[House Hearing, 117 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]


                 11 YEARS OF WAR: THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT 
                    OF THE ONGOING CONFLICT IN SYRIA

=======================================================================

                                HEARING

                               BEFORE THE

                            SUBCOMMITTEE ON
         MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA, AND GLOBAL COUNTERTERRORISM

                                 OF THE

                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
                        HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                    ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS

                             SECOND SESSION

                               __________

                             MARCH 16, 2022

                               __________

                           Serial No. 117-110

                               __________

        Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
        
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Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov, 

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                               __________

                    U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE                    
47-051 PDF                 WASHINGTON : 2022                     
          
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                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
                      
GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York, Chairman
                  
BRAD SHERMAN, California              MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Ranking 
ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey                  Member
GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia	      CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey
THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida	      STEVE CHABOT, Ohio
KAREN BASS, California		      SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania
WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts	      DARRELL ISSA, California
DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island	      ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois
AMI BERA, California		      LEE ZELDIN, New York
JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas	              ANN WAGNER, Missouri
DINA TITUS, Nevada		      BRIAN MAST, Florida
TED LIEU, California		      BRIAN FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania	      KEN BUCK, Colorado
DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota	      TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee
ILHAN OMAR, Minnesota		      MARK GREEN, Tennessee
COLIN ALLRED, Texas		      ANDY BARR, Kentucky
ANDY LEVIN, Michigan		      GREG STEUBE, Florida
ABIGAIL SPANBERGER, Virginia	      DAN MEUSER, Pennsylvania
CHRISSY HOULAHAN, Pennsylvania	      AUGUST PFLUGER, Texas
TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey	      PETER MEIJER, Michigan
ANDY KIM, New Jersey	              NICOLE MALLIOTAKIS, New York
SARA JACOBS, California		      RONNY JACKSON, Texas
KATHY MANNING, North Carolina	      YOUNG KIM, California
JIM COSTA, California		      MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida
JUAN VARGAS, California		      JOE WILSON, South Carolina
VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas		      
BRAD SCHNEIDER, Illinois              
                                   

                    Jason Steinbaum, Staff Director
               Brendan Shields, Republican Staff Director
                                
                              ------                                

 Subcommittee on Middle East, North Africa, and Global Counterterrorism

                 THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida, Chairman

GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia         JOE WILSON, South Carolina, 
DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island            Ranking Member
TED LIEU, California		     SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania
COLIN ALLRED, Texas		     ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois
TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey	     LEE ZELDIN, New York
KATHY MANNING, North Carolina	     BRIAN MAST, Florida
WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts	     TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee
BRAD SHERMAN, California	     GREG STEUBE, Florida
JUAN VARGAS, California		     RONNY JACKSON, Texas
BRAD SCHNEIDER, Illinois	     MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida
                                 
                      Casey Kustin, Staff Director

                            
                            C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              
                                                                   Page

                               WITNESSES

Qaddour, Ms. Jomana, Head of the Syria Project, Atlantic Council.     9
Lang, Mr. Hardin, Vice President for Programs and Policy, 
  Refugees International.........................................    16
Shawky, Ms. Nirvana, Regional Director for the Middle East and 
  North Africa, Care.............................................    33
Rayburn, Mr. Joel, Fellow, New America Foundation (Former Special 
  Envoy for Syria, U.S. Department of State).....................    38

                                APPENDIX

Hearing Notice...................................................    57
Hearing Minutes..................................................    58
Hearing Attendance...............................................    59

         STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD FROM REPRESENTATIVE CONNOLLY

Statement for the record from Representative Connolly............    60

 
  11 YEARS OF WAR: THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF THE ONGOING CONFLICT IN 
                                 SYRIA

                       Wednesday, March 16, 2022

                          House of Representatives,
                   Subcommittee on the Middle East,
         North Africa, and Global Counterterrorism,
                      Committee on Foreign Affairs,
                                                    Washington, DC.

    The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:05 p.m. Via 
Webex, Hon. Theodore E. Deutch (chairman of the subcommittee) 
presiding.
    Mr. Deutch. The Subcommittee on the Middle East, North 
Africa, and Global Counterterrorism will come to order.
    Without objection, the chair is authorized to declare a 
recess of the subcommittee at any point. And all members will 
have 5 days to submit statements, extraneous material, and 
questions for the record, subject to the length limitation in 
the rules.
    As a reminder, members, please keep your video function on, 
even when you are not recognized by the chair.
    Members are responsible for muting and unmuting themselves. 
Please remember to mute yourself after you finish speaking. 
Consistent with House Resolution 8 and the accompanying 
regulations, staff will only mute members and witnesses, as 
appropriate, when they are not under recognition, to eliminate 
background noise.
    We have a quorum, and I will recognize myself for opening 
remarks. Again, I thank everyone for being accommodating with 
the crazy schedule we have today.
    Pursuant to notice, we are holding a hearing on the 
humanitarian impact of the ongoing conflict in Syria. I would 
like to extend a warm welcome to our witnesses, Ms. Qaddour, 
Mr. Lang, Ms. Shawky, and Mr. Rayburn.
    Thank you for joining us today.
    Yesterday marked the 11th anniversary of the start of the 
Syrian revolution, 11 years of conflict, violence, 
displacement, and hardship. What began with the Syrian people 
rising to demand dignity, freedom, and a voice in shaping their 
government was met with a brutal crackdown by Bashar al-Assad, 
who, with the help of outside support from Iran and Russia, 
ushered in over a decade of conflict and aided the 
proliferation of global terrorism.
    While fighting has abated in many areas, there is still 
significant violence across the country, from offenses in the 
northwest, north and northeast, to targeted killings, unlawful 
detention, and torture.
    Further, the humanitarian situation on the ground is dire. 
The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian 
Affairs found that in 2022, 14.6 million people needed 
humanitarian assistance, an increase of 1.2 million people from 
2021.
    This is coming at a time when the international community 
is giving less money for humanitarian programs in Syria. The 
U.S. and the entire international community must step up to 
meet the needs of the Syrian people.
    The struggle for the future of Syria has led to the deaths 
of over half a million Syrians and the displacement of more 
than 12 million. There are over 6.8 million Syrian refugees 
living in the region, primarily Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, Egypt, 
and Turkey. And while many refugees have found haven abroad, 
the generosity of those countries is beginning to wane and 
violence against refugees is on the rise.
    In Fiscal Year 2021, the United States spent over $1.8 
billion in humanitarian funding for the Syrian regional 
response alone.
    I look forward to hearing from our witnesses today about 
how our foreign assistance is being used and how the 
international community and host countries can work together to 
ensure the safety and security of Syrian refugees as well as to 
create the conditions for them to 1 day return to Syria if they 
choose.
    The U.N. estimates there are 6.7 million internally 
displaced people, IDPs, in Syria, 3.1 million of which are 
children. IDPs living in both official and informal camps often 
face severe overcrowding, violence, malnutrition, and lack of 
economic opportunity.
    Al-Hawl refugee camp in northwest Syria was built for 
10,000 people. It now holds more than 60,000, the vast majority 
of whom are women and children. The camp also contains an annex 
that houses former ISIS supporters or affiliates.
    The tenuous security situation within the camp, combined 
with squalid living conditions, have resulted in mounting 
discontent, creating a breeding ground for radicalization.
    I am eager to hear from our witnesses today about the 
conditions of refugee and IDP camps, the impact that that has 
on terrorist radicalization and recruitment, and how NGO's, the 
U.S., and the international community can improve humanitarian 
conditions on the ground, combat extremism, and support the 
swift and secure repatriation of foreign nationals.
    From fiscal years 2012 to 2021, the U.S. spent over $14 
billion responding to the Syrian humanitarian situation, all 
while employing severe sanctions, including through the Caesar 
Syria Civilian Protection Act, on Syrian President Assad, 
senior Syrian government officials, and any related entities or 
affiliates.
    Nevertheless, the Assad regime has been manipulating aid 
for over a decade, siphoning millions of dollars from 
international donors and humanitarian organizations by 
withholding aid to opponents, channeling it to allies, and 
engaging in currency manipulation.
    I welcome thoughts from our witnesses not only on ways to 
improve the utilization of humanitarian exemptions to existing 
sanctions, but also on what NGO's, the U.S., and the 
international community can do to reduce Assad's leverage over 
humanitarian assistance.
    As we confront the long-term humanitarian realities of 
conflict in Syria, we must be steadfast in our support for 
assistance to the Syrian people, including recovery assistance, 
while also remaining vigilant in ensuring that Assad and his 
cronies do not benefit from the people's suffering.
    The Assad regime's manipulation of aid further underscores 
the importance of cross-border aid delivery, which allows aid 
to be delivered directly to communities without first having to 
go through the regime in Damascus.
    Bab al-Hawa crossing on the border between Turkey and Syria 
is the last crossing with a U.N. mandate since Russia prevented 
the extension of three other aid crossings. I look forward to 
hearing about the necessity of Bab al-Hawa to aid operation as 
well as observations and expectations leading to 
reauthorization in July.
    Finally, we cannot forget the crimes and atrocities 
committed by the Assad regime: torture, murder, rape, and the 
use of chemical weapons against the Syrian people. The recent 
conviction of a former Syrian official for crimes against 
humanity in Germany is a strong step toward justice.
    We must ensure that Syrian regime officials, as well as 
President Assad himself, are held accountable for the heinous 
crimes that have been and continue to be committed.
    As we mark 11 years of devastating conflict, Congress and 
the United States stand committed to raising awareness to the 
ongoing humanitarian crisis in Syria, supporting the people of 
Syria in their quest for dignity, freedom, and opportunity. And 
I look forward to discussing ways that the U.S. can empower 
Syrians and Syrian-led organizations as well.
    I thank the witnesses for what I know will be a productive 
discussion.
    And, with that, I will recognize Ranking Member Wilson for 
the purpose of making an opening statement.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Chairman Ted Deutch, for your 
excellent comments and for calling this important hearing on 
Syria.
    Yesterday marked the 11th anniversary of the Syrian 
revolution against the murderous regime of Bashar al-Assad. How 
many more Syrians will be killed until the world acts?
    For over a decade, the world has stood by and watched as 
the barbaric Assad regime and its backers in Russia and Iran 
indiscriminately butchered the Syrian people in order to cling 
to power. They have brutally killed over half a million 
Syrians, with over 13 million displaced in a country of 20 
million, committed countless atrocities, and perpetrated 
egregious war crimes.
    It must be said without equivocation: Bashar al-Assad must 
go. There is no question [inaudible] Syria if the brutal Assad 
regime remains in power.
    I was grateful this week to introduce a bipartisan 
resolution, along with our colleague Congressman Vicente 
Gonzalez of Texas, calling upon the Biden Administration to do 
more to enforce the Caesar Act and push back against efforts by 
many countries in the Arab world to normalize relations with 
this brutal and illegitimate regime.
    Syrian murders are a tragic example of the conflict of 
authoritarianism against democracy worldwide, the choice of 
rule of gun or rule of law, as we see happening today in 
Ukraine, soon Moldova and Georgia, for control, tomorrow in 
Taiwan for control, and next in Israel for extermination.
    Humanitarian considerations regarding the conflict in Syria 
cannot be separated from the Assad regime's brutal war against 
its own people. Of course, humanitarian assistance to the 
Syrian people is essential, but it is a terrible mistake to 
believe that humanitarian aid itself is a strategy to achieve 
justice and accountability for the people of Syria.
    Unfortunately, this seems to be the policy of the Biden 
Administration, which has failed to implement the bipartisan 
Caesar Act sanctions in the name of humanitarian assistance and 
green-lighted so-called, quote, ``early recovery,'' end of 
quote, projects in Syria, a euphemism for reconstruction 
projects.
    The Administration has also ignored the plain text of the 
Caesar Act by facilitating energy deals that would not only 
directly benefit the Assad regime, but also exacerbate 
corruption in Lebanon. I am also concerned by reports that the 
Administration is seeking to implement a geographic waiver of 
the Caesar Act in the name of humanitarian assistance, further 
weakening the law.
    We should not be taking cues from Putin and Tehran when 
considering the next steps in Syria. We must clearly oppose all 
authoritarian dictatorships which are promoting a rule by gun 
instead of rule by law.
    In addition to the United States, we have provided over $6 
billion to U.N. operations in Syria. While we would like to 
believe that the money is going to ease Syrian civilian 
suffering, analysts on all sides of the political spectrum have 
documented how much of this aid has propped up the Assad 
regime, which has devoted millions of dollars to entities 
controlled by the regime.
    President Obama's former Ambassador to Syria, Robert Ford, 
wrote on February 12, 2018, of the U.N. aid that, quote, ``It 
is clear the aid is not neutral and is being used as a weapon 
by the Syrian Government,'' end of quote.
    In addition, the U.N.'s procurement reports have shown the 
U.N. operations in Syria delivered millions to the Syrian Arab 
Army and other regime entities, as well as millions to 
charities co-opted by members of the Assad family, including 
Bashar al-Assad's wife, Asma.
    I look forward to hearing from our witnesses on how the 
United States can help the Syrian people through mechanisms 
outside of the U.N. process.
    I was grateful the last Congress to introduce the Stop U.N. 
Support for Assad Act, which would prohibit taxpayer dollars 
from going to U.N. operations in Syria so long as the U.N. 
provided assistance to the Assad regime or its cronies and, 
instead, provide assistance directly to the Syrian people.
    Again, thank you for the witnesses being here. I look 
forward to hearing from each of you. And I am grateful to yield 
back to Chairman Ted Deutch.
    Mr. Deutch. Thank you very much, Mr. Wilson.
    I will now turn to the witnesses for their testimony.
    Thanks to all of you for being here today.
    Let me remind the witnesses to please limit your testimony 
to 5 minutes. And without objection, your prepared written 
statements will be made a part of the hearing record.
    Thanks again for being here. I will introduce all four of 
you before turning it over to you to make your presentations.
    Ms. Jomana Qaddour is a resident senior fellow at the 
Atlantic Council's Rafik Hariri Center and Middle East 
programs, where she leads the Syria portfolio and is a member 
of the U.N.-facilitated Syrian Constitutional Committee as part 
of the Civil Society Group. She is the co-founder of Syria 
Relief and Development, a humanitarian organization working in 
northwest Syria that has implemented over $120 million worth of 
aid, as well as a doctoral student at the Georgetown University 
Law Center.
    Mr. Hardin Lang is the vice president for programs and 
policy at Refugees International and is a veteran of six U.N. 
peacekeeping and humanitarian field missions in Iraq, 
Afghanistan, Kosovo, Guatemala, Haiti and Mali. Before joining 
Refugees International, Mr. Hardin was a senior fellow at the 
Center for American Progress, where he specialized in Middle 
East conflicts and national security policy, as well as a 
senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International 
Studies.
    Ms. Nirvana Shawky is the regional director for CARE's 
Middle East and North Africa region, where she leads 
humanitarian response and development programming across 11 
countries. She has two decades of experience working in the 
Middle East in multiple roles in diverse fields, like academia, 
media, advocacy and campaigning. She has also led global 
efforts to mitigate humanitarian crises in the MENA region, 
with a focus on international humanitarianism and the 
protection of civilians in conflicts.
    And finally, Mr. Joel Rayburn is a fellow focusing on 
Middle East issues at the New America Foundation as well as the 
Hoover Institution and is currently writing a history of the 
Syrian conflict. He was the U.S. Special Envoy for Syria from 
2018 to 2021 and served for 26 years as a U.S. Army officer 
across the world, with his final assignment as the Senior 
Director for Iran, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon on the National 
Security Council Staff in 2017-2018. And we thank you for your 
service.
    Thanks to all of you for being here today.
    I now recognize the witnesses for 5 minutes each.
    And, Ms. Qaddour, you are recognized.

  STATEMENT OF MS. JOMANA QADDOUR, HEAD OF THE SYRIA PROJECT, 
                        ATLANTIC COUNCIL

    Ms. Qaddour. Chairman Deutch, Ranking Member Wilson, 
members of the subcommittee, thank you for inviting me to speak 
at today's hearing. My name is Jomana Qaddour, and I am a 
senior fellow at the Atlantic Council. I am here to speak 
solely on my own behalf.
    I am heartened by your decision to hold a hearing focused 
on Syria, which remains a singular source of conflict and 
instability, despite newer instances of war dominating the 
headlines.
    As images of Ukraine rightfully captivate international 
attention, Syria watchers are reminded painfully of the 
conflict we have seen unfold over the last 11 years. Images of 
a bombed maternity hospital in Mariupol recall the 601 medical 
facilities destroyed in Syria, 542 of those destroyed by 
Russian and Syrian Government attacks.
    Today, there is a slow deterioration of conditions and 
quality of life for all Syrians except those close to Assad and 
his inner circle. Ninety-seven percent of Syrians live under 
the poverty line, even though $2.27 billion worth of U.N. aid 
was distributed across the country last year.
    This has done little to offset the needs, however, given 
the Syrian Government's chokehold over humanitarian aid 
operations and their manipulation of all aspects of the 
humanitarian response.
    Each year, humanitarian organizations operating in north 
Syria are annually threatened by a U.N. Security Council vote 
by Russia to cutoff all cross-border aid in an attempt to 
pressure donors to send all aid through Damascus.
    Russia has also tried to press strictly for cross-line 
deliveries from Damascus to north Syria, but over the last 8 
months it has only permitted two cross-line deliveries to the 
northwest, which is wholly insufficient.
    We see a similar predicament in northeast Syria since the 
Yaroubia crossing was shut down in 2019. There, the government 
holds all aid to the northeast hostage by restricting and 
limiting access for U.N. funding to loyalist supporters rather 
than credible local NGO's.
    Northeast, northwest, and government-held Syria all have 
varying needs.
    Northwest Syria is home to at least 3 million civilians, 80 
percent of which have been displaced more than six times. It is 
also the site of consistent attacks, despite a delicate, often 
violated cease-fire forged by the Astana Process. According to 
the White Helmets, the Syrian and Russian Governments 
perpetrated at least 1,500 attacks in 2021 alone.
    The predicament of northwest Syria is further complicated 
by the presence of Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, the strongest 
military group in the area. Although the group allows 
humanitarian operations with limited intervention, local 
governance entities, education centers, women's facilities, and 
activists are often treated with hostility, threats, closures, 
and violence.
    Meanwhile, international diaspora and local NGO's managing 
programs in northwest Syria struggle to operate, as budgets for 
international aid decrease. Stabilization funding to northwest 
Syria remains also extremely limited, placing a burden, undue 
burden, on humanitarian organizations, with limited mandates to 
promote governance and strategic development services in the 
area.
    The next generation also continues to suffer the 
consequences of short-term aid policy in Syria. Local 
organizations operating in this sector struggle, as the 
criteria for what donors are willing to fund continues to 
narrow.
    Funding is almost exclusively limited to primary education, 
and even that is short-term in length and prevents any long-
term planning, meaning children do not have access to stable 
education programs or higher education, and even fewer have 
access to actual school buildings due to systematic and ongoing 
attacks on such buildings by Russian and Syrian regime forces.
    In government-controlled areas, the economic situation has 
undergone unprecedented decline as corruption schemes 
monopolize the Syrian economy, cutting out average Syrians, and 
instead enriching select members of Assad's elite circle and 
his military patrons, Iran and Russia.
    Compounding the economic challenges, mass flight of Syria's 
young population is ongoing due to arbitrary arrests, 
intimidation, conscription, lack of job opportunities, and the 
flight of businesspeople and former loyalists, who see no 
future in a highly securitized and corrupt State. The collapse 
of the Syrian pound and Lebanese banking crisis have depressed 
and devastated things further.
    Today, the Russian war on Ukraine also increases the 
likelihood of famine and starvation, given Russia has canceled 
its wheat contracts with Syria, which in recent years has come 
to account for 25 percent of Syria's wheat.
    Damascus also maintains a chokehold over U.N. operations, 
with resulting limits on monitoring and evaluation, procurement 
and hiring.
    Although the U.N. is not subject to U.S. and EU sanctions 
and, therefore, can work with sanctioned actors, it is 
nonetheless required, by its own supplier code of conduct, to, 
quote, ``support and respect the protection of internationally 
proclaimed human rights and to ensure that they are not 
complicit in human rights abuses.''
    The U.S. is the largest contributor to U.N. humanitarian 
operations worldwide and, therefore, has a central role to play 
in seeking accountability of these funds.
    Next, in northeast Syria, home to 3 million people, located 
in an area with a small but critical U.S. military presence, 
1.8 million people need humanitarian assistance and 630,000 
remain in IDP camps, while grim environmental conditions--
namely a lack of water--decrease agricultural production and 
further waterborne diseases.
    Security in northeast Syria remains tenuous as the Islamic 
State attempts to revive its presence and secure resources.
    Further, genuine social cohesion issues are rampant in 
areas held by the Syrian Democratic Forces due to 
marginalization of Arab communities and tribes amongst 
political and military leadership, which has inadvertently 
allowed the Islamic State to exploit social rifts.
    Finally, let me speak briefly about Rukban, located near 
al-Tanf military base, which hosts U.S. forces. The proximity 
of Rukban to the nearby U.S. base prevents the regime and its 
allies from exterminating the camp's 10,000 residents, but also 
includes 6,000 children. The government has denied entry to 
humanitarian convoys since 2019.
    Let me end by providing some recommendations.
    First, ensure that the U.N. humanitarian operations 
continue in northwest Syria this July when the U.N. cross-
border resolution comes up for renewal, even if the U.S. and 
its allies must consider an alternative plan to ensure crossing 
into northwest and northeast Syria. Given broader tensions with 
Russia over Ukraine, an independent approach may be needed, in 
concert with partners like Turkey.
    Second, the U.S. Government should lead in ensuring that 
accountability is integrated into global humanitarian policy, 
including effective audits for U.N. funding.
    Third, ensure that early recovery aid and stabilization 
aid, a crucial part of this Administration's strategy, benefits 
all areas of Syria.
    Fourth, encourage carving out exemptions from economic 
sanctions in northeast Syria if we are to make it prosperous 
and stable.
    Fifth, education should be a key priority for all donors 
across all contexts in Syria, including primary, secondary, and 
higher education programming.
    Sixth, the U.S. Government should lead legal efforts to 
ensure assets seized from Russian officials as a result of the 
Ukraine war sanctions be allocated to rebuild and restore areas 
outside of government-held Syria, given they too have suffered 
from Russian military attacks.
    Seventh, financially support Syrian diaspora organizations, 
like the American Relief Coalition for Syria, which has 
implemented about $1 billion worth of aid programs, given their 
strong connections to both Syrians and Americans.
    Finally, ensure humanitarian aid to civilians in Rukban and 
facilitate their passage to north Syria, as they have 
requested.
    I thank you for your time.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Qaddour follows:]

    [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
    
    Mr. Deutch. Thank you very much, Ms. Qaddour.
    Mr. Lang, you are recognized for 5 minutes.

 STATEMENT OF MR. HARDIN LANG, VICE PRESIDENT FOR PROGRAMS AND 
                 POLICY, REFUGEES INTERNATIONAL

    Mr. Lang. Thank you, Chairman Deutch and Ranking Member 
Wilson and members of the subcommittee, for holding today's 
hearing on Syria. At a time when so many other crises are 
absorbing public attention, your decision to spotlight the war 
on its 11th anniversary is to be commended. My remarks will 
focus on the plight of Syrian refugees in the region.
    For years, the United States has played a leading role in 
providing life-saving assistance to Syria's displaced. Refugees 
International has seen this firsthand in our work.
    Syria remains the single largest displacement crisis in the 
world. Some 6 million Syrians continue to seek refuge abroad, 
and more than 6 million people are displaced internally.
    Neighboring countries have borne most of the 
responsibility. Turkey ranks as the world's largest refugee-
hosting country, while Lebanon and Jordan host the most 
refugees per capita.
    Inside Syria, violence may have fallen, but areas of the 
country are still contested. The cease-fire in Idlib remains 
fragile, as is the situation in the northeast. In areas 
controlled by the Assad regime, returning refugees face grave 
human rights abuses and persecution.
    Therefore, it should come as no surprise that few Syrians 
are going home. Last year, only about 36,000 did so.
    At the same time, however, Syrians are facing increased 
pressure to return. Resources and infrastructure in host 
countries are strained, and so is the domestic political will 
to sustain refugees. The COVID-19 pandemic has only made the 
situation more acute.
    Recent trends give cause for concern. Turkey has deported 
refugees to Syria and threatened to send millions back into a 
safe zone along the border. In Lebanon, Syrians are evicted, 
arrested, and occasionally deported. And Jordan is refusing to 
provide refuge or aid to Syrians living in desperate conditions 
just across the border in Rukban camp, as we heard earlier.
    Most urgently, Russia will probably veto the U.N. cross-
border aid resolution into northwest Syria this July, and the 
consequences for millions of displaced Syrians will be 
catastrophic.
    The hard truth is that Syrian refugees remain caught 
between a rock and a hard place, unable to go home but facing 
tough conditions in their host communities. Meaningful 
resettlementremains an aspiration.
    The bottom line is that integrating the refugees into their 
host countries' society and economy offers the most viable, 
safe, and dignified pathway forward for the time being.
    To this end, the United States and other donors should take 
ten steps to support both refugees and host communities in the 
region.
    First, the United States should encourage Turkey and 
Lebanon to comply with international law and stop forcing 
Syrian refugees back into Syria. UNHCR should be allowed to 
monitor removal centers to ensure that all returns to Syria are 
voluntary, and the U.N. should also demand access and closely 
monitor the condition of the few refugees who are actually 
returning to Syria.
    Second, the United States should encourage donors to ensure 
multiyear funding to the formal education sector in host 
countries. It should also support nonformal education in camps 
and in formal settlements to help fill gaps.
    Third, the United States should redouble efforts to improve 
conditions for women refugees. Programs should provide 
childcare, address gender-based violence, and offer vocational 
training for jobs that empower women as members of society.
    Fourth--and this is important--donors must promote labor 
market integration. More jobs for refugees are essential to 
making them self-reliant. A joint research project by RI and 
the Center for Global Development has shown that labor market 
integration is an economic win-win for refugees and their hosts 
alike.
    Fifth, the United States should channel more resources to 
local aid groups. The goal here should be to allocate a quarter 
of U.S. funding over the next 4 years, in line with USAID's new 
commitment. The shift is particularly urgent in Lebanon, where 
government corruption is a major concern.
    Sixth, the United States should adopt a holistic approach 
to Lebanon. As this committee well knows, the country's 
economic and political crisis is deepening by the day. Aid for 
Syrians, while urgent, must be integrated into a comprehensive 
strategy to meet the needs of refugees and host communities 
alike.
    Seventh, donors must fund the U.N. regional refugee plan. 
Last year, only 28 percent of the U.N. refugee response plan in 
the region was funded. And as of this morning, funding for this 
year's plan received amounted to zero. The United States should 
mobilize other donors, particularly the Gulf, to close the gap.
    Eighth, the United States must work with Jordan to find 
solutions to the Rukban crisis. Negotiations over the 5-year 
memorandum of understanding and its renewal with Jordan offer 
an opportunity to make progress.
    Ninth, the United States has resettled just over 23,000 
refugees from Syria to date. That is a drop in the bucket. RI 
is deeply aware of the overall stress on the U.S. resettlement 
system, but we can and should resettle at least 15,000 Syrians 
each year for the next 4 years, in concert and compliance with 
the Presidential PD.
    And finally, we must urgently prepare for the scenario in 
which Russia vetoes the U.N. cross-border aid resolution in 
July of this year. We can discuss more of that in the question 
and answer.
    I will stop there. Thank you for the opportunity to 
testify. And I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Lang follows:]

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    Mr. Deutch. Thank you very much, Mr. Lang. I appreciate it.
    Ms. Shawky, you are recognized for 5 minutes.

  STATEMENT OF MS. NIRVANA SHAWKY, REGIONAL DIRECTOR FOR THE 
               MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA, CARE

    Ms. Shawky. Thank you, Mr. Chairman Deutch, Mr. Ranking 
Member, subcommittee members. Thank you for this opportunity to 
examine the humanitarian impact of the 11 years of conflict in 
Syria.
    My name is Nirvana Shawky. I am the regional director for 
CARE in the Middle East and North Africa, and I have been 
working on the Syria crisis and multiple mandates since the 
beginning of the crisis.
    CARE implements humanitarian and development programs in 
over 100 countries, with a focus on women and girls, who are 
the most vulnerable in crisis situations, but also the most 
powerful change-makers.
    CARE responds to the Syria crisis directly and through 
partners in Syria and neighboring countries. And since 2013, we 
have reached more than 9 million people inside Syria alone.
    Simply put, humanitarian needs are increasing while 
diplomacy and support are decreasing.
    Alongside life-saving aid, Syrians need longer-term, 
sustainable assistance that builds their self-reliance and 
resilience. This includes durable solutions to displacement, 
mitigating the impacts of climate change, like recurrent 
drought and harsher winters, addressing the ways gender 
inequalities compound humanitarian needs, and investing in 
locally led solutions.
    Above all, support for Syria must not be politicized. And 
while humanitarian access or early recovery support is a 
longstanding pillar of the humanitarian response in Syria, the 
Syrian people cannot afford for it to be used as a political 
bargaining chip.
    The severity of needs after 11 years of war are compounded 
by multiple crises: economic collapse, food insecurity, water 
scarcity, and the global pandemic.
    CARE's recent Rapid Gender Analysis reveals that the 
households are under immense duress across northern Syria.
    In the northwest, where 97 percent of the population lives 
on less than $2 a day, women reported domestic violence as a 
major concern.
    The northeast, that was Syria's breadbasket, has now been 
devastated by drought. Twenty-five percent of households eat 
one meal a day, and one in five children are malnourished.
    Families are resorting to negative coping mechanisms, like 
eliminating meat and fruits and vegetables and all nutritious 
elements, selling farmlands and animals, begging and borrowing, 
sending their children to work, and marrying off young 
daughters to older men.
    The reality is grim, and we are preparing for further 
deterioration. Cross-border humanitarian access, a fundamental 
lifeline, has been eroded, and the last authorized crossing 
into northwest Syria is at risk again if the U.N. Security 
Council Resolution 2585 expires in July.
    Additionally, the devastating situation with the conflict 
in Ukraine may well have dire impacts on global supply chains, 
exacerbating food insecurity in places like Syria and Lebanon 
while further straining diplomatic efforts.
    The U.S. commitment to prioritize humanitarian needs within 
its Syria strategy is very welcome, but this must be backed up 
with meaningful resources. Syrians cannot eat promises or 
shelter their families with words alone. Last year, 
humanitarian actors were forced to cut vital health services 
and food rations due to the lack of funding.
    Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the 
subcommittee, CARE urges Congress and the Administration to 
support additional funding for life-saving aid, early recovery, 
and resilience activities in Syria. We hope your offices will 
support a substantial increase of the top-line humanitarian 
accounts next Fiscal Year to respond at scale to growing global 
needs.
    But aid alone is not enough. This must be complemented by 
concerted diplomacy toward an inclusive political solution.
    CARE urges U.S. leaders to put renewed focus on 
international humanitarian cooperation, including the 
continuity of U.N. Security Council Resolution 2585 for another 
12 months, at the minimum. The Syrian people need policymakers 
to be united in support of their access to basic needs.
    Finally, CARE recommends increased direct funding to 
Syrian-led NGO's, particularly women-focused organizations. 
Local solutions are the most enduring.
    CARE is honored to be invited to testify. And I am very 
pleased to see my colleague Jomana here today as a witness. But 
we must do more to engage and empower Syrians to defend their 
own path forward.
    The Syrian crisis, while exceptionally dire in many ways, 
is sadly not unique. This crisis is symbolic of a chronic lack 
of humanitarian resourcing and diplomacy globally. But with 
these steps, we have an opportunity to reverse these trends in 
Syria while setting a new humanitarian course worldwide.
    To mark the end of the 11th year of the crisis, CARE spoke 
to 11-year-old Syrian girls, all born the year the crisis 
started. I will let Atiya, a refugee in Lebanon, have the final 
word to you, sir.
    ``Even though we have been here for a long time, we are 
different. Our accent is different. I feel different from 
everyone else. I am not in my country. And when you are 
somewhere else, you never feel really safe.
    ``My parents say Syria was beautiful, that it was a good 
place to live. Sometimes people ask me why am I still here, why 
I do not go home, and I want to shout, 'Why do not you 
understand?' My country is destroyed. Where do you want me to 
go? I have nowhere to go.''
    Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the 
subcommittee, thank you for your time and attention today. I 
look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Shawky follows:]

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    Mr. Deutch. Thank you very much, Ms. Shawky, for your 
testimony.
    And finally, Mr. Rayburn, you are recognized for 5 minutes.

 STATEMENT OF MR. JOEL RAYBURN, FELLOW, NEW AMERICA FOUNDATION 
   (FORMER SPECIAL ENVOY FOR SYRIA, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE)

    Mr. Rayburn. Thank you, Mr. Deutch and Mr. Wilson. And I 
commend the committee for bringing oversight to U.S. policy on 
the worsening humanitarian crisis in Syria.
    The first thing to understand about this problem is that it 
is a symptom of a bigger one, which is Bashar al-Assad's 
continuing war against the Syrian population, enabled by 
Vladimir Putin.
    For Assad, starvation is a strategy of war. So, the only 
way truly to stop humanitarian suffering in Syria is to compel 
Assad and Putin to cease their warfare and accept a political 
resolution of the conflict.
    Thus far, the Biden Administration has chosen instead to 
focus on symptoms of Assad and Putin's war rather than the war 
itself. The Biden team proposed late last year to focus on 
terrorism, humanitarian deliveries, and local cease-fires, but 
they have done so in a way that is disconnected from any effort 
to resolve the broader conflict that creates these issues or to 
pressure Assad and Putin to stop.
    The Administration also signaled a green light for Israel 
to attack Iranian weapons in Syria, but without addressing 
Iran's military expansion in the Levant more broadly. And, 
indeed, this afternoon we see reports that the Administration 
may soon lift the Foreign Terrorist designation from Iran's 
IRGC, a dangerous step that could allow money to flow back into 
the IRGC's terror networks and Assad's war machine and make the 
Syrian crisis even worse.
    The previous Administration, of course, had a different 
approach of bringing severe pressure on Assad and his allies, 
especially through sanctions, to compel them to accede to the 
U.N.-sponsored political process and cease attacks against 
civilians. And in 2021, the Administration effectively 
discontinued this pressure and sanctions slackened.
    The Administration instead made gestures to Russia to 
secure Moscow's vote to extend the U.N. mandate for cross-
border aid deliveries. But while U.S. representatives were 
negotiating with Russian counterparts about ensuring U.N. aid 
deliveries to northern Syria, the Russian Air Force was bombing 
civilians in those same areas, making a mockery of the 
negotiations, unfortunately.
    So, in my view, this current U.S. approach of treating 
symptoms rather than causes cannot work. Absent much greater 
pressure, Assad will not end his war against his own people, 
and the humanitarian catastrophe, refugee crisis, and terrorism 
that his war creates will continue ad infinitum.
    But Assad also cannot win the war, even with a blank check 
from Putin. Eleven years without an Assad victory is long 
enough for us to reach that conclusion, and that means Congress 
can still make a difference in Syria.
    So, I recommend you press for several policy changes in the 
United States.
    First, mobilize international pressure to force Assad and 
Putin into complying with U.N. Security Council Resolution 2254 
and discard all illusions about constructive engagement with 
the Russians on this issue for now.
    The Russians are not interested in partnering with us to 
get a stable, acceptable outcome in Syria. The horrific tactics 
they are employing in Ukraine, indiscriminately bombing 
civilians, rubbling cities, cutting off essential services, 
these are all methods that they practiced and continue to 
practice in Syria to this day.
    Most recently, Russian Defense Minister Shoigu announced 
his intention of recruiting 16,000 Syrians to be flung into the 
war in Ukraine. So, Moscow is exporting the Syrian war, not 
deescalating.
    And second, to this end, I think the United States should 
restore sanctions pressure immediately. With Putin's 
destabilizing behavior in Europe, there is no reason to go easy 
on his top Middle Eastern client just for the sake of creating 
a friendlier atmosphere with Moscow.
    Regain leverage for the good of the situation both in Syria 
and Ukraine by reinstating the intense pace of Caesar-related 
sanctions from 2020, including against Russians, as the Caesar 
Act envisioned.
    Third, Congress should also discourage the Administration 
from continuing with the misguided idea of having the regional 
countries send gas across Assad's territory to supposedly 
assist the Lebanese energy sector. There are better 
alternatives that wouldn't violate the Caesar Act and wouldn't 
give Assad a windfall, as that one does.
    Fourth, scrutinize international assistance flowing through 
Damascus, especially the ways in which the Assad regime 
manipulates and intimidates the U.N. agencies there. Make U.S. 
aid conditional on much greater transparency about how aid 
deliveries are conducted and by whom.
    Fifth--and this is one that hasn't yet been taken up by 
Congress--crack down on Assad's vast narcotrafficking 
operations that generate billions of dollars in revenue each 
year for the regime. Denying Assad and his Hezbollah partners 
this revenue would deal a body blow to both of them and make 
international pressure much more effective.
    Sixth, encourage the U.S. Government to support criminal 
prosecutions against Syrian war criminals, as the Germans have 
started to do. And just today in The New York Times, for 
example, we saw a major article on mass graves of thousands of 
Syrian detainees being detected in Syria. So, this issue is 
going to become more prominent.
    Seventh and finally, press the Administration to appoint a 
senior diplomat with a direct line to State Department 
leadership to conduct this diplomacy. The Administration, 
inexplicably, has not appointed a Special Envoy for Syria for 
the first time since 2014, and our allies and partners have 
taken that as a sign that we are not interested.
    Since 2011, as the chairman mentioned, the United States 
has spent more than $14 billion on humanitarian assistance for 
Syrians. The EU has spent $25 billion during that time; Canada, 
$3.5 billion. Turkey claims to have spent $40 billion of its 
own. And when you throw in the cost for refugee-hosting States, 
such as Jordan and Lebanon, you can see that the cost of the 
humanitarian response for the Syrian crisis is approaching $100 
billion.
    But that $100 billion has not done much by itself, and the 
next hundred billion won't either unless it is part of a 
comprehensive strategy to resolve the cause of the conflict 
rather than its symptoms by bringing all tools to bear to 
compel Assad and Putin to end their war against the Syrian 
people once and for all.
    Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Rayburn follows:]

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    Mr. Deutch. Thank you very much, Mr. Rayburn.
    Next, I will recognize members for 5 minutes each. And 
pursuant to House rules, all time yielded is for the purposes 
of questioning our witnesses.
    Because of the virtual format of this hearing, I will 
recognize members by committee seniority, alternating between 
Democrats and Republicans. If you miss your turn, please let 
our staff know. We will circle back to you. If you seek 
recognition, you must unmute your microphone and address the 
chair verbally.
    I will defer my time and start by recognizing Mr. Cicilline 
for 5 minutes.
    Mr. Cicilline. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you to 
you and Ranking Member Wilson for holding today's hearing on 
this really important issue. And thank you to our witnesses for 
their excellent testimony.
    Ms. Shawky, I want to begin with you.
    As we watched the horrific atrocities being committed by 
President Assad and his government, I first want to say thank 
you for the difficult work that you are doing to help U.S. aid 
reach Syrians in need, while at the same time ensuring it never 
reaches the hands of those in the Assad regime. And that is 
always a concern, I think, as we fight for additional 
resources.
    So, can you please describe for us in greater detail the 
extensive checks and screening mechanisms that are in place to 
ensure that any humanitarian programs in the regime-controlled 
areas are not used to benefit the regime?
    Ms. Shawky. Thank you. Thank you, sir.
    And, I mean, at CARE we are very grateful for the support 
of the United States in helping us provide the support to the 
Syrian people.
    Allow me to provide also my testimony and further details 
in writing.
    We apply the highest measures of internal controls to 
ensure that the vetting process is in line with the U.S. 
standards for implementation.
    And while we deliver our assistance, directly in most 
areas, we also work with Syrian organizations on the ground 
through a very scrutinized vetting process to ensure that they 
cover all the checks and balances that are ensuring that there 
is no aid diversion, that the aid is directly reaching the 
hands of the beneficiaries. And we ensure that our reporting 
mechanisms are of the highest standards to verify all these 
different processes.
    I, sir, will ask my team also to provide you in writing, 
and the esteemed committee, all the different details about our 
checks and balances to ensure the highest monitoring of our 
operations.
    Thank you, sir.
    Mr. Cicilline. Thank you. That would be very helpful and 
appreciate you furnishing that.
    Mr. Lang, thank you again for your testimony. I would like 
to focus for a moment on the al-Hawl refugee camp which, as you 
know, was built to house approximately 10,000 people but has 
housed more than 60,000 people since the caliphate fell over 3 
years ago, and the vast majority of whom are women and children 
who fled ISIS-controlled territories.
    And reports continue to be seen that demonstrate that the 
conditions remain quite squalid at al-Hawl from a variety of 
NGO's. And over the past 2 years, children in particular have 
been living in really horrific conditions.
    In addition, obviously, the security situation is being 
monitored closely but presents real problems. Last month, ISIS-
affiliated women tried to kidnap Kurdish guards that were 
patrolling the camp, leading to a shooting in which a 10-year-
old child was killed and several women and children were 
wounded.
    And so would you please describe the current humanitarian 
situation at al-Hawl and what concerns continued radicalization 
and deterioration of the conditions in these camps present to 
your organization's work and to our objective and mission 
broadly?
    Mr. Lang. Thank you, Congressman, for the excellent 
question.
    The first thing I should say is I have not been into 
northeast Syria since the beginning of the pandemic. So, my 
sort of personal knowledge of the situation at al-Hawl will be 
slightly dated.
    That said, when I was in the area last, the conditions were 
already deteriorating pretty extraordinarily. What you cite 
with your description is quite accurate in terms of the 
conditions inside the camp, the sense that this sort of 
intersection of very, very poor security situation, very 
limited access to humanitarian assistance moving in, very 
challenging working conditions for those NGO's that are 
providing assistance, and no real horizon, right, about how we 
are going to get out of this.
    And I think to me, one of the things that really sort of 
holds forth as a North Star to try to solve the situation is we 
really do need to be working as hard as we possibly can with 
other countries who have nationals in al-Hawl to work the 
process of getting them out.
    Humanitarians and then the Kurdish forces in the region can 
only do so much in terms of providing humanitarian assistance 
and then security over time. If there isn't some sort of 
pathway in which there is some sort of opportunity for people 
to leave the camp, those who need to be taken back into other 
sort of conditions in countries of origin, those governments 
need to move forward in that process and they need to be 
pressured to do so. Otherwise, we do not see much of a 
resolution to this process.
    Next door in Iraq, we have seen some people begin to go 
back. However, the conditions in terms of access to justice, 
what is happening to them when they do, all that remains less 
than transparent.
    So, I think we have some work to do with respect to the 
member States that could be doing more to get their nationals 
out of that, even as we try to do our best through some 
assistance to Kurdish allies, but then also, importantly, 
humanitarian organizations, to try to keep their finger in the 
dike of the current situation.
    But the bottom line is the situation is extremely 
difficult. It hasn't been made any easier by the fact that 
there is no longer cross-border access for humanitarian 
assistance via a U.N. mechanism into northeast Syria. All 
assistance now has to go through sort of bilateral and NGO 
methodologies, which are challenging and which limits the aid 
that can get in.
    So, that said, I think our first and top priority really is 
diplomatic pressure on other countries to work the issue of 
getting their nationals out of al-Hawl.
    Thank you.
    Mr. Cicilline. Thank you so much.
    I yield back, Mr. Chairman.
    Mr. Deutch. Thanks very much, Mr. Cicilline.
    Mr. Allred, you are recognized for 5 minutes.
    Mr. Allred. OK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding this 
hearing. I appreciate the opportunity to hear from our 
distinguished panel on confronting the humanitarian crisis in 
Syria.
    I want to build off of what Mr. Cicilline was saying and 
discuss women and children, who have been particularly 
vulnerable to violence during the 11 years of war in Syria as 
the price of basic needs has skyrocketed and infrastructure has 
been destroyed.
    According to the United Nations, 6.1 million children 
require humanitarian assistance and 3.1 million children are 
internally displaced. Moreover, an additional 2.5 million 
Syrian refugee children have been forced out of school and an 
additional 1.6 million are at risk of dropping out. And the 
toll on women has also been particularly brutal, and gender-
based violence remains a very serious concern.
    And so let me begin with you, Ms. Shawky.
    Can you please describe the specific challenges women and 
children have faced during 11 years of conflict in Syria?
    And if each of you could describe how your organizations 
have prioritized them in your aid efforts.
    Ms. Shawky. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Allred.
    Allow me to say that this is really a great question and I 
really thank you for that. And as the crisis continues to have 
a gendered impact, with women and girls paying the highest 
price, and children, of course, paying the highest price due to 
harmful and discriminatory norms and gender norms that are 
prevalent and widespread, the gender-based violence, including 
early and forced marriages, are really on the rise.
    And since the beginning of the conflict, people's options 
to survive diminished. Families are making increasingly 
desperate choices to survive. And for many children, this means 
that they cannot continue their education, but instead they are 
taken out of school to help contribute to the family income. 
And for many girls, parents see child marriage as the only 
option to feed their children.
    CARE has recently conducted a Rapid Gender Analysis in 
northwest Syria and northeast Syria between December 2021 and 
February 2022. Among the key findings in this analysis, that in 
order to cope, families have resorted to reducing food, selling 
assets, child labor and marriage, and increasing household 
debt.
    Fifty-three of the respondents reported reducing food 
intake to ensure children are well-fed. And one in five 
children faces malnutrition in northern Syria, and pregnant and 
lactating women are at risk due to nutritional deficiencies.
    Also, parents reported increasing psychological stress due 
to feeling unable to feed their children and risks to their 
health and safety. And in northwest Syria, domestic violence 
was women's highest security concern. And in 2020, one in five 
suicide attempts and deaths in northwest Syria were by 
children.
    Allow me to add that the worst drought in decades has led 
to significant harvest and income losses of over 70 percent of 
farmers in northeast, and disproportionately affecting women, 
who are the majority of the farming work force. And the costs 
of buying water alone accounted for about one-fifth or more of 
the budget of 27 percent of the households.
    CARE has been actually engaging and working on all 
different fronts, both in northwest Syria and northeast Syria, 
to ensure that we are providing support against gender-based 
violence. And we are providing also support for increased 
accountability in the collection and the analysis and the 
consistent application of age, sex, and diversity aggregated 
data.
    We also are addressing the gender impact of shifting social 
roles in Syria by increasing engagement of men and boys in 
psychological support and gender-based violence prevention and 
response, and the strategies to increase women's voice in the 
public sphere.
    And also, we are working with local organizations to ensure 
that we are responding to the immediate needs for the families 
and households that are suffering the most on the ground.
    I defer the rest of my time to my colleagues. Thank you.
    Mr. Allred. Thank you.
    Also, Ms. Qaddour, if in your response you could also add 
anything that you think that the U.S. and the international 
community should be doing to increase attention and support in 
this area, please add that as well.
    Ms. Qaddour. Yes. Thank you, Congressman.
    No, I mean, I echo Ms. Shawky's statements about the 
vulnerability of women and children.
    You know, as I mentioned, the American Relief Coalition for 
Syria represents 10 Syrian-American humanitarian organizations, 
and these organizations to varying degrees have been working 
with local--especially local leaders, including local women and 
others, to really craft programs that are based on the kinds of 
needs that women and children in various parts of Syria need. 
Because, as I mentioned, each part of Syria needs a different 
kind of attention, depending on its different access to aid and 
what type of aid.
    Unfortunately, and something that we would really like to 
underline is that due to the increased number of crises across 
the world and the COVID-19 pandemic, the aid to these areas is 
constantly dropping, and we are constantly having to shut down 
programs.
    And, unfortunately, the need is not decreasing with that 
decrease in aid. Unfortunately, it is an inverse relationship. 
And we are seeing, as I said, more programs that are--there is 
a plethora of short-term programs, but not enough in terms of 
long-term and more stable planning.
    I am hopeful that the early recovery aid that was passed 
last July might be an opportunity. This might be an opportunity 
to increase more stable programming, especially as it pertains 
to women and children.
    It is still incredibly limited, however, in northwest 
Syria, and that is something that we absolutely need to 
prioritize, is allocating stabilization and early recovery 
funding for northwest Syria, where the need is incredibly high 
and dramatic.
    Mr. Allred. Well, thank you.
    My time has expired, Mr. Chairman. I yield back.
    Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Allred.
    I now yield 5 minutes to the ranking member, Mr. Wilson.
    Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And, again, thank you 
for having this hearing, which is so important as we discuss 
the 11th anniversary of the Syrian revolution, resulting in 
such a level of mass murder.
    Additionally, we really see that we are in a worldwide 
conflict of rule of law, which is opposed by authoritarians who 
propose rule of gun.
    In Syria, we have seen over half a million people killed, 
13 million displaced. And we see it continuing with Putin 
following the Aleppo model to conduct the tactic of mass murder 
of as many civilians as possible. And, sadly, this is beginning 
for him to go from Ukraine, to then go to Moldova, control of 
the Republic of Georgia.
    And then, sadly, it is also a model for the Chinese 
Communist Party for the taking over of Taiwan, and then 
encouragement to Tehran to proceed with their death to Israel, 
with the concept of terminating the people of Israel.
    And, Mr. Rayburn, on November 24 the Biden Administration 
issued a license for early recovery in Syria. And, sadly, early 
recovery is a euphemism which is used by dictators for 
reconstruction.
    What are your thoughts on this license?
    Mr. Rayburn. Well, Mr. Wilson, I think the idea of early 
recovery is reconstruction and subsidy of the Assad regime by 
stealth, especially given the way the Assad regime has such 
extensive control over contracting, over the construction 
sector, the infrastructure in Syrian regime territory.
    The entire Syrian Government is a worse mafia than the New 
York and New Jersey crime families. So, any significant project 
that takes place anywhere in regime-controlled territory is 
going to be an Assad mafia project. It is going to be channeled 
into their pocket.
    Mr. Wilson. And that is so concerning and needs to be 
addressed. In fact, what are the specific examples of the Biden 
Administration failing to implement the bipartisan Caesar Act?
    Mr. Rayburn. I think, first, Mr. Wilson, the Administration 
has just stopped issuing the sanctions. In the first 6 months 
of the Caesar Act, from June to December 2020, we issued more 
than a hundred designations under the Caesar Act and other 
Syria-related authorities. And then, in 2021, that flow just 
dried up, even though there were many, many more sanctions 
targets that were on our radar screen and that I think should 
have been sanctioned.
    But that pressure just stopped. That was a move by the 
Biden Administration to relieve some pressure on Assad in order 
to get Russian acquiescence to the cross-border U.N. mandate.
    Mr. Wilson. Very, very sad.
    And then I was really grateful a couple years ago to be 
working with the former chairman of the Foreign Affairs 
Committee, Congressman Eliot Engel of New York, to work with 
U.S. Senator Joe Lieberman of Connecticut.
    The irresponsible and virtually insane to me Iran JCPOA, 
the Iran deal, we should learn that the last time that there 
was an agreement providing billions of dollars, some in cash, 
to the mullahs in Tehran who proclaimed proudly death to 
America, death to Israel. With this, Iran immediately provided 
a billion-dollar credit line to the Assad regime and sent 
thousands of fighters to help carry out the atrocities against 
the people of Syria.
    If there is another deal reached--and, sadly, we hear it is 
to be negotiated on behalf of the United States by Putin, which 
is somewhat inconceivable, but that is what is going on today 
in Vienna. And it is so dangerous for the people of America, 
for the people of Israel, and our Arab allies throughout the 
region. And this is at the same time that Iran is conducting 
every effort to develop missile development delivery, ICBMs.
    There is only one reason for an ICBM. They already have 
missile capability to strike Italy, to strike Romania, 
Bulgaria, India. And, obviously, they can strike Israel. But 
ICBMs have only one purpose, and that is to deliver a nuclear 
weapon against the people of the United States.
    With that in mind, what do you see if there is a repeat of 
the flawed agreement?
    Mr. Rayburn. Well, we do not have to guess, Congressman, 
because we have seen it before. In the first 2 years under the 
JCPOA, 2016 and 2017, we know, because President Rouhani 
revealed to us the Iranian budget. We saw that in those first 2 
years of sanctions relief under the JCPOA, the Iranian regime's 
military and security budget increased by more than 40 percent 
and that a hugely disproportionate portion of the windfall that 
they got from sanctions relief went to their terror networks, 
missile development, IRGC, Hezbollah, the Assad regime and the 
Houthis, and so on.
    The same thing will happen again, and I think it will 
increase the conflict that threatens to rage across the Middle 
East right now. And it will be a severe threat, increased risk 
to an Iranian threat against Israel from both Syria and Lebanon 
and Iraq and Yemen.
    Mr. Wilson. And it would certainly reinforce the Hamas and 
Gaza and the incredible situation of rocket attacks from Gaza 
by Hamas, and then the rocket attacks of Hezbollah from 
Lebanon, all provided by Iran.
    And so, I really hope the American people will be in touch 
with their members of the U.S. House and the U.S. Senate to let 
them know that an Iran deal is not in the interest of world 
peace. And what would work is peace through strength.
    And so I am grateful again for your testimony, and then I 
am really grateful that Chairman Ted Deutch has returned and 
thank goodness he brought Congressman Brad Schneider with him
    And so as I conclude, I yield back to the high honorable 
chairperson.
    Mr. Deutch. Thank you to the ranking member.
    Chairperson, yes. High and honorable, I appreciate that 
coming from you.
    I am now pleased to yield 5 minutes to Ms. Manning for her 
questions.
    Ms. Manning. Thank you, Chairman Deutsch, for holding this 
very important hearing.
    Thank you, Mr. Ranking member.
    Ms. Qaddour, you mentioned that the prospects for a renewed 
cross-border aid resolution are threatened by Russia's invasion 
of Ukraine. And assuming that Russia will veto the cross-border 
aid mechanism, what does an alternative system of aid delivery 
look like?
    Ms. Qaddour. Thank you, Congresswoman.
    So, for several years now, actually the Syrian 
organizations, along with a lot of donors, you know, some of 
the donors and INGO's have tried to develop a plan B. You know, 
the details of that are still developing. But our understanding 
is there is absolutely a way to go through Turkey in order to 
deliver that aid and to possibly, you know, create a pooled 
funding system that countries like ours could contribute to and 
could oversee.
    Now the U.N. Unfortunately has--or the good thing is that 
what the U.N. provides is an umbrella that protects all 
different kinds of organizations, as they operate. I mean, the 
role of the U.N. is absolutely critical. And we do not want to 
lose that cross-border.
    But if it were to be lost, there is absolutely ways to 
coordinate with OCHA, with WHO which is doing an amazing job 
inside of northwest Syria, but allow, you know, non-U.N. 
Entities to be able to get that aid inside, hopefully directed, 
you know, outside by U.N. organizations and entities.
    But the details of those, my understanding is they are 
being developed by donors, INGO's, and local organizations that 
are very worried about this prospect come July.
    Ms. Manning. Thank you.
    And, Mr. Lang, you said you had some suggestions with 
dealing with Russia's veto on the cross-border aid. Can you add 
those?
    Mr. Lang. Thank you, Congresswoman. It would be a pleasure.
    Look, first and foremost, we should do everything we can in 
our diplomatic power to see the resolution renewed for access 
into northwest Syria.
    Jomana is right. The plan B will not be anywhere close to 
the current operation in terms of the ability to get 
humanitarian assistance inside.
    All that said, this last exercise over the last couple of 
years, every time we go through this, the kind of concessions 
that are extracted by the Russians increase. And I would say 
that, given what is happening in Ukraine, and watching the 
posture of the Russians and the security council over the last 
couple of weeks, I think it is fair to say that we are in for a 
very rough ride come July.
    So, I think planning for a plan B is pretty much what we 
have moving forward. And there, I think, Jomana has put her 
finger on a number of key points.
    First, you know, the pooled fund that the U.N. uses to get 
assistance in, we need an alternative to this. And there is 
some discussion about certain donors being able to create such 
a mechanism to hold that money. And so, I think getting an 
alternative to the pooled fund will be a first order of 
priority.
    Second, the U.N. plays an incredibly important role, not 
just in terms of getting stuff across the border, but in terms 
of coordination. And so we are going to have to build a 
coordination mechanism that can step in and do some of that. 
That is going to be a difficult and challenging task, but it 
can be done. And I think it may be possible to keep the U.N. at 
least in a transition phase moving out of--if the resolution is 
vetoed, I think the U.N. can go into a transition moment where 
it helps to buildup and hand off some sort of transition 
coordination role to NGO's that are leaving behind.
    There has been tremendous pressure on NGO's, international 
NGO's, in Turkey with respect to their aid operation. And so, I 
think we are going to need some diplomatic pressure from the 
U.S. Government vis--vis the Turkish Government, to the extent 
it is possible, or outreach to try to facilitate sort of the 
expansion of some of the international NGO operations in 
southern Turkey, which will need to pick up some of the slack.
    However, the most important element of this--sorry. Please.
    Ms. Manning. I just wanted to, because I have limited time, 
I want to move on to another issue.
    What is the most significant thing you think the United 
States, along with its allies and partners, can do to support 
the long-term resettlement of Syrian refugees in light of the 
distant possibility that they could actually return 
successfully to Syria?
    Mr. Lang. Great.
    So, the last thing I would say, just on the last question, 
prioritizing assistance to local NGO's really is the heart of 
the matter. They are the ones that do the hard work every day 
on the ground in northwest Syria, and they are the essential 
part of the solution. So, getting more aid to them and starting 
that now is critical.
    With respect to resettlement, we have a couple of engines 
that do this. One, the U.S., I do think, can step up and do a 
little bit more and set an example in terms of resettling more 
Syrian refugees.
    Two, in the regions, really arrangements like the Jordan 
Compact, right, where you trade assistance and economic access, 
trade access to Europe, for example, for access for Syrian 
refugees to the work force, to the labor market, that sort of, 
like, getting a job makes Syrians self-sufficient, with 
dignity, and is perhaps one of the most important things we can 
do in terms of expanding their access to the labor market in 
Turkey, in Lebanon, and in Jordan.
    In Lebanon, it is going to be very, very hard, given where 
we are economically. But I would put a real priority on labor 
market integration, and also continued education. And whether 
that is done through the formal system or informally, we need 
to give Syrian children some light at the end of the tunnel on 
their future.
    Ms. Manning. Thank you.
    My time has expired, Mr. Chair.
    I yield back.
    Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Ms. Manning.
    I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to Mr. Schneider for his 
questioning.
    Mr. Schneider. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Thank you to our witnesses for joining us today.
    It is hard to fathom that we are 11 years into the brutal 
Syrian conflict, and the U.S. Office for the Coordination of 
Humanitarian Affairs found that humanitarian needs in Syria are 
increasing as donor countries are giving less money in foreign 
assistance. That was noted in the materials in preparation for 
this hearing. While the violence may be at a lull in Syria, the 
economic stress situation is at its worst.
    In its February report, the U.N. Secretary General Stated 
that cross-border operations are a vital lifeline to ensure 
that aid reaches millions of Syrians desperately in need. I 
would also like to mention that the U.N. estimates there are 12 
million people in Syria that are considered to be food 
insecure.
    I share these snapshots of the realities Syrians face 
because of the dire humanitarian situation. It is something 
that is not improving, and so many Syrians are relying, or are 
dependent on this vital assistance. There are many conflicts 
across the globe, and we have to do more to help people 
wherever their needs. But in Syria, the suffering under the 
Assad regime cannot be forgotten.
    And so to that end, a number of questions. I actually spoke 
to a friend of mine who is at the border of Ukraine in Poland. 
And he was sharing with me that the impression he got of the 
role technology is playing in helping manage the crisis, making 
sure people get the resources that they need, being connected 
with the agencies that can provide help. And it sparked a 
question. So, I will share--so I will ask the question of each 
of the panelists.
    Your thoughts of how we can better use technology, provide 
technological resources to deliver humanitarian assistance to 
Syrians, and what role Congress might play in helping make sure 
that assistance, that technology is getting in the right 
places.
    Ms. Qaddour. I could jump in here, Congressman.
    Just briefly----
    Mr. Schneider. Please.
    Ms. Qaddour [continuing]. Since I mentioned this in one of 
my--in my recommendations and in my statement. There is 
absolutely a lot to be done in terms of education and extending 
education programs: primary, secondary, even some college and 
university degrees of Syrians in north Syria that are cutoff 
from, you know, the institutions that used to be under Assad, 
you know, under the control of the Assad government.
    Many of those children are out of school. They are at risk 
for all kinds of exploitation. But, you know, we can work a lot 
more with technological companies. Now there is, you know, 
WiFi, et cetera, is being extended across from the Turkish 
border. There is more that can be done in the northeast but 
allowing education programs to flourish, you know.
    And even kids in Assad-held areas, you know, do and can 
access some online programs. And I think that we can find 
cooperative ways to work with USAID to make sure that children 
across all parts of Syria can access sustainable and formal 
education programs. I think that should definitely be a 
priority for us.
    Mr. Schneider. Great. Thank you.
    Mr. Lang, any thoughts on the ways we can deploy technology 
and how Congress might help?
    Mr. Lang. Sure. And technology has been absolutely 
essential to supplying sort of cash transfers to refugees 
living in Jordan and other locations in the region. This has 
been a tool, right, that has actually sort of facilitated a 
much more efficient form of cash transfer and involves iris 
scan technology, and it allows aid to sort of be boutique and 
speaks to the nature of the need that the individual has very 
specifically.
    In addition, technology is increasingly playing a very 
important role with access to the labor market, right? There 
are a number of firms that are getting involved in helping 
markets clear in terms of getting Syrians access to jobs. They 
have done it a number of different places in Europe and 
elsewhere, and sort of upping the game that technology plays 
and the tech companies play in helping facilitate job matching 
and skill transfer in the regional host countries, I think, 
would be an exceptional opportunity.
    And, finally, education. Again, for in the overstressed 
systems where we have in Jordan, in Lebanon, et cetera, where 
there are now two phases to classes, right, in the morning and 
in the afternoon, to try to get refugee children in, 
facilitating access to technology, and using those tools to 
improve Syrian children's opportunity and access to education 
are a big part of the way forward.
    Mr. Schneider. Great. Thank you.
    And Mr. Rayburn.
    Mr. Rayburn. I think the northwest does not get enough 
attention, Congressman. We have given--over the last few years 
we have given a lot of interest and focus on the northeast 
because the Defeat ISIS campaign is there at the northwest. We 
essentially zeroed out a lot of U.S. assistance funding to the 
northwest. It is time to rebalance that. The northwest has more 
people and more territory than the country of Lebanon in the 
liberated territories of the northwest, and it is time for the 
United States to take focused interest in that.
    I would suggest Congress engage with the State Department 
to reopen the regional embassy office Gazientep, move the START 
team there so they can have better visibility on assistance and 
technological deployment into northwest Syria. And that is a 
part of countering Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham and those groups. 
There--which we are not competing against--there are millions 
of people there who hate Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, hate al-Qaeda, 
hate ISIS. But they get no assistance from us the way that our 
allies in the northeast do.
    So, I think it is long overdue to have a relook at the way 
the United States engages with the northwest.
    Mr. Schneider. Thank you.
    And I now have the ``up'' arrow on the timer which either 
means I have unlimited time or my time is up. I am guessing it 
is the latter.
    I yield back.
    Mr. Deutch. Thank you very much, Mr. Schneider.
    Great. I will yield myself 5 minutes for additional time as 
I may need.
    Thank you very much to all of the witnesses. This is a 
really, really important conversation.
    I want to just focus on a couple of things. This has gone 
the way a congressional hearing should go. The conversation was 
specific and detailed, and my colleagues were well-informed, 
and our witnesses are knowledgeable and do so much to help this 
horrific situation.
    But I want to try to make this--I want to take a step back 
and suggest that half a million Syrians having been 
slaughtered, and over 12 million displaced, is the equivalent 
of over 9 million Americans being killed, and nearly 250 
million Americans being displaced.
    We have a tendency, especially over time, especially over 
11 years, to continue to focus on the specifics, sometimes 
losing sight--because the day to day is so terrible, sometimes 
losing sight, I think, of the enormity of the atrocities 
wrought on Syria by Bashar al-Assad.
    And so, I have two questions: The first question is, you 
have laid out--and, again, I am so grateful to our witnesses, 
not just for being here but for your thought leadership and the 
work that you do on the ground. You have laid out a lot of 
specific steps that we can take to ensure that aid can be 
provided to address the gender issues. There is just a lot that 
you laid out.
    Here is the question: How do we continue--first, how do we 
get enough of a commitment to actually have the resources to do 
it? I think earlier 28 percent of the refugee plan was funded. 
Then how do we actually get it paid, because thus far this year 
that number is zero? That is question one.
    And I will open that under to any of you.
    Who has thoughts?
    Mr. Lang. Mr. Chairman, I can jump in for a second.
    The United States has done an extraordinary amount in terms 
of the, you know, the funding and the leadership, right, in no 
small part due to Congress in the kind of response that we have 
offered both inside Syria for the humanitarian response, and 
then also for the refugees' response externally.
    I think part of this has to do with sharing the 
responsibility, and marshalling others to do more as well. The 
Europeans have spent a tremendous amount of money, particularly 
in Turkey, right? And so I think there is a question about how 
do you sort of divide--the Europeans had, like, a 5-year 
program or a 6-year program for, in essence, trading certain 
migration protocols for assistance. Now we could have a 
discussion about whether or not that was the right thing to do 
from a protection standpoint, but largely, it seems to have 
held.
    At the moment there are only about another 1/1-2 years of 
assistance in that pipeline. So, I think trying to encourage 
our European allies, especially as Ukraine comes online, to 
take the long view, and to look at making a longer-term 
commitment in the coming years, one that we can similarly match 
in countries like Jordan, and then countries like Lebanon which 
are going to need a tremendous amount of help.
    In addition, I would posit that there are certain, you 
know, for example, Gulf allies who, whether or not--I mean, one 
of the sort of externalities of the situation in Ukraine are 
going to be an increase in the amount of money that is going to 
be made on certain oil markets. And I think it might be an 
opportunity for some of our Gulf allies to step up and stand 
shoulder to shoulder with us in getting assistance to refugee 
populations in the region, but then also, potentially, inside 
of Syria for humanitarian assistance.
    Mr. Deutch. Thanks.
    Yes, yes.
    Mr. Rayburn. Congressman, I think it is about U.S. 
leadership, to be honest with you. I mean, my experience as the 
Syria envoy was that when we showed a commitment, even if it 
was not a maximal commitment compared to previous years, when 
we showed a continued commitment, others fell in line. That was 
seed money. And others came--others came to where we would lead 
them. We have the convening authority, the convening example.
    So, it really is about being active. That is why I think it 
is so important. I wish the Administration would appoint a 
senior diplomat to fill that envoy role, to show leadership.
    And I think also that diplomat could take the lead in 
engaging the Gulf countries, as Mr. Lang mentioned, to up their 
contribution as well. We had a difficult time with that during 
the Trump Administration. That was mainly because of the 
Turkey-Gulf rift. I think those things are improving now. There 
may be an opening there.
    Mr. Deutch. Thanks.
    And Ms. Shawky, I think you had wanted to say something.
    Ms. Shawky. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I only wanted to add that we are deeply grateful for the 
investments the United States has made, and continues to make 
in global development and humanitarian response, and the global 
response to COVID as well.
    And we, as an international confederation of CARE partners 
across the world, we are actively engaging governments 
throughout the world in both wealthy nations and in the global 
south. And we consistently urge wealthy nations to contribute 
their fair share to global efforts. And we also seek our best 
to push governments in the global south to adopt policy changes 
that will create systematic transformational change for 
communities who face poverty and injustice. And, of course, in 
the forefront of this discussion is the Syrian people.
    Thank you.
    Mr. Deutch. Thanks.
    And my final question is on the topic of justice and the 
continued importance of the pursuit of justice and 
accountability.
    How significant is that? As we look ahead to the future in 
Syria, hopefully a future of better for the people of Syria, 
how significant is that pursuit of justice in holding those 
accountable for these horrific atrocities responsible?
    Ms. Qaddour. Congressman, I will jump in here if you do not 
mind.
    Absolutely. I mean, I think accountability is going to be 
about most importance in the coming years. You have Syrian 
doctors and nurses and humanitarian workers that have been 
documenting all kinds of crimes that have taken place across 
Syria for the last decade. We have it. The IIIM has been part 
of this process. The Commission of Inquiry has been, you know, 
a part of this process.
    You have many Syrian and international legal organizations 
that have kept dossiers of chemical weapons used, of attacks on 
hospitals, of attacks on schools. And I think right now it is 
really important. I mean, we have seen only a handful of trials 
across Europe, universal jurisdiction trials.
    But I think with what we are seeing now in Russia and the, 
you know, the submission to the ICC, and the potential opening 
of inquiries into Russia's crimes in the Ukraine, this offers 
us a really important moment, and also a responsibility to not 
just hold Russia accountable for what it has done in Ukraine, 
which is justified, but also to widen that dossier and to look 
at--you have some of these same Russian generals that were 
involved both in crimes committed in the Ukraine and Syria that 
were dropping bombs on both populations. And they should be 
held accountable for both of those crimes so that the victims 
can be treated equally by, you know, a court of law.
    Mr. Deutch. Ms. Qaddour, thank you to you and Ms. Shawky, 
Mr. Lang, and Mr. Rayburn. We are most grateful for your papers 
in this hearing today. This is a really difficult time for the 
world. But the unity that we--the--as those with shared values 
stand together against Putin's aggression and attacks on 
Ukraine, we have to continue to maintain that unity. And that 
applies to standing with the people of Ukraine, and it applies 
to remembering the people of Syria, just as we have over the 
past 11 years.
    We will work to ensure humanitarian assistance is provided. 
We will work to ensure that justice is ultimately meted out. 
And we will do that throughout the whole of this government, 
both the Administration and the U.S. Congress, and I know from 
dedicated leaders, activists, and NGO's that all of you 
represent. Thanks very much.
    And I will remind the members that if you have additional 
questions, you can ask witnesses to please respond to them in 
writing. And I would ask my colleagues that any witness 
questions for the hearing record be submitted to the 
subcommittee clerk within 5 business days.
    And with that and without objection, the hearing is 
adjourned. Thanks again.
    [Whereupon, at 4:25 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]

                                APPENDIX

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         STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD FROM REPRESENTATIVE CONNOLLY

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