[House Hearing, 117 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
11 YEARS OF WAR: THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT
OF THE ONGOING CONFLICT IN SYRIA
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HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON
MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA, AND GLOBAL COUNTERTERRORISM
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
MARCH 16, 2022
__________
Serial No. 117-110
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov,
or http://www.govinfo.gov
__________
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
47-051 PDF WASHINGTON : 2022
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York, Chairman
BRAD SHERMAN, California MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Ranking
ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey Member
GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey
THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida STEVE CHABOT, Ohio
KAREN BASS, California SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania
WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts DARRELL ISSA, California
DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois
AMI BERA, California LEE ZELDIN, New York
JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas ANN WAGNER, Missouri
DINA TITUS, Nevada BRIAN MAST, Florida
TED LIEU, California BRIAN FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania KEN BUCK, Colorado
DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee
ILHAN OMAR, Minnesota MARK GREEN, Tennessee
COLIN ALLRED, Texas ANDY BARR, Kentucky
ANDY LEVIN, Michigan GREG STEUBE, Florida
ABIGAIL SPANBERGER, Virginia DAN MEUSER, Pennsylvania
CHRISSY HOULAHAN, Pennsylvania AUGUST PFLUGER, Texas
TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey PETER MEIJER, Michigan
ANDY KIM, New Jersey NICOLE MALLIOTAKIS, New York
SARA JACOBS, California RONNY JACKSON, Texas
KATHY MANNING, North Carolina YOUNG KIM, California
JIM COSTA, California MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida
JUAN VARGAS, California JOE WILSON, South Carolina
VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas
BRAD SCHNEIDER, Illinois
Jason Steinbaum, Staff Director
Brendan Shields, Republican Staff Director
------
Subcommittee on Middle East, North Africa, and Global Counterterrorism
THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida, Chairman
GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia JOE WILSON, South Carolina,
DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island Ranking Member
TED LIEU, California SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania
COLIN ALLRED, Texas ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois
TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey LEE ZELDIN, New York
KATHY MANNING, North Carolina BRIAN MAST, Florida
WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee
BRAD SHERMAN, California GREG STEUBE, Florida
JUAN VARGAS, California RONNY JACKSON, Texas
BRAD SCHNEIDER, Illinois MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida
Casey Kustin, Staff Director
C O N T E N T S
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Page
WITNESSES
Qaddour, Ms. Jomana, Head of the Syria Project, Atlantic Council. 9
Lang, Mr. Hardin, Vice President for Programs and Policy,
Refugees International......................................... 16
Shawky, Ms. Nirvana, Regional Director for the Middle East and
North Africa, Care............................................. 33
Rayburn, Mr. Joel, Fellow, New America Foundation (Former Special
Envoy for Syria, U.S. Department of State)..................... 38
APPENDIX
Hearing Notice................................................... 57
Hearing Minutes.................................................. 58
Hearing Attendance............................................... 59
STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD FROM REPRESENTATIVE CONNOLLY
Statement for the record from Representative Connolly............ 60
11 YEARS OF WAR: THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF THE ONGOING CONFLICT IN
SYRIA
Wednesday, March 16, 2022
House of Representatives,
Subcommittee on the Middle East,
North Africa, and Global Counterterrorism,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:05 p.m. Via
Webex, Hon. Theodore E. Deutch (chairman of the subcommittee)
presiding.
Mr. Deutch. The Subcommittee on the Middle East, North
Africa, and Global Counterterrorism will come to order.
Without objection, the chair is authorized to declare a
recess of the subcommittee at any point. And all members will
have 5 days to submit statements, extraneous material, and
questions for the record, subject to the length limitation in
the rules.
As a reminder, members, please keep your video function on,
even when you are not recognized by the chair.
Members are responsible for muting and unmuting themselves.
Please remember to mute yourself after you finish speaking.
Consistent with House Resolution 8 and the accompanying
regulations, staff will only mute members and witnesses, as
appropriate, when they are not under recognition, to eliminate
background noise.
We have a quorum, and I will recognize myself for opening
remarks. Again, I thank everyone for being accommodating with
the crazy schedule we have today.
Pursuant to notice, we are holding a hearing on the
humanitarian impact of the ongoing conflict in Syria. I would
like to extend a warm welcome to our witnesses, Ms. Qaddour,
Mr. Lang, Ms. Shawky, and Mr. Rayburn.
Thank you for joining us today.
Yesterday marked the 11th anniversary of the start of the
Syrian revolution, 11 years of conflict, violence,
displacement, and hardship. What began with the Syrian people
rising to demand dignity, freedom, and a voice in shaping their
government was met with a brutal crackdown by Bashar al-Assad,
who, with the help of outside support from Iran and Russia,
ushered in over a decade of conflict and aided the
proliferation of global terrorism.
While fighting has abated in many areas, there is still
significant violence across the country, from offenses in the
northwest, north and northeast, to targeted killings, unlawful
detention, and torture.
Further, the humanitarian situation on the ground is dire.
The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian
Affairs found that in 2022, 14.6 million people needed
humanitarian assistance, an increase of 1.2 million people from
2021.
This is coming at a time when the international community
is giving less money for humanitarian programs in Syria. The
U.S. and the entire international community must step up to
meet the needs of the Syrian people.
The struggle for the future of Syria has led to the deaths
of over half a million Syrians and the displacement of more
than 12 million. There are over 6.8 million Syrian refugees
living in the region, primarily Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, Egypt,
and Turkey. And while many refugees have found haven abroad,
the generosity of those countries is beginning to wane and
violence against refugees is on the rise.
In Fiscal Year 2021, the United States spent over $1.8
billion in humanitarian funding for the Syrian regional
response alone.
I look forward to hearing from our witnesses today about
how our foreign assistance is being used and how the
international community and host countries can work together to
ensure the safety and security of Syrian refugees as well as to
create the conditions for them to 1 day return to Syria if they
choose.
The U.N. estimates there are 6.7 million internally
displaced people, IDPs, in Syria, 3.1 million of which are
children. IDPs living in both official and informal camps often
face severe overcrowding, violence, malnutrition, and lack of
economic opportunity.
Al-Hawl refugee camp in northwest Syria was built for
10,000 people. It now holds more than 60,000, the vast majority
of whom are women and children. The camp also contains an annex
that houses former ISIS supporters or affiliates.
The tenuous security situation within the camp, combined
with squalid living conditions, have resulted in mounting
discontent, creating a breeding ground for radicalization.
I am eager to hear from our witnesses today about the
conditions of refugee and IDP camps, the impact that that has
on terrorist radicalization and recruitment, and how NGO's, the
U.S., and the international community can improve humanitarian
conditions on the ground, combat extremism, and support the
swift and secure repatriation of foreign nationals.
From fiscal years 2012 to 2021, the U.S. spent over $14
billion responding to the Syrian humanitarian situation, all
while employing severe sanctions, including through the Caesar
Syria Civilian Protection Act, on Syrian President Assad,
senior Syrian government officials, and any related entities or
affiliates.
Nevertheless, the Assad regime has been manipulating aid
for over a decade, siphoning millions of dollars from
international donors and humanitarian organizations by
withholding aid to opponents, channeling it to allies, and
engaging in currency manipulation.
I welcome thoughts from our witnesses not only on ways to
improve the utilization of humanitarian exemptions to existing
sanctions, but also on what NGO's, the U.S., and the
international community can do to reduce Assad's leverage over
humanitarian assistance.
As we confront the long-term humanitarian realities of
conflict in Syria, we must be steadfast in our support for
assistance to the Syrian people, including recovery assistance,
while also remaining vigilant in ensuring that Assad and his
cronies do not benefit from the people's suffering.
The Assad regime's manipulation of aid further underscores
the importance of cross-border aid delivery, which allows aid
to be delivered directly to communities without first having to
go through the regime in Damascus.
Bab al-Hawa crossing on the border between Turkey and Syria
is the last crossing with a U.N. mandate since Russia prevented
the extension of three other aid crossings. I look forward to
hearing about the necessity of Bab al-Hawa to aid operation as
well as observations and expectations leading to
reauthorization in July.
Finally, we cannot forget the crimes and atrocities
committed by the Assad regime: torture, murder, rape, and the
use of chemical weapons against the Syrian people. The recent
conviction of a former Syrian official for crimes against
humanity in Germany is a strong step toward justice.
We must ensure that Syrian regime officials, as well as
President Assad himself, are held accountable for the heinous
crimes that have been and continue to be committed.
As we mark 11 years of devastating conflict, Congress and
the United States stand committed to raising awareness to the
ongoing humanitarian crisis in Syria, supporting the people of
Syria in their quest for dignity, freedom, and opportunity. And
I look forward to discussing ways that the U.S. can empower
Syrians and Syrian-led organizations as well.
I thank the witnesses for what I know will be a productive
discussion.
And, with that, I will recognize Ranking Member Wilson for
the purpose of making an opening statement.
Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Chairman Ted Deutch, for your
excellent comments and for calling this important hearing on
Syria.
Yesterday marked the 11th anniversary of the Syrian
revolution against the murderous regime of Bashar al-Assad. How
many more Syrians will be killed until the world acts?
For over a decade, the world has stood by and watched as
the barbaric Assad regime and its backers in Russia and Iran
indiscriminately butchered the Syrian people in order to cling
to power. They have brutally killed over half a million
Syrians, with over 13 million displaced in a country of 20
million, committed countless atrocities, and perpetrated
egregious war crimes.
It must be said without equivocation: Bashar al-Assad must
go. There is no question [inaudible] Syria if the brutal Assad
regime remains in power.
I was grateful this week to introduce a bipartisan
resolution, along with our colleague Congressman Vicente
Gonzalez of Texas, calling upon the Biden Administration to do
more to enforce the Caesar Act and push back against efforts by
many countries in the Arab world to normalize relations with
this brutal and illegitimate regime.
Syrian murders are a tragic example of the conflict of
authoritarianism against democracy worldwide, the choice of
rule of gun or rule of law, as we see happening today in
Ukraine, soon Moldova and Georgia, for control, tomorrow in
Taiwan for control, and next in Israel for extermination.
Humanitarian considerations regarding the conflict in Syria
cannot be separated from the Assad regime's brutal war against
its own people. Of course, humanitarian assistance to the
Syrian people is essential, but it is a terrible mistake to
believe that humanitarian aid itself is a strategy to achieve
justice and accountability for the people of Syria.
Unfortunately, this seems to be the policy of the Biden
Administration, which has failed to implement the bipartisan
Caesar Act sanctions in the name of humanitarian assistance and
green-lighted so-called, quote, ``early recovery,'' end of
quote, projects in Syria, a euphemism for reconstruction
projects.
The Administration has also ignored the plain text of the
Caesar Act by facilitating energy deals that would not only
directly benefit the Assad regime, but also exacerbate
corruption in Lebanon. I am also concerned by reports that the
Administration is seeking to implement a geographic waiver of
the Caesar Act in the name of humanitarian assistance, further
weakening the law.
We should not be taking cues from Putin and Tehran when
considering the next steps in Syria. We must clearly oppose all
authoritarian dictatorships which are promoting a rule by gun
instead of rule by law.
In addition to the United States, we have provided over $6
billion to U.N. operations in Syria. While we would like to
believe that the money is going to ease Syrian civilian
suffering, analysts on all sides of the political spectrum have
documented how much of this aid has propped up the Assad
regime, which has devoted millions of dollars to entities
controlled by the regime.
President Obama's former Ambassador to Syria, Robert Ford,
wrote on February 12, 2018, of the U.N. aid that, quote, ``It
is clear the aid is not neutral and is being used as a weapon
by the Syrian Government,'' end of quote.
In addition, the U.N.'s procurement reports have shown the
U.N. operations in Syria delivered millions to the Syrian Arab
Army and other regime entities, as well as millions to
charities co-opted by members of the Assad family, including
Bashar al-Assad's wife, Asma.
I look forward to hearing from our witnesses on how the
United States can help the Syrian people through mechanisms
outside of the U.N. process.
I was grateful the last Congress to introduce the Stop U.N.
Support for Assad Act, which would prohibit taxpayer dollars
from going to U.N. operations in Syria so long as the U.N.
provided assistance to the Assad regime or its cronies and,
instead, provide assistance directly to the Syrian people.
Again, thank you for the witnesses being here. I look
forward to hearing from each of you. And I am grateful to yield
back to Chairman Ted Deutch.
Mr. Deutch. Thank you very much, Mr. Wilson.
I will now turn to the witnesses for their testimony.
Thanks to all of you for being here today.
Let me remind the witnesses to please limit your testimony
to 5 minutes. And without objection, your prepared written
statements will be made a part of the hearing record.
Thanks again for being here. I will introduce all four of
you before turning it over to you to make your presentations.
Ms. Jomana Qaddour is a resident senior fellow at the
Atlantic Council's Rafik Hariri Center and Middle East
programs, where she leads the Syria portfolio and is a member
of the U.N.-facilitated Syrian Constitutional Committee as part
of the Civil Society Group. She is the co-founder of Syria
Relief and Development, a humanitarian organization working in
northwest Syria that has implemented over $120 million worth of
aid, as well as a doctoral student at the Georgetown University
Law Center.
Mr. Hardin Lang is the vice president for programs and
policy at Refugees International and is a veteran of six U.N.
peacekeeping and humanitarian field missions in Iraq,
Afghanistan, Kosovo, Guatemala, Haiti and Mali. Before joining
Refugees International, Mr. Hardin was a senior fellow at the
Center for American Progress, where he specialized in Middle
East conflicts and national security policy, as well as a
senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International
Studies.
Ms. Nirvana Shawky is the regional director for CARE's
Middle East and North Africa region, where she leads
humanitarian response and development programming across 11
countries. She has two decades of experience working in the
Middle East in multiple roles in diverse fields, like academia,
media, advocacy and campaigning. She has also led global
efforts to mitigate humanitarian crises in the MENA region,
with a focus on international humanitarianism and the
protection of civilians in conflicts.
And finally, Mr. Joel Rayburn is a fellow focusing on
Middle East issues at the New America Foundation as well as the
Hoover Institution and is currently writing a history of the
Syrian conflict. He was the U.S. Special Envoy for Syria from
2018 to 2021 and served for 26 years as a U.S. Army officer
across the world, with his final assignment as the Senior
Director for Iran, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon on the National
Security Council Staff in 2017-2018. And we thank you for your
service.
Thanks to all of you for being here today.
I now recognize the witnesses for 5 minutes each.
And, Ms. Qaddour, you are recognized.
STATEMENT OF MS. JOMANA QADDOUR, HEAD OF THE SYRIA PROJECT,
ATLANTIC COUNCIL
Ms. Qaddour. Chairman Deutch, Ranking Member Wilson,
members of the subcommittee, thank you for inviting me to speak
at today's hearing. My name is Jomana Qaddour, and I am a
senior fellow at the Atlantic Council. I am here to speak
solely on my own behalf.
I am heartened by your decision to hold a hearing focused
on Syria, which remains a singular source of conflict and
instability, despite newer instances of war dominating the
headlines.
As images of Ukraine rightfully captivate international
attention, Syria watchers are reminded painfully of the
conflict we have seen unfold over the last 11 years. Images of
a bombed maternity hospital in Mariupol recall the 601 medical
facilities destroyed in Syria, 542 of those destroyed by
Russian and Syrian Government attacks.
Today, there is a slow deterioration of conditions and
quality of life for all Syrians except those close to Assad and
his inner circle. Ninety-seven percent of Syrians live under
the poverty line, even though $2.27 billion worth of U.N. aid
was distributed across the country last year.
This has done little to offset the needs, however, given
the Syrian Government's chokehold over humanitarian aid
operations and their manipulation of all aspects of the
humanitarian response.
Each year, humanitarian organizations operating in north
Syria are annually threatened by a U.N. Security Council vote
by Russia to cutoff all cross-border aid in an attempt to
pressure donors to send all aid through Damascus.
Russia has also tried to press strictly for cross-line
deliveries from Damascus to north Syria, but over the last 8
months it has only permitted two cross-line deliveries to the
northwest, which is wholly insufficient.
We see a similar predicament in northeast Syria since the
Yaroubia crossing was shut down in 2019. There, the government
holds all aid to the northeast hostage by restricting and
limiting access for U.N. funding to loyalist supporters rather
than credible local NGO's.
Northeast, northwest, and government-held Syria all have
varying needs.
Northwest Syria is home to at least 3 million civilians, 80
percent of which have been displaced more than six times. It is
also the site of consistent attacks, despite a delicate, often
violated cease-fire forged by the Astana Process. According to
the White Helmets, the Syrian and Russian Governments
perpetrated at least 1,500 attacks in 2021 alone.
The predicament of northwest Syria is further complicated
by the presence of Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, the strongest
military group in the area. Although the group allows
humanitarian operations with limited intervention, local
governance entities, education centers, women's facilities, and
activists are often treated with hostility, threats, closures,
and violence.
Meanwhile, international diaspora and local NGO's managing
programs in northwest Syria struggle to operate, as budgets for
international aid decrease. Stabilization funding to northwest
Syria remains also extremely limited, placing a burden, undue
burden, on humanitarian organizations, with limited mandates to
promote governance and strategic development services in the
area.
The next generation also continues to suffer the
consequences of short-term aid policy in Syria. Local
organizations operating in this sector struggle, as the
criteria for what donors are willing to fund continues to
narrow.
Funding is almost exclusively limited to primary education,
and even that is short-term in length and prevents any long-
term planning, meaning children do not have access to stable
education programs or higher education, and even fewer have
access to actual school buildings due to systematic and ongoing
attacks on such buildings by Russian and Syrian regime forces.
In government-controlled areas, the economic situation has
undergone unprecedented decline as corruption schemes
monopolize the Syrian economy, cutting out average Syrians, and
instead enriching select members of Assad's elite circle and
his military patrons, Iran and Russia.
Compounding the economic challenges, mass flight of Syria's
young population is ongoing due to arbitrary arrests,
intimidation, conscription, lack of job opportunities, and the
flight of businesspeople and former loyalists, who see no
future in a highly securitized and corrupt State. The collapse
of the Syrian pound and Lebanese banking crisis have depressed
and devastated things further.
Today, the Russian war on Ukraine also increases the
likelihood of famine and starvation, given Russia has canceled
its wheat contracts with Syria, which in recent years has come
to account for 25 percent of Syria's wheat.
Damascus also maintains a chokehold over U.N. operations,
with resulting limits on monitoring and evaluation, procurement
and hiring.
Although the U.N. is not subject to U.S. and EU sanctions
and, therefore, can work with sanctioned actors, it is
nonetheless required, by its own supplier code of conduct, to,
quote, ``support and respect the protection of internationally
proclaimed human rights and to ensure that they are not
complicit in human rights abuses.''
The U.S. is the largest contributor to U.N. humanitarian
operations worldwide and, therefore, has a central role to play
in seeking accountability of these funds.
Next, in northeast Syria, home to 3 million people, located
in an area with a small but critical U.S. military presence,
1.8 million people need humanitarian assistance and 630,000
remain in IDP camps, while grim environmental conditions--
namely a lack of water--decrease agricultural production and
further waterborne diseases.
Security in northeast Syria remains tenuous as the Islamic
State attempts to revive its presence and secure resources.
Further, genuine social cohesion issues are rampant in
areas held by the Syrian Democratic Forces due to
marginalization of Arab communities and tribes amongst
political and military leadership, which has inadvertently
allowed the Islamic State to exploit social rifts.
Finally, let me speak briefly about Rukban, located near
al-Tanf military base, which hosts U.S. forces. The proximity
of Rukban to the nearby U.S. base prevents the regime and its
allies from exterminating the camp's 10,000 residents, but also
includes 6,000 children. The government has denied entry to
humanitarian convoys since 2019.
Let me end by providing some recommendations.
First, ensure that the U.N. humanitarian operations
continue in northwest Syria this July when the U.N. cross-
border resolution comes up for renewal, even if the U.S. and
its allies must consider an alternative plan to ensure crossing
into northwest and northeast Syria. Given broader tensions with
Russia over Ukraine, an independent approach may be needed, in
concert with partners like Turkey.
Second, the U.S. Government should lead in ensuring that
accountability is integrated into global humanitarian policy,
including effective audits for U.N. funding.
Third, ensure that early recovery aid and stabilization
aid, a crucial part of this Administration's strategy, benefits
all areas of Syria.
Fourth, encourage carving out exemptions from economic
sanctions in northeast Syria if we are to make it prosperous
and stable.
Fifth, education should be a key priority for all donors
across all contexts in Syria, including primary, secondary, and
higher education programming.
Sixth, the U.S. Government should lead legal efforts to
ensure assets seized from Russian officials as a result of the
Ukraine war sanctions be allocated to rebuild and restore areas
outside of government-held Syria, given they too have suffered
from Russian military attacks.
Seventh, financially support Syrian diaspora organizations,
like the American Relief Coalition for Syria, which has
implemented about $1 billion worth of aid programs, given their
strong connections to both Syrians and Americans.
Finally, ensure humanitarian aid to civilians in Rukban and
facilitate their passage to north Syria, as they have
requested.
I thank you for your time.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Qaddour follows:]
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Mr. Deutch. Thank you very much, Ms. Qaddour.
Mr. Lang, you are recognized for 5 minutes.
STATEMENT OF MR. HARDIN LANG, VICE PRESIDENT FOR PROGRAMS AND
POLICY, REFUGEES INTERNATIONAL
Mr. Lang. Thank you, Chairman Deutch and Ranking Member
Wilson and members of the subcommittee, for holding today's
hearing on Syria. At a time when so many other crises are
absorbing public attention, your decision to spotlight the war
on its 11th anniversary is to be commended. My remarks will
focus on the plight of Syrian refugees in the region.
For years, the United States has played a leading role in
providing life-saving assistance to Syria's displaced. Refugees
International has seen this firsthand in our work.
Syria remains the single largest displacement crisis in the
world. Some 6 million Syrians continue to seek refuge abroad,
and more than 6 million people are displaced internally.
Neighboring countries have borne most of the
responsibility. Turkey ranks as the world's largest refugee-
hosting country, while Lebanon and Jordan host the most
refugees per capita.
Inside Syria, violence may have fallen, but areas of the
country are still contested. The cease-fire in Idlib remains
fragile, as is the situation in the northeast. In areas
controlled by the Assad regime, returning refugees face grave
human rights abuses and persecution.
Therefore, it should come as no surprise that few Syrians
are going home. Last year, only about 36,000 did so.
At the same time, however, Syrians are facing increased
pressure to return. Resources and infrastructure in host
countries are strained, and so is the domestic political will
to sustain refugees. The COVID-19 pandemic has only made the
situation more acute.
Recent trends give cause for concern. Turkey has deported
refugees to Syria and threatened to send millions back into a
safe zone along the border. In Lebanon, Syrians are evicted,
arrested, and occasionally deported. And Jordan is refusing to
provide refuge or aid to Syrians living in desperate conditions
just across the border in Rukban camp, as we heard earlier.
Most urgently, Russia will probably veto the U.N. cross-
border aid resolution into northwest Syria this July, and the
consequences for millions of displaced Syrians will be
catastrophic.
The hard truth is that Syrian refugees remain caught
between a rock and a hard place, unable to go home but facing
tough conditions in their host communities. Meaningful
resettlementremains an aspiration.
The bottom line is that integrating the refugees into their
host countries' society and economy offers the most viable,
safe, and dignified pathway forward for the time being.
To this end, the United States and other donors should take
ten steps to support both refugees and host communities in the
region.
First, the United States should encourage Turkey and
Lebanon to comply with international law and stop forcing
Syrian refugees back into Syria. UNHCR should be allowed to
monitor removal centers to ensure that all returns to Syria are
voluntary, and the U.N. should also demand access and closely
monitor the condition of the few refugees who are actually
returning to Syria.
Second, the United States should encourage donors to ensure
multiyear funding to the formal education sector in host
countries. It should also support nonformal education in camps
and in formal settlements to help fill gaps.
Third, the United States should redouble efforts to improve
conditions for women refugees. Programs should provide
childcare, address gender-based violence, and offer vocational
training for jobs that empower women as members of society.
Fourth--and this is important--donors must promote labor
market integration. More jobs for refugees are essential to
making them self-reliant. A joint research project by RI and
the Center for Global Development has shown that labor market
integration is an economic win-win for refugees and their hosts
alike.
Fifth, the United States should channel more resources to
local aid groups. The goal here should be to allocate a quarter
of U.S. funding over the next 4 years, in line with USAID's new
commitment. The shift is particularly urgent in Lebanon, where
government corruption is a major concern.
Sixth, the United States should adopt a holistic approach
to Lebanon. As this committee well knows, the country's
economic and political crisis is deepening by the day. Aid for
Syrians, while urgent, must be integrated into a comprehensive
strategy to meet the needs of refugees and host communities
alike.
Seventh, donors must fund the U.N. regional refugee plan.
Last year, only 28 percent of the U.N. refugee response plan in
the region was funded. And as of this morning, funding for this
year's plan received amounted to zero. The United States should
mobilize other donors, particularly the Gulf, to close the gap.
Eighth, the United States must work with Jordan to find
solutions to the Rukban crisis. Negotiations over the 5-year
memorandum of understanding and its renewal with Jordan offer
an opportunity to make progress.
Ninth, the United States has resettled just over 23,000
refugees from Syria to date. That is a drop in the bucket. RI
is deeply aware of the overall stress on the U.S. resettlement
system, but we can and should resettle at least 15,000 Syrians
each year for the next 4 years, in concert and compliance with
the Presidential PD.
And finally, we must urgently prepare for the scenario in
which Russia vetoes the U.N. cross-border aid resolution in
July of this year. We can discuss more of that in the question
and answer.
I will stop there. Thank you for the opportunity to
testify. And I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Lang follows:]
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Mr. Deutch. Thank you very much, Mr. Lang. I appreciate it.
Ms. Shawky, you are recognized for 5 minutes.
STATEMENT OF MS. NIRVANA SHAWKY, REGIONAL DIRECTOR FOR THE
MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA, CARE
Ms. Shawky. Thank you, Mr. Chairman Deutch, Mr. Ranking
Member, subcommittee members. Thank you for this opportunity to
examine the humanitarian impact of the 11 years of conflict in
Syria.
My name is Nirvana Shawky. I am the regional director for
CARE in the Middle East and North Africa, and I have been
working on the Syria crisis and multiple mandates since the
beginning of the crisis.
CARE implements humanitarian and development programs in
over 100 countries, with a focus on women and girls, who are
the most vulnerable in crisis situations, but also the most
powerful change-makers.
CARE responds to the Syria crisis directly and through
partners in Syria and neighboring countries. And since 2013, we
have reached more than 9 million people inside Syria alone.
Simply put, humanitarian needs are increasing while
diplomacy and support are decreasing.
Alongside life-saving aid, Syrians need longer-term,
sustainable assistance that builds their self-reliance and
resilience. This includes durable solutions to displacement,
mitigating the impacts of climate change, like recurrent
drought and harsher winters, addressing the ways gender
inequalities compound humanitarian needs, and investing in
locally led solutions.
Above all, support for Syria must not be politicized. And
while humanitarian access or early recovery support is a
longstanding pillar of the humanitarian response in Syria, the
Syrian people cannot afford for it to be used as a political
bargaining chip.
The severity of needs after 11 years of war are compounded
by multiple crises: economic collapse, food insecurity, water
scarcity, and the global pandemic.
CARE's recent Rapid Gender Analysis reveals that the
households are under immense duress across northern Syria.
In the northwest, where 97 percent of the population lives
on less than $2 a day, women reported domestic violence as a
major concern.
The northeast, that was Syria's breadbasket, has now been
devastated by drought. Twenty-five percent of households eat
one meal a day, and one in five children are malnourished.
Families are resorting to negative coping mechanisms, like
eliminating meat and fruits and vegetables and all nutritious
elements, selling farmlands and animals, begging and borrowing,
sending their children to work, and marrying off young
daughters to older men.
The reality is grim, and we are preparing for further
deterioration. Cross-border humanitarian access, a fundamental
lifeline, has been eroded, and the last authorized crossing
into northwest Syria is at risk again if the U.N. Security
Council Resolution 2585 expires in July.
Additionally, the devastating situation with the conflict
in Ukraine may well have dire impacts on global supply chains,
exacerbating food insecurity in places like Syria and Lebanon
while further straining diplomatic efforts.
The U.S. commitment to prioritize humanitarian needs within
its Syria strategy is very welcome, but this must be backed up
with meaningful resources. Syrians cannot eat promises or
shelter their families with words alone. Last year,
humanitarian actors were forced to cut vital health services
and food rations due to the lack of funding.
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the
subcommittee, CARE urges Congress and the Administration to
support additional funding for life-saving aid, early recovery,
and resilience activities in Syria. We hope your offices will
support a substantial increase of the top-line humanitarian
accounts next Fiscal Year to respond at scale to growing global
needs.
But aid alone is not enough. This must be complemented by
concerted diplomacy toward an inclusive political solution.
CARE urges U.S. leaders to put renewed focus on
international humanitarian cooperation, including the
continuity of U.N. Security Council Resolution 2585 for another
12 months, at the minimum. The Syrian people need policymakers
to be united in support of their access to basic needs.
Finally, CARE recommends increased direct funding to
Syrian-led NGO's, particularly women-focused organizations.
Local solutions are the most enduring.
CARE is honored to be invited to testify. And I am very
pleased to see my colleague Jomana here today as a witness. But
we must do more to engage and empower Syrians to defend their
own path forward.
The Syrian crisis, while exceptionally dire in many ways,
is sadly not unique. This crisis is symbolic of a chronic lack
of humanitarian resourcing and diplomacy globally. But with
these steps, we have an opportunity to reverse these trends in
Syria while setting a new humanitarian course worldwide.
To mark the end of the 11th year of the crisis, CARE spoke
to 11-year-old Syrian girls, all born the year the crisis
started. I will let Atiya, a refugee in Lebanon, have the final
word to you, sir.
``Even though we have been here for a long time, we are
different. Our accent is different. I feel different from
everyone else. I am not in my country. And when you are
somewhere else, you never feel really safe.
``My parents say Syria was beautiful, that it was a good
place to live. Sometimes people ask me why am I still here, why
I do not go home, and I want to shout, 'Why do not you
understand?' My country is destroyed. Where do you want me to
go? I have nowhere to go.''
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Ranking Member, members of the
subcommittee, thank you for your time and attention today. I
look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Shawky follows:]
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Mr. Deutch. Thank you very much, Ms. Shawky, for your
testimony.
And finally, Mr. Rayburn, you are recognized for 5 minutes.
STATEMENT OF MR. JOEL RAYBURN, FELLOW, NEW AMERICA FOUNDATION
(FORMER SPECIAL ENVOY FOR SYRIA, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE)
Mr. Rayburn. Thank you, Mr. Deutch and Mr. Wilson. And I
commend the committee for bringing oversight to U.S. policy on
the worsening humanitarian crisis in Syria.
The first thing to understand about this problem is that it
is a symptom of a bigger one, which is Bashar al-Assad's
continuing war against the Syrian population, enabled by
Vladimir Putin.
For Assad, starvation is a strategy of war. So, the only
way truly to stop humanitarian suffering in Syria is to compel
Assad and Putin to cease their warfare and accept a political
resolution of the conflict.
Thus far, the Biden Administration has chosen instead to
focus on symptoms of Assad and Putin's war rather than the war
itself. The Biden team proposed late last year to focus on
terrorism, humanitarian deliveries, and local cease-fires, but
they have done so in a way that is disconnected from any effort
to resolve the broader conflict that creates these issues or to
pressure Assad and Putin to stop.
The Administration also signaled a green light for Israel
to attack Iranian weapons in Syria, but without addressing
Iran's military expansion in the Levant more broadly. And,
indeed, this afternoon we see reports that the Administration
may soon lift the Foreign Terrorist designation from Iran's
IRGC, a dangerous step that could allow money to flow back into
the IRGC's terror networks and Assad's war machine and make the
Syrian crisis even worse.
The previous Administration, of course, had a different
approach of bringing severe pressure on Assad and his allies,
especially through sanctions, to compel them to accede to the
U.N.-sponsored political process and cease attacks against
civilians. And in 2021, the Administration effectively
discontinued this pressure and sanctions slackened.
The Administration instead made gestures to Russia to
secure Moscow's vote to extend the U.N. mandate for cross-
border aid deliveries. But while U.S. representatives were
negotiating with Russian counterparts about ensuring U.N. aid
deliveries to northern Syria, the Russian Air Force was bombing
civilians in those same areas, making a mockery of the
negotiations, unfortunately.
So, in my view, this current U.S. approach of treating
symptoms rather than causes cannot work. Absent much greater
pressure, Assad will not end his war against his own people,
and the humanitarian catastrophe, refugee crisis, and terrorism
that his war creates will continue ad infinitum.
But Assad also cannot win the war, even with a blank check
from Putin. Eleven years without an Assad victory is long
enough for us to reach that conclusion, and that means Congress
can still make a difference in Syria.
So, I recommend you press for several policy changes in the
United States.
First, mobilize international pressure to force Assad and
Putin into complying with U.N. Security Council Resolution 2254
and discard all illusions about constructive engagement with
the Russians on this issue for now.
The Russians are not interested in partnering with us to
get a stable, acceptable outcome in Syria. The horrific tactics
they are employing in Ukraine, indiscriminately bombing
civilians, rubbling cities, cutting off essential services,
these are all methods that they practiced and continue to
practice in Syria to this day.
Most recently, Russian Defense Minister Shoigu announced
his intention of recruiting 16,000 Syrians to be flung into the
war in Ukraine. So, Moscow is exporting the Syrian war, not
deescalating.
And second, to this end, I think the United States should
restore sanctions pressure immediately. With Putin's
destabilizing behavior in Europe, there is no reason to go easy
on his top Middle Eastern client just for the sake of creating
a friendlier atmosphere with Moscow.
Regain leverage for the good of the situation both in Syria
and Ukraine by reinstating the intense pace of Caesar-related
sanctions from 2020, including against Russians, as the Caesar
Act envisioned.
Third, Congress should also discourage the Administration
from continuing with the misguided idea of having the regional
countries send gas across Assad's territory to supposedly
assist the Lebanese energy sector. There are better
alternatives that wouldn't violate the Caesar Act and wouldn't
give Assad a windfall, as that one does.
Fourth, scrutinize international assistance flowing through
Damascus, especially the ways in which the Assad regime
manipulates and intimidates the U.N. agencies there. Make U.S.
aid conditional on much greater transparency about how aid
deliveries are conducted and by whom.
Fifth--and this is one that hasn't yet been taken up by
Congress--crack down on Assad's vast narcotrafficking
operations that generate billions of dollars in revenue each
year for the regime. Denying Assad and his Hezbollah partners
this revenue would deal a body blow to both of them and make
international pressure much more effective.
Sixth, encourage the U.S. Government to support criminal
prosecutions against Syrian war criminals, as the Germans have
started to do. And just today in The New York Times, for
example, we saw a major article on mass graves of thousands of
Syrian detainees being detected in Syria. So, this issue is
going to become more prominent.
Seventh and finally, press the Administration to appoint a
senior diplomat with a direct line to State Department
leadership to conduct this diplomacy. The Administration,
inexplicably, has not appointed a Special Envoy for Syria for
the first time since 2014, and our allies and partners have
taken that as a sign that we are not interested.
Since 2011, as the chairman mentioned, the United States
has spent more than $14 billion on humanitarian assistance for
Syrians. The EU has spent $25 billion during that time; Canada,
$3.5 billion. Turkey claims to have spent $40 billion of its
own. And when you throw in the cost for refugee-hosting States,
such as Jordan and Lebanon, you can see that the cost of the
humanitarian response for the Syrian crisis is approaching $100
billion.
But that $100 billion has not done much by itself, and the
next hundred billion won't either unless it is part of a
comprehensive strategy to resolve the cause of the conflict
rather than its symptoms by bringing all tools to bear to
compel Assad and Putin to end their war against the Syrian
people once and for all.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Rayburn follows:]
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Mr. Deutch. Thank you very much, Mr. Rayburn.
Next, I will recognize members for 5 minutes each. And
pursuant to House rules, all time yielded is for the purposes
of questioning our witnesses.
Because of the virtual format of this hearing, I will
recognize members by committee seniority, alternating between
Democrats and Republicans. If you miss your turn, please let
our staff know. We will circle back to you. If you seek
recognition, you must unmute your microphone and address the
chair verbally.
I will defer my time and start by recognizing Mr. Cicilline
for 5 minutes.
Mr. Cicilline. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you to
you and Ranking Member Wilson for holding today's hearing on
this really important issue. And thank you to our witnesses for
their excellent testimony.
Ms. Shawky, I want to begin with you.
As we watched the horrific atrocities being committed by
President Assad and his government, I first want to say thank
you for the difficult work that you are doing to help U.S. aid
reach Syrians in need, while at the same time ensuring it never
reaches the hands of those in the Assad regime. And that is
always a concern, I think, as we fight for additional
resources.
So, can you please describe for us in greater detail the
extensive checks and screening mechanisms that are in place to
ensure that any humanitarian programs in the regime-controlled
areas are not used to benefit the regime?
Ms. Shawky. Thank you. Thank you, sir.
And, I mean, at CARE we are very grateful for the support
of the United States in helping us provide the support to the
Syrian people.
Allow me to provide also my testimony and further details
in writing.
We apply the highest measures of internal controls to
ensure that the vetting process is in line with the U.S.
standards for implementation.
And while we deliver our assistance, directly in most
areas, we also work with Syrian organizations on the ground
through a very scrutinized vetting process to ensure that they
cover all the checks and balances that are ensuring that there
is no aid diversion, that the aid is directly reaching the
hands of the beneficiaries. And we ensure that our reporting
mechanisms are of the highest standards to verify all these
different processes.
I, sir, will ask my team also to provide you in writing,
and the esteemed committee, all the different details about our
checks and balances to ensure the highest monitoring of our
operations.
Thank you, sir.
Mr. Cicilline. Thank you. That would be very helpful and
appreciate you furnishing that.
Mr. Lang, thank you again for your testimony. I would like
to focus for a moment on the al-Hawl refugee camp which, as you
know, was built to house approximately 10,000 people but has
housed more than 60,000 people since the caliphate fell over 3
years ago, and the vast majority of whom are women and children
who fled ISIS-controlled territories.
And reports continue to be seen that demonstrate that the
conditions remain quite squalid at al-Hawl from a variety of
NGO's. And over the past 2 years, children in particular have
been living in really horrific conditions.
In addition, obviously, the security situation is being
monitored closely but presents real problems. Last month, ISIS-
affiliated women tried to kidnap Kurdish guards that were
patrolling the camp, leading to a shooting in which a 10-year-
old child was killed and several women and children were
wounded.
And so would you please describe the current humanitarian
situation at al-Hawl and what concerns continued radicalization
and deterioration of the conditions in these camps present to
your organization's work and to our objective and mission
broadly?
Mr. Lang. Thank you, Congressman, for the excellent
question.
The first thing I should say is I have not been into
northeast Syria since the beginning of the pandemic. So, my
sort of personal knowledge of the situation at al-Hawl will be
slightly dated.
That said, when I was in the area last, the conditions were
already deteriorating pretty extraordinarily. What you cite
with your description is quite accurate in terms of the
conditions inside the camp, the sense that this sort of
intersection of very, very poor security situation, very
limited access to humanitarian assistance moving in, very
challenging working conditions for those NGO's that are
providing assistance, and no real horizon, right, about how we
are going to get out of this.
And I think to me, one of the things that really sort of
holds forth as a North Star to try to solve the situation is we
really do need to be working as hard as we possibly can with
other countries who have nationals in al-Hawl to work the
process of getting them out.
Humanitarians and then the Kurdish forces in the region can
only do so much in terms of providing humanitarian assistance
and then security over time. If there isn't some sort of
pathway in which there is some sort of opportunity for people
to leave the camp, those who need to be taken back into other
sort of conditions in countries of origin, those governments
need to move forward in that process and they need to be
pressured to do so. Otherwise, we do not see much of a
resolution to this process.
Next door in Iraq, we have seen some people begin to go
back. However, the conditions in terms of access to justice,
what is happening to them when they do, all that remains less
than transparent.
So, I think we have some work to do with respect to the
member States that could be doing more to get their nationals
out of that, even as we try to do our best through some
assistance to Kurdish allies, but then also, importantly,
humanitarian organizations, to try to keep their finger in the
dike of the current situation.
But the bottom line is the situation is extremely
difficult. It hasn't been made any easier by the fact that
there is no longer cross-border access for humanitarian
assistance via a U.N. mechanism into northeast Syria. All
assistance now has to go through sort of bilateral and NGO
methodologies, which are challenging and which limits the aid
that can get in.
So, that said, I think our first and top priority really is
diplomatic pressure on other countries to work the issue of
getting their nationals out of al-Hawl.
Thank you.
Mr. Cicilline. Thank you so much.
I yield back, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Deutch. Thanks very much, Mr. Cicilline.
Mr. Allred, you are recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. Allred. OK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding this
hearing. I appreciate the opportunity to hear from our
distinguished panel on confronting the humanitarian crisis in
Syria.
I want to build off of what Mr. Cicilline was saying and
discuss women and children, who have been particularly
vulnerable to violence during the 11 years of war in Syria as
the price of basic needs has skyrocketed and infrastructure has
been destroyed.
According to the United Nations, 6.1 million children
require humanitarian assistance and 3.1 million children are
internally displaced. Moreover, an additional 2.5 million
Syrian refugee children have been forced out of school and an
additional 1.6 million are at risk of dropping out. And the
toll on women has also been particularly brutal, and gender-
based violence remains a very serious concern.
And so let me begin with you, Ms. Shawky.
Can you please describe the specific challenges women and
children have faced during 11 years of conflict in Syria?
And if each of you could describe how your organizations
have prioritized them in your aid efforts.
Ms. Shawky. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Allred.
Allow me to say that this is really a great question and I
really thank you for that. And as the crisis continues to have
a gendered impact, with women and girls paying the highest
price, and children, of course, paying the highest price due to
harmful and discriminatory norms and gender norms that are
prevalent and widespread, the gender-based violence, including
early and forced marriages, are really on the rise.
And since the beginning of the conflict, people's options
to survive diminished. Families are making increasingly
desperate choices to survive. And for many children, this means
that they cannot continue their education, but instead they are
taken out of school to help contribute to the family income.
And for many girls, parents see child marriage as the only
option to feed their children.
CARE has recently conducted a Rapid Gender Analysis in
northwest Syria and northeast Syria between December 2021 and
February 2022. Among the key findings in this analysis, that in
order to cope, families have resorted to reducing food, selling
assets, child labor and marriage, and increasing household
debt.
Fifty-three of the respondents reported reducing food
intake to ensure children are well-fed. And one in five
children faces malnutrition in northern Syria, and pregnant and
lactating women are at risk due to nutritional deficiencies.
Also, parents reported increasing psychological stress due
to feeling unable to feed their children and risks to their
health and safety. And in northwest Syria, domestic violence
was women's highest security concern. And in 2020, one in five
suicide attempts and deaths in northwest Syria were by
children.
Allow me to add that the worst drought in decades has led
to significant harvest and income losses of over 70 percent of
farmers in northeast, and disproportionately affecting women,
who are the majority of the farming work force. And the costs
of buying water alone accounted for about one-fifth or more of
the budget of 27 percent of the households.
CARE has been actually engaging and working on all
different fronts, both in northwest Syria and northeast Syria,
to ensure that we are providing support against gender-based
violence. And we are providing also support for increased
accountability in the collection and the analysis and the
consistent application of age, sex, and diversity aggregated
data.
We also are addressing the gender impact of shifting social
roles in Syria by increasing engagement of men and boys in
psychological support and gender-based violence prevention and
response, and the strategies to increase women's voice in the
public sphere.
And also, we are working with local organizations to ensure
that we are responding to the immediate needs for the families
and households that are suffering the most on the ground.
I defer the rest of my time to my colleagues. Thank you.
Mr. Allred. Thank you.
Also, Ms. Qaddour, if in your response you could also add
anything that you think that the U.S. and the international
community should be doing to increase attention and support in
this area, please add that as well.
Ms. Qaddour. Yes. Thank you, Congressman.
No, I mean, I echo Ms. Shawky's statements about the
vulnerability of women and children.
You know, as I mentioned, the American Relief Coalition for
Syria represents 10 Syrian-American humanitarian organizations,
and these organizations to varying degrees have been working
with local--especially local leaders, including local women and
others, to really craft programs that are based on the kinds of
needs that women and children in various parts of Syria need.
Because, as I mentioned, each part of Syria needs a different
kind of attention, depending on its different access to aid and
what type of aid.
Unfortunately, and something that we would really like to
underline is that due to the increased number of crises across
the world and the COVID-19 pandemic, the aid to these areas is
constantly dropping, and we are constantly having to shut down
programs.
And, unfortunately, the need is not decreasing with that
decrease in aid. Unfortunately, it is an inverse relationship.
And we are seeing, as I said, more programs that are--there is
a plethora of short-term programs, but not enough in terms of
long-term and more stable planning.
I am hopeful that the early recovery aid that was passed
last July might be an opportunity. This might be an opportunity
to increase more stable programming, especially as it pertains
to women and children.
It is still incredibly limited, however, in northwest
Syria, and that is something that we absolutely need to
prioritize, is allocating stabilization and early recovery
funding for northwest Syria, where the need is incredibly high
and dramatic.
Mr. Allred. Well, thank you.
My time has expired, Mr. Chairman. I yield back.
Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Allred.
I now yield 5 minutes to the ranking member, Mr. Wilson.
Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And, again, thank you
for having this hearing, which is so important as we discuss
the 11th anniversary of the Syrian revolution, resulting in
such a level of mass murder.
Additionally, we really see that we are in a worldwide
conflict of rule of law, which is opposed by authoritarians who
propose rule of gun.
In Syria, we have seen over half a million people killed,
13 million displaced. And we see it continuing with Putin
following the Aleppo model to conduct the tactic of mass murder
of as many civilians as possible. And, sadly, this is beginning
for him to go from Ukraine, to then go to Moldova, control of
the Republic of Georgia.
And then, sadly, it is also a model for the Chinese
Communist Party for the taking over of Taiwan, and then
encouragement to Tehran to proceed with their death to Israel,
with the concept of terminating the people of Israel.
And, Mr. Rayburn, on November 24 the Biden Administration
issued a license for early recovery in Syria. And, sadly, early
recovery is a euphemism which is used by dictators for
reconstruction.
What are your thoughts on this license?
Mr. Rayburn. Well, Mr. Wilson, I think the idea of early
recovery is reconstruction and subsidy of the Assad regime by
stealth, especially given the way the Assad regime has such
extensive control over contracting, over the construction
sector, the infrastructure in Syrian regime territory.
The entire Syrian Government is a worse mafia than the New
York and New Jersey crime families. So, any significant project
that takes place anywhere in regime-controlled territory is
going to be an Assad mafia project. It is going to be channeled
into their pocket.
Mr. Wilson. And that is so concerning and needs to be
addressed. In fact, what are the specific examples of the Biden
Administration failing to implement the bipartisan Caesar Act?
Mr. Rayburn. I think, first, Mr. Wilson, the Administration
has just stopped issuing the sanctions. In the first 6 months
of the Caesar Act, from June to December 2020, we issued more
than a hundred designations under the Caesar Act and other
Syria-related authorities. And then, in 2021, that flow just
dried up, even though there were many, many more sanctions
targets that were on our radar screen and that I think should
have been sanctioned.
But that pressure just stopped. That was a move by the
Biden Administration to relieve some pressure on Assad in order
to get Russian acquiescence to the cross-border U.N. mandate.
Mr. Wilson. Very, very sad.
And then I was really grateful a couple years ago to be
working with the former chairman of the Foreign Affairs
Committee, Congressman Eliot Engel of New York, to work with
U.S. Senator Joe Lieberman of Connecticut.
The irresponsible and virtually insane to me Iran JCPOA,
the Iran deal, we should learn that the last time that there
was an agreement providing billions of dollars, some in cash,
to the mullahs in Tehran who proclaimed proudly death to
America, death to Israel. With this, Iran immediately provided
a billion-dollar credit line to the Assad regime and sent
thousands of fighters to help carry out the atrocities against
the people of Syria.
If there is another deal reached--and, sadly, we hear it is
to be negotiated on behalf of the United States by Putin, which
is somewhat inconceivable, but that is what is going on today
in Vienna. And it is so dangerous for the people of America,
for the people of Israel, and our Arab allies throughout the
region. And this is at the same time that Iran is conducting
every effort to develop missile development delivery, ICBMs.
There is only one reason for an ICBM. They already have
missile capability to strike Italy, to strike Romania,
Bulgaria, India. And, obviously, they can strike Israel. But
ICBMs have only one purpose, and that is to deliver a nuclear
weapon against the people of the United States.
With that in mind, what do you see if there is a repeat of
the flawed agreement?
Mr. Rayburn. Well, we do not have to guess, Congressman,
because we have seen it before. In the first 2 years under the
JCPOA, 2016 and 2017, we know, because President Rouhani
revealed to us the Iranian budget. We saw that in those first 2
years of sanctions relief under the JCPOA, the Iranian regime's
military and security budget increased by more than 40 percent
and that a hugely disproportionate portion of the windfall that
they got from sanctions relief went to their terror networks,
missile development, IRGC, Hezbollah, the Assad regime and the
Houthis, and so on.
The same thing will happen again, and I think it will
increase the conflict that threatens to rage across the Middle
East right now. And it will be a severe threat, increased risk
to an Iranian threat against Israel from both Syria and Lebanon
and Iraq and Yemen.
Mr. Wilson. And it would certainly reinforce the Hamas and
Gaza and the incredible situation of rocket attacks from Gaza
by Hamas, and then the rocket attacks of Hezbollah from
Lebanon, all provided by Iran.
And so, I really hope the American people will be in touch
with their members of the U.S. House and the U.S. Senate to let
them know that an Iran deal is not in the interest of world
peace. And what would work is peace through strength.
And so I am grateful again for your testimony, and then I
am really grateful that Chairman Ted Deutch has returned and
thank goodness he brought Congressman Brad Schneider with him
And so as I conclude, I yield back to the high honorable
chairperson.
Mr. Deutch. Thank you to the ranking member.
Chairperson, yes. High and honorable, I appreciate that
coming from you.
I am now pleased to yield 5 minutes to Ms. Manning for her
questions.
Ms. Manning. Thank you, Chairman Deutsch, for holding this
very important hearing.
Thank you, Mr. Ranking member.
Ms. Qaddour, you mentioned that the prospects for a renewed
cross-border aid resolution are threatened by Russia's invasion
of Ukraine. And assuming that Russia will veto the cross-border
aid mechanism, what does an alternative system of aid delivery
look like?
Ms. Qaddour. Thank you, Congresswoman.
So, for several years now, actually the Syrian
organizations, along with a lot of donors, you know, some of
the donors and INGO's have tried to develop a plan B. You know,
the details of that are still developing. But our understanding
is there is absolutely a way to go through Turkey in order to
deliver that aid and to possibly, you know, create a pooled
funding system that countries like ours could contribute to and
could oversee.
Now the U.N. Unfortunately has--or the good thing is that
what the U.N. provides is an umbrella that protects all
different kinds of organizations, as they operate. I mean, the
role of the U.N. is absolutely critical. And we do not want to
lose that cross-border.
But if it were to be lost, there is absolutely ways to
coordinate with OCHA, with WHO which is doing an amazing job
inside of northwest Syria, but allow, you know, non-U.N.
Entities to be able to get that aid inside, hopefully directed,
you know, outside by U.N. organizations and entities.
But the details of those, my understanding is they are
being developed by donors, INGO's, and local organizations that
are very worried about this prospect come July.
Ms. Manning. Thank you.
And, Mr. Lang, you said you had some suggestions with
dealing with Russia's veto on the cross-border aid. Can you add
those?
Mr. Lang. Thank you, Congresswoman. It would be a pleasure.
Look, first and foremost, we should do everything we can in
our diplomatic power to see the resolution renewed for access
into northwest Syria.
Jomana is right. The plan B will not be anywhere close to
the current operation in terms of the ability to get
humanitarian assistance inside.
All that said, this last exercise over the last couple of
years, every time we go through this, the kind of concessions
that are extracted by the Russians increase. And I would say
that, given what is happening in Ukraine, and watching the
posture of the Russians and the security council over the last
couple of weeks, I think it is fair to say that we are in for a
very rough ride come July.
So, I think planning for a plan B is pretty much what we
have moving forward. And there, I think, Jomana has put her
finger on a number of key points.
First, you know, the pooled fund that the U.N. uses to get
assistance in, we need an alternative to this. And there is
some discussion about certain donors being able to create such
a mechanism to hold that money. And so, I think getting an
alternative to the pooled fund will be a first order of
priority.
Second, the U.N. plays an incredibly important role, not
just in terms of getting stuff across the border, but in terms
of coordination. And so we are going to have to build a
coordination mechanism that can step in and do some of that.
That is going to be a difficult and challenging task, but it
can be done. And I think it may be possible to keep the U.N. at
least in a transition phase moving out of--if the resolution is
vetoed, I think the U.N. can go into a transition moment where
it helps to buildup and hand off some sort of transition
coordination role to NGO's that are leaving behind.
There has been tremendous pressure on NGO's, international
NGO's, in Turkey with respect to their aid operation. And so, I
think we are going to need some diplomatic pressure from the
U.S. Government vis--vis the Turkish Government, to the extent
it is possible, or outreach to try to facilitate sort of the
expansion of some of the international NGO operations in
southern Turkey, which will need to pick up some of the slack.
However, the most important element of this--sorry. Please.
Ms. Manning. I just wanted to, because I have limited time,
I want to move on to another issue.
What is the most significant thing you think the United
States, along with its allies and partners, can do to support
the long-term resettlement of Syrian refugees in light of the
distant possibility that they could actually return
successfully to Syria?
Mr. Lang. Great.
So, the last thing I would say, just on the last question,
prioritizing assistance to local NGO's really is the heart of
the matter. They are the ones that do the hard work every day
on the ground in northwest Syria, and they are the essential
part of the solution. So, getting more aid to them and starting
that now is critical.
With respect to resettlement, we have a couple of engines
that do this. One, the U.S., I do think, can step up and do a
little bit more and set an example in terms of resettling more
Syrian refugees.
Two, in the regions, really arrangements like the Jordan
Compact, right, where you trade assistance and economic access,
trade access to Europe, for example, for access for Syrian
refugees to the work force, to the labor market, that sort of,
like, getting a job makes Syrians self-sufficient, with
dignity, and is perhaps one of the most important things we can
do in terms of expanding their access to the labor market in
Turkey, in Lebanon, and in Jordan.
In Lebanon, it is going to be very, very hard, given where
we are economically. But I would put a real priority on labor
market integration, and also continued education. And whether
that is done through the formal system or informally, we need
to give Syrian children some light at the end of the tunnel on
their future.
Ms. Manning. Thank you.
My time has expired, Mr. Chair.
I yield back.
Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Ms. Manning.
I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to Mr. Schneider for his
questioning.
Mr. Schneider. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you to our witnesses for joining us today.
It is hard to fathom that we are 11 years into the brutal
Syrian conflict, and the U.S. Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs found that humanitarian needs in Syria are
increasing as donor countries are giving less money in foreign
assistance. That was noted in the materials in preparation for
this hearing. While the violence may be at a lull in Syria, the
economic stress situation is at its worst.
In its February report, the U.N. Secretary General Stated
that cross-border operations are a vital lifeline to ensure
that aid reaches millions of Syrians desperately in need. I
would also like to mention that the U.N. estimates there are 12
million people in Syria that are considered to be food
insecure.
I share these snapshots of the realities Syrians face
because of the dire humanitarian situation. It is something
that is not improving, and so many Syrians are relying, or are
dependent on this vital assistance. There are many conflicts
across the globe, and we have to do more to help people
wherever their needs. But in Syria, the suffering under the
Assad regime cannot be forgotten.
And so to that end, a number of questions. I actually spoke
to a friend of mine who is at the border of Ukraine in Poland.
And he was sharing with me that the impression he got of the
role technology is playing in helping manage the crisis, making
sure people get the resources that they need, being connected
with the agencies that can provide help. And it sparked a
question. So, I will share--so I will ask the question of each
of the panelists.
Your thoughts of how we can better use technology, provide
technological resources to deliver humanitarian assistance to
Syrians, and what role Congress might play in helping make sure
that assistance, that technology is getting in the right
places.
Ms. Qaddour. I could jump in here, Congressman.
Just briefly----
Mr. Schneider. Please.
Ms. Qaddour [continuing]. Since I mentioned this in one of
my--in my recommendations and in my statement. There is
absolutely a lot to be done in terms of education and extending
education programs: primary, secondary, even some college and
university degrees of Syrians in north Syria that are cutoff
from, you know, the institutions that used to be under Assad,
you know, under the control of the Assad government.
Many of those children are out of school. They are at risk
for all kinds of exploitation. But, you know, we can work a lot
more with technological companies. Now there is, you know,
WiFi, et cetera, is being extended across from the Turkish
border. There is more that can be done in the northeast but
allowing education programs to flourish, you know.
And even kids in Assad-held areas, you know, do and can
access some online programs. And I think that we can find
cooperative ways to work with USAID to make sure that children
across all parts of Syria can access sustainable and formal
education programs. I think that should definitely be a
priority for us.
Mr. Schneider. Great. Thank you.
Mr. Lang, any thoughts on the ways we can deploy technology
and how Congress might help?
Mr. Lang. Sure. And technology has been absolutely
essential to supplying sort of cash transfers to refugees
living in Jordan and other locations in the region. This has
been a tool, right, that has actually sort of facilitated a
much more efficient form of cash transfer and involves iris
scan technology, and it allows aid to sort of be boutique and
speaks to the nature of the need that the individual has very
specifically.
In addition, technology is increasingly playing a very
important role with access to the labor market, right? There
are a number of firms that are getting involved in helping
markets clear in terms of getting Syrians access to jobs. They
have done it a number of different places in Europe and
elsewhere, and sort of upping the game that technology plays
and the tech companies play in helping facilitate job matching
and skill transfer in the regional host countries, I think,
would be an exceptional opportunity.
And, finally, education. Again, for in the overstressed
systems where we have in Jordan, in Lebanon, et cetera, where
there are now two phases to classes, right, in the morning and
in the afternoon, to try to get refugee children in,
facilitating access to technology, and using those tools to
improve Syrian children's opportunity and access to education
are a big part of the way forward.
Mr. Schneider. Great. Thank you.
And Mr. Rayburn.
Mr. Rayburn. I think the northwest does not get enough
attention, Congressman. We have given--over the last few years
we have given a lot of interest and focus on the northeast
because the Defeat ISIS campaign is there at the northwest. We
essentially zeroed out a lot of U.S. assistance funding to the
northwest. It is time to rebalance that. The northwest has more
people and more territory than the country of Lebanon in the
liberated territories of the northwest, and it is time for the
United States to take focused interest in that.
I would suggest Congress engage with the State Department
to reopen the regional embassy office Gazientep, move the START
team there so they can have better visibility on assistance and
technological deployment into northwest Syria. And that is a
part of countering Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham and those groups.
There--which we are not competing against--there are millions
of people there who hate Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, hate al-Qaeda,
hate ISIS. But they get no assistance from us the way that our
allies in the northeast do.
So, I think it is long overdue to have a relook at the way
the United States engages with the northwest.
Mr. Schneider. Thank you.
And I now have the ``up'' arrow on the timer which either
means I have unlimited time or my time is up. I am guessing it
is the latter.
I yield back.
Mr. Deutch. Thank you very much, Mr. Schneider.
Great. I will yield myself 5 minutes for additional time as
I may need.
Thank you very much to all of the witnesses. This is a
really, really important conversation.
I want to just focus on a couple of things. This has gone
the way a congressional hearing should go. The conversation was
specific and detailed, and my colleagues were well-informed,
and our witnesses are knowledgeable and do so much to help this
horrific situation.
But I want to try to make this--I want to take a step back
and suggest that half a million Syrians having been
slaughtered, and over 12 million displaced, is the equivalent
of over 9 million Americans being killed, and nearly 250
million Americans being displaced.
We have a tendency, especially over time, especially over
11 years, to continue to focus on the specifics, sometimes
losing sight--because the day to day is so terrible, sometimes
losing sight, I think, of the enormity of the atrocities
wrought on Syria by Bashar al-Assad.
And so, I have two questions: The first question is, you
have laid out--and, again, I am so grateful to our witnesses,
not just for being here but for your thought leadership and the
work that you do on the ground. You have laid out a lot of
specific steps that we can take to ensure that aid can be
provided to address the gender issues. There is just a lot that
you laid out.
Here is the question: How do we continue--first, how do we
get enough of a commitment to actually have the resources to do
it? I think earlier 28 percent of the refugee plan was funded.
Then how do we actually get it paid, because thus far this year
that number is zero? That is question one.
And I will open that under to any of you.
Who has thoughts?
Mr. Lang. Mr. Chairman, I can jump in for a second.
The United States has done an extraordinary amount in terms
of the, you know, the funding and the leadership, right, in no
small part due to Congress in the kind of response that we have
offered both inside Syria for the humanitarian response, and
then also for the refugees' response externally.
I think part of this has to do with sharing the
responsibility, and marshalling others to do more as well. The
Europeans have spent a tremendous amount of money, particularly
in Turkey, right? And so I think there is a question about how
do you sort of divide--the Europeans had, like, a 5-year
program or a 6-year program for, in essence, trading certain
migration protocols for assistance. Now we could have a
discussion about whether or not that was the right thing to do
from a protection standpoint, but largely, it seems to have
held.
At the moment there are only about another 1/1-2 years of
assistance in that pipeline. So, I think trying to encourage
our European allies, especially as Ukraine comes online, to
take the long view, and to look at making a longer-term
commitment in the coming years, one that we can similarly match
in countries like Jordan, and then countries like Lebanon which
are going to need a tremendous amount of help.
In addition, I would posit that there are certain, you
know, for example, Gulf allies who, whether or not--I mean, one
of the sort of externalities of the situation in Ukraine are
going to be an increase in the amount of money that is going to
be made on certain oil markets. And I think it might be an
opportunity for some of our Gulf allies to step up and stand
shoulder to shoulder with us in getting assistance to refugee
populations in the region, but then also, potentially, inside
of Syria for humanitarian assistance.
Mr. Deutch. Thanks.
Yes, yes.
Mr. Rayburn. Congressman, I think it is about U.S.
leadership, to be honest with you. I mean, my experience as the
Syria envoy was that when we showed a commitment, even if it
was not a maximal commitment compared to previous years, when
we showed a continued commitment, others fell in line. That was
seed money. And others came--others came to where we would lead
them. We have the convening authority, the convening example.
So, it really is about being active. That is why I think it
is so important. I wish the Administration would appoint a
senior diplomat to fill that envoy role, to show leadership.
And I think also that diplomat could take the lead in
engaging the Gulf countries, as Mr. Lang mentioned, to up their
contribution as well. We had a difficult time with that during
the Trump Administration. That was mainly because of the
Turkey-Gulf rift. I think those things are improving now. There
may be an opening there.
Mr. Deutch. Thanks.
And Ms. Shawky, I think you had wanted to say something.
Ms. Shawky. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I only wanted to add that we are deeply grateful for the
investments the United States has made, and continues to make
in global development and humanitarian response, and the global
response to COVID as well.
And we, as an international confederation of CARE partners
across the world, we are actively engaging governments
throughout the world in both wealthy nations and in the global
south. And we consistently urge wealthy nations to contribute
their fair share to global efforts. And we also seek our best
to push governments in the global south to adopt policy changes
that will create systematic transformational change for
communities who face poverty and injustice. And, of course, in
the forefront of this discussion is the Syrian people.
Thank you.
Mr. Deutch. Thanks.
And my final question is on the topic of justice and the
continued importance of the pursuit of justice and
accountability.
How significant is that? As we look ahead to the future in
Syria, hopefully a future of better for the people of Syria,
how significant is that pursuit of justice in holding those
accountable for these horrific atrocities responsible?
Ms. Qaddour. Congressman, I will jump in here if you do not
mind.
Absolutely. I mean, I think accountability is going to be
about most importance in the coming years. You have Syrian
doctors and nurses and humanitarian workers that have been
documenting all kinds of crimes that have taken place across
Syria for the last decade. We have it. The IIIM has been part
of this process. The Commission of Inquiry has been, you know,
a part of this process.
You have many Syrian and international legal organizations
that have kept dossiers of chemical weapons used, of attacks on
hospitals, of attacks on schools. And I think right now it is
really important. I mean, we have seen only a handful of trials
across Europe, universal jurisdiction trials.
But I think with what we are seeing now in Russia and the,
you know, the submission to the ICC, and the potential opening
of inquiries into Russia's crimes in the Ukraine, this offers
us a really important moment, and also a responsibility to not
just hold Russia accountable for what it has done in Ukraine,
which is justified, but also to widen that dossier and to look
at--you have some of these same Russian generals that were
involved both in crimes committed in the Ukraine and Syria that
were dropping bombs on both populations. And they should be
held accountable for both of those crimes so that the victims
can be treated equally by, you know, a court of law.
Mr. Deutch. Ms. Qaddour, thank you to you and Ms. Shawky,
Mr. Lang, and Mr. Rayburn. We are most grateful for your papers
in this hearing today. This is a really difficult time for the
world. But the unity that we--the--as those with shared values
stand together against Putin's aggression and attacks on
Ukraine, we have to continue to maintain that unity. And that
applies to standing with the people of Ukraine, and it applies
to remembering the people of Syria, just as we have over the
past 11 years.
We will work to ensure humanitarian assistance is provided.
We will work to ensure that justice is ultimately meted out.
And we will do that throughout the whole of this government,
both the Administration and the U.S. Congress, and I know from
dedicated leaders, activists, and NGO's that all of you
represent. Thanks very much.
And I will remind the members that if you have additional
questions, you can ask witnesses to please respond to them in
writing. And I would ask my colleagues that any witness
questions for the hearing record be submitted to the
subcommittee clerk within 5 business days.
And with that and without objection, the hearing is
adjourned. Thanks again.
[Whereupon, at 4:25 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]
APPENDIX
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STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD FROM REPRESENTATIVE CONNOLLY
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