization Initiative to direct more funding to local
organizations. Can you speak to any details about the planned
implementation of this announcement and how we can work
together to ensure its success?
Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you very much for that question.
We agree fully with you about the importance of
localization to sustainable development, particularly on the
continent. Fortunately, we do have a solid foundation on which
to build on with our localization efforts since a number of
previous Administrations of USAID have focused on that. So we
are continuing to build on that foundation.
Right now the Africa Bureau is designing an African
Localization Initiative to fit within the border of USAID
localization effort. And we are looking at a handful of
countries where we are going to look at how we can enhance our
localization efforts there and then come back and scale up our
two other missions.
And we anticipate that we will be able to announce
additional details about this initiative before the end of the
year. So we will be happy to reengage at that point.
Ms. Jacobs. I will look forward to those details.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back.
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you.
The chair now recognizes Representative Tenney of New York
for 5 minutes.
Ms. Tenney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I just want to say
thank you to the witnesses.
And my first question is going to be for Assistant
Secretary Phee.
On October 18, the State Department publicly acknowledged
that Iran transferred Mohajer-6 unmanned aerial vehicles to
Ethiopia last summer. This is a direct violation of U.N.
Security Council Resolution 2231. I wanted to know if you could
tell me if the Administration has used access or the
authorities provided under its Executive Order 13949 in Iran--
relating to Iran or related entities or people for its role in
providing these drones to Ethiopia which permits the broad
application of sanctions against individuals who have engaged
or attempted to engage in manufacture, acquisition, possession,
development, transport, transfer, or use of any of these
military items to and from Iran.
Has the Administration used these authorities against these
entities or people for all of those above--any of those all or
above reasons in their role in procuring those drones from
Iran?
Ms. Phee. Thank you for highlighting that troublesome
action.
My understanding is that we have taken direct action,
sanctions. I would want to check on the particular authorities
that were used and get back to you.
Ms. Tenney. So you believe there has been some sanctions
done?
Ms. Phee. Yes.
Ms. Tenney. Can we--I just want to be sure for the record
we can get those under the chairman's rule.
Ms. Phee. Yes.
Ms. Tenney. Thank you.
And so let me just followup with this. We have been very
clear about the fact that these drones are--or these Mohajer
drones to Russia--in violation of U.N. Security Council 2231.
Is there reason why we haven't taken a similar public stance
against actions by Ethiopia which presumably are also a
violation under the U.N. Security Council Resolution 2231?
Ms. Phee. To ensure that I am perfectly correct, I would
like to followup on that question.
Ms. Tenney. OK. Thank you.
So I would just ask, are we--does not limiting our
criticism of the Iranian Mohajer transfer to Europe in context
undermine the legitimacy of our position when it comes to these
UAVs and under the U.N. Resolution 2231 were inconsistent in
dealing with these two different entities?
Ms. Phee. We have spoken repeatedly and directly about the
danger and acceleration of the conflict that has been caused by
external parties providing weapons. So it has been part of our
public diplomacy, and I will followup on the specifics.
Ms. Tenney. Thank you.
What kind of sanctions really do you envision would happen?
Under the Biden Administration, what are we going to be doing?
What do you think would be appropriate in this situation here?
Ms. Phee. With regard to actions by Iran?
Ms. Tenney. Taking action on the transfer of these unmanned
aerial vehicles of this nature from Iran to Ethiopia and also
in the case of Russia.
Ms. Phee. I do not mean to dodge the question, but I would
prefer to consult with our authorities on the sanctions. I
think they would have the best answer for that, and I will
followup.
Ms. Tenney. Are you aware of any of this happening, though,
of these actually happening, or you are just not sure of the
exact nature of them happening?
Ms. Phee. Their reaction or the conduct?
Ms. Tenney. The conduct.
Ms. Phee. No, absolutely we are aware of the conduct.
Ms. Tenney. Is it that you do not have the specifics on
what the sanctions would be, or you know the conduct occurred;
you just do not know what the Administration has done? Is that
what you are explaining?
Ms. Phee. It is the authorities I'm not sure which were
used so that I would prefer to be accurate in my response.
Ms. Tenney. OK. But the authorities--they have done
something. Sanctions have been implicated. You just do not know
the exact nature of them?
Ms. Phee. I would like to take that back and confirm that I
am giving you the best answer.
Ms. Tenney. OK. So basically you do not--you are not sure
if any sanctions have been taken?
Ms. Phee. I know that there have been sanctions taken
against Iranian actions with regard to transfers, weapons
transfers, but I do not know the specifics.
Ms. Tenney. OK. But you know that it was done?
Ms. Phee. I really am not in a good position to answer. I
need to come back to you.
Ms. Tenney. OK. I guess my question, so you did confirm?
You know that the transfers were done. Sanctions were initiated
using the authorities. We just need to get the specifics on
that. Can I just clarify that?
Ms. Phee. I really am not confident in the arrangement, so
I will come back to you, if that is OK.
Ms. Tenney. OK. Can we get that within the 5 days as
required by the----
Ms. Phee. Absolutely.
Ms. Tenney. Thank you so much. I appreciate it.
I yield back.
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you.
The chair now recognizes Representative Allred of Texas for
5 minutes.
Mr. Allred. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And I am glad to see our witnesses here. I will say this.
At the encouragement of Chairman Meeks, I was lucky enough to
be part of the Presidential delegation to the inauguration of
the new Kenyan president with our two distinguished guests this
afternoon. And, you know, it was inspiring to see a country
that had experienced difficult and violent transitions or lack
thereof or challenges to election results have and go through
an election in which the results were accepted.
We met people who I think we can all agree proudly
understood what happened in the election. They allowed
transparency around it. They had, I think, an inspiring
inauguration in which their handing over of the instruments of
power are very literal.
And I think it was also important that there were a lot of
other African leaders there who could learn from Kenya's
example. And, you know, obviously as an American and someone
who was into voting rights before I game to Congress, I found
that to be inspiring, but also even an example for us given
that we did not have a peaceful transfer of power for the first
time in our history after our last Presidential election.
And, you know, Africa, as you have said in your
testimoneys, is a continent of opportunity, of young folks, of
entrepreneurs, of, you know, women taking on enormous
leadership roles, of emerging countries that we need to support
and encourage the positive trends and help them combat some of
the things that are challenging them.
And so, you know, Dr. Muyangwa, I will say, Ms. Phee, what
do you see Kenya's role in terms of being the anchor of our
regional strategy? What impact do you think we have already
seen from the change in Administration there? And how has that
impacted the Biden Administration's approach here in terms of
your Sub-Saharan Africa overall strategy?
Ms. Phee. Thanks, Congressman.
And let me say it was terrific to have you on that trip for
many reasons but including to demonstrate congressional
interest in and support for Africa.
President Ruto, as you recall in his inaugural speech,
asked President Kenyatta whom he succeeded to take on regional
leadership roles, which he has done very effectively. He played
a critical role in helping the Ethiopians reach a cessation of
hostilities and begin to take additional steps that are
required to resolve that conflict. He has also been actively
involved in the eastern DRC, trying to stop the conflict that
is disrupting so many lives there. And they are working
together well. President Ruto, himself, when he was in Sharm El
Sheikh, hosted a meeting of leaders to try and address the
conflict in eastern DRC. So we see good coordination between
the incumbent and his predecessor.
And we continue to work closely with Kenya in the fight
against Al-Shabaab, and we are also working--and I will let Dr.
Monde speak about this more--to help Kenya and other countries
in the Horn deal with this historic 4-year drought.
Ambassador Whitman is mobilizing U.S. trade and investment,
trying to help the Kenyan economy continue to flourish, and we
are working very closely on food security matters because
Kenya, like many African countries, is suffering from the
consequences of the Russian war.
So all in all, we have a robust, productive partnership,
and we are immensely appreciative of Kenya's leadership in the
region.
Thank you.
Mr. Allred. Dr. Monde, anything to add?
Ms. Muyangwa. No. Thank you very much.
It was a pleasure to travel with you to Kenya, and just
echoing the assistant secretary's words about how important
your presence there was to show support for the Kenyan people
as they made this very, very important transition.
So we are working with Kenya in a number of ways to add on
to what the assistant secretary said. Part of it is continuing
to work with Kenya on strengthening governance, strengthening
devolution, strengthening citizen participation in the economy.
We are working--and governance. Working with Kenya on food
security issues. We know there is a looming drought in the Horn
of Africa, and Kenya has about 4.5 million people who are under
threat for severe food insecurity in 2023 if the long rains do
not come.
So we are working with Kenya on a number of fronts, and
they will continue to be an important partner for us.
Mr. Allred. Well, thank you both for your services. My
pleasure to travel with you, and it was an honor to be there on
behalf of the United States, and it was an inspiring trip. And
I am glad that our cooperation is continuing.
And I will yield back, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you.
The chair now recognizes Representative Mast of Florida for
5 minutes.
Mr. Mast. Thank you, Chairman.
Ms. Phee, everybody, thank you for your testimoneys today.
Appreciate that.
I want to speak to you a little bit about our funding,
United Nations, if we are getting our money's worth, how you
see leveraging the support that we give to Africa. As a whole,
I want to say it is between 25 and 30 percent of the United
Nation's delegation is made up of African countries. We provide
somewhere $8 billion plus a year to African nations. Do you
think that we are leveraging that appropriately in terms of
getting them to support United States' priorities within the
United Nations, or where do you think that is lacking?
Ms. Phee. As in all things, the record is a bit mixed.
Generally speaking, in the Security Council, the current
African members have voted in support of the United States. You
know, there are many ways in which we engage in the United
Nation's system. African leaders overwhelmingly supported the
U.S. candidate for that obscure U.N. agency, the International
Telecommunications Union, which will have an outside impact on
internet governance globally. So that was a very positive
outcome.
We work very hard to have African support in the U.N. Human
Rights Council. And, in fact, African support was critical to
getting a commission for the atrocities that have taken place
in Ethiopia during the recent conflicts.
We do not always succeed in getting the high numbers that
we would like in terms of our policy goals, whether they
particularly regard to Russia or China. However, on many of the
resolutions related to Ukraine, Africans provided majority
support.
So we also, as you know, contribute very much to Africa
through the international humanitarian organizations, such as
the World Health Organization, the FAO, WFP. And we are also a
big supporter for peacekeeping missions on the continent.
So we are engaged both externally providing support to the
U.N. system to Africa and encouraging the African voice to
support U.S. priorities at different voting bodies in the
system.
Mr. Mast. Where would you put the total number of USAID to
Africa at when you add up all of those items?
Ms. Phee. I would have to come back to that to make sure
that I give you a reasonable range, but it is significant if
that is your point. If you consider, for example, as you said,
that we give about 28 percent in support of each peacekeeping
mission as well as each political mission in Africa, our
contribution is significant.
Mr. Mast. Where do you think that has paid off the most?
And where do you think--I will let you cough on a minute. Take
a drink if you need.
Where do you think that is paying off the most, where we
are getting our money's worth? And where do you think they are
lagging behind? Who do you think is in jeopardy of saying, yes,
we do not think you are a good use of U.S. taxpayer dollars to
support?
Ms. Phee. I do not view it in strictly transactional terms.
I think it is an art----
Mr. Mast. Why not.
Ms. Phee. Because I believe the United States' role as a
leader and as a model is more complex, and I find it is often
effective if we work in partnership. So there are some
instances where being transactional is appropriate, but not in
all instances.
Mr. Mast. OK. Who would you say is not pulling their
weight?
Ms. Phee. You mean in Africa?
Mr. Mast. Yes.
Ms. Phee. I would say Eritrea is a good example. Eritrea
votes universally with Russia.
Mr. Mast. That you would like us to, you know, look at in a
more pinpointed way as members of the Foreign Affairs
Committee, what would be helpful that we looked at in a more
pinpointed way with Eritrea?
Ms. Phee. With regard to the U.N. system?
Mr. Mast. Correct.
Ms. Phee. I think we are collectively facing a challenge in
certain peacekeeping missions in Africa. I would site the
Central African Republic and Mali are good examples where the
Wagner Group is present. So you have a member of the P5
actively undermining a Security Council authorized peacekeeping
mission.
The President, as you saw in September, highlighted the
importance of revitalizing the U.N. charter principles of
territorial integrity and sovereignty. The actions of the
Wagner Group undermine those and other principles. So that is a
challenge we are facing collectively.
Mr. Mast. Let me ask you very quickly. Because the idea of
transactional is very important, and while I have a few more
seconds just to ask you, where do you think Russia and China
are doing it successfully? Where do they have an advantage with
some of those nations that they are getting a better
transaction than the United States of America?
Ms. Phee. I do not think they universally succeed. They
certainly try, and they do not succeed in part because they
present on long-term transactional terms.
Mr. Mast. Thank you, ma'am. Appreciate it.
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you so much.
And I would just maybe add briefly that, remember, the aid
that we provide is mostly for people, not for governments. And
so to the extent we are going to be transactional, it would be
the aid to the governments, not the vast majority of the aid
that USAID provides, which is to help save lives.
I will now recognize Representative Meuser of Pennsylvania
for 5 minutes.
Mr. Meuser. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you very much to
our witnesses, Secretary, Director.
So economic growth and maximizing of a country's natural
resources usually leads to improved economies and quality of
life. 13 percent of the world's natural gas is in the continent
of Africa; 7 percent of the oil reserves, with Nigeria being
the largest of all. Africa, for instance, has 620 trillion
cubic feet of natural gas. Marcellus Shale, which is primarily
in Pennsylvania, has 410, so quite a quit less, almost 50
percent less. 43 percent of the--meanwhile, 43 percent of the
African population lacks access to electricity, and most of
that, nearly--most of that is in the Sub-Saharan Africa which
we are discussing.
So now at the same time African nations argue that they
need investment to develop their energy resources, and they
very often strongly mention oil and natural gas.Senegal
president, almost a year ago, Macky Sall, stated plans by some
countries to end the financing of natural gas exploration will
prove a fatal blow to several emerging African economies.
Recently African Development Bank president Adesina stated
that Africa must have natural gas to complement its renewable
energies.
Just a few days ago I had a conversation in a hearing with
one of the heads of the Development Finance Corporation, DFC,
and they were very strongly stating how their investments were
for all of the above, and they meant that very technically, not
interested really in natural gas and oil.
So there is some real problems here because--and then you
have John Kerry who recently stated he is willing to admit that
natural gas is an acceptable transitory transitional energy
which, OK, transitions, but there is timeframes on transitions.
My timeframe is a lot longer than John Kerry's. They are
looking at a 7-year transition, as you well know, to 2030. That
requires the heavy hand of government, not so much the
innovation of the private sector. And the heavy hand of
government, let's face it, very rarely works throughout
history.
So, you know, I do realize this is why the Administration
refuses to issue 97 percent of the infrastructure permits here
in the United States, but it is a losing plan because, A, it's
very harmful to those people who make up the African nations,
but it is also losing plan because the EU and China are, in
fact, making these investments. And in the meanwhile, African
nations are turning to coal in mass quantities because of our
ideological narrowness and sense of urgency on all of the above
and not considering any of the below.
So, you know, from the USAID standpoint, how are you
looking at this? And, Director, you were mentioning earlier
about energies and how important that is. So if you wouldn't
mind commenting on what I just stated, Director, please.
Ms. Muyangwa. No. Thank you so much for that question,
Representative Meuser.
So from a USAID perspective, what we do is take a country-
by-country, project-by-project approach when we are evaluating
energy projects. So we look at whether--how we move forward to
advance global and national climate goals. But at the same time
within our systems, we work to ensure that while we are taking
back renewable energy first approach, that we also are able to
consider carbon intensive projects where the less carbon
intensive ones would not make sense for development goals.
I do not know if that speaks directly to your question. So
we do have the ability to assess on a country by country. It is
not a one-size-approach-fits-all approach.
Mr. Meuser. I appreciate that.
Do you know that the Belt and Road, the China investments,
are overtaking our investments in the--particularly when it
comes to natural gas in African nations? Is that something,
Secretary or Director, you can comment on? And I am just about
out of time.
Maybe you can get back to me. I would appreciate that.
And, please, this is very important, so I hope we can have
more of an open mind, as well as a more logical approach to
energy resources.
I yield back, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you.
The chair now recognizes Representative Omar of Minnesota
for 5 minutes.
Ms. Omar. Thank you, Chair.
Assistant Secretary Phee, it is good to see you again. I
wanted to talk to you a little bit about Ethiopia.
How confident are you that the recent agreement is going to
hold? If you can talk a little bit about Eritrea's role. We
notice that the peace deal does not mention them. And what do
you think the assessment is in obtaining that peace or
sustaining that peace?
Ms. Phee. Hi. Thank you.
I think identifying Eritrea as the weakness of the
challenge in front of us is absolutely correct. The agreement
refers to foreign forces, and last week in Nairobi where there
was further elaboration of the mechanisms of implementing the
agreed cessation of hostilities withdrawal of foreign forces
and restoration of humanitarian assistance and services, there
were--the modalities were beginning to be discussed. The AU is
also charged with setting up a border monitoring mechanism that
would also facilitate the withdrawal and the monitoring of the
withdrawal of Eritrean troops.
I am confident that the people of Ethiopia, all of the
people, all of the different communities do not want this
destruction and death that they have been suffering from for
more than 2 years. And I am hopeful that with the support of
the African Union, Kenya, South Africa, and the leaders of the
government, and the TPLF who have made courageous decisions to
move forward on the negotiated path, with support from the
United States and other members of the international community,
that we can be successful in that and implementing the
agreement.
Ms. Omar. And how do you see the United States' role in
justice and accountability?
Ms. Phee. As you know, it is most important to come from
the people themselves. They have told us that they are
interested in pursuing accountability. The Minister of Justice
from the Government of Ethiopia has briefed the diplomatic
corps that that is something the government intends to pursue.
In the conversations that the Secretary has had, that
Ambassador Hammer has had, that I have had, with the parties,
we have made clear, in order to restore the full partnership
that we previously enjoyed with Ethiopia, we would need to see
action on accountability, not only because of our values but
because Ethiopia won't be able to progress if they do not
resolve the deep divisions that have been created by these
acts.
Ms. Omar. And if you can go back a little bit to Eritrea. I
previously talked to you about the possibility of Somali troops
being trained there. I know when we previously spoke, you said
you couldn't confirm. It has now been confirmed that there are
5,000 Somali soldiers that have been trained. The President of
Somalia says he does not have the resources to bring them back.
Is there a role for the United States to assist? I know
that the ask was made.
Ms. Phee. That subject is under discussion and also
discussion with other regional and international partners, such
as the Emiratis and the Qataris and the Turks, who you know are
also engaged in providing security assistance to Somalia.
I think one question that we do not know the answer to is
were any of those troops involved in the recent conflict, which
would, of course, not be an encouraging sign for their
engagement in Somalia. So that remains an open question that we
need to resolve before we would move forward.
Ms. Omar. Is there an assessment being done on whether they
participated in any of the atrocities that you speak of?
Ms. Phee. There are efforts underway to determine that, but
as you know, we have very limited visibility or opportunity to
understand exactly what is happening in Eritrea.
Ms. Omar. Assistant Administrator Muyangwa, I wanted to
talk to you a little bit about the famine in Somalia. As you
know, there is looming famine taking place in Somalia at the
moment.
How much money is still needed at the international level
in order to prevent famine in Somalia in 2023?
Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you very much for that question. Based
on our assessment and the international community's assessment
that money to Ethiopia for humanitarian assistance in that
space will run out in early 2023. I think it is May, April----
Ms. Omar. You mean Somalia?
Ms. Muyangwa. Somalia, sorry.
Ms. Omar. OK.
Ms. Muyangwa. It is early April or May 2023. And so there
is absolutely a need to marshal the international community as
well as other partners.
Ms. Omar. Is the Administration making a specific ask as we
do our last budget?
Ms. Muyangwa. I am not sure what the numbers are, but we
can check on that and provide that figure to you. But I believe
there has been an ask, but I would have to confirm that.
Ms. Omar. Oh, wonderful. I know I am out of time, but I
would love to know what that number is so that we can push it
here in Congress as well. Thank you both.
I yield back.
Mr. Malinowski [presiding]. Thank you so much.
We are just about at the end. We are going to do two more
members, just so you can calibrate, beginning with
Representative Meijer of Michigan for 5 minutes.
Mr. Meijer. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to our
witnesses. And, Assistant Secretary McPhee, it is good to--
Phee, not McPhee--I want to--yes, it is wonderful to see you
again.
You were starting to mention the Wagner Group earlier, and
I think for some Americans, the recent sledgehammer execution
video of a former Wagner Group mercenary in Ukraine by his
colleagues who accused him of betraying them was a stark
reminder of some of the violence this group has perpetrated,
you know, in Ukraine since 2014, and most, you know,
dramatically since the February invasion, but also throughout
Africa that I think slides a little bit more under the radar.
And with that sledgehammer execution video, I think Yevgeny
Prigozhin said, you know, a dog receives a dog's death, so not
exactly backing away from the brutality that we saw witnessed,
but contrasting that with the, you know, dozens confirmed, but
more likely hundreds, of civilian fatalities that the Wagner
Group is responsible for, fighting alongside Malian forces,
some of their work in the Central African Republic, a bit less
of a clear line on their work in Libya and Mozambique as well.
Can you speak to the current status of this
Administration's views on the Wagner Group? I know there has
been some discussion on the possibility of them being listed as
a foreign terrorist organization, you know, by the State
Department, getting on that FTO list. Can you speak to where
that stands right now and what impact a potential FTO inclusion
might have?
Ms. Phee. Thanks for raising this issue because it is such
a concern for Africans and, therefore, for us. Ambassador
O'Brien would probably be the better source of information
about what would be next in terms of FTO.
You know, we have sanctioned Prigozhin and that we are
working in tandem with the EU, for example, on other parallel
sanctions.
Under Secretary Nuland recently traveled with an
interagency group to the Sahel. She made very clear to the
authorities in Mali that they would have no prospect of ever
resuming a relationship with us if they did not cut that
relationship with Wagner. She also engaged the transition
authorities in Burkina Faso, to urge them not to respond to
Wagner overtures.
And in the Central African Republic as well we continue to
press firmly and to mobilize our partners active there. But we
will come back to you on the FTO thing. That is in the
sanctions world.
Mr. Meijer. Fair enough. And I guess one thing that has
also been a little striking to me, I mean, Wagner Group has
been going around Russian prisons, at least according to open
source reporting, going around to Russian prisons, trying to
recruit convicts, you know, promising them a get-out-of-jail-
free card. Not the best deal in the world because that get-out-
of-jail-free card goes through, you know, a meat grinder in
Ukraine. But at the same time, they seem to be very hard up for
personnel to support the Russian invasion and occupying forces
there. They do not seem to be reducing, at least from what I
have seen, their operations throughout Sub-Saharan Africa. Can
you speak to how that has maybe--square that circle a little
bit.
Ms. Phee. It is one of the reasons why they are so
dangerous in Africa, because they are extracting resources from
African countries and funneling them back to Moscow. So that is
why it is so bad for Africa, right? Then they do not control
their own resources and develop their own country.
So that is our assessment, that that line of resourcing is
one of the reasons that they have kept the footholds that they
have maintained so far on the continent.
Mr. Meijer. And, you know, I have returned from a
congressional delegation with Chairman Meeks to the South
Pacific, and obviously a very different competitive landscape
there. And I know this is important to the chairman, I think it
is important to many of us on this committee, is making sure we
are not leaving any territory up for grabs, that there aren't
countries who have one offer on the table and it is not from
the U.S.
We are already going to be hamstrung because we actually
abide by the rule of law, because we believe in international
institutions, because we are not in the business of bribing or
threatening or cajoling the leaders of these countries in ways
that the Russians have no issue doing, the Chinese have no
issue doing.
A lot of the mal actors in the world are able to take
advantage, you know, of that position. And I am proud of how
the U.S. acts and how the U.S. operates, but making sure that,
as the chairman mentioned in his opening remarks earlier, that
we are, as a committee, doing everything we can to support
engagement and a presence and making sure that we are not
leaving any territory or any country feeling like there is only
one offer on the table and it is coming from countries that
they would prefer not to work with, because they know that what
will be demanded of them in that transactional relationship
will be required to be extracted from their country, is simply
too high a price to say.
So, with that, Mr. Chairman, I yield back.
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you.
And finally, we will turn to Representative Young Kim of
California for 5 minutes.
Mrs. Kim of California. Thank you, Chairman. And I want to
thank our Assistant Secretary Phee and Assistant Administrator
Muyangwa.
Huawei is very active in Sub-Saharan Africa and presents
the United States with a significant obstacle to overcoming our
efforts to promote secure global telecommunications and to
compete with the CCP's malign influence on the continent.
Huawei has built around 70 percent of Africa's 4G networks, and
they intend to complete control over 5G networks in Africa. So
I want to ask you what the State Department and USAID's
strategy for promoting secure global telecommunications
infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa is.
Ms. Phee. Thank you for highlighting that challenge that
the Chinese face and we face in terms of our partnership with
Africa.
The State Department has recently established a new Bureau
of Cyber Digital Policy, in part, to help us attack this
challenge. We are also looking at mobilizing additional funds,
which Dr. Monde can also speak about, in terms of a digital
Africa program that we would discuss at the upcoming leaders
summit.
We really want to work on making sure that the software, if
you will, is secure and that governing rules are important. I
mentioned earlier that we had mounted a successful campaign to
have an American lead the U.N. body that sets internet rules,
and we want to help build the capacity of African governments
and societies, ensure that they have an internet that helps
them develop their economies and is secure.
Ms. Muyangwa. Thank you so much for that question. Adding
on to what Assistant Secretary Phee mentioned, so the Digital
Africa initiative really speaks to the key concerns that you
have raised here today, and we expect to unveil that at the
upcoming African Leaders Summit.
In addition to that, USAID is also working on very specific
digital governance issues that speak to both misinformation and
disinformation that tends to hollow out governance institutions
but also hampers social cohesion in communities. We are also
working to ensure that there is adequate legislation, to
promote not just internet freedom but also protect rights on
and offline.
So there is quite a lot that we are doing in that space,
and we will be happy to provide you with more details.
Mrs. Kim of California. Sure. Can you talk about the
challenges the United States faces in promoting private U.S.
investment in securing the telecommunications infrastructure,
and what is the Administration's plan for addressing those
challenges and bringing the U.S. private sector investment into
Sub-Saharan Africa?
Ms. Phee. We have talked in this hearing about the
importance of increasing private sector investment in Africa,
and that is a twofold process. We can do more to help identify
opportunities for American companies, but--and particularly in
our role engaging with governments.
We also need to press African governments to take steps
that ensure that they have a more predictable, transparent
operating environment so our business feels confident that they
can repatriate their earnings, if there are disagreements, they
can be resolved through a reliable judicial process, and other
such elements of a good operating environment.
So it is a bit of push and pull. We need to do more, and
they need to do better to attract investment.
Mrs. Kim of California. Thank you. I do want to get to
getting your readout on Secretary Blinken's recent trip to
Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda. That was in response
to rising violation--I mean, yes, violence in eastern DRC
between government forces and M23 forces. So can you give us a
readout on that?
Ms. Phee. Definitely one of the main reasons he visited
both Kinshasa and Kigali was to try and offer our good offices
to help reduce the tensions between the two governments and
stop the M23 activity.
We also wanted to encourage really dynamic African
diplomacy. So the east African community, under the leadership
of President Kenyatta, is working on a two-track process,
bringing in troops to try and stop M23's advance, and
sponsoring a negotiation track with the armed groups in eastern
Congo, including M23.
The Angolans are also actively engaged trying to help
support. They previously ran a process known as the Great Lakes
process. And the Southern Africans, as part of the South
African Development Community are also engaged. The U.N. is
engaged.
So the situation is not good. Hundreds of thousands of
Congolese have been displaced by M23's unacceptable offensive,
but I am encouraged by regional efforts which we are attempting
to support.
Mrs. Kim of California. Thank you very much. My time is up.
Mr. Malinowski. Thank you so much.
Member questions are now concluded. So, in closing, I
wanted to thank both of you, Assistant Administrator Muyangwa
and, of course, Assistant Secretary Phee, for your work on
behalf of our country, your patience with us today, for
answering all of the questions and committing to answer the
ones that you couldn't today in the coming days.
We ask a lot of you. We ask you to resolve these conflicts
and advance human rights and promote American investment and to
compete with our adversaries that are also looking to exercise
malign influence in Africa.
We actually owe you something, which is to continue to
provide the resources that you need to actually do those
things, and I hope all of us, on a bipartisan basis. I think
what we see from this hearing is a great interest in
maintaining and enhancing American leadership in Africa. I hope
we will all continue to work together to ensure that you have
the resources to do that effectively.
With that, the hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 1:43 p.m., the committee was adjourned.]
APPENDIX
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