[Senate Hearing 116-273]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 116-273
NOMINATIONS OF THE 116th CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION, PART I
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HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
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PART I
MARCH 6, 2019 TO JULY 30, 2019
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Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via the World Wide Web:
http://www.govinfo.gov
__________
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
41-447 PDF WASHINGTON : 2020
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho, Chairman
MARCO RUBIO, Florida ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland
CORY GARDNER, Colorado JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire
MITT ROMNEY, Utah CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware
LINDSEY GRAHAM, South Carolina TOM UDALL, New Mexico
JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut
JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming TIM KAINE, Virginia
ROB PORTMAN, Ohio EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts
RAND PAUL, Kentucky JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon
TODD YOUNG, Indiana CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey
TED CRUZ, Texas
Christopher M. Socha, Staff Director
Jessica Lewis, Democratic Staff Director
John Dutton, Chief Clerk
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
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Responses to additional questions from the committee and any
additional material submitted for the record are located at the
end of each hearing transcript.
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Part I
March 6, 2019.................................................... 1
Abizaid, General John P., to be Ambassador Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia..................................................... 6
Tueller, Hon. Matthew H., of Utah, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Iraq........................................... 10
March 12, 2019................................................... 65
Johnson, Ronald Douglas, of Florida, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of El Salvador.................................... 69
Fitzpatrick, Michael J., of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Ecuador........................................ 72
March 27, 2019................................................... 113
Destro, Robert A., of Virginia, to be Assistant Secretary of
State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor............... 121
Krach, Keith, of California, to be Under Secretary of State
for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment; U.S.
Alternate Governor of the European Bank for Reconstruction
and Development; U.S. Alternate Governor of the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development; and
U.S. Alternate Governor of the Inter-American Development
Bank....................................................... 123
Stilwell, Brigadier General David, USAF (Ret.), of Hawaii, to
be Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific
Affairs.................................................... 128
April 9, 2019.................................................... 207
Eberhardt, Jeffrey L., of Wisconsin, to be Special
Representative of the President for Nuclear Non-
Proliferation.............................................. 211
Gilmore, Hon. James S., of Virginia, to be U.S.
Representative to the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe...................................... 214
Swendiman, Alan R., of North Carolina, to be Deputy Director
of the Peace Corps......................................... 217
April 11, 2019................................................... 251
Crawford, Edward F., of Ohio, to be Ambassador to Ireland.... 254
Byrnes, Kate Marie, of Florida, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of North Macedonia................................ 257
Satterfield, Hon. David Michael, of Missouri, to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Turkey....................... 260
(iii)
May 16, 2019..................................................... 303
Brink, Bridget A., of Michigan, to be Ambassador to the
Slovak Republic............................................ 305
Howery, Kenneth A., of Texas, to be Ambassador to the Kingdom
of Sweden.................................................. 307
Klimow, Colonel Matthew S., USA (Ret.), of New York, to be
Ambassador to Turkmenistan................................. 310
Daigle, John Jefferson, of Louisiana, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Cabo Verde..................................... 313
May 21, 2019..................................................... 343
Bates, Pamela, of Virginia, to be U.S. Representative to the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development...... 347
Landau, Christopher, of Maryland, to be Ambassador to the
United Mexican States...................................... 350
Nordquist, Jennifer D., of Virginia, to U.S. Executive
Director of the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development................................................ 353
Pedrosa, Eliot, of Florida, to be U.S. Executive Director of
the Inter-American Development Bank........................ 356
June 20, 2019.................................................... 393
Bremberg, Andrew P., of Virginia, to be U.S. Representative
to the Office of the United Nations and other International
Organizations in Geneva.................................... 397
Goldberg, Hon. Philip S., of the District of Columbia, to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Colombia..................... 400
Manchester, Doug, of California, to be Ambassador to the
Commonwealth of the Bahamas................................ 402
Zuckerman, Adrian, of New Jersey, to be Ambassador to Romania 405
Norland, Hon. Richard B., of Iowa, to be Ambassador to Libya. 430
Cohen, Jonathan R., of California, to be Ambassador to the
Arab Republic of Egypt..................................... 433
Rakolta, John, Jr. to be Ambassador to the United Arab
Emirates................................................... 436
July 17, 2019.................................................... 605
Marks, Lana, of Florida, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
South Africa............................................... 606
Lapenn, Jessica, of New York, to be U.S. Representative to
the African Union.......................................... 609
Bell, Richard K., of Pennsylvania, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Cote D' Ivoire................................. 612
Leonard, Hon. Mary Beth, of Massachusetts, to be Ambassador
to the Federal Republic of Nigeria......................... 615
Bekkering, Michelle, of the District of Columbia, to be an
Assistant Administrator of the U.S. Agency for
International Development, Economic Policy, Economic
Growth, Education, and Environment......................... 618
July 30, 2019.................................................... 701
Carwile, John Leslie, of Maryland, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Latvia......................................... 703
McKee, Erin Elizabeth, of California, to be Ambassador to
Papua New Guinea, Ambassador to the Solomon Islands, and
Ambassador to the Republic of Vanuatu...................... 706
Godfrey, Anthony F., of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Serbia......................................... 710
Mustafa, Herro, of California, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Bulgaria....................................... 714
Part II
September 19, 2019............................................... 759
Billingslea, Hon. Marshall, of Virginia, to an Under
Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and
Human Rights............................................... 772
Boehler, Adam Seth, of Louisiana, to be Executive Officer of
the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation..... 776
Pack, Michael, of Maryland, to be Chief Executive Officer of
the Broadcasting Board of Governors........................ 778
October 16, 2019................................................. 897
Cantor, Carmen G., of Puerto Rico, to be Ambassador to the
Federated States of Micronesia............................. 899
DeSombre, Michael George, of Illinois, to be Ambassador to
Thailand................................................... 902
Kim, Hon. Sung Y., to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Indonesia.................................................. 906
Tan, Morse H., of Illinois, to be Ambassador at Large for
Global Criminal Justice.................................... 908
Currie, Hon. Kelley Eckels, of Georgia, to be Ambassador at
Large for Global Women's Issues............................ 911
October 29, 2019................................................. 965
Cabral, Roxanne, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of the Marshall Islands........................... 966
Degnan, Kelly C., of California, to be Ambassador to Georgia. 969
Gilchrist, Robert S., of Florida, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Lithuania...................................... 972
Kim, Yuri, of Guam, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Albania.................................................... 975
October 30, 2019................................................. 1017
Sullivan, Hon. John Joseph, of Maryland, to be Ambassador to
the Russian Federation..................................... 1025
October 31, 2019................................................. 1167
Castillo, Andeliz N., of New York, to be U.S. Alternate
Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank.. 1170
Golden, Dr. Alma L., of Texas, to be an Assistant
Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International
Development................................................ 1172
Haymond, Peter M., of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the Lao
People's Democratic Republic............................... 1176
Romanowski, Alina L., of Illinois, to be Ambassador to the
State of Kuwait............................................ 1179
Tsou, Leslie Meredith, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the
Sultanate of Oman.......................................... 1182
November 20, 2019................................................ 1255
Biegun, Stephen E., of Michigan, to be Deputy Secretary of
State...................................................... 1260
December 17, 2019................................................ 1393
Chapman, Hon. Todd C., of Texas, to be Ambassador to the
Federative Republic of Brazil.............................. 1396
Hennessey-Niland, John, of Illinois, to Ambassador to the
Republic of Palau.......................................... 1399
Shea, Dorothy, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the Lebanese
Republic................................................... 1403
Wright, Dr. Donald, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the
United Republic of Tanzania................................ 1406
NOMINATIONS
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WEDNESDAY, MARCH 6, 2019
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:02 a.m. in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. James E.
Risch, chairman of the committee, presiding.
Present: Senators Risch [presiding], Rubio, Johnson,
Gardner, Romney, Barrasso, Paul, Young, Cruz, Menendez, Cardin,
Shaheen, Udall, Murphy, Kaine, and Merkley.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
The Chairman. The committee will come to order.
Today we are going to hear a couple of very important
positions. We have a couple nominees, one to be Ambassador of
Saudi Arabia and one to be Ambassador of Iraq. And to introduce
our nominees, we have a very, very distinguished guest from the
great State of Alaska, Senator Sullivan, and he is going to
make the introductions. So, Senator Sullivan, the floor is
yours.
STATEMENT OF HON. DAN SULLIVAN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM ALASKA
Senator Sullivan. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman and Senator
Menendez. It is truly an honor for me to come before the
committee today on behalf of my friend and a great American,
General John Abizaid, U.S. Army, retired, to support his
confirmation to be U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia.
I know you have all had an opportunity to review his
resume. I know many of you have already talked to General
Abizaid. What I wanted to do is to highlight a few important
elements of his personal background and experience that I have
seen firsthand.
After graduating from West Point, General Abizaid began his
distinguished Army career in 1973 as an infantry platoon
leader. He rose to the rank of four-star general and was the
longest serving commander of U.S. Central Command, an area of
responsibility that at the time he commanded spanned more than
4 million square miles from the Horn of Africa, Egypt, the
Arabian Peninsula, Iraq, Afghanistan, South and Central Asia.
As he rose through the ranks, he always kept his mind
sharp. He achieved a master's degree in Middle Eastern studies
from Harvard University. He was an Olmsted Scholar at the
University of Jordan in Amman.
After 34 years of service to his nation, he retired from
the U.S. military in 2007 and is now a fellow at Stanford
University's Hoover Institution.
In 2005, I was a major in the Marine Corps Reserves and was
called to active duty to spend close to a year and a half as a
staff officer for General Abizaid when he was the CENTCOM
Commander. I pretty much was with him everywhere in the world
during that time, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Egypt, Central
Asia and, yes, Yemen and Saudi Arabia. It was a difficult time
in the region, especially in Iraq.
What I witnessed day in and day out is everything you would
want in an American general and an American public servant
serving our country, a man of the highest integrity, a warrior,
a scholar, an intellectual, a truly tested leader and, yes, a
diplomat who, during his time in the military, garnered the
deep respect of the leadership at the State Department due to
his keen understanding of the culture and politics of the
region for which he was responsible.
There are few people in our country who understand the
cross currents of U.S. interests, challenges, and history in
the Middle East than John Abizaid. He commands respect and
trust from those around him, those who have served with him.
I remember watching in amazement several times as a staff
officer when he had meetings with leaders in the region, all
over the region, whether it was kings or prime ministers or
colonels and generals, where he would begin the meetings
speaking in Arabic. General Abizaid speaks Arabic, by the way,
another element of his distinguished background.
This kind of credibility and trust was so critical in the
region.
He is also a man with a great sense of humor and sharp wit.
I remember a time when I was outside his office in Iraq waiting
for him. The other individual waiting for him was also a Marine
Corps major. General Abizaid had just had a meeting with four-
star Army General Barry McCaffrey. General McCaffrey walked
out, looked at the two Marine majors and said, John, what is
with these marines hanging around your office, to which the
general responded, I like hanging out with marines. It makes me
feel smart.
[Laughter.]
Senator Sullivan. General Abizaid is a classic example of
an American patriot willing to serve his country for all the
right reasons. He did not seek this nomination for attention or
recognition. He was sought out by the administration because of
his extensive experience and knowledge of the U.S.-Saudi
relationship and the issues in the Middle East. He accepted
President Trump's nomination because he knows at this point in
time it is important to have someone skilled to navigate such a
multifaceted relationship in this very important but
challenging region. And, yes, the U.S.-Saudi relationship is
indeed complex. I know there is a lot of debate in this chamber
on pressing foreign policy challenges in the Middle East as it
relates to Saudi Arabia and Yemen and Iran, and I am sure you
will ask him hard but fair questions.
But here is an issue over which I think there should be no
debate. We need a highly qualified ambassador in Riyadh, and we
need that person there soon. I do not think there has been a
nominee before this committee who is so uniquely qualified and
well equipped to manage the relationship of the post for which
he has been nominated.
John Abizaid will serve his country as he always has, with
integrity, honor, and distinction. I urge all of you to support
his nomination and move to confirm him as soon as possible.
Thank you again, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to say a
few words about a great American.
The Chairman. Well, thank you very much.
We will hear from both of our witnesses in just a moment,
but Ambassador Tueller, who is with us today, has been
nominated to be Ambassador of Iraq, also a heavy lift.
Ambassador Tueller is a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service has held multiple tours across the Middle East, and has
served his country with distinction as U.S. Ambassador to Yemen
since 2014. His experience navigating the complexities of the
ongoing Yemen conflict has afforded him a unique perspective on
war and reconciliation, which will, no doubt, serve him well in
post-war Iraq.
Prior to his current role, he served as Ambassador to
Kuwait, as Deputy Chief of Mission in Egypt, Qatar, Kuwait,
respectively, and as a senior diplomat in Iraq.
Let me say just a couple of things as we open here.
As far as Saudi Arabia is concerned, we have a shared
security interest with Saudi Arabia in combating Sunni
extremism and Iranian influence in the region, and we should
not lose sight of that.
At the same time, I think all of us have serious concern
over events surrounding the Saudi Kingdom, and the Saudi-GCC
rift with Qatar has made difficult U.S. efforts in the Gulf
Arab unity against Iran.
We look forward, Mr. Abizaid, General Abizaid, to hearing
how you plan to work with the Saudi officials to advance U.S.
objectives on a wide range of issues, including the Saudis'
role in the Yemen conflict, the GCC crisis with Qatar, and
reported human rights abuses.
In addition to that, we welcome Mr. Tueller regarding the
Iraq post. There remain ongoing tensions between Baghdad and
the Kurds, as we all know, particularly in the north. Repairing
this relationship needs to be a priority for the United States.
The Kurds have been good friends and allies of ours. It is
important that the relationship in Iraq be repaired.
This comes at a time when the Iraqi parliament is preparing
to debate a resolution that would significantly affect the U.S.
military presence there. This is a hugely concerning prospect,
and I look forward to hearing from you how we can work together
to communicate our shared security interests with officials in
Iraq.
With that, I will yield to the ranking member, Senator
Menendez.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I just want to tell our distinguished friend and colleague,
Senator Sullivan, from my travels abroad, I think it is the
Marine detachments that actually protect the embassies. So I do
not know if they want to hear that joke.
[Laughter.]
Senator Menendez. But in any event, General Abizaid,
Ambassador Tueller, thank you both for your past service and
thank you for both signing up to serve in two complex countries
with which the United States has critical security
partnerships.
Mr. Chairman, I think it sends an important signal that
these are our first two nominees before the committee in this
Congress, especially since we have not had a nominee for Saudi
Arabia in 2 years. And while we have had two closed-door
briefings ostensibly touching on Saudi Arabia in this Congress,
they were wholly unsatisfactory in providing this committee
with information. The administration's attempt to explain its
failure to provide a legally mandated determination about the
murder of American resident Jamal Khashoggi was insulting.
I urge the committee to hold open hearings with the
administration to understand our actions and our objectives.
And specifically, Mr. Chairman, I ask you to work with me
and the other bipartisan cosponsors on this committee on the
Saudi Arabia and Yemen Accountability Act. If the President
fails to act, I believe Congress must.
Now to our nominees. You will both face challenging
environments. General Abizaid, as we discussed, Saudi Arabia
has taken a number of actions that have seriously strained the
U.S.-Saudi relationship over the past few years, actions that
belie the ambitious reforms many had hoped for.
Under new management, the Crown Prince has launched Saudi
Arabia into a devastating war in Yemen; isolated Qatar,
threatening Gulf cooperation and coordination against threats
from Iran and regional terrorist groups; detained and tortured
members of his own family; effectively hoodwinked and
intimidated the Lebanese Prime Minister. And just this week, we
publicly learned about the detention and potential torture of a
United States citizen. And I would like to acknowledge that a
member of Dr. Fitaihi's family and his advocates are here
today.
Amidst all of this, we continue to cooperate in confronting
real and strategic threats to the United States and Saudi
interests. The Kingdom does continue to face legitimate
threats, including from Houthis, often with Iranian backing. No
country should be expected to live with the threat of missiles
being launched into civilian centers across its border. But as
the conflict drags on, violent Houthi factions only become more
empowered.
We cannot let these interests blind us to our values or to
our long-term interests in stability. I have been disappointed
with the administration's public posture towards Saudi Arabia.
Our leaders cannot credibly call on the world stage and demand
accountability for human rights abuses while giving a wink and
a nod to the Crown Prince.
General Abizaid, while I am wary of the militarization of
the State Department, I believe you have the right experience
for the kind of leadership we need at this embassy. As we
discussed, you will face not only the challenge of engaging
directly with the Saudis and managing a large mission in
Riyadh. You will have to contend with a White House that at
times seems to be running its own bilateral show.
Ambassador Tueller, given your current service to Yemen
while stationed, however, in Riyadh, as is the ousted Hadi
government, I would also posit some of these challenges to you.
As our Ambassador to Yemen, you have been responsible for
securing U.S. interests there, for supporting an
internationally led effort to promote a political solution that
offers legitimate security interests for Saudis and Yemenis,
while also ensuring that all Yemeni people have a political
process to express their interests, one that equitably and
adequately addresses all equities and promotes our interests.
You will face somewhat similar challenges in Iraq.
Unfortunately, the President's lack of a coherent strategy for
U.S. policy in Iraq has only increased some of the challenges
we face. As we discussed yesterday, there is a growing movement
within some political corners to oust American troops from the
country. I believe we have invested too many American lives and
national treasure, seen too many Iraqis perish under the
brutality of terrorism, and risked critical alliances that we
have built to do that precipitously.
We must work with the Iraqi people to continue to support
building institutions, to promote an inclusive political
process, and to continue training Iraqi security forces so that
the Iraqis themselves can ultimately defend their country.
We must support efforts to confront those seeking to
continue destabilizing Iraq from a resurgent ISIS to Iranian
political ambitions. And I am particularly concerned about the
proposal to permanently close the consulate in Basra.
Your job will be to keep an open mind about the political
process, finding a way to include Shia, Sunni, and Kurdish
populations with all of whom the United States has important
relationships.
And in that context, I look forward to hearing from both of
you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator.
Gentlemen, thank you to both of you for being willing to
take this on. As both myself and the ranking member have stated
in our opening statements, we have tried to tee up for you to
answer some of the questions that are really challenging. About
everybody that comes here, we talk about the challenging
conditions in the country they are going to. Both of these are
very, very unique challenges. We hear a lot of talk on this
committee from the administration, from the media, from all of
the opinion writers about the problem of reconciling the United
States' interests and having a strategic relationship with
Saudi Arabia and reconciling how we are going to do that while,
at the same time, as the ranking member pointed out, Saudi
Arabia is engaged in acts that just are simply not acceptable.
Unfortunately, as I said, we hear a lot of descriptions
about the problem. We do not hear any answers. There have been
some modest suggestions that have been made, none of which
would resolve the problem I do not think.
It is an ongoing conversation that the ranking member and I
are having and we are having internally amongst this committee,
sometimes publicly, sometimes privately, and likewise between
the committee and the administration.
So knowing that you do not have a silver bullet or a magic
answer, we do want to hear your thoughts, your comments,
analysis, and maybe even some helpful suggestions as we go
forward because everyone agrees we have got to go forward and
reconcile these two very competing things.
Iraq is not totally dissimilar, but again, because of
things that are going on there that make it very difficult for
us to operate, but it is essential we have a relationship with
Iraq and that it has to be in the interest of both countries or
it will not be a relationship.
So, gentlemen, thank you. And we will start out with you,
General. Why do you not take the floor?
STATEMENT OF GENERAL JOHN P. ABIZAID, UNITED STATES ARMY,
RETIRED, OF NEVADA, TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM
OF SAUDI ARABIA
Mr. Abizaid. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman and
Ranking Member Menendez, members of the committee.
Thanks goes to Senator Sullivan for a very overrated
introduction. He is a smart marine. He is a great marine, and
he is a great Senator. And I value his service to this nation
so much. Thank you, Senator Sullivan.
I also want to say how privileged I am to be here with
Ambassador Matt Tueller who served in so many tough and
demanding assignments.
I am honored to appear before you today as President
Trump's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom
of Saudi Arabia. I am grateful to the President for his
nomination and to Secretary Pompeo for his trust and
confidence. I welcome the opportunity to discuss the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia and ask that my full testimony be submitted for
the record.
If confirmed by the Senate, I pledge to work closely with
the members of this committee to advance U.S. interests and
values in Saudi Arabia and the region.
My wife Kathy and my son David are both here today, and my
daughters, Shari and Christy, have duties far away, but they
are here in spirit. I thank the family for their love, their
support, and service to the nation. All of the kids have served
the nation, and my son-in-law, Lieutenant Colonel Robb Shaw,
continues to serve as a battalion commander of paratroopers. We
have spent too much time in the Abizaid family dealing with
America's wars. It is my hope that, if confirmed as Ambassador,
I can play some small role in ensuring that my grandchildren
never see combat in the Middle East.
Having served for a considerable part of my life in the
Middle East, I am aware of both how difficult this region can
be and just how essential it is to U.S. interests and national
security.
It is my conviction that stability in the Middle East is
most endangered by the continued threat of violent Sunni
extremism and Iran's radical policy of Shia expansionism. From
Syria to Yemen, these forces foment instability, deprive the
region's people of a better future, and threaten the national
security of the United States. It is difficult for me to
imagine today that a convoy of Iranian Revolutionary Guards
Qods Force filled with weapons could travel unimpeded from Iran
to Lebanon. The good people of Iran deserve a better future
than the endless war and constant drain on the economy provided
by the IRGC Qods Force.
To confront these threats, the United States must work with
and through our regional partners. We cannot effectively combat
these threats nor promote our core interests and values without
them. The United States has a long history of cooperation with
the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. It is difficult to imagine a
successful U.S. effort to undercut Sunni extremism or keep Iran
in check without engaging and partnering with the Kingdom.
This is not to say that I am unaware of the challenges
facing the U.S.-Saudi partnership today: war in Yemen, the
senseless killing of Jamal Khashoggi, rifts in the Gulf
alliance, alleged abuses of innocent people, to include an
American citizen and female activists. All present immediate
challenges.
Yet, in the long run, we need a strong and mature
partnership with Saudi Arabia. Reform there promises to make
the Kingdom more dynamic, more prosperous, and the region more
stable. It is in our interests to make sure that the
relationship is sound, to assist with the vision of reform and
not shy away from expressing our views and our values to our
partners in the Kingdom.
If confirmed as Ambassador, I pledge to work tirelessly on
the many issues that will inevitably come between the United
States and Saudi Arabia. It would be my great honor to lead our
diplomatic team in Saudi Arabia, to advance U.S. interests and
values in the Kingdom, and to counter the forces that threaten
U.S. national security.
I am grateful for the opportunity to appear before you
today, and I look forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of General Abizaid follows:]
Prepared Statement of John P. Abizaid
Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez, members of the committee,
I am honored to appear before you today as President Trump's nominee to
be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. I am
grateful to the President for his nomination and to Secretary Pompeo
for his trust and confidence. If confirmed by the Senate, I pledge to
work closely with the members of the committee to advance U.S.
interests and values in Saudi Arabia and the region.
I would first like to thank my wife, Kathy, as well as my children
Sharon, Christine, and David for their love, support, and service to
this nation.
Having served for a considerable part of my life in the Middle
East--including in Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, and of course Iraq--I am
aware of both how difficult this region can be, and just how essential
it is to U.S. interests and national security.
Today, there are an abundance of active forces that would foment
regional insecurity. Iran continues its expansionist, destabilizing
foreign policy. In Yemen, Iran helps the Houthis obtain weapons and
equipment used to attack Yemeni civilians and bordering countries. In
Syria, Iran props up Bashar al Assad, who has terrorized his own
citizens with unspeakable brutality. In Lebanon, Iran funnels weapons
to Hizballah, strains the fragile Lebanese democracy, and threatens our
ally Israel.
The United States also continues to combat the scourge of
international terrorism. While nearly vanquished on the ground, ISIS
remains a potent threat to the United States and our allies across the
globe. Al Qa'ida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) maintains a foothold
in Yemen and seeks to inflict harm on those who do not agree with its
false vision of Islam.
Our relationships with regional partners are essential to
countering these and other threats we face. We cannot protect the
homeland, safeguard our citizens oversees, and promote our core
interests and values without these partners. It is my firm conviction
that Saudi Arabia has been, and will continue to be, an essential
partner.
I am clear-eyed about the challenges facing the U.S.-Saudi
partnership. I know that the Saudis must do more to end the suffering
of the Yemeni people and build peace there. I know there must be
accountability for the terrible murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi.
If confirmed as ambassador, I pledge to work tirelessly on both these
issues, and to urge our Saudi partners to reach the highest standards
of accountability.
Despite these challenges, I firmly believe these objectives are
achievable through close, continued engagement and cooperation with the
Kingdom. We are able to influence, steer, and advance U.S. national
security interests and values because of our ability to have honest,
often difficult conversations with Saudi leadership. Any scaling back
of that relationship diminishes our ability to secure vital American
national security interests in the region, and cedes influence to our
competitors around the world.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Menendez, members of the committee, I
submit to you the important ways in which this relationship benefits
the United States and promotes regional and global security.
During my nearly four decades serving in the U.S. military, it was
my highest honor and duty to protect and defend the United States and
its citizens. If confirmed as ambassador, my top priority will continue
to be safeguarding America and its people. Given my experience in the
region, I have no doubt that the U.S-Saudi security partnership is
essential to doing so.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia plays a critical role in countering
global terrorism and threats to U.S. interests. The Kingdom hosted the
inaugural conference of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS in Jeddah
in September 2014, helping set in motion the Coalition's successful
push to defeat the so-called Islamic State. As Custodian of the Two
Holy Mosques, King Salman and King Abdullah before him swiftly
condemned ISIS and enacted tough enforcement and criminal penalties for
Saudis who sought to travel to fight in Iraq and Syria. Critically,
Saudi Arabia has led Coalition efforts to disrupt ISIS financial and
facilitation networks, and to build Coalition members' capacity to
target such networks and counter illicit financial flows.
Our military-to-military cooperation with the Kingdom is also
essential to countering threats and protecting American lives. The
Houthis have fired numerous missiles and rockets into Saudi Arabia--
home to over 80,000 Americans--specifically targeting populated areas
and civilian infrastructure in Riyadh, Jeddah, and elsewhere, including
Saudi Aramco facilities and vessels in Red Sea shipping lanes.
The United States and Saudi Arabia joined forces in May 2017 to
inaugurate and co-chair the Terrorist Financing Targeting Center, a
U.S.-Gulf Cooperation Council initiative to disrupt a broad range of
new and evolving terrorist financing networks including ISIS, al
Qa'ida, Hizballah, the IRGC-Qods Force, Lashkar-e-Tayyiba, the Taliban,
and the Haqqani Network.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia also runs among the most successful de-
radicalization programs in the world. The Care Rehabilitation Center in
Riyadh has helped thousands of individuals convicted of terrorism turn
away from poisonous ideologies.
The Kingdom remains a key diplomatic player in the Middle East and
supports an active role for the United States in maintaining stability
in the region. Specifically, it is a central partner in combatting
Iran's expansionist and destructive foreign policy throughout the
region.
Take, for example, Iraq. After decades of estrangement, the Kingdom
and Iraq are forging closer ties. At the heart of this rapprochement is
the promise of economic investment and relationship building that bucks
traditional ethnic and sectarian lines. This was dramatically evidenced
by Moqtada al Sadr's visit to Riyadh in July 2017--an event that would
have been unthinkable a decade earlier--as well as numerous other high-
level visits between Riyadh and Baghdad. These steps are critically
important in buttressing U.S. efforts to bring peace and security to
Iraq, in demonstrating to the Iraqi people an alternative to Tehran,
and in ensuring the lasting defeat of ISIS and forestalling the
resurgence of Islamic extremist terrorist groups in Iraq.
The Kingdom has also been a central U.S. partner in diplomatic
efforts to forge a political solution to the Syrian civil war, one that
ensures Iran is not granted a permanent foothold in Damascus. Saudi
Arabia has allowed at least 500,000 Syrians to enter the Kingdom since
the Syrian conflict began in 2011. This fact is little known, yet its
importance cannot be overstated. Rather than languish in refugee camps
in neighboring countries or make the treacherous journey to Europe in
search of asylum, these Syrians in Saudi Arabia are permitted to work
and are provided basic education and healthcare free of charge. In
addition, Saudi Arabia provided $100 million in funding for U.S.
government stabilization programs in northeast Syria so that Syrians
recovering from years of ISIS rule could begin to rebuild their lives.
On numerous other important U.S. foreign policy objectives--
including promoting Middle East Peace and negotiating Afghanistan
reconciliation--the United States is best served by recognizing the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia's considerable influence and by partnering with
the Kingdom to advance mutually beneficial policy objectives.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Menendez, members of the committee, I
know you are concerned about the situation in Yemen, as am I. The
conflict there enters its fifth year this month; over 80 percent of
Yemeni citizens need some kind of international aid to make it by each
day. By any measure, the situation in Yemen is a political,
humanitarian, and security crisis that urgently needs resolution.
In this difficult space, the administration believes it is firmly
in the United States' national security interest to provide support to
the Saudi-led Coalition. Doing so bolsters the self-defense
capabilities of our partners and reduces the risk of harm to civilians.
At the same time as it fights to deter a threat on its border,
Saudi Arabia has provided over $3 billion in stabilization and economic
support for the Yemeni people. I understand Saudi funding helped
stabilize the Yemen central bank as the country's currency verged on
collapse last year. Saudi Arabia, along with the United Arab Emirates,
provided $970 million toward the United Nation's 2018 Yemen
Humanitarian Response Plan and, since November, pledged another $750
million.
Inside the Kingdom, Saudi leadership are undertaking wide-ranging
reforms under the banner of ``Vision 2030'' to diversify the Saudi
economy, create more professional opportunities for Saudi citizens, and
expand women's roles in public and professional life. Chairman Risch,
Ranking Member Menendez, members of the committee, these are positive
developments which, if confirmed, I will strongly advocate for as
ambassador. I feel particularly strongly that Saudi Arabia, like any
nation, will benefit greatly by expanding the space for women in public
and professional life. Advocating for women's rights is a critical goal
for U.S. foreign policy, and I fully commit to making this a key
element of my potential tenure as ambassador.
While I am encouraged by the economic and social reforms the Saudis
have instituted in recent years, I am fully aware of the disturbing
reports that political, human rights, and women activists--as well as
Dr. Walid al Fitaihi, a U.S. citizen--have been detained and at times
allegedly tortured by the Saudi government. While we should encourage
reforms that are beneficial to U.S. interests and represent our values,
we should also speak frankly to our partners when they do wrong.
The administration has made clear that the United States is
concerned by the detention of these Saudis activists and takes all
allegations of abuse seriously. The administration continues to urge
the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and all governments, to ensure fair trial
guarantees, freedom from arbitrary and extrajudicial detention,
transparency, and rule of law. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will
continue to call on the government of Saudi Arabia to treat prisoners
and detainees humanely, and to ensure that allegations of abuse are
investigated quickly and thoroughly. I will stress to the Saudis that
political repression endangers and undercuts the ambitious and positive
goals of Vision 2030.
If confirmed, I will also continue to press Saudi leadership on the
heinous killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. The President and
Secretary Pompeo have been clear that Saudi Arabia must hold
accountable the individuals responsible for this horrific crime,
including high-ranking members of the Saudi government. If confirmed, I
will continue to deploy the full range of diplomatic tools to demand
accountability and find justice for Mr. Khashoggi.
Outside the realm of security and foreign policy, our bilateral
relationship with the Kingdom is anchored by significant economic
linkages that benefit the United States. We are Saudi Arabia's second
largest export market, U.S. exports to the Kingdom support 165,000 U.S.
jobs, and our trade surplus now tops $5.4 billion. Saudi Arabia's
foreign direct investment in the United States exceeded $14 billion in
2018 alone. These investments support thousands of American businesses
and jobs across the United States. American energy companies rely on
Saudi cooperation, and Saudi-American cooperation is behind the largest
oil refinery in the United States in Port Arthur, TX.
Finally, I would like to stress the importance of our diplomatic
mission in Saudi Arabia and my great desire to lead it. Over 1,000 men
and women of numerous nationalities work at Embassy Riyadh, Consulate
General Jeddah, and Consulate General Dhahran. They engage Saudi
government officials each day to advance America's interests; issue
visas for Saudi students and their family members--who total over
100,000 in the United States today; and work to ensure American
companies can compete fairly in the Kingdom and greater Middle East.
Perhaps most importantly, they work tirelessly to protect the over
80,000 American citizens now living in Saudi Arabia, and provide
consular support to another 20,000 U.S. citizens who make the Haj and
Umrah pilgrimages each year.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Menendez, members of the committee, it
would be my highest honor to lead this team and to advance U.S.
interests and values in Saudi Arabia and the region. I am grateful for
the opportunity to appear before you today, and I look forward to
answering your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Ambassador Tueller?
STATEMENT OF HON. MATTHEW H. TUELLER, OF UTAH, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, TO
BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF IRAQ
Ambassador Tueller. Chairman Risch, Ranking Member
Menendez, members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today as President Trump's nominee to be U.S.
Ambassador to Iraq and particularly to be here, along with
General Abizaid, with whom I have had the privilege of working
before in the region. If we are both confirmed, I look forward
to a close and collaborative relationship as we both seek to
advance U.S. interests in this important region.
I am grateful to President Trump and to Secretary of State
Pompeo for their confidence in me. If I am confirmed by the
Senate, I pledge to work closely with the members of this
committee to advance U.S. interests in Iraq.
Mr. Chairman, as we begin, I ask that the full written text
of my testimony be submitted for the record.
The Chairman. It will be.
Ambassador Tueller. I would like to recognize and express
great appreciation to my wife DeNeece who is here with me today
and has provided steadfast support throughout my Foreign
Service career, including during periods of separation when I
served at unaccompanied posts like Iraq and Yemen and during
periods where she and other U.S. embassy family members were
evacuated from posts in Egypt and Iraq. Along with our five
children, DeNeece and I have had the privilege of representing
the United States abroad under many challenging and rewarding
circumstances. Two of our children are also here today, David
and Margaret, as well as our daughter Ayah and two of our
grandchildren, Unef and Gin Tueller. I would not be here today
without the love and support of my family.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Menendez, members of the
committee, I am grateful of your consideration of me to lead
one of our largest diplomatic missions in the world. If
confirmed, I will draw on my leadership and policy execution
experience in the Middle East.
Our relationship with Iraq remains a critical one for the
United States, and if confirmed, I will do my utmost to advance
U.S. interests there.
Let me stress from the outset there is no greater priority
for me than the safety and security of all Americans, whether
residing in the homeland or in the Middle East and in Iraq.
Our longstanding principal objective is to bolster Iraq as
a sovereign, stable, united, and democratic partner of the
United States. We must remain engaged to ensure that Iraq can
fend off the internal and external threats, including threats
from Iran, to its sovereignty and its territorial integrity.
Our determination to see Iraq as a pillar of stability in
the Middle East stands in stark contrast to Iran's agenda,
which seeks to exploit divisions, weaken state institutions,
and foster extremism. We cannot turn a blind eye to Iran's
interference in Yemen, Lebanon, Bahrain, Syria, and of course,
Iraq. Iran and its proxies threaten our interests and the
security of our friends and allies, including Iraq's Sunni
neighbors and Israel.
Iraq's most pressing need is for continuing assistance that
reinforces the primacy of the Iraqi Security Forces,
strengthens their capabilities, and deepens their
professionalization. Together we must be vigilant to prevent
the return of ISIS or the emergence of other terrorist groups.
Our coalition-wide approach to stabilization in liberated
areas sets the conditions for more than 4 million internally
displaced persons to return home. Much work remains to ensure
the remaining 1.8 million remaining internally displaced
persons are able to safely and voluntarily return to their
communities and rebuild their lives.
The work of our coalition is not over. We and our partners
are there at the invitation of the Iraqi government with 2
dozen other countries helping Iraq ensure its gains against
ISIS are lasting. This coalition must continue to assist the
Iraqi Security Forces as they combat a growing ISIS insurgency.
If confirmed, I will work hard to boost our commercial and
economic engagement with Iraq and to provide new opportunities
for U.S. businesses and to help Iraq develop its economy to
meet the challenges that are growing more acute.
If confirmed, another priority of mine will be assistance
to Iraq's persecuted religious communities that ISIS targeted
for genocide. I will emphasize the priority we attach to the
safety of these communities, and I will support continued U.S.
assistance to these groups and will work diligently to promote
prospects for their survival in Iraq.
To fully stabilize, Iraq also needs to move toward a vision
for national unity in which all of its communities play a part.
Iraqi nationalism remains a potent force, and Iraqis are proud
of their ancient heritage and culture. ISIS and other unhelpful
actors want nothing more than to divide and weaken Iraq. We, on
the other hand, will continue to support a strong and
independent Iraq.
The administration believes that a strong Kurdish regional
government within a unified and federal Iraq is essential to
Iraq's long-term stability and to the enduring defeat of ISIS.
We are proud of our longstanding and historic partnership with
Iraq's Kurdish people.
Senators, if confirmed, I look forward to the support of
this committee and an ongoing dialogue to together serve the
interests of the American people. Thank you for the opportunity
to testify, and I look forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Tueller follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Matthew H. Tueller
Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez, members of the committee,
I am honored to appear before you today as President Trump's nominee to
be the next Ambassador of the United States of America to the Republic
of Iraq. First, let me express my gratitude to the President and the
Secretary of State for their confidence in me. If confirmed by the
Senate, I pledge to work closely with the Members of this committee to
defend and advance U.S. interests in Iraq.
I would like to recognize my wife DeNeece who is here with me today
and express my great appreciation to her. She has provided steadfast
support throughout my Foreign Service career, including during periods
of separation when I served at unaccompanied posts such as Iraq and
Yemen and during periods where she and other U.S. Embassy family
members were evacuated from posts in Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Along with
our five children, DeNeece and I have had the privilege of representing
the United States abroad under many challenging but rewarding
circumstances. I would not be here today but for their love and
support.
I would also like to thank my friend and colleague Ambassador Doug
Silliman who very ably led our Embassy in Baghdad over the last two-
and-a-half years. He oversaw the United States' support for the
liberation of all ISIS-controlled territory in Iraq, helped coordinate
massive international aid to Iraqis struggling to recover from the
scourge of ISIS' devastation of large areas of their country, set the
stage for Iraq's integration into the global economy and helped marshal
international assistance to help rebuild areas that were devastated in
the course of the fight against ISIS, all efforts I will build on if
confirmed as ambassador.
If confirmed, I will draw on my leadership and policy execution
experience in the Middle East for my new duties in Iraq: including
service as Ambassador to Yemen, Ambassador to Kuwait, Deputy Chief of
Mission in Cairo, and Political Minister Counselor at the U.S. Embassy
in Baghdad from 2007-2008 under the leadership of Ambassador Ryan
Crocker.
Our relationship with Iraq remains a critical one for the national
security interests of the United States, and if confirmed I will do my
utmost to advance U.S. interests there. However, let me stress from the
outset that there will be no greater priority for me than the safety
and security of all Americans residing in Iraq. As a diplomat who
participated in the 2007-2008 ``surge,'' I understand the importance of
U.S. engagement in Iraq. The next several years will be crucial for
Iraq as it struggles to recover from the trauma of ISIS and continues
to actively confront a persistent ISIS threat. We stand ready to help
as a trusted and valued partner.
Our long-standing principal objective continues to be to bolster
Iraq as a sovereign, stable, united, and democratic partner of the
United States. We must remain engaged to ensure that Iraq can fend off
the internal and external threats, including threats from Iran, to its
sovereignty and its territorial integrity.
Our determination to see Iraq become a pillar of stability in the
Middle East stands in stark contrast to Iran's agenda, which seeks to
exploit divisions, weaken state institutions, and foster extremism.
Where the United States seeks to help Iraq build professional security
forces loyal to the state, Iran seeks to cultivate irregular forces
operating outside the full control of the government. Where the United
States seeks to help Iraq ensure the rule of law, Iran encourages the
tactics of organized criminal enterprises. Where the United States
provides Iraq with expert advice and funding to promote clean drinking
water in Basrah, Iran promotes a flood of substandard agricultural
products, as well as low-quality pharmaceuticals and illicit drugs like
heroin onto Iraqi streets and into Iraqi homes. In short, Iran wants to
keep Iraq weak and dependent. If confirmed, I will work to make Iraq
strong and sovereign.
I recognize that such plain speaking may make some of Iraq's
leaders nervous. They know all too well that for Iraqis, there is a
price for speaking up in defense of Iraq's sovereignty. During my
service as U.S. Ambassador to Yemen, I saw first-hand how Iran works to
undermine regional peace rather than advance it. We cannot turn a blind
eye to Iran's interference in Lebanon, Bahrain, and Syria either, and
of course Iraq. Iran and its proxies threaten our interests and the
security of our friends and allies, including Iraq's Sunni neighbors
and Israel.
I would also like Iraqis to know that we do not seek to sever them
from Iran, a nation with which they share a border, history, and
culture. What we are seeking is for Tehran to have normal relations
with Iraq, relations that are rooted not in armed groups and criminal
activity, but in trade and exchanges that fully respect the sovereignty
of the Iraqi government and people.
To help offset the impact of Iran's harmful meddling in Iraq, we
must continue to build on our successful diplomatic efforts to
reintegrate Iraq into the region, particularly among Arab states. Good
relations between Iraq and neighbors willing to play a constructive
role is a powerful counterweight to Iran's malign influence. As
Secretary Pompeo recently observed, last year the Iraqis largely
rejected sectarianism in their national election. Under Prime Minister
Adil Abd al-Mahdi, President Barham Salih, and Foreign Minister
Mohammed Ali al-Hakim, Iraq enjoys an unprecedented relationship with
Kuwait and has strengthened ties with Jordan, having received a visit
from King Abdullah and inaugurated a joint industrial zone along their
border. If confirmed, I will prioritize fostering those revived
relationships.
The Strategic Framework Agreement for a Relationship of Friendship
and Cooperation remains the foundation for developing U.S.-Iraq
relations in a variety of fields especially in the economic sphere and,
if confirmed, I will build on that foundation to achieve key U.S. goals
for Iraq.
Iraq's most pressing need is for continuing U.S. security
assistance that reinforces the primacy of the Iraqi Security Forces,
strengthens their capabilities and deepens their professionalization.
In support of our partners in the Iraqi Security Forces, the U.S.-led
Global Coalition to defeat ISIS helped Iraq regain control over all its
territory and train-and-equip nearly 200,000 members of the Iraqi
Security Forces. Former Prime Minister Abadi's December 2018
announcement of the liberation of all Iraqi territory from ISIS control
was a great moment for Iraq. Together with the U.S.-led Coalition, we
must be vigilant to prevent the return of ISIS or the emergence of
other terrorist groups.
Our Coalition-wide approach to stabilization in liberated areas set
the conditions for more than four million internally displaced persons
(IDPs) to return home, with 27 Coalition partners committing over $1
billion to the UNDP's Funding Facility for Stabilization. Much work
remains to ensure the remaining 1.8 million remaining IDPs are able to
safely and voluntarily return to their communities and rebuild their
lives, as well.
The work of our Coalition is not over. We and our partners are
there at the invitation of the Iraqi government, with two dozen other
countries helping Iraq ensure its gains against ISIS are lasting. The
Coalition must continue to assist the Iraqi Security Forces as they
conduct targeted counter-terrorism operations and wide-area security at
an exceptionally high operational tempo to combat a growing ISIS
insurgency. Iraq was instrumental in advancing the Coalition's military
campaign in Syria as well, providing valuable artillery support and
airstrikes for the Syrian Democratic Forces' offensive just over the
border. Iraq's growing ability to act in partnership with us to defeat
threats is one of the truly remarkable developments since 2014.
Despite the gains they have made with our support, Iraq's armed
forces are stretched by multiple demands and need continued assistance
and training to eradicate ISIS remnants, secure Iraq's borders, and
become a source of regional stability. Subsequently, the U.S.-led
Coalition must continue to build the capacity of Iraq's legitimate and
professional security forces.
If confirmed, I will work hard to advance U.S. interests and
enhance our commercial and economic engagement with Iraq, providing new
opportunities for U.S. businesses. Iraq's economic system is untenable
as it is a command economy that relies on the volatility of the oil
price to fund its needs.
The government of Iraq estimates that Iraq needs almost $100
billion over the next 10 years for post-ISIS reconstruction and
infrastructure repair. If confirmed, I would seek to marshal the
resources of the Export-Import bank and the Overseas Private Investment
Corporation to allow the U.S. private sector to bring its much-needed
expertise to the task of Iraq's reconstruction. I would encourage the
government of Iraq to prioritize and budget for key reconstruction
projects, and to develop new models to attract international financing.
At the same time, I would encourage Gulf Cooperation Council members,
other partners, and international organizations to accelerate their
pledges made during the February 2018 Iraqi-led reconstruction
conference in Kuwait, which generated almost $30 billion in sovereign
loan and export credit financing and private sector activity.
If confirmed, I would aim to foster a sustainable Iraqi private
sector as an outlet for the 800,000 Iraqis who reach working age every
year. The government cannot be the sole source of employment for a
country where sixty percent of Iraq's population is under the age of
25. Iraq's current and future stability depends to a large degree on
finding work for this disproportionately large youth segment. I would
therefore continue our robust economic engagement with the government
of Iraq and encourage Iraqi leaders to accelerate the implementation of
critical reforms promised by the current government.
I would also push the government of Iraq to tackle the issues of
corruption and excessive red tape that are holding back Iraq's true
economic potential. To that end, I would commend the government's
recent anti-corruption actions and would continue to support a U.S.
funded initiative from the U.N.'s Conference on Trade and Development,
which is streamlining some of Iraq's bureaucratic processes, increasing
transparency both for the Iraqi public and for U.S. investors. I would
attempt to persuade the government of Iraq to modify its deficit-
increasing budget which does not live up to its agreement with the
International Monetary Fund. This agreement expires in June and I would
seek to have both sides negotiate a new program.
A country as wealthy in natural resources as Iraq should be able to
produce all of its own electricity. But currently, Iraq flares the
majority of its natural gas and at the same time imports a significant
amount of overpriced gas from Iran. The World Bank has estimated that
Iraq has flared 16 billion cubic meters of gas per year. Not only is
this a waste of a resources, but an environmentally unsound practice as
well. If captured and processed correctly, Iraq's flared gas could fuel
domestic power stations and industries, diversify Iraqi government
revenues, and eliminate dependence on Iranian energy imports. It will
take years for Iraq to realize its potential, but its government must
make decisions now for that to become a reality. I will support the
U.S. companies competing for projects in this sector. These projects
not only make sense financially and environmentally, but also
contribute to our policy of supporting Iraq's autonomy from Iran and
denying the Iranian regime revenue.
If confirmed, another priority of mine will be helping the recovery
of Iraq's persecuted religious communities, and particularly those that
ISIS targeted for genocide. The Administration has programmed nearly
$340 million since fiscal year 2017 to support these communities,
including life-saving humanitarian assistance, rehabilitating critical
infrastructure, clearing explosive remnants of war, psychosocial and
legal services, funding justice and accountability efforts, and
providing support for local businesses. While we have seen important
progress on these initiatives, there is much more to be done,
especially on the part of the government of Iraq to restore security to
these areas. Supporting pluralism and protecting the rights of
minorities is integral to the Administration's effort to defeat ISIS,
counter violent extremism, deny Iran the ability to exploit sectarian
divisions, and promote religious freedom around the world. If confirmed
as Ambassador I will emphasize the priority we attach to the safety of
these communities. I will support continued U.S. assistance to these
groups and work diligently to promote prospects for their survival in
Iraq.
To ensure persecuted religious communities' survival and achieve
lasting stability, Iraq needs reconciliation to recover from the trauma
of ISIS. We are supporting initiatives toward that end. It is not just
physical infrastructure that needs to be rebuilt, it is also the deep
emotional scars that remain from years of ISIS depredations. With this
in mind, the State Department is overseeing programs that include
psychosocial counseling to help victims and family members recover from
the trauma that ISIS inflicted on them and their communities. It is
especially important for Iraq to work through a law-based process to
hold ISIS perpetrators and collaborators accountable. A fundamental
part of that process is investigating the sites of ISIS crimes and
gathering evidence that investigators can marshal in a court of law. To
that end, we fully support the work of the U.N.'s Investigative Team
for the Accountability of Da'esh, known as ``UNITAD,'' to exhume mass
graves in Iraq and collect other important evidence before it is too
late.
To fully stabilize and realize its full potential, Iraq also needs
to move further from sectarianism and toward a vision for national
unity in which all of its communities play a part. Iraqi nationalism
remains a potent force, and Iraqis are proud of their ancient heritage
and culture. ISIS and other unhelpful actors want nothing better than
to divide and weaken Iraq. We, on the other hand, will continue to
support a strong, united Iraq.
The safe and voluntary return of internally displaced persons to
their home is another vital element for Iraq's stabilization. Since
January 2014, more than six million Iraqis have been displaced. The
United States and our partners in the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS
have also provided assistance through the U.N. Development Program's
Funding Facility for Stabilization to help set the conditions for more
than 4.1 million Iraqis to return home. We are committed to helping
create durable solutions, including local integration or safe and
voluntary returns, for the 1.8 million who remain displaced. Our
Mission in Iraq engages regularly with U.N. humanitarian agencies and
non-governmental organizations toward this goal.
It is in our interest to support Iraq's democratic development, but
significant challenges remain to the building of durable institutions
that will protect the rule of law, the judiciary, and free and fair
elections. Iraqis are demanding better governance and ultimately their
voices must be heard. Unfortunately, last year's electoral turnout was
the lowest since 2005. But through all of the turmoil of the past 15
years, Iraq's core democratic institutions have survived. We will
continue to work with the government of Iraq to provide targeted
assistance to help strengthen these critical institutions. I will do my
utmost to continue our support for Iraq's democratic development.
The administration believes that a strong Kurdistan Regional
government (KRG) within a unified and federal Iraq is essential to
Iraq's long-term stability and to the enduring defeat of ISIS. We are
proud of our longstanding and historic partnership with Iraq's Kurdish
people. Not only has this relationship been a bulwark of resistance to
terrorism, but it has also enabled the promotion and advancement of the
U.S. ``brand,'' whether commercial, educational, or cultural. If
confirmed, I will seek to further strengthen the already strong bonds
between our peoples.
Following the Kurds' 2017 independence referendum, we have been
focused on helping leaders in Baghdad and in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region
(IKR) mend that relationship. They have made great progress since the
appointment of Prime Minister Abd al-Mahdi, including an agreement to
resume the transportation and export of Kirkuk oil through a KRG-
administered pipeline in the north, and another agreement to harmonize
customs duties, facilitating the removal of internal GOI customs
checkpoints along the internal boundary with the IKR. We will continue
to work with Baghdad and Erbil to encourage their efforts to resolve
outstanding sources of tension.
If confirmed, I look forward to the support of this committee and
an ongoing dialogue to together serve the interests of the American
people. Thank you for the opportunity to testify and I look forward to
answering your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
We are going to proceed to a 5-minute round of questions. I
am going to reserve my time, and I am going to yield to the
ranking member for opening questions.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you both for your testimony and to your families
because they also share in the sacrifice.
General Abizaid, we talked a little bit in the office. The
administration has a habit of communicating with foreign
governments, including foreign leaders, outside of traditional
diplomatic channels. How do you plan to exercise your authority
as chief of mission? Will you insist on remaining fully
informed and briefed of all White House and administration
officials' interactions with the Crown Prince and other members
of the royal court?
Mr. Abizaid. Well, thank you, Senator.
Yes, I will insist upon that, and I am also an old soldier
and I know my chain of command. My chain of command is the
President through the Secretary of Defense--or Secretary of
State. A Freudian slip. I am sorry.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman. Understandable.
Mr. Abizaid. I also will join with the many interlocutors
that will come out from Washington and from other places in our
country and talk to them because I think it is usually
important for me to explain what is going on in Saudi Arabia
from America's point of view and to give a point of view and an
opportunity for them to see what is going on.
Senator Menendez. And I raise the question because it is
very difficult to be the Ambassador, the chief of mission, and
have someone else from the outside say, ``you do not have to
listen to that, just listen to what we tell you.'' And that
would be an impossible--even within a chain of command, that is
an impossible way to operate. So I hope you will assert
yourself, if confirmed as our Ambassador there, while working
with others, but nonetheless assert yourself as the chief of
mission.
I do not think I need to tell you that Congress has become
increasingly concerned over the Saudi-led coalition conduct in
Yemen. This is not to absolve the Houthis of their own abuses,
but we do not sell arms to the Houthis. They are not a
legitimate nation state with whom we share diplomatic
relations. Repeated stories of U.S.-supplied bombs hitting
weddings, funerals, and school buses are simply unacceptable.
The administration's apparent prioritization of arms sales over
fundamental values is not acceptable.
So I have found this so incredibly challenging that I have
placed a hold on a series of offensive weapon sales to the
Saudi government pending complete, verifiable information from
the State and Defense Department about how the Saudis are using
American-made weapons.
Can you speak to me about how you will address this issue
if you are confirmed, as well as what will you say to the
Saudis about their continuing engagement in the Yemen conflict?
Mr. Abizaid. Thank you, Senator.
I think it is very important that the Saudis find the path
towards peace in Yemen. It is in their interests. It is in the
interests of the government of Yemen. It is in the interest of
the region.
It is also important that in the peace that is found, it is
not found in such a way that there is a Hezbollah-like militia
that is underpinned by the IRGC Qods Force that is able to
operate freely in a free and independent Yemen.
As far as competence in the operations conducted by the
coalition there, I think they have much work to do. It is very
important for us to continue to talk to them about the
targeting system, about the way that they go about hitting the
various targets, about the professionalization of the forces,
and that when mistakes are made, that they do like we do, which
is convene a board of officers, talk about the mistakes, and
then take the corrective action necessary to gain better and
better expertise.
I am hopeful that there is a way to move forward with
regard to easing the humanitarian problems of Yemen, and we
will continue, if I am confirmed, to tell the Saudi government
of the need to do so.
Senator Menendez. I appreciate that.
Our goal is ultimately to end the conflict in Yemen, and I
hope that you will move the Saudis in that direction.
Let me, in the last seconds that I have, get a series of
yeses or noes from you on this set of questions.
We have seen alarming reports of both Emiratis and Saudis
transferring a serious U.S.-origin weapon system to third party
fighters on the ground. Will you engage with the Saudis to have
them understand that we do not accept their transfer of our
weapons that we sell to them to others?
Mr. Abizaid. Yes.
Senator Menendez. Will you continue to press the Saudi
government to fully account for the murder of Jamal Khashoggi?
Mr. Abizaid. Yes.
Senator Menendez. Would you ultimately commit to ensuring
that if the administration moves forward, which I do not think
it has--and I know Senator Markey is very interested in this--
in any type of civilian nuclear agreement that we move toward
the gold standard?
Mr. Abizaid. Yes.
Senator Menendez. Thank you very much.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Rubio?
Senator Rubio. Thank you both for being here.
And, General, thank you for being willing to take--I
actually think this is the toughest assignment in the world
right now in our diplomatic corps. Saudi Arabia, as you well
know, is an important strategic partner on combating terrorism,
on confronting Iran. They also are our most difficult partner
right now because it almost asks us to agree to stay silent on
grotesque violations of human rights, both domestically and
abroad.
And their Crown Prince is not making things easier. He is
increasingly making it untenable. He is reckless. He is
ruthless. He has a penchant for escalation, for taking high
risks, confrontational on his foreign policy approach, and I
think increasingly willing to test the limits of what he can
get away with with the United States.
Anyone who thinks that is an unfair assessment of the young
man should look at what he has done in the last 2 years. It
seems like something out of a James Bond movie. He has
kidnapped the Prime Minister of Lebanon. Kidnapped the Prime
Minister of Lebanon. He kicked out the Ambassador of Canada,
canceled flights to Toronto, cut off investments, recalled all
their students in Canada over a tweet or a couple tweets from
the Canadian Foreign Minister regarding human rights. And he
has fractured the important alliance with the Gulf kingdoms. He
has--obviously we know--ordered I believe and all the evidence
I believe strongly indicates he ordered or knew of efforts to
murder Jamal Khashoggi and to do so in a third country in a
diplomatic facility.
By the way, domestically he is ruthless. We know the case
of Saif Badawi who has been sentenced to 10 years in jail and a
thousand lashes for blogging.
And then we have the case of women activists, upwards of 11
at one point, but who have been brutally tortured and
mistreated, whipped, beaten, electrocuted, sexually harassed in
the basement of what some call the Palace of Terror.
And then we have a United States citizen, a doctor, Walid
Fitaihi, a Harvard trained physician, who recently was slapped,
blindfolded, stripped to his underwear, bound to a chair,
shocked with electricity, all apparently in an effort to get
him to provide evidence against a family friend or a relative
through marriage, and then reports as recently as yesterday and
today that the families had their home raided in retaliation
for family members here in the U.S. who have had the audacity,
according to the Saudis, to come to Capitol Hill and tell the
stories of their family members.
And then, of course, to top it all off, which is a great
shame to an American company, you have Google and Apple, but
apparently Google has already made this decision. There is an
app in Saudi Arabia called Absher. Here is what is translates
to roughly. It is called ``yes, sir.'' That is the name of the
app. Here is what allows men to do. It allows them to see where
the women under their watch are. It allows them to cancel their
passports. It allows them to look at their travel and flight
logs. Google says that they are going to keep selling it
because it does not violate their terms of service. We are
still waiting on Apple. I mean, it is just stunning.
Anyway, the point being I guess I have given all this to
you. I guess that is the bad news of this assignment that you
have agreed to take on, to great credit to you.
But how do we balance this? How do we balance all of this
with this important regional and strategic partnership? Because
this guy is making it harder. He has gone full gangster, and it
is difficult to work with a guy like that no matter how
important the relationship is.
And welcome to the committee.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Abizaid. It is a great honor to be here, Senator Rubio.
Senator, I appreciate your concern. There are many
difficult problems. I would like to make the current problems
short-term problems as we work quickly to try to fix them to
the best of our ability.
Our relationship with Saudi Arabia is bigger than the
relationship just with the Crown Prince. It is all about a
nation. It is about a government. It is about a king. It is
about the oil minister. It is about many, many nodes of people
that are interested in moving the Kingdom forward in a better
way in the 21st century.
And so I think that as I move forward and learn more about
the Kingdom--and I want to emphasize how much I respect the
Kingdom and the people there--I will look for every way
possible to find out what has gone on in the short-term
problems and enhance the need to make the long-term problems
work.
Arab societies and Saudi Arabia in particular have many
nodes of interests. These nodes of interest need to be engaged
by us in order to find out ways to move forward and solve these
problems.
Senator Rubio. Just as an aside, one of the things that I
think will come up during your time there is what has already
been mentioned about the potential for a nuclear agreement.
Senator Markey and I recently introduced legislation to
increase congressional oversight over any civil nuclear
cooperation agreement, or 123 agreement. Secretary Pompeo has
already said he wants a 123 agreement which would not permit
enrichment. And I just strongly encourage you to be a strong
voice in that regard because someone who has a penchant for
reckless, who has a penchant for escalatory foreign policies
and all the other things I have highlighted, to retain the
capability to enrich would be I believe an incredibly dangerous
precedent to set. I do not know how you serve there for 2 years
or longer and not run into this issue at some point because I,
no doubt, think it will become a prime issue here very shortly.
Mr. Abizaid. I appreciate that issue, Senator.
And I had failed to acknowledge the issues concerning
women's rights. I have two daughters and a wife. I will be very
interested in helping in the reform effort to move the rights
of 50 percent of the population there forward in a way that
brings their talents and energy to the surface.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And let me welcome both you, Mr. Tueller, and you, General
Abizaid, and thank you for being willing to consider taking on
these difficult posts at this very important time.
I would like to begin with you, General Abizaid, and add my
support for everything that Senator Rubio said and add one more
concern to that, and that is that the United States still is
owed $331 million from Saudi Arabia for air refueling that we
provided the coalition in Yemen.
I think the list of human rights violations is so long it
is hard to comprehend what is going on there. And I would like
your assurances as Ambassador that you will consistently raise
the issue of human rights violations in a way that expresses to
the Saudis the grave concern that we have in the United States
about what they are doing.
Mr. Abizaid. I will, Senator.
Senator Shaheen. And can you talk about how as Ambassador
what opportunities you have to help hold the Saudis accountable
for what they are doing? It has been 2 years since we have had
an Ambassador in Saudi Arabia without any oversight or concerns
expressed on some of these issues.
Mr. Abizaid. Senator, ambassadors do not hold countries
accountable. Countries hold countries accountable. It is the
role of the United States to ensure that the Saudis know what
we stand for, what we believe, and what the relationship needs
to be to move forward. I will ensure that those ideals, those
values, those mutual interests are conveyed as clearly as I can
to the government of Saudi Arabia. And I look forward to
working with them not in an adversarial way, but in a way that
promotes our ability to have the partnership move forward that
makes the region more secure.
Senator Shaheen. And I know that several people have
mentioned the Khashoggi murder. Under the Global Magnitsky Act,
there is a responsibility for the administration to respond to
that murder. Can you talk about what responsibility you might
have as an Ambassador to try and ensure that the administration
is responsive under the Global Magnitsky Act?
Mr. Abizaid. Yes. The Secretary of State has said on many
occasion that we demand transparency and accountability. It
seems to me that we will continue to do that throughout. We
probably do not have all the facts. We need to get all the
facts, and I will convey them, to the best of my ability, to
the Secretary and to the national command authority under this
committee.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Ambassador Tueller, one of the challenges that we have
heard from the Iraqis in response to our continued presence
there is the differences of opinion among the Iraqi people
about our continued military presence in Iraq. As Ambassador,
how could you help address the concerns that the Iraqi people
have?
Ambassador Tueller. Thank you, Senator.
Our military presence and the presence of other coalition
members is there at the invitation and request of the Iraqi
government. I believe there are many, many of the Iraqi
political leaders but most importantly Iraqi military leaders
who want that presence there. They understand the importance
that that presence provides to enhancing their capability to
providing training and support. So I think we need to rely on
those friends, those who understand the impact that our
presence has and use that leverage to make sure that that is an
enduring contribution to Iraq's security.
Senator Shaheen. And one of the principles of this new
policy with respect to Syria is the assumption that we can
continue to support the Syrian Democratic Forces in Syria with
the forces that we have in Iraq. Do you have any view on how
successful that kind of policy can be?
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, in both cases, I think we face
similar concerns about the security threat, whether it is the
resurgence of ISIS or the role that Iran or other outside
actors play in fomenting instability. It has always been my
belief that our presence in the region, our engagement, whether
it is diplomatically, militarily, economically, serves as a
stabilizing presence in the region. And of course, our presence
in Iraq I think has importance beyond just the borders of Iraq
and signals to any potential threats that we are there prepared
to defend our interests.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I appreciate that.
I am out of time, but I hope that you will address the role
of Iranian influence with the new Iraqi government at some
point in this hearing.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Johnson?
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I want to start out by thanking the nominees and their
families for their past service and sacrifice and for your
future service and sacrifice.
We are faced with some stark realities, you know, a reality
that we do not particularly like, but ones we have to deal
with. Senator Rubio was talking about--I liked the way he
termed it. The Crown Prince has gone full gangster. We find the
behavior completely unacceptable. But at the same time, as you
said in your testimony, General Abizaid, we need a sound
relationship with Saudi Arabia. The reality is that Iran is the
malign influence and needs to be countered.
So I would like both of you talking about how--you
mentioned it in your testimony, but take a little bit more
time. How important is our relationship to having a sound
relationship with Saudi Arabia vis-a-vis Iran? General Abizaid?
Mr. Abizaid. Thanks, Senator.
How important is it? It is a vital national interest that
we have a sound relationship with Saudi Arabia to counter
malign Iranian influence.
And I think it is important for all of us to recognize the
difference between the Iranian people and the mullahs and the
IRGC Qods Force that control the security apparatus of Iran. It
is my view that sooner or later the good people of Iran, which
are many, will get tired of the violence and the drains on
their treasury and will start to move towards a better future.
It is essential that as this happens, reform in Saudi
Arabia moves apace. Saudi Arabia is the linchpin. It has been
for a long time. It will continue to be. And I am confident
that if we face our problems with them squarely and not mince
any words about it, that we will be able to solve them.
Senator Johnson. Ambassador Tueller, let me ask you the
question slightly differently. What are our alternatives? If we
do not have a sound relationship with Saudi Arabia, where do we
go to from there?
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, I think it is sobering to
imagine the region without that important security relationship
between the United States and Saudi Arabia. One of the main
differences between Iran and Saudi Arabia in my view from the
perspective of the U.S. diplomat is Saudi Arabia wants us in
the region, wants us engaged in helping to address the region's
underlying problems. Iran and its proxies want us out of the
region. They see that their agenda is served by having the
United States disengaged and not countering their malign
influence. So I think it is very, very important that we work
to ensure that that relationship with Saudi Arabia allows us to
continue to project our influence into the region.
Senator Johnson. None of us like the situation, the reality
that is in Yemen right now. You are currently the Ambassador.
In my office during our meeting, one of the questions I asked
you is--because we are all counting on a peace process. We all
say, you know, military solution. We have to have a peace
process. But realistically what incentive do the Houthis have
to agree to a peace process?
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, I hate to begin the answer to
any question with saying it is complicated, but of course,
Yemen is complicated. Even the Houthis I do not think can be
viewed as monolithic. There are elements that currently are
aligned with or fighting with the Houthis out of ambition, out
of self-interest, northern tribes or elements that are still
loyal to former President Saleh. I think as we continue to
apply pressure to them, what I hope is that we can create
conditions where some of those elements will begin to abandon
sort of the Houthi ideological project, a project that, because
it is an Iranian project, really in Yemen will never bring
stability to Yemen.
You are absolutely right, sir, that there is no way that
the Houthis are going to voluntarily give up their weapons and
just become a part of a power sharing arrangement. So we need
to continue to apply military, economic, political, security
pressure on them.
Senator Johnson. Let us face it. Iran has no incentive to
pressure the Houthis into some kind of a settlement. They would
preferred a failed state in which they can operate and continue
to spread their influence.
So again, that being the case, absent military pressure,
there is really no way we are going to come to a peace
agreement. Correct?
Ambassador Tueller. Sir, I think that is correct. I would
point out, of course, as I speak of Iran and I am sure as you
do, we are really in many respects talking about the IRGC Quds
Force, a malign element. I believe if the people of Iran came
to understand that their government is spending hundreds of
millions of dollars in Yemen, a country far from their borders
where they have no strategic interest, while they are suffering
economic hardships, that perhaps the voice of the Iranian
people can help to bend their policy towards something more
constructive.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Johnson.
Mr. Tueller, your comments about the sobering thought of us
not being aligned with Saudi Arabia in the region and being
gone from Saudi Arabia I think are very insightful. Having said
that, I think that the message needs to be strong, and I am
sure General Abizaid will carry it. They are making it very
difficult for us right now, and the Crown Prince particularly
is making this very, very difficult for us. There are
boundaries and that is a real problem. It is a serious problem,
and it is going to have to be addressed by the Saudis and by
the Crown Prince. Thank you.
It is Senator Murphy's turn.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you both for your willingness to serve. I hope we get
you to your posts as quickly as possible. Thanks to your family
as well.
Even those of us who have been the longest, most vocal
critics of Saudi Arabia do not wish for us to walk away from
what is an incredibly important relationship, an important
counterterrorism relationship. Saudi Arabia has played a role
for good in the detente in the region between Israel and the
Gulf states.
But the relationship today is just completely upside down
between the United States and Saudi Arabia. If you knew nothing
about the history of this country and the history of Saudi
Arabia and you watched the conduct of this relationship over
the course of the last year, you would get the impression that
Saudi Arabia is the great power and that the United States is a
dependent junior partner. After the murder of Jamal Khashoggi,
the Saudis did not come here to explain what happened. Our
Secretary of State went there to do a showy photo op. The
person in the administration that seems to be in charge of the
relationship is someone who has absolutely no history with
respect to foreign policy in the region.
And so the reason why so many of us think that it is
necessary for us to take action to reset the relationship is
not because we want to walk away from it, but because we need
to put ourselves back in charge of this relationship and make
clear that the way in which we have been treated and our
residents have been treated is unacceptable.
That being said, General Abizaid, I want to turn to a
slightly different part of our relationship. We do have this
important counterterrorism relationship with Saudi Arabia, but
as has been said, Saudi Arabia historically has been both a
fire fighter and an arsonist when it comes to the fight against
terrorism in that they certainly apply pressure on the most
radical elements in the region, but they also have exported a
version of Islam that forms the building blocks of extremist
movements, a conservative and tolerant brand of Salafist,
Wahabist Islam that they talk about wanting to control but
still seem to be spending a lot of time pushing money out into
the region and into the world.
You have written about this. You have given a lot of
thought to this. How do you predict approaching this sensitive
issue as Ambassador?
Mr. Abizaid. Senator, it is a very thoughtful question.
The time that I spent as the Director of the Combating
Terrorism Center at West Point gave me an opportunity to look
at this pretty deeply. And at least I can report to you, based
on my last visit out there, that the situation is getting
better. And while we spend a lot of time talking about what the
Crown Prince has not done or what he has done that is malign,
we should also say that he has sent a very clear message that
he favors a more tolerant view of Saudi Wahabi Islam. And I see
evidence of that.
It is not just him, of course. It is the whole country that
wants to move forward. The young people want to move forward.
They are happy not to see the religious police on the streets.
They are happy to be able to have the opportunity for women to
drive. But it cannot just be a PR issue. It needs to be a deep
societal change issue. And I believe that the country, the
country's leadership is committed to that, and we need to help
them move forward to the extent that we can.
Senator Murphy. The locking up of women dissidents is not
necessarily a great advertisement that you are willing to push
for a more tolerant version of Islam. But I appreciate the fact
that you have spent time thinking about this, and I hope that
you continue to work on it.
Ambassador Tueller, I wanted to ask you one specific
question because you have been on the ground as our chief
diplomat in and around Yemen for the last several years.
Reports emerged a few months ago that our coalition
partners, the Saudis and the Emiratis, had transferred American
weapons to AQAP-linked fighters in Yemen. And in fact, in the
wake of these reports, the UAE admitted to having done such.
Let me ask you, when did the administration, when did you
learn about these transfers?
Ambassador Tueller. Mr. Senator, of course, I saw the same
press reports recently that you had seen. I believe we all saw
back in 2015 some similar reports that there had been some
weapons transfers. I know that CENTCOM and DOD is investigating
this, trying to track down exactly where and when there might
have been unauthorized transfers. In the case of weapons that
we had earlier provided to the Yemeni security forces back in
2010, 2008, we know that some of those weapon systems probably
have fallen out of the control of Yemeni legitimate forces
following the Houthi-led coupe.
Senator Murphy. And what are the consequences of that?
Ambassador Tueller. Sir, we all understand absolutely and
take very seriously the end-use monitoring of our weapons
transfers, and we expect countries, when we transfer weapons,
to adhere very, very closely. And we do not just expect that.
We follow up with systems to make sure that we can track and
hold countries accountable.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. Well thought out, Senator Murphy.
Senator Romney?
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member
Menendez.
Thank you, General and Ambassador, for being here. Thank
you in particular for a lifetime of service to the greatest
nation on earth and to the cause of freedom. The sacrifice that
you have both made in very different ways, but enormous
sacrifice putting yourself in harm's way and in danger, often
being gone for long periods of time from your loved ones and
the country of your heritage is most commendable, and I feel it
is an honor to be with you and an honor to have you willing to
serve yet again in a place of great challenge.
As we contemplate the outrage of what is occurring in Saudi
Arabia and what has occurred there, as we contemplate the
extraordinary harm and pain and the suffering of civilians in
Yemen, and we consider much of what goes on in the parts of the
Middle East, there is sometimes a sentiment amongst our members
and amongst the American people to say why are we there. Why do
we not just leave? Why do we not just get out of the Middle
East and let the Sunnis and the Shias and the Iranians and the
Saudis do what they are going to do and we will just stand back
in our hemisphere and just not worry about it? That is not a
sentiment that I share, but I would be interested, in the
moments we have, to hear from both of you as to why we are
involved in the Middle East and why we are involved in Yemen,
what the significance is of those things for the citizens of
the United States. Mr. Tueller, why do we not begin with you?
Ambassador Tueller. Thank you very much, Senator.
In the case of Yemen, the United States has important
interests. We want to ensure that there are no terrorist groups
that can arise in Yemen or use the territory there to mount
attacks against us or our friends and allies.
We want to make sure that there is freedom of navigation
through the strategic waterways around Yemen. Much of the
world's trade passes through the Bab-el-Mandeb and, of course
to contemplate that Iran or a hostile power would be able to
control that I think is of great strategic interest to the
United States.
We want to make sure that our friends and allies in the
region have secure borders, that they do not feel that they are
being threatened by groups like the Houthis that kind of act on
behalf of Iran as armed proxies in these countries.
And then, Mr. Senator, there is another important interest
I think that as Americans we have and that is the humanitarian
situation. We do not give in to hopelessness. We do not give in
to cynicism. I think all of us react the same way when we see
pictures, whether it is in Yemen or other parts of the world,
where innocent civilians are suffering from consequences of war
or the actions of irresponsible governments. So as the United
States, we have an interest in mitigating that humanitarian
challenge.
One of the things that I often feel badly about is because
we have the relationships with Saudi Arabia and understandably
we hold them to a higher account, we do focus on the
consequences of Saudi actions. But almost 100 percent of the
humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen has been caused by the
Iranian-backed Houthis that overthrew the government, destroyed
the institutions of state, caused approximately a 40 percent
decline in the GDP of the country. I see very, very little
reporting, for example, of the millions and millions of mines
that the Houthis have planted around the country that in fact
cause more civilian casualties and will continue to cause
civilian casualties going into the future. So that is a great
concern, and I think the American people need to be concerned
about the humanitarian issues.
Thank you.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Mr. Abizaid. Thank you, Senator Romney.
Extremism and sectarian violence is the curse of the Middle
East. And extremism, unfortunately, is not just a curse for the
people in the Middle East. It is a curse for all of us,
recently seeing what happens when an extremist attack happens
between two nuclear-armed powers like India and Pakistan. We
have a responsibility to do our best to help the people in the
region keep extremism from gaining the upper hand.
When I think back to the days of the ISIS offensives not
far behind us, it was terrifying to me to think of the idea
that Iraq could become an ISIS-dominated state.
Combating extremism requires constant work on the part of
the good people in the region and the United States helping
people help themselves to defend themselves against it. As long
as Iranian state-backed Shia extremism and ISIS and al Qaeda-
type extremism on the Sunni side exist, it is important for us
to stay engaged. And it is important for us to move in a
direction that allows the people in the region to have a better
future so they do not fall prey to the extremist narrative of
lies.
When I think about the future of the region, if countries
can reform, if countries can embrace their own populations,
there is a chance for a much better path ahead.
I do not, by the way, believe in a large presence of
American forces in occupation. It is counterproductive to
getting the job done. Let us help the people in the region help
themselves.
And in particular, in the case of Saudi Arabia, their
counterterrorism activities, in conjunction with our own, have
been very, very meaningful in putting somewhat of a damper on
the extremism that we see so frequently throughout the region.
The Chairman. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Romney.
Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
And congratulations to each of you. You are very, very well
qualified for these positions, and I appreciate your service.
General Abizaid, I would like to start with you. Jamal
Khashoggi was a Virginia resident. The family lives in
Virginia. And I want to raise up another individual who has a
Virginia connection just to exemplify the human rights
challenges that I hope you will grapple with as Ambassador.
Aziza al-Yusef.
Aziza al-Yusef is a legal permanent resident of the United
States. She came to Richmond to study computer science at
Virginia Commonwealth University a long time ago, got a
computer science degree, moved back to Saudi Arabia, and as a
Saudi citizen, has taught computer science in Saudi Arabia to
women for nearly 30 years. You have brought wonderful families
with you today. She is a mother of five. She is a grandmother
of eight. And she passionately believes that women should be
treated as equal human beings. She has been engaged in the
protests about women being able to drive. She has been very
active to try to reform and end the guardianship system that
essentially makes women surveilled property of a man. She has
been very active in protests with respect to lax treatment of
domestic violence by men against women, all while raising her
family and teaching computer science in Saudi Arabia.
She was imprisoned in May with a group of women and men who
had been advocating for the right of Saudi women to drive. She
was imprisoned after the driving restriction was lifted, and
the interpretation of that by most has been when the driving
restriction is lifted, we want to send the message you have no
rights. We are giving you a privilege. But by then imprisoning
all the activists, men and women, who had been advocating for
women's equality in driving, it was essentially a message to
everyone you cannot protest. You have no rights. We are doing
this as a privilege.
And Amnesty International and other organizations indicate
that Aziza al-Yusef and the others who have been imprisoned
have been tortured, held, and they can see their families once
a month.
This is a grandmother of eight, a mother of five, who has
spent her whole life educating Saudi women to be computer
scientists.
And I just will say, General Abizaid, this is an important
relationship, but for me it is sort of a proxy of a nation's
authoritarianism, extremism, corruption if they treat women the
way these women are being treated for simply advocating that
they should have basic equal rights.
And so you have the background to do this job and do it
very, very well, but I hope the human rights aspect of the
portfolio and the treatment of these individuals who have ties
to the United States will be a top priority for you.
Mr. Abizaid. Senator, you have my word. It will be.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
To Ambassador Tueller, is Iraq an ally?
Ambassador Tueller. Sir, I think that the relationship
between Iraq and the United States is an extremely important
one that serves both our interests. I have outlined some of
those common interests, particularly in security in the region.
And I expect that while I am there, I will be able to continue
to work with Iraq as a partner and ally of the United States.
Senator Kaine. Thank you for that. And I share it. I think
we are partners. I think we are allies. There is a lot of work
to do to make that relation strong.
As you pointed out, we are in Iraq militarily now at their
invitation. We are not occupying Iraq. We left militarily in
2011. With the rise of ISIS in 2014, Iraq has asked us back.
And even if there is some controversy about that with some
politics, it is not going to be a slam dunk on any issue.
Overwhelmingly the Iraqi government still wants the United
States to be there to be that kind of partner. Would you not
agree?
Ambassador Tueller. I think that we can count on Iraq to
continue to want the U.S. involved. They understand what
happened after the U.S. forces withdrew back in 2011, the rise
of ISIS controlling over 55,000 square miles in Iraq. This
deeply, deeply traumatized and threatened Iraq, and they
understand that they need the assistance of the United States
and other partners to avoid the resurgence of that threat.
Senator Kaine. General Abizaid said a powerful thing at the
beginning of his testimony. He said the Abizaid family has
spent too much time in the Middle East and you do not want your
grandchildren to be there at war in the Middle East.
It is interesting that Iraq is now an ally and a partner,
and yet we still have two authorizations for military force
against Iraq that are pending. President Trump said in his
State of the Union great nations do not wage endless wars. I
think great Congresses should not authorize endless wars. The
1991 Gulf War authorization to go after Saddam Hussein for the
invasion of Kuwait is still live and active, kind of a zombie
authorization floating out there. It has never been repealed.
The 2002 authorization to go after the government of Saddam
Hussein is still active and live, again kind of a zombie
authorization out there that has not been repealed.
Senator Young and I have introduced today a bill to repeal
both the first Gulf War and the 2002 Iraq authorization. There
is no need to have an authorization against an ally and
partner, and I would hope my colleagues might see the virtue in
cleaning that up.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
Senator Paul?
Senator Paul. Thank you both for your testimony and your
service.
I will direct this to General Abizaid. It is often said
that Iran is the largest state sponsor of terrorism. It said
over and over and over again. I think it is often forgotten,
though, that I would say Saudi Arabia is the largest state
sponsor of radical Islam. They act in somewhat different ways.
Iran is very much a regional player and they are involved
anywhere there are Shia populations and they are very much
involved in several theaters mostly within the Middle East.
Saudi Arabia's malign influence, though, is worldwide. Most
of the extremists that we have seen have been Sunni extremists.
The Saudis fund tens of thousand of madrasas, including tens of
thousands just within Pakistan. It is said that people trained
in these madrasas cross the border and actually attack our
soldiers and have killed our soldiers in Afghanistan.
And so when I hear people say, oh, they are getting better,
they are letting women drive, part of me thinks, well, maybe
that is a public relations stunt to let women drive while we
imprison the activists at the same time. At the same time they
are letting women drive, they are sending a team of thugs with
a bone saw to chop somebody up in another country, a writer and
a resident of our country. So I do not think we should be
fooled.
But I do think in the larger context of things, the reason
I bring up sort of Iran and Saudi Arabia is it reminds me
somewhat of the Cold War where anybody that sided with us, we
turned a blind eye to human rights violations. So there were
dictators throughout Africa, Mobutu, Mugabe, who did horrific
things to their people, and we just looked away and said, well,
they are our guy, you know, they are on our side against the
Soviet Union.
So we have divided up the Middle East. Iran is the largest
state sponsor, and we never say a thing about Saudi Arabia. We
are starting to because of this horrific murder. But I think we
have turned a blind eye because of oil, because they tend to
side with us against Iran. And I just think there needs to be a
more evenhanded look at this. I am not saying that Iran is
good, but maybe both are malign actors.
Also when we look at the Middle East, I think there needs
to be someone saying--you know, we talk about a Middle East
peace process, and it has all been about the Palestinians and
Israel. I think that is an important question, maybe an
imponderable one. But I do think that really the big peace
process would be some day somebody recognizing that it would be
having Saudi Arabia at the same table with Iran, if you really
want to solve most Middle East process.
So I guess my question to you is given all of that, do you
think we need to make a stronger statement about the Saudis?
Instead of just saying they are getting better, saying, well,
perhaps we need to restrict the arms sales until they quit
funding madrasas. Instead of saying please quit funding
madrasas, maybe they should have to quit funding madrasas. We
should play hard ball with our weapons and say that people that
imprison people and give people a thousand lashes and all the
things the Saudis do, maybe they do not deserve our weapons.
General Abizaid?
Mr. Abizaid. Thank you, Senator Paul.
I already indicated that I think extremism is a curse of
the Middle East, and it is extremism on the Sunni side and it
is extremism on the Shia side. And really sectarianism is the
twin curse of the Middle East, and we have to move very, very
hard to convince the good people in the region to abandon forms
of extremism.
But when I think of extremism in Saudi Arabia or extremism
in any other Arab country, there are elements within the
population that believe that if they fund extremist preachers,
if they fund extremist ideologies, if they fund jihadis to move
to the sound of the guns wherever the current battle might be,
that they are doing God's work. And it is clearly not God's
work.
So we have to keep saying it. It does not matter whether it
comes from Saudi Arabia or Egypt or the UAE or Yemen. We have
got to keep saying it. We have got to keep working against it.
I will not shy away from that. I have told them that for years,
and I will continue to tell them that.
But, on the other hand, I would also like to respectfully
say they have made progress. I remember having an opportunity
to go to Saudi Arabia recently where I saw some very innovative
and very effective programs aimed specifically at reducing
terrorism both financially and on the field of battle.
Senator Paul. I appreciate that.
Ambassador Tueller, President Trump has often said that the
greatest geopolitical blunder of the last 20 years was the Iraq
war. What is your opinion on that?
Ambassador Tueller. Well, sir, I think that the removal of
a leader like Saddam Hussein from the region in the long term
serves the interest of the United States and----
Senator Paul. You disagree with the President?
Ambassador Tueller. I do not think the President--I cannot
take his remarks----
Senator Paul. His point was that removing Hussein created a
vacuum, created an endless war over there, and also empowered
Iran.
Ambassador Tueller. It has empowered many of those forces
of sectarianism and extremism, but I think in the----
Senator Paul. Which goes back to Senator Kaine's point. Are
they an ally? Some would argue Iraq is now more of an ally of
Iran than they are of the U.S.
But the President disagrees with you. The President thinks
the Iraq War was a big mistake, emboldened Iran, and we should
not have done it.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator.
We will move to Senator Merkley.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much.
And, Ambassador Tueller, when you were commenting on the
humanitarian situation in Yemen, you said virtually 100 percent
of the humanitarian problems are caused by the Houthis. I found
that a very surprising statement. An extensive number of deaths
are being caused by a cholera epidemic that comes from the
Saudi bombing of water systems. The United Nations did a study
that said of 17,000 civilian deaths between 2015 and 2018, the
majority, 10,000, were the result of the Saudi-led bombings.
Can you explain a little bit how you reached the conclusion
that the Saudi bombing of civilians somehow is responsible for
0 percent of the humanitarian crisis in Yemen?
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, I think any death of civilians
in conflict is unacceptable, and we should always----
Senator Merkley. That is not my question.
Ambassador Tueller. Well, I think that we cannot excuse
that. However, my remarks about the Houthis being almost 100
percent responsible--there is an anecdote that I often relate
to people. In January of 2014, the most important port in Yemen
used by the private sector was the Port of Aden. It had 111
ships that disembarked during that month of January 2014.
Senator Merkley. Ambassador, could you speak up, please?
Ambassador Tueller. In January of 2015, which was before
the Saudi-led intervention but after the Houthi takeover of
Sanaa, the number of ships disembarking in Aden had fallen to
nine. And that was almost 100 percent responsible for the
Houthis' actions that caused foreign investment, the Yemeni
private sector to flee the country, to stop investing in that
economic activity.
Senator Merkley. I do not want to use all my time on the
lengthy explanation there. But when you say that if 100 percent
is the Houthis, 0 percent is the Saudis, you are giving them no
responsibility for having used their munitions to attack
civilian sites, and I find that very astounding.
Ambassador Tueller. Sir, when we have seen cases where the
Saudis have caused collateral damage, we have spoken very, very
forcefully to them about that, and we have worked to try to
mitigate those consequences. We have seen improvements.
Senator Merkley. By acknowledging that, you are saying
there is some Saudi responsibility. I am going to have to stop
there. But I did find that very disturbing given the vast
deaths caused by the Saudi bombing campaign, and to treat Saudi
Arabia as saying, oh, they are our ally, so we will blame
someone else for all these deaths they are causing seems
unacceptable to me.
General Abizaid, we have really been disturbed in Oregon by
Saudi Arabia posting bail for Saudi citizens, and then those
citizens disappearing. In 2016, Mr. Noorah, a Saudi national,
killed a 15-year-old Portland native driving approximately
twice the posted speed limit. Saudi Arabia posted bail, and he
disappeared.
We had the Saudi consulate post bail for Mr. Alhamoud who
fled Oregon before facing trial in 2012 on multiple sex crime
charges, including rape.
We have a Saudi national, Mr. Algwaiz, who has faced
charges in 2016 for striking a homeless man with is vehicle,
who disappeared.
We have the Saudi consulate posting a $500,000 security
deposit for Mr. Alharthi, a student in Oregon and Saudi
national, who was arrested in 2015 on 10 counts of encouraging
child sex abuse before fleeing the country.
We have the Saudi consulate posting a $500,000 bond for Mr.
Duways, another university student and Saudi national, who was
arrested in 2014 on the charge of rape.
We have these crimes being committed by Saudi nationals and
then the Saudi government posting bail and whisking them out
the country. Is this acceptable?
Mr. Abizaid. Certainly not acceptable for any government to
assist their citizens that have violated our laws.
Senator Merkley. Are you as disturbed as I am that
essentially at this moment the Saudi nationals in the United
States have a ``get out of jail free'' card that allows them to
commit abuses against children, manslaughter, rape, and have no
accountability?
Mr. Abizaid. Senator, I think there has to be complete
accountability for any government and their citizens living
abroad, and that means respecting the laws of the host nation.
I would, in fairness, like to point out that there are
80,000 Saudis studying in the United States, most of whom are
not the type of people you talked about.
Senator Merkley. And believe you me, I am not implying that
Saudi nationals as a whole are committing crimes on a higher
basis than anyone else. I do not have that statistic. I am
making the point that when a person commits a crime in the
United States, we should not, because they are an ally who buys
a lot of stuff from us, allow them to whisk their citizens out
with no accountability for rape, for child abuse, other sexual
crimes, manslaughter, or for any other crime. And my sense is
you agree with that.
Mr. Abizaid. I agree that any government that assists their
citizens fleeing our justice is breaking our laws.
Senator Merkley. I know, and you are translating this into
a general principle, but are you not disturbed by these exact
issues regarding Saudi Arabia?
Mr. Abizaid. Well, what I cannot say because I do not
know--I accept your stories, but I do not know that the
government assisted in the escape. I just do not know that.
Senator Merkley. Yes. What we do know is that it has been
the conclusion of our government that they are likely to have
insisted, and in one case at least, the passport was
surrendered. And so something magical happened for the person
to be able to return to Saudi Arabia.
I have introduced the ESCAPE Act, which calls on the State
Department to analyze this issue, to report on it. If five
cases happened in Oregon that we know of--and there may well
have been more we do not know about. There may have been
hundreds of these cases across the country. I am surprised that
the State Department has not already investigated this.
Would you encourage the State Department to investigate
this issue and get to the bottom of it? And if this is
happening with other nations, then investigate that too, but
the ones we have knowledge of all involve Saudi Arabia.
Mr. Abizaid. Senator, if you confirm me, I will encourage
them to do so.
Senator Merkley. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Young?
Senator Young. Thank you, gentlemen, for your lifetime of
service. By my reading of your many accomplishments, I think
you come in well prepared to not only be confirmed but to serve
our country honorably and professionally.
Mr. Ambassador, I have a follow-up question pertaining to
this issue of the Houthis, the Iranian-aligned Houthis being
the primary driver of the humanitarian crisis, which may indeed
be the situation right now. They have mined the ground. They
have been responsible by my latest briefings for numerous
violations of human rights law.
But I think it is helpful that we remember recent history.
Over the last couple of years, our Saudi partners, working with
the Emirates in the United States of America, who have assisted
with refueling, targeting assistance, military training, and
some other activities, has also been party to some actions
that, per my many briefings on the subject in classified and
unclassified settings, has helped to radicalize portions of the
Houthi population, leading to their alignment with the Iranians
when many would not have otherwise aligned with the Iranians.
They have blocked the Port of Hodeidah where 80 percent of
food, of medicine, of water is delivered. The bombing campaigns
where they have indiscriminately bombed civilians is something
that I hope moving forward we will continue to recognize,
helped to exacerbate what remains the worst humanitarian crisis
in the world.
Yes, the Saudis must remain security partners. They will be
complicated partners moving forward especially with their
current leadership and their Crown Prince's impulsive and
sometimes reckless behavior by the reading of this United
States Senator. So I just think it is very important that we
are reminded of this and are sort of sober-minded as we
continue to try and finesse this relationship.
Senator Shaheen earlier brought up the lack of
responsiveness that we have seen by the administration under
the Global Magnitsky Act. General, I remain frustrated by the
administration's unwillingness to follow another law,
specifically the National Defense Authorization Act section
1290, which my colleague, Senator Shaheen, and I worked on.
There is a provision in section 1290 which requires the
Secretary to certify that the governments of Saudi Arabia and
UAE are undertaking a number of actions. The provision also
includes a detailed requirement for Yemen-related briefings to
Congress and requires the administration to submit to Congress
a strategy for Yemen. Congress has not yet received a credible
certification from the administration. I do not intend to
remain silent on this. This is the law of the land and I want
it to be followed.
So, General, would you commit to providing myself and other
members of this committee a monthly update on the following: a
description of Saudi Arabia military and political objectives
in Yemen and whether the United States' assistance to the
Saudi-led coalition has resulted in significant progress
towards meeting those objectives; a description of efforts by
the government of Saudi Arabia to avoid disproportionate harm
to civilians and civilian objects in Yemen; an assessment for
the need for existing secondary inspection and clearance
processes and transshipment requirements on humanitarian and
commercial vessels that have been cleared by the U.N.
verification and inspection mechanism; a description of the
sources of external support for the Houthi forces, including
financial assistance, weapons transfers, operational planning,
training, and advisory assistance; an assessment of the
applicability of the U.S. and international sanctions to Houthi
forces that have committed grave human rights abuses,
obstructed international aid, and launched ballistic missiles
into our Saudi partner's territory; and an assessment of the
effect of the Saudi-led coalition's military operations in
Yemen on the efforts of the U.S. to defeat AQAP and the Islamic
State? General would you commit to providing that information
on a monthly basis to this committee?
Mr. Abizaid. Thank you, Senator Young.
As a citizen of the great State of Nevada, not a member of
the administration, I have nothing to say about that. If you
confirm me and I become a member of the administration, I can
commit to assisting the administration in answering those
questions.
Senator Young. I thought you would answer somewhere along
those lines.
Well, let me just note before yielding back to the good
chairman that if the administration is not already tracking
each of the different things I have requested of you, it would
be a matter of sort of diplomatic malpractice, security
malpractice, from my perspective, and it is my fervent hope
that the administration will follow the law and finally provide
a credible certification as required under the law.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Senator Cruz is next.
Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Gentlemen, thank you both for your service. Congratulations
on the nominations you have received, but thank you also for
being willing to serve. Neither of the countries to which you
have been nominated are easy postings nor are they altogether
safe postings. And so we are grateful for both of you answering
the call to serve your nation in challenging times.
General Abizaid, I want to start with you. Saudi Arabia is
in my judgment a deeply problematic ally. Their human rights
record has been sorely lacking. They have, for many years, been
willing to fund jihadists on the principle that if you feed the
crocodile perhaps it will eat you last. Their conduct with
regard to Mr. Khashoggi was abominable and unacceptable. On all
of those fronts, I think we should be clear and explicit
condemning their actions.
At the same time, they are nonetheless an ally, and
critically they are a vital counterpoint to the nation of Iran.
And as I look to the Middle East, the rivalry between Iran and
Saudi Arabia--any conduct that the United States Congress does
to weaken Saudi Arabia vis-a-vis Iran to my mind is harming the
national security interests of America because a stronger Iran
with an Ayatollah Khamenei pledging death to America, funding
terrorists actively trying to murder Americans--a stronger Iran
makes for a more dangerous world.
Do you share that assessment, and what role do you believe
Saudi Arabia plays in counterbalancing Iran?
Mr. Abizaid. Thank you, Senator Cruz, for the question.
I certainly share your sentiments and your description
about Iran. Maybe 15 years ago, maybe I would have shared your
description about Saudi Arabia. There was absolutely too much
turning a blind eye towards extremists leaving the country and
causing problems elsewhere.
As I look at it today, I do not think the problem is
solved, but I think it is getting better. There are joint task
forces for combating terrorism. There are joint task forces
looking at the economic flows of money into the terrorist
networks. We noticed here recently that Hamza bin Laden was
stripped of his citizenship, that others have been forced to
pay a price for their support of terrorism, to al Qaeda, ISIS,
or indeed even supporting the Iranian state.
So it is incumbent upon the United States to continue to
press the case that good allies do not support terrorism
anywhere.
Senator Cruz. And can you describe the importance of a
strong Saudi Arabia as a check to Iran?
Mr. Abizaid. Senator, I think you did an adequate job of
that. I do not know what I could add.
Senator Cruz. Is there any coherent or rational argument
that Saudi Arabia poses a comparable threat to the United
States to that of Iran?
Mr. Abizaid. Senator, when I look at the reform vision of
2030, if we can support it moving forward, it is a plan for
diversification of the economy. It is a plan to begin the
empowerment of women. It is a plan to make the armed forces
more professional. It is a plan to give the young people of
Saudi Arabia a hope for a better future. If that plan can
succeed with the support of the international community, I
believe we will see a change, an important change, that will be
good for all of us and Saudi Arabia.
Senator Cruz. What do you believe Iran is trying to
accomplish in the Middle East?
Mr. Abizaid. You know, Senator, we have had this
conversation before, and I appreciate we have had it. And as we
have noted before, I firmly believe that the good people of
Iran are just putting up with the IRGC Qods Force and the
mullah government. Given the opportunity for a better future,
just like the Saudis, if they had a vision for a reform
movement, if they had a vision for a better future, the people
would move in that direction. But right now, the IRGC Qods
Force and the radicals are in charge, and we need to keep the
pressure to cause them to ultimately be deposed by their own
people.
Senator Cruz. I agree with you.
Ambassador Tueller, one of the more troubling developments
in Iraq has been the growing influence of the Iranians, both
Iranian Shia militia and also direct or indirect Iranian
control of the Iraqi institutions of government. How
significant do you assess that threat and what should we be
doing about it?
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, I think it is a great threat.
It is one that concerns us, and I know it is one that concerns
the Iraqi people. I think one of the most powerful forces in
Iraq, leaving aside the sectarian influences, ethnic
differences, and political parties, is Iraqis share a strong
sense of pride in their Iraqi Arab identity. They do not want
to see their country weakened, divided, sovereignty impinged
upon, and they see the major threat of that coming from Iran.
So I think as we empower Iraqis to build the kind of country
and future they want, that is what we have to build on.
Senator Cruz. Okay. Final question. Talk to me briefly
about the Kurds. The Kurds have been loyal allies. They have
spilled blood supporting the United States of America. They
have, I think, been neglected and mistreated far too often by
United States foreign policy. Can you talk about the importance
of assuring that we do not abandon the Kurds once again and
leave them subject to the predations of their neighbors?
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, that U.S.-Kurdish relationship
is a historic one. It is a long-lasting one. I think it is a
very important one. I intend, if I am confirmed, to make sure
that that relationship between the United States and the
Kurdish people is one that is solid, that gives the Kurds the
sense of security they need that they are never again in the
future going to be dominated by the type of regime that Saddam
Hussein represented in Baghdad.
At the same time, I think it is very important from the
U.S. perspective that we see good, solid relationships between
Baghdad and Erbil, and I intend to do all I can to make sure
that that relationship is a positive one.
Senator Cruz. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cruz.
Senator Gardner?
Senator Gardner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you both for your service to this country, your
willingness to serve in these new posts. This country truly is
grateful for your service.
General Abizaid, continuing on the conversation you had
with Senator Cruz, there are certain issues, resolutions that
this Congress may be voting on regarding Yemen and other
resolutions. How would that affect or change relationships in
Saudi Arabia, perhaps empowering Iran? If you could talk a
little bit about that.
Mr. Abizaid. Senator, first of all, I am sorry we missed
our appointment. I understand you were snowed in badly in
Colorado.
Senator Gardner. United once again proved they were in
charge.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Abizaid. Senator, it is a good question. I do not think
it is good for me as a private citizen at this point to comment
on legislation. I would prefer to say it is very important for
us to set the stage that allows for reform in Saudi Arabia,
that allows ultimately some day for reform in Iran, and that
allows for a better solution to the many problems that are
transparent and obvious in Yemen.
One thing we cannot afford in Yemen, we cannot afford to
withdraw U.S. expertise to the coalition about how to fight. If
we want them to fight right, we need to continue to give them
that expertise.
Another thing we cannot afford is that if a Hezbollah-like
pro-Iranian IRGC Qods Force militia were to form in Yemen, it
would be a lethal threat to the region and one that we could
not ignore and certainly one that Saudi Arabia could not
ignore.
So it is important that we work in the right way in your
legislation, and I know you are. But again, I think me
commenting about exactly how it should be done would be out of
my place.
Senator Gardner. General--and you may have already talked
about this with other members of the committee. I apologize if
I am repeating. Could you talk a little bit about the civilian
nuclear agreement and what parameters ought to be in place to
assure a true civilian nuclear agreement, if that is indeed the
case?
Mr. Abizaid. Well, Senator, I have had this discussion with
many of you in our consultations. I certainly think that in
some future there can be nuclear power in Saudi Arabia, but I
think anytime the U.S. provides nuclear power to anybody, it
needs to be done under the strictest controls possible.
Senator Gardner. With the standard gold-plated agreements
that have been in every----
Mr. Abizaid. I would say, yes, that is certainly the
standard, but the issue is all about let us not allow plutonium
or other type of substance move to somewhere where it can be
used as a bomb.
Senator Gardner. Right. Thank you.
Ambassador Tueller, we discussed some of the challenges in
Iraq, obviously, with corruption. How does the United States
proceed addressing government corruption and the tools that you
could bring to the position?
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, again our engagement, whether
it is through advocating for U.S. businesses to be present
competing for contracts and the responsibility and the
transparency that U.S. companies bring when they are engaged in
an economy, also I think continue to empower the Iraqi
institutions that have been stood up that so far have been able
to continue to exist within the new Iraq that are intent on
promoting greater transparency. The issue of corruption
throughout the region and in fact through many developing
countries is one that, as U.S. diplomats, when we encounter, we
see how toxic it is. And I think the U.S. government, by
upholding our standards, by encouraging greater transparency,
helps the citizens of those countries.
Senator Gardner. What effects do you see remaining from the
separation--the referendum? The attempt last year--I believe it
was last year.
Ambassador Tueller. Sir, between the Kurds----
Senator Gardner. Yes, correct.
Ambassador Tueller. Well, of course, the call for a
referendum--we opposed that. We advised many of the Kurdish
leaders that we thought it was provocative and unnecessary.
What I am pleased to say is that that we are seeing that
relationship already improving. I know that there is a good
relationship between the Kurdish leaders, the current
president, and the current prime minister as well, and that
some steps are being taken to repair that damage and put the
relationship on a better footing.
Senator Gardner. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Gardner.
Senator Udall?
Senator Udall. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you to both of the witnesses here today. I
appreciate your testimony.
These first two questions are for both of you.
Last fall, Ambassador James Jeffrey, the State Department's
Special Representative to Syria, stated during a Defense One
conference--and I quote here. It requires stability ops to
break Iran's meddling influence. End quote.
Jeffrey continued saying that Iran, quote, will create a
new Daesh if we do not get at the underlying problem. End
quote. Referring to an Arabic acronym for ISIS. This is an odd
position given that Daesh is a Sunni terrorist organization.
In tackling Iran, he said we have no better partner than
Saudi Arabia. He added we could not be doing what we are doing
in the region without them.
Yet, we know that funds from Saudi Arabia donors flowed
towards Daesh and that many Wahabi clerics were an inspiration
to ISIL's leaders. Saudi Arabia has also been implicated in the
murder of Jamal Khashoggi and is directly responsible for one
of the worst humanitarian disasters in recent history in Yemen.
Comments like these and those of Secretary Pompeo and
President Trump last year trying to frame Iran as a supporter
of al Qaeda and other Sunni terrorists without proof should get
our attention.
Just last year, Reuters reported in announcing the U.S.
withdrawal from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, Trump said in May
that Iran supports terrorist proxies and militias such as al
Qaeda. End quote.
In a speech last week, Pompeo said, quote, today we ask the
Iranian people is this what you want your country to be known
for, for being a co-conspirator with Hezbollah, Hamas, Taliban,
and al Qaeda.
In the same report, Reuters noted that a study casts doubts
on these claims, claims, if true, would give the President some
legal argument to say that the 9/11 AUMF applies to Iran, a
claim that I as a Member of Congress who voted in favor of the
9/11 AUMF find to be without any basis in reality.
My first question to both of you is, do you believe that a
war with Iran is in the best interest of the United States or
either of the countries you are nominated to serve in?
Mr. Abizaid. No.
Ambassador Tueller. No, Senator, I do not.
Senator Udall. Do either of you believe that the 9/11 AUMF
extends to Iran or that Congress intended to use the 9/11 AUMF
to take on Iran?
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, I would have to defer to the
State Department legal advisor to address any issues about
authorized use of military force.
Mr. Abizaid. I would have to defer to legal experts as I do
not have any expertise in the issue.
Senator Udall. But you guys were both around when all of
this happened, and you know how targeted we were with the 9/11
AUMF and what our objectives were, which we long ago--long
ago--have achieved. So I find that a little discouraging that
you are punting on that one.
Mr. Abizaid. You know, Senator, I guess I would say is I
was a soldier and we go where you tell us to go.
Senator Udall. Well, I understand that, but you are also a
very smart gentleman. You understand the realities of the
Congress. It is Congress that has the authority under the
Constitution to declare war, and it is also Congress that if it
decides to do so and it thinks it is appropriate, that ends
wars. And so an AUMF that has been in place since 2001 and is
being used around the world as the reason for going into
countries I think is something you should be worried about as a
soldier and something that you should have looked into.
Mr. Abizaid. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Udall. We all know that climate change is real and
that the result is that in places like New Mexico and Iraq,
there is less water for all to go around. We must adjust to
this reality. There are real and persistent water challenges in
Iraq, including the Mosul Dam, and lack of sufficient drinking
water supplies and trained staff to manage these important
infrastructure investments.
What role can the United States play and what role can you
play to help facilitate a sufficient water supply in Iraq,
including Mosul Dam stabilization, so that the region avoids
conflicts over water resources?
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, it is an excellent question.
It is one that applies in Iraq. It is one that I have seen come
into play in Yemen which faces a depletion of its water
resources and elsewhere in the Middle East, in Syria and
elsewhere. So throughout the Middle East, you often see that
water resources are underlying part of the ongoing conflict.
So I think it is important with respect to the Mosul Dam.
The United States and the Army Corps of Engineers has been
involved in some of the efforts to try to stabilize the dam.
The Iraqis themselves are taking on a greater responsibility
for that. It is a tremendous threat, one that we all need to
remain vigilant.
Thank you for the question, Senator.
Senator Udall. Thank you.
General, do you have a thought on that?
Mr. Abizaid. I would only say, Senator, that the water
problems in the Middle East are great, and the number one thing
we can do to help solve them is first get these conflicts under
control to the best of our ability. Once we do that, then other
things will follow.
Senator Udall. I hope we can do that, and then I hope we
can work on the infrastructure for water resources and the
other things that are needed for stability in order to, like
you say, move forward.
Mr. Abizaid. I agree with you, Senator.
Senator Udall. Yes. I appreciate that.
Thank you for your courtesies, Mr. Chairman. I know I ran
over a little bit.
The Chairman. You certainly did.
Senator Udall. I bow down and apologize to you.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman. There will be more.
Senator Barrasso, so patient and I am sorry I passed you
over earlier.
Senator Udall. If I had seen him there, I would have
shortened my questions.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you, Senator. Thank you, Mr.
Chairman.
Ambassador Tueller, if I could, just a general--how
extensive is Iran's influence over Iraq?
Ambassador Tueller. Well, of course, the two countries
share a long border. They share an economic history, family,
religious ties, but I think it is often missed, as you look at
the broader, to understand again, as I said, Iraqi nationalism,
the fact that Iraqi Shia clergy have their own standing,
credibility, legitimacy within the country. So I think it is
important not to overstate or to overreact to what is Iran's
presence and relationship.
I would say we are not trying to sever the relationship
between Iraq and Iran. There should be ties. What we want to
see is a normal, healthy relationship based on respect for
sovereignty, an Iraq wanting to build, as we want to build, an
Iran wanting to build an Iraq that is strong, stable, and
sovereign.
Senator Barrasso. Iran--they have armed militias, provided
Revolutionary Guard forces to assist with the fighting against
ISIS in Iraq. So I am talking about the current role the
Iranian forces are playing in Iraq and what you see in terms of
the force activity there.
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, the issue of the popular
mobilization forces that exist in Iran is one that is
complicated. I know that the prime minister and other
government officials are trying to bring all of those forces
under the control of the government. Many of those forces, in
fact, are nominally under control of the prime minister. What
we are really concerned about is particularly those popular
mobilization forces that are not responsive to the Iraqi
government but are taking their directions, their leadership
from not just Iran but from the Revolutionary Qods Force, and
that is what is going to pose a great challenge. I think moving
forward for Iraq to emerge as a strong, sovereign, normal
country, it has to deal with that issue.
Senator Barrasso. The United States has been encouraging
Iraq to end its energy dependence on Iran. There was a ``Wall
Street Journal'' article from November, headlining ``U.S.
Pushes Iraq to Wean Itself off Iranian Energy.'' But despite
its role as a major energy producer itself--Iraq--it does rely
on Iran for imported natural gas to use in gas turbine power
plants. Iranian natural gas generates about 45 percent of
Iraq's electricity. Upon the reimposition of U.S. sanctions
against Iran, the United States has provided Iraq a couple of
waivers.
Do you believe Iraq is serious about ending its dependence
on Iran for energy? And what efforts is Iraq taking to reduce
or end its energy dependence on Iran?
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, that is correct. Not only
significant imports of natural gas from Iran but also
electricity itself as part of the grid. So it is important, for
example, that Iraq receive capital, improve its ability to
capture its own natural gas rather than flaring it so that it
can be used to generate electricity. In the last several
months, there has been some progress in that respect, but it is
time consuming. Not enough has happened yet. And I think an
important thing to try to use is--if I am confirmed as
Ambassador, to encourage U.S. companies to be able to play a
role in helping the Iraqi energy sector to capture that natural
gas to use it for electrical generation.
Senator Barrasso. And be less dependent upon Iran for their
sources of energy.
Ambassador Tueller. Absolutely.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you.
General, if I could, the blockade with Qatar. In June of
2017, Saudi Arabia ended the diplomatic relationship with
Qatar, and Saudi Arabia led a blockade against Qatar in terms
of its Arab Gulf neighbors, Egypt, UAE, Bahrain. You know all
of the things that have happened there.
Can you talk a little bit about what the current status is
of this dispute with Saudi Arabia and Qatar and what progress
has been there in terms of resolving the dispute?
Mr. Abizaid. To be honest, Senator, I do not think there
has been much progress in resolving the dispute. I know there
have been some forums, especially in the defense arena, where
Qatari representatives were allowed to attend, opportunities to
meet with their Gulf colleagues.
My opinion is that it is important to solve this problem.
Having Gulf states be antagonistic and at each others' throats
at a time when they are facing a great threat from Iran to me
does not make geopolitical sense.
Senator Barrasso. To that point that you just made, can you
talk about how this dispute threatens the regional unity needed
to counter Iran?
Mr. Abizaid. Senator, the Iranians are masters at finding
the small crack between forces that they face, and they have a
small crack because of this dispute.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator.
Ambassador Tueller, I think what Senator Barrasso has
raised about the Iranian influence in Iraq is a really serious
concern to all of us. We keep hearing more and more reports of
that not only in this committee but other committees that I
serve on. I hope you will pay close attention to it. We all
know their malign intent, and we realize it is complicated,
like you said. But it is discouraging to hear the inroads they
continue to make into the Iraqi infrastructure. So in any
event, I hope you keep an eye on that.
Senator Menendez?
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
General Abizaid, I am very inclined to support your
nomination, but I heard a few answers here that create a little
cause for concern for me. So let me try to follow up with you.
In several answers, you said we cannot afford and went on
to describe elements that we cannot afford Saudi Arabia not to
do X, Y, or Z. From my perspective, we cannot afford to
continue to allow the Saudis fighting in Yemen and
indiscriminately bombing civilians and ultimately violating
international law.
We cannot afford to allow the killing of an American
resident journalist with impunity and no consequence for that.
We cannot afford to allow U.S. citizens or permanent
residents to be detained and, if some of these allegations are
true, tortured without consequence. And the list goes on.
So, yes, many of us understand that the Saudi relationship
is important in our broader national security question,
particularly as it relates to Iran. But that does not mean--
that does not mean--that we cannot challenge our relationship
with a nation even when our security interests may align.
Is that your view that we can challenge and seek to change
the nature of the relationship, or is that we have to accept
what they have done in order to pursue our greater national
security goals?
Mr. Abizaid. Senator, I thought I was clear in saying we
should not accept these outrageous sorts of problems such as
the killing of Jamal Khashoggi, that we should not accept the
torture and detention--the alleged torture and detention of an
American citizen, and so many other things, as I mentioned in
my opening statement. These short-term problems have to be
solved now, and it requires forceful discussions on behalf of
the United States with the government of Saudi Arabia. And I am
prepared to have those discussions if you confirm me.
Senator Menendez. All right, because that is important
because I get concerned that somehow we create this aura that
the relationship is so important that we cannot challenge those
things that are horribly wrong about it. And I do not buy that
because if, at the end of the day, you can kill a journalist
with impunity and because of our interests we will look the
other way, that is a dangerous message to send across the
globe. And it is a dangerous message to send to any other
country for which we may have an interest that you can act with
impunity as long as you pursue a certain interest we might have
with you. That is not who we are as a nation. I just want to
make sure you are going to have no problem pursuing those
challenges.
Mr. Abizaid. I have no problem saying what I need to say in
that regard.
Senator Menendez. And in that regard, will you press the
Saudi government on the continued detention of American
citizen, Dr. Walid Fitaihi?
Mr. Abizaid. Yes.
Senator Menendez. And will you commit to request to visit
women rights activists who have been unjustly detained?
Mr. Abizaid. Yes.
Senator Menendez. And finally, let me--Ambassador Tueller,
I do not want you to think I have no affection for you in this
hearing. Let me just ask you, what does success look like for
us in Iraq? And how do we achieve that, and what tools do we
have to try to achieve it? Give me a sense of that. It is a
broad statement of your mission, but I would like to get a
sense of what it is that we are working towards.
Ambassador Tueller. Sir, I believe we do need to be guided
by a long-term strategic vision, and I think it is a vision
that sees Iraq as a pillar of stability in the region. And we
achieve that by working with Iraqis to build up their security
institutions, by building up their economy, by combating the
influence of sectarianism, by combating issues like corruption
or lack of transparency in the economy. We seek that as a
vision as you look at the contrasting agenda of Iran, which
seeks an Iraq that is weak, that is divided that does not have
sovereignty over its own territory and forces. We are working
to bring about in areas of Iraq clean drinking water and
government services to people where Iran is flooding the market
with cheap goods and in fact with heroin or other dangerous
products. So we need to be projecting a positive, constructive
vision for Iraq, and I have no problem doing it.
Senator Menendez. And what is our leverage to achieve those
things?
Ambassador Tueller. Again, I think that we have allies and
partners who want that, Iraqis who want that same vision, and
we are working with them, whether they are Kurds, whether they
are from political alliances, wherever they come from, those
Iraqis that want to see a strong, stable, unified, sovereign
Iraq--those are the people that we will work with.
Senator Menendez. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you.
We hear a lot of partisan talk up here. So there is no
mistake, I think the ranking member probably articulated as
clearly as is possible that when we have an ally, we try to
support those allies as best we can. But the kinds of things
that have been happening lately make it very, very difficult,
and we cannot look the other way.
Thank you for those remarks, Senator Menendez.
Senator Murphy?
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much. Thank you for giving
us the opportunity to have a short second round.
I appreciate, General Abizaid, your follow-up answer to
Senator Menendez. I, as well, was a bit concerned with what was
to me an unexpected robust defense at times of the Saudi
regime, and so I appreciate your clarification.
My second round, though, is for you, Mr. Tueller. The
Houthis, no doubt, bear significant responsibility for the
humanitarian catastrophe up until this day. But you are the
first diplomat with jurisdiction over the crisis in Yemen that
I have ever heard assign 0 percent responsibility for the
humanitarian disaster inside Yemen to the Saudis. And it seemed
as if you resisted amending that answer in the follow-up from
Senator Merkley. And although Senator Young did not ask you a
question, I think you understood the beginning of his query to
you.
Just because one party starts a war does not give carte
blanche to the other side to conduct themselves in a manner
that makes the humanitarian situation on the ground worse. And
by saying that the Saudis bear no responsibility for what has
happened there is a permission slip to the Saudis and anyone
who is a contestant to a conflict to behave as irresponsibly as
they like just because they might not have been the instigator.
I can recite you the same statistics that Senator Merkley
did, but they are pretty overwhelming in terms of the consensus
among the international community as to the affect that the
bombing campaign, targeting civilians, the months' long
blockade had on the worsening humanitarian situation.
So I want to give you one last shot before we end here to
amend your answer that the Houthis bear 100 percent
responsibility for the civilian nightmare that has happened
inside Yemen.
Ambassador Tueller. Mr. Senator, thank you for the
following question, and in describing what I think is an
analytical position as to exactly what is happening to the
economy in Yemen, that does in no way or shape excuse the
Saudis when they violate the Law of Armed Conflict or conduct
their military operations in a manner that does not give due
regard for civilian life.
What I am describing, however, is the situation in Yemen,
already the poorest country in the world with measures of
childhood stunting, famine that existed before 2014 that has
absolutely had the legs of the economy kicked out from under it
by the actions of the Houthis and the Iranian-back proxies. The
U.N. Humanitarian Coordinator I think has described the
situation best when she said Yemen is not suffering from a
famine of food. Yemen is suffering from a famine of incomes.
That is what is really driving most of the humanitarian
suffering that we are all witnessing. Yemenis who have lost
their incomes because of closure of private sector small and
medium enterprises, who have lost their government salaries,
the government that has lost its income----
Senator Murphy. I get it. I get it. That is not my
question. I understand what is happening there. The question is
whether the Saudis bear something above 0 percent
responsibility for what has happened there.
Ambassador Tueller. Senator, I understand, and absolutely I
would not minimize that when there have been targeting of
infrastructure such as roads or bridges or transportation--and
that has had a very, very deleterious impact on the economy.
But if you are looking for a solution of how we are going
to address the humanitarian situation, it is going to be
finding a way to leverage the Houthis and to entering into a
peaceful power sharing agreement. It is not going to happen as
a result of what the Saudis will do. The answers lie in the
hands of the Yemenis. And so I think many, many Yemenis would
tell you exactly the same thing that I have said here today.
Senator Murphy. So help me figure this out. Are you
changing your answer or not changing your answer? This is a
problem for you moving forward here if you cannot commit to us
that the Saudis have some responsibility for what has happened
there, as almost everyone has testified before this committee
before you has said. Are you changing your answer or not?
Ambassador Tueller. So with the war going on--and, of
course, the Saudis as one of the participants--absolutely, of
course, they have had an impact on the humanitarian suffering.
I am not saying that. And I think again going to the specific
question, when there have been violations of the Law of Armed
Conflict or undue consideration for collateral damage, we
cannot overlook that or excuse that.
But when I am looking for answers of how we are going to,
as a nation, resolve the humanitarian crisis, we have got to
look to the underlying causes of what is happening in Yemen,
the responsibility of all the Yemeni parties, and what we are
going to do so that the Yemeni civilians do not continue the
suffering.
Senator Murphy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator.
Well, with that, thank you to both of you and your
families. You have been very patient with us, and we really
appreciate that.
For information of the members, the record will remain open
until close of business on Thursday, including for members to
submit questions for the record.
With the thanks of the committee, this hearing is now
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:03 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
----------
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to General Abizaid by Senator Robert Menendez
U.S.-Saudi Relations
Question. I am very concerned by recent reports that Embassy staff
in Riyadh were barred from Jared Kushner's recent meetings with the
Saudi Royal Court, including with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman:
If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure that you or
another embassy official are present at all meetings between
Saudi and U.S. officials?
Answer. The U.S. government should always act as one unit in the
execution of foreign policy. As I noted in my testimony, if confirmed,
I will join with the many U.S. government interlocutors from
Washington, within the U.S. Mission to Saudi Arabia, and elsewhere to
advance U.S. interests in Saudi Arabia as Chief of Mission in the most
coordinated manner possible. My policy, if confirmed as Ambassador,
will be to have an Embassy assigned representative at every official
meeting to the extent possible.
Question. There have been numerous reports of private individuals
with ties to the president who have pursued business deals or contracts
in Saudi Arabia.
What will you do to ensure that all U.S. businesses are treated
fairly and equally and that those with ties to the president do
not receive preferential treatment?
Answer. The goal of U.S. embassies overseas is to advance U.S.
interests across the full spectrum of political, economic, security,
and humanitarian priorities. If confirmed, I will look to carry on the
U.S. Mission to Saudi Arabia's long history of connecting the full
range of U.S. businesses and commercial interests to Saudi
counterparts. If confirmed, I will strictly enforce regulations and
procedures to ensure equal treatment of U.S. businesses and citizens.
Question. How can the United States best leverage its close
relationship with Saudi Arabia to ensure better alignment between U.S.
and Saudi priorities? How might Saudi leaders respond to efforts by the
United States to withhold or condition the provision of security
assistance in order to compel policy changes?
Answer. I recognize that U.S. government assistance and the
reputational incentives a partnership with the United States offers is,
in some cases, a useful tool to encourage countries to adopt policy
changes that favor U.S. interests. I believe U.S. priorities are
advanced by our close relationship with Saudi Arabia, not in spite of
it. We are able to influence, steer, and achieve results because of our
ability to have honest, often difficult conversations with Saudi
leadership, and our security cooperation activities serve as a key
venue for deepening our relationship.
In Saudi Arabia, our strong partnership over many decades has
allowed us to secure U.S. interests in the region, roll back the malign
influence of Iran, and counter violent extremist groups, such as al-
Qa'ida and ISIS.
Question. How can the United States encourage or demand the
development of more open, participatory, and transparent governance in
the kingdom?
Answer. In all our relationships around the world, the United
States will continue to encourage more open, participatory, and
transparent governance, and the President's National Security Strategy
strongly supports championing American values abroad.
In Saudi Arabia, freedom of expression, thought, and religion or
belief are not guaranteed by law. Gender discrimination excludes women
from many aspects of public life, and citizens lack the ability to
choose their government in free and fair elections. The Shia minority
is marginalized from political, social, and economic life. There are no
political parties or similar associations in the Kingdom. In 2015,
elections were held for two-thirds of the 3,159 seats on 284 municipal
councils; the government appointed the remaining third. Women were
allowed to vote and run as candidates for the first time in 2015.
If confirmed as Ambassador, I will articulate U.S. support for
expanding this participatory process for municipal elections. I will
also convey clearly U.S. concerns regarding the detention of activists
and perceived dissidents in Saudi Arabia. If confirmed, my mission will
take all allegations of abuse seriously. I will continue to urge the
government of Saudi Arabia to ensure fair trial guarantees, freedom
from arbitrary and extrajudicial detention, transparency, and rule of
law. Women's rights are a critical goal for U.S. foreign policy, and I
fully commit to making them a key element of my potential tenure as
ambassador. The Saudis have made progress, but it is clearly not
enough. The United States has pressed them on this issue for years, and
I will continue to do so.
Question. What leverage, if any, do you believe Saudi investments
in U.S. Treasury securities, Saudi support for the denomination of
international oil sales in U.S. dollars, and Saudi purchases of U.S.
defense articles and services provide the Saudi government relative to
the United States? How should the United States respond to implied or
explicit threats by Saudi officials to change patterns of bilateral
investment, defense ties, or energy policies?
Answer. Saudi Arabia's investments in the United States are
significant, with over $14 billion in foreign direct investment in
2018. These investments benefit Saudi Arabia and the United States, and
our country remains the key engine of the world economy. Saudi Arabia,
like so many countries, are attracted to the U.S. market for its
stability, quality, and continued potential for growth.
Saudi Arabia remains a leading player in the global oil market, and
use of the U.S. dollar as the primary currency of oil and other
international trade is important to U.S. national security. Dollar-
denominated energy trade gives the United States leverage over those
using our currency.
Saudi Arabia is--by far--the largest purchaser of U.S. defense
equipment, with over $100 billion in active Foreign Military Sales
cases. These sales provide significant income and growth for U.S.
businesses, support American jobs, and enhance our military
interoperability.
Yemen
Question. Repeated stories of U.S. -supplied bombs hitting
weddings, funerals, and school busses are simply unacceptable. Although
the Saudis say that they have implemented measures to investigate and
reduce civilian casualties, much of the reporting from the Saudis and
the administration does not comport with other reporting from media and
human rights organizations on the ground:
What is your assessment of the mechanisms Saudi Arabia has put in
place to both prevent civilian casualties and to investigate
particular incidents?
Answer. At our urging, Saudi Arabia has put in place a number of
mechanisms to reduce civilian casualties in Yemen. If confirmed, I will
continue to work with Saudi Arabia to continue activities to sustain
their positive progress on protecting civilians and adherence to
international humanitarian law as they pursue their legitimate national
security objectives. Our close relationship with Saudi Arabia ensures
we can continue to work with them on this matter.
Question. Will you continue to press for the Saudis to meaningfully
reduce civilian casualties and hold those responsible for perpetrating
attacks on civilians accountable?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will continue to press the Saudis on
these critical points.
Question. Do you believe it is important to continue to promote the
principles of International Humanitarian Law and the Law of Armed
Conflict in Yemen?
Answer. Yes, I believe we have both moral and strategic reasons to
promote the principles of International Humanitarian Law and the Law of
Armed Conflict in Yemen.Relations
Question. What levers do you think the United States has to promote
the Stockholm Peace process? What will happen if this fragile peace
process falls apart?
Answer. Diplomacy has been our primary lever in the Yemen conflict.
We have coordinated that piece of diplomatic engagement with the
Coalition, who were essential in bringing the parties to Sweden in the
first place. Saudi Arabia, in particular, continues to leverage its
strong bilateral relationship with the ROYG to move the peace process
forward. Through the Omanis and the European Union, we continue to
communicate the importance of making good on the Sweden agreement to
the Houthis. The current peace process is the closest the parties have
come to forging a political agreement in a long time. They sat across
from each other in one room in Sweden--no small feat. If this effort
falls apart, our diplomatic engagement in support of U.N. efforts to
forge a political solution will continue.
Question. What do you think our posture should be?
Answer. Decisions that the United States makes in Yemen have not
only political, but also humanitarian consequences for the daily lives
of millions of Yemenis. Our actions have the potential to affect our
bilateral relationships in the region and beyond, and will have a
lasting impact on security in the Middle East and our global
counterterrorism objectives. Our posture must reflect all of these
realities. If confirmed, I will support our current posture, which is
to support the international community's ongoing effort to support the
Yemeni parties in sitting down and charting out an agreement that will
end this conflict.
Question. What role do you believe the Houthis should play in any
negotiated settlement?
Answer. At one time, the Houthis had legitimate grievances about
their political and economic marginalization in Yemen. However, the way
they chose to address those grievances--an attempted violent overthrow
of a legitimate government--is unacceptable. If they are ready to put
down their arms and truly invest in a post-conflict Yemeni government,
they are entitled to political participation and economic
opportunities, as are all Yemenis. However, they cannot expect this
outcome while retaining their relationship with Iran. They must put
down their weapons and make a political agreement in good faith.
Question. We have seen alarming reports of both Emiratis and Saudis
transferring serious U.S.-origin weapons systems to third party
fighters on the ground. If true, this has serious implications for
future arms sales. How will you engage with the Saudis on this matter?
Answer. Recent media reports alleging that the Coalition provided
U.S.-origin Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected (MRAP) vehicles and other
equipment to Yemeni forces and other third parties without the consent
of the U.S. government are concerning. All recipients of U.S. origin
equipment are expected to adhere to commitments governing procurement
of U.S. defense equipment. If confirmed, I am committed to looking into
these allegations and working with the Saudis to ensure that they
adhere to all of the requirements regarding the transfer of U.S.
equipment.
Question. What steps will you take to investigate these
allegations?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to looking into these
allegations and working with the Saudis to ensure that they adhere to
all of the requirements regarding the transfer of U.S. equipment.
Question. What do you think are appropriate responses?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to looking into these
allegations and working with the Saudis to ensure that they adhere to
all of the requirements regarding the transfer of U.S. equipment.
Question. As Ambassador, what steps will you take to press the
Saudi government to stop their detention of human rights activists, end
the detention of American citizen Dr. Walid Fitaihi and allow you to
visit womens' right activists who have been unjustly detained?
Answer. If confirmed, I will pursue American interests and champion
our values, commitments, and our enduring respect for human rights. I
will make clear that the United States remains deeply concerned by the
detention of activists and perceived dissidents in Saudi Arabia and
that we take all allegations of abuse seriously. If confirmed, I will
continue to urge the government of Saudi Arabia to ensure fair trial
guarantees, freedom from arbitrary and extrajudicial detention,
transparency, and rule of law. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will call
on the government of Saudi Arabia to treat prisoners and detainees
humanely, and to ensure that allegations of abuse are investigated
quickly and thoroughly and those found responsible are held
accountable.
I have dedicated my life to the protection of U.S. citizens and
U.S. national security interests and if confirmed that will not change.
If confirmed, the protection of all U.S. citizens in Saudi Arabia will
be my highest priority.
Question. What steps will you take to press the Saudi government
to fully account for the murder of Jamal Khashoggi and advise the State
and Treasury Departments to fully comply with the Magnitsky law and
provide Congress the mandated determination?
Answer. The President and the Secretary of State have been clear
that Saudi Arabia must hold accountable every individual implicated in
the horrific murder of Jamal Khashoggi, including high-ranking members
of the Saudi government. If confirmed, I will do my utmost to advance
this process as Ambassador. The U.S. government has a wide range of
diplomatic tools--an important one being the Global Magnitsky sanctions
program--and I will urge the administration to use those tools in line
with the advancement of U.S. foreign policy interests as laid out by
the President.
I cannot speak to current compliance, as I am not a member of the
administration. However, I fully commit to providing as much
information as possible to comply with Congressional requirements.
Question. Will you press for both our own administration and the
Saudis to fully cooperate with the U.N. Special Investigator? What
steps will you take to advocate for their cooperation?
Answer. The administration supports U.N. Special Rapporteur Agnes
Callamard's global mandate to investigate extra-judicial, summary, or
arbitrary executions. It is my understanding that State Department
officials met with her, at her request, in Washington to discuss
several matters, including the murder of Jamal Khashoggi. If confirmed,
I will urge Saudi counterparts to continue their investigation in order
to hold those responsible accountable, and to provide appropriate
cooperation for Special Rapporteur Callamard's inquiry into the murder
of Mr. Khashoggi.
Anti-Semitism/Religious Intolerance
Question. Saudi Arabia has a history of religious intolerance and
anti-Semitism, including in its education system. I am very concerned
that Saudi Arabia's latest books for the 2018-2019 school year continue
to teach hatred or even violence against Jews, Christians, Shiites,
women, men who have sex with men, and anybody who mocks or converts
away from Islam:
Will you commit making this issue a priority during your time as
ambassador?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will commit to making this issue a
priority. The United States is concerned that hateful language in
educational materials not only fosters intolerance and discrimination,
but fertilizes the ground for violent extremism that extends far beyond
Saudi Arabia's own borders. As noted in my testimony, intolerance and
violent religious extremism exported across borders and regions is a
problem we need to solve. This is a difficult problem to solve, and
research indicates it may be worsening, but direct engagement with the
government and other stakeholders will be a priority.
Question. What steps will you take to raise this issue with Saudi
authorities?
Answer. Although the Saudi government has taken some positive steps
to remove objectionable content, textbooks retain inflammatory material
hostile to Christians, Jews, and Shia Muslims. I understand that
Embassy officials routinely engage with Saudi counterparts on this
issue, and support international visitor programs aimed at expanding
religious tolerance and interfaith cooperation. If confirmed, I will
seek to build upon those efforts.
Question. How will you advise the administration to address this
issue with Saudi Arabia?
Answer. Direct engagement on tough issues is critical. I understand
the State Department's International Religious Freedom office routinely
engages leaders across faiths and regions, and I will look to support
their work to promote religious tolerance with Saudi Arabia.
Nuclear/123
Question. Do you commit to ensuring the administration complies
with 42 U.S. Code Sec. 2153(e), which requires the president to keep
the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives and
the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate ``fully and currently
informed of any initiative or negotiations relating to a new or amended
agreement for peaceful nuclear cooperation pursuant to this section
(except an agreement arranged pursuant to section 2121(c), 2164(b),
2164(c), or 2164(d) of this title, or an amendment thereto)''?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will support the Department's efforts
to comply with this requirement.
Question. Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman stated in an interview
that Saudi Arabia would acquire nuclear weapons if Iran acquired them.
What is your assessment of the Saudi's current interest in pursuing
nuclear energy?
Answer. As Saudi Arabia expands and diversifies its economy under
Vision 2030, alternate means of energy production are a reasonable
avenue to lessening the country's dependence on fossil fuels. Safe,
secure civilian nuclear technology is one route to achieving that goal.
Question. Do you agree that supplying nuclear reactors--even so-
called ``peaceful power'' reactors--to Saudi Arabia is significant
risk?
Answer. My understanding is that all 123 agreements include the
strongest nonproliferation and security standards required by any
nuclear supplier in the world. Beyond these legal requirements, my
understanding is that the United States has a long-standing policy of
seeking to limit the spread of enrichment and reprocessing
technologies. If the United States enters into a 123 agreement with
Saudi Arabia and a U.S. firm is chosen to build nuclear reactors there,
it would ensure the Saudi nuclear power program is subject to our high
nonproliferation and security standards.
Question. How do you think the U.S. should proceed regarding
providing nuclear technology to Saudi
Answer. If confirmed as ambassador, I will support pursuing the
strongest nonproliferation standards in negotiations with Saudi Arabia.
Question. There are reports that former NSC officials were pursuing
efforts to give nuclear technology to the Saudis, reportedly regardless
of the 123 requirements:
Are you aware of such reports?
Answer. I am aware of media reports, but have no further knowledge
of such activities.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure that any discussions
comply fully with 123 and protect U.S. interests?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support continuing discussions with
Saudi Arabia on a 123 agreement that fully complies with U.S. law and
includes the strongest nonproliferation standards.
Democracy
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions? [
Answer. Having served in the U.S. Army for 34 years, I have devoted
my life to defending U.S. values and human rights around the world. I
participated in or led in the following: the rescue of U.S. students in
Grenada; served as an unarmed U.N. observer in Lebanon; participated in
operations in Northern Iraq to protect the Kurds and preserve peace and
stability; after the 2006 earthquake I led efforts to provide relief
supplies and military assistance to Pakistan; established the
Provincial Reconstruction Team concept in both Iraq and Afghanistan;
and led evacuation operations for American civilians in Lebanon.
Throughout my career, I have been dedicated to the democratic
principles upon which our country was built and I have advocated for
the universal respect of human rights. These were particularly
difficult to in operations in Iraq and Afghanistan.
The world we live in remains challenging; however, I believe my
impact on younger U.S. officers concerning the respect for the rule of
law, democracy and universal human rights has been significant.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to
democracy or democratic development in Saudi Arabia? These challenges
might include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as
possible.
Answer. The State Department's most recent Human Rights Report on
Saudi Arabia documents significant restrictions on freedom of
expression and civil society. Fundamental freedoms of religion,
expression, assembly, and association are not enshrined in Saudi law.
At least 120 Saudis remain in Saudi government detention for activism,
criticism of government leaders, impugning Islam or religious leaders,
or ``offensive'' internet postings. There are credible reports that
some of the detainees have been mistreated or tortured, including U.S.
citizen Walid Fitaihi. The use of counterterrorism laws and courts to
prosecute non-terrorists remains a key problem.
Gender discrimination excludes women from many aspects of public
life. Women are routinely excluded from formal decision-making
positions in both government and the private sector, although some
women attained leadership positions in business and served in senior
advisory positions within government ministries. While we welcome the
decision to allow Saudi women to drive which was enacted in June 2018,
the male guardianship law is still in place, which prohibits Saudi
women from traveling overseas without approval and limits their freedom
of movement.
I understand that Saudi Arabia remains a Country of Particular
Concern for international religious freedom. Many of those detained for
advocacy or dissent are members of Saudi Arabia's Shia minority.
Saudi law does not provide citizens the full ability to choose
their government in free and fair elections. Only select members of the
ruling family have a voice in the choice of leaders, the composition of
the government, or changes to the political system. There are no
political parties or similar associations. Even so, in 2015, elections
were held for two-thirds of the 3,159 seats on 284 municipal councils;
the government appointed the remaining third. Women were allowed to
vote and run as candidates for the first time in 2015.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Saudi Arabia? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make clear that the United States
remains deeply concerned by the detention of activists and perceived
dissidents in Saudi Arabia and that we take all allegations of abuse
and harassment seriously. If confirmed, I will continue to urge the
government of Saudi Arabia to ensure the right to a fair trial, freedom
from arbitrary and extrajudicial detention, transparency, and rule of
law. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will call on the government of Saudi
Arabia to treat prisoners and detainees humanely, and to ensure that
allegations of abuse are investigated quickly and thoroughly.
Women's rights are a critical goal for U.S. foreign policy, and I
fully commit to making it a key element of my potential tenure as
ambassador. Through Vision 2030 and other reform efforts, the Saudis
have made progress, but it is clearly not enough. We have pressed them
on this issue for years, and I will continue to do so.
Finally, if confirmed as Ambassador, I will note U.S. support for
expanding this participatory process for municipal elections.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance
resources at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small
Grants program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding,
to support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to leverage U.S. foreign assistance,
along with other tools available to the U.S. government, to advance our
foreign policy goals ?and national security interests, including
through support for democracy and governance. If confirmed, I will
ensure that U.S. foreign assistance resources and programs support
civil society organizations, promote inclusive participatory
governance, and further respect for human rights.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Iraq? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador, I intend to meet with the full
range of Saudi society, as well as non-governmental organizations in
the United States that work on issues related to Saudi Arabia. I will
make clear to Saudi leadership that the United States supports the
important role civil society plays in every country.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. There are no political parties or similar associations in
Saudi Arabia. However, if confirmed as Ambassador, I will strongly
advocate for the inclusion of women, minorities, and youth in public
life. If confirmed, I will strongly advocate for women's inclusion in
formal decision-making positions in both government and the private
sector.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with the
government of Saudi Arabia on freedom of the press and address any
government efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom
through legal, regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting
regularly with independent, local press in Iraq?
Answer. At every opportunity, if confirmed, I will underscore the
United States' enduring commitment to human rights, including freedoms
of conscience, expression, peaceful assembly, and movement. If
confirmed, I will meet with independent, local press.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
civil society and government counterparts on countering disinformation
and propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed my embassy team and I will engage with a
diverse cross-section of Saudi society on freedom of thought and
expression, as well as the importance and value of a free and open
press.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with the
government of Saudi Arabia on the right of labor groups to organize,
including for independent trade unions?
Answer. Saudi law does not provide for the right of workers to form
and join independent unions, nor does it provide for the right to
collective bargaining or the right to conduct legal strikes. Even so,
if confirmed, I will underscore to Saudi leadership that the United
States is a strong advocate for the human rights and labor rights of
workers across the globe, and evaluates each country's labor rights in
our annual Human Rights Report.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Iraq, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do the
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in
Saudi Arabia? What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Saudi Arabia?
Answer. Under sharia as interpreted in Saudi Arabia, consensual
same-sex sexual conduct is punishable by death or flogging. If
confirmed, I pledge to support and defend the rights of LGBTQ Saudis.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to General John Abizaid by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. The U.S. and Saudi Arabia share clear strategic
interests in countering Iranian destabilizing activities, countering
terrorism, and ensuring the free flow of oil and commerce to global
markets. They also share a strong security partnership. As Ambassador,
how will you leverage and restructure this relationship to further a
principled U.S. foreign policy that takes a firm stance on human
rights, protection of civilians in Yemen, and holds our partner
accountable, particularly when it receives substantial U.S. support?
Answer. I firmly believe that direct, respectful, engagement on
tough issues advances U.S. interests and messages American values to
the world. We should always seek to embed our values in our broader
foreign policy imperatives in the Middle East--stability, security, and
economic prosperity. Each of these priorities is advanced by our close
relationship with Saudi Arabia--we are able to influence, steer, and
achieve results because of our ability to have honest, often difficult
conversations with Saudi leadership. If confirmed, I will prioritize
those engagements as ambassador.
Question. Are there specific incentives or punitive steps you
would recommend to encourage or demand the development of more open,
participatory, and transparent governance in the kingdom?
Answer. In all our relationships around the world, the United
States has traditionally encouraged more open, participatory, and
transparent governance. The tools and levers we use may differ. In the
case of Saudi Arabia, I believe we should commend ongoing reforms and
regularly encourage adherence to rule of law and protection of human
rights, while also seeking to preserve the longstanding relationship
that has allowed us to achieve mutual objectives in the region over
many decades. Partnership with the United States is a significant
incentive in its own right, and the political, security, and economic
benefits that come with it should always underpin our engagements
overseas in order to advance American values and ideals.
Question. How might Saudi leaders respond to efforts by the United
States to withhold or condition the provision of arms sales and
security assistance in order to compel policy changes?
Answer. I recognize that U.S. government foreign assistance and the
reputational incentives a partnership with the United States offers is
in some cases a useful tool to encourage countries to adopt policy
changes that favor U.S. interests. In Saudi Arabia, I believe our
strong partnership over many decades has allowed us to secure U.S.
interests in the region, roll back the malign influence of Iran, and
counter violent extremist groups, such as al-Qa'ida and ISIS.
I believe U.S. priorities are advanced by our close relationship
with Saudi Arabia, not in spite of it. We are able to influence, steer,
and achieve results because of our ability to have honest, often
difficult conversations with Saudi leadership. We should not, however,
take these relations for granted. As we work through our differences,
we want to maintain our commitment as a reliable partner while
insisting on full accountability.
Question. Until there is more clarity on the circumstances of the
Khashoggi murder and the trials of the unnamed Saudi suspects, would
you agree that it is appropriate to defer travel to the United States
of individuals thought to have a role in it?
Answer. Yes, and I understand the Secretary of State approved a
policy on October 23, 2018 restricting visas for all individuals
suspected of involvement in this horrific crime. There are also human
rights-related visa restrictions that apply to those involved in an
extrajudicial killing.
Question. What leverage, if any, do you believe Saudi investments
in U.S. Treasury securities, Saudi support for the denomination of
international oil sales in U.S. dollars, and Saudi purchases of U.S.
defense articles and services, provide the Saudi government relative to
the United States?
Answer. Saudi Arabia's investments in the United States are
significant, with over $14 billion in foreign direct investment in
2018. These investments benefit Saudi Arabia as well as the United
States, and our country remains the key engine of the world economy.
Saudi Arabia, like so many countries, is attracted to the U.S. market
for its stability, quality, and continued potential for growth.
Saudi Arabia remains a leading player in the global oil market, and
use of the U.S. dollar as the primary currency of oil and other
international trade is important to U.S. national security. Dollar-
denominated energy trade gives the United States leverage over those
using our currency.
Saudi Arabia is--by far--the largest purchaser of U.S. defense
equipment, with currently over $100 billion in active Foreign Military
Sales cases. These sales provide significant income and growth for U.S.
businesses, support U.S. jobs, and enhance our military
interoperability.
Question. How should the United States respond to implied or
explicit threats by Saudi officials to change patterns of bilateral
investment, defense ties, or energy policies?
Answer. The United States should respond strongly and affirmatively
to secure U.S. interests. The U.S.-Saudi relationship relies on
cooperation and shared interests, and I believe the benefits of our
relationship are well known to Saudi Arabian authorities. A breakdown
in our relations would serve neither country's interests.
Question. What are the kingdom's red lines with regard to a
solution to the conflict in Yemen?
Answer. Houthi missile launches and UAV strikes pose a serious
security threat to Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom will not tolerate this
threat along its southern border. As part of the political resolution
to the Yemen conflict, the Houthis must disarm. They must also credibly
break ties with the Iranians.
Question. What role might Saudi Arabia be willing to accept for
the Houthi movement in the future governance of Yemen and on what
terms?
Answer. Saudi Arabia understands that the Houthis must play some
role in Yemen's future government in order for any political resolution
to endure. The Houthis have not yet decided whether they are a
political party, a religious group, or both. There is an outstanding
question of whether they truly seek a political role. Saudi Arabia's
primary interest is a stable southern neighbor that can repel Iran's
destabilizing activities. The Houthis must put down their heavy weapons
and sever ties with Iran. These are the government of Yemen's terms,
these are Saudi Arabia's terms. They are also in line with U.S.
interests. If confirmed, I will work to support a political solution
that addresses these issues.
Question. What would be the pros and cons of providing security
assistance or guarantees to Saudi Arabia to support a future ceasefire
arrangement and peace deal in Yemen?
Answer. Saudi Arabia was a key contributor to the Hudaydah
ceasefire agreement the Yemeni government and Houthis reached in
Sweden, and it is honoring and using its influence to advance that
agreement on the ground. I believe our strong bilateral relationship
has allowed us to rely on the Kingdom's diplomatic influence at several
key junctures since the Sweden agreement. While the Kingdom has already
shown a strong commitment to the peace process, providing security
assistance or guarantees to the Saudis could further bolster those
efforts. Such guarantees, however, must not embolden any party to walk
away from the negotiating table and would require close consultations
with Congress.
Question. What is your assessment of Crown Prince Mohammed bin
Salman's leadership and decision making since 2015? What implications
might his consolidation of bureaucratic authority and assertion of
control over formerly distinct Saudi security forces have for the
security and stability of the kingdom?
Answer. I share Administration concerns regarding instances of
Saudi decision-making that came with little or no warning and
consultation. If confirmed as Ambassador, my duty will be to engage
Saudi leadership, including the Crown Prince, on the vast range of
political, economic, and security issues that underpin the U.S.-Saudi
relationship, to maximize coordination and avoid surprises. We should
encourage reforms that are beneficial to U.S. interests and represent
our values. I understand that State Department officials frequently
stress to the Saudis that political repression endangers the many
positive reforms--such as economic diversification, curbs the religious
police, and authorization for women to drive--that the Crown Prince has
enacted.
Question. What implications might these developments have for
regional security?
Answer. Saudi Arabia can help confront common foes and shape and
promote regional stability. If confirmed, I will work with the Saudi
government to secure U.S. interests, encourage reforms that represent
our values, and help guide the region to a positive future.
Question. How essential is the crown prince's personal leadership
to the continuation and success of policy changes that the United
States has welcomed since 2015, such as the kingdom's Vision 2030
initiative and various social liberalization efforts that recognize
Saudi women's rights?
Answer. Vision 2030 is a bold plan that seeks to transform and
diversify the Kingdom's economy, employ more Saudis, liberalize the
country's culture, and promote greater inclusion of women in society
and the workplace. This is critical for the Kingdom's long-term
development, and the Crown Prince has shown a firm commitment to that
goal.
At the same time, supporting and advancing women's rights is a
critical goal for U.S. foreign policy, and if confirmed, I fully commit
to making them a key element of my potential tenure as ambassador.
Through Vision 2030 and other reform efforts, the Saudis have made
progress, but it is clearly not enough. We have pressed them on this
issue for years, and I will continue to do so, if confirmed.
Question. What are the prospects for success of the kingdom's
Vision 2030 and fiscal balance initiatives?
Answer. Vision 2030 has the potential to fundamentally reform the
Kingdom's economic and social trajectory. Its success would further
solidify the country's influence in the region and world, a positive
prospect for American interests as close partners.
Question. What specific steps do you believe the United States
should take to end the rift between Saudi Arabia and Qatar, two key
U.S. allies in the region?
Answer. The President and Secretary Pompeo have been clear that the
Gulf dispute has gone on too long. The dispute benefits our adversaries
and harms our mutual interests. The Administration continues to
underscore to the parties the political, economic, security, and social
benefits of Gulf unity; this is something I look forward to working on
if confirmed.
Question. What signs would you look for to suggest the conflict is
``ripe'' for solution?
Answer. The situation is already ripe to be resolved. GCC+2
countries have participated together in many events and exercises, most
recently at the February meeting of the Middle East Strategic Alliance
in Washington. While aware of the deep divisions that led to the rift,
we are hopeful the parties will take additional steps to build
confidence and end the dispute. Significant political, economic,
security, and human linkages underpin Gulf relations, and an immediate
end to the dispute will help all parties involved and rekindle the
unity of the Gulf.
Question. The U.S. government has been trying to do more to build
up ties between the GCC states for years, including proposals in 2005
to create a ``GCC Plus Two'' that included Jordan and Egypt. What is
different about the Middle East Strategic Alliance proposal?
Answer. The Middle East Strategic Alliance (MESA) aims to enhance
resiliency in the Gulf region through engagement in the political,
security, energy, and economic spheres. MESAis designed to bolster
connectivity, interoperability, and collective security among our
partners in this critical region. If confirmed, I will work to promote
this initiative as it advances U.S. interests in the region.
Question. What should the U.S. do differently than it has done in
the past?
Answer. As I understand the concept, MESA's strategic approach--
encompassing political, security, energy, and economic components--
allows us to work with the Gulf region and close regional partners in a
comprehensive manner, based on multiple pillars of engagement, in
contrast to earlier iterations of similar concepts.
Question. What is the status of U.S.-Saudi dialogue negotiations
concerning a civilian nuclear cooperation agreement?
Answer. I understand that the United States and Saudi Arabia have
been in discussions on a 123 agreement since 2012, though I am not in a
position to discuss the current status of negotiations.
Question. Why does Saudi Arabia want to develop domestic uranium
enrichment technology?
Answer. My understanding is the Saudis have natural mineral
deposits they hope to utilize in the future. The United States has a
long-standing policy of seeking to limit the spread of enrichment and
reprocessing technologies around the world. If confirmed as ambassador,
I will support pursuing the strongest nonproliferation standards in
negotiations with Saudi Arabia.
Question. How confident are you that Saudi Arabia's nuclear
ambitions are wholly civilian in nature?
Answer. Saudi Arabia is a party to the Nuclear Nonproliferation
Treaty (NPT). It has committed never to acquire nuclear weapons and to
apply full-scope IAEA safeguards to all peaceful nuclear activities.
The United States remains committed to holding all states accountable
to their obligations under the NPT and IAEA safeguards agreements.
Question. As you may know, Senator Rubio and I recently introduced
a bipartisan resolution to call on Saudi Arabia to immediately release
detained women's rights activists, arrested after May 2018, as well as
other rights defenders, both male and female. Do you commit to work
with the administration to press the government of Saudi Arabia to
immediately release all political prisoners, human rights defenders,
journalists, and bloggers, including Raif Badawi, Waleed Abu al-Khair,
and Aziza al-Yousef?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make clear that the United States
remains deeply concerned by the detention of activists and dissidents
in Saudi Arabia and that we take all allegations of abuse seriously. I
will continue to urge the government of Saudi Arabia to ensure fair
trial guarantees, freedom from arbitrary and extrajudicial detention,
transparency, and rule of law. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will call
on the government of Saudi Arabia to treat prisoners and detainees
humanely, and to ensure that allegations of abuse are investigated
quickly and thoroughly and anyone found responsible is held
accountable.
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. Having served in the U.S. Army for 34 years, I have devoted
my life to defending U.S. values and human rights around the world. I
participated in or led in the following: the rescue of U.S. students in
Grenada; served as an unarmed U.N. observer in Lebanon; participated in
operations in Northern Iraq to protect the Kurds and preserve peace and
stability; after the 2006 earthquake I led efforts to provide relief
supplies and military assistance to Pakistan; established the
Provincial Reconstruction Team concept in both Iraq and Afghanistan;
and led evacuation operations for American civilians in Lebanon.
Throughout my career, I have been dedicated to the democratic
principles upon which our country was built and I have advocated for
the universal respect of human rights. These were particularly
difficult to in operations in Iraq and Afghanistan.
The world we live in remains challenging; however, I believe my
impact on younger U.S. officers concerning the respect for the rule of
law, democracy and universal human rights has been significant.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Saudi
Arabia? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in Saudi Arabia? What
do you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. The State Department's most recent Human Rights Report on
Saudi Arabia documents significant restrictions on freedom of
expression and civil society. At least 120 Saudis remain in Saudi
government detention for activism, criticism of government leaders,
impugning Islam or religious leaders, or ``offensive'' internet
postings. The use of counterterrorism laws and courts to prosecute non-
terrorists remains a key problem. There are credible reports that some
of the detainees have been mistreated or tortured, including U.S.
citizen Walid Fitaihi. I am aware that the Department has designated
Saudi Arabia a Country of Particular Concern under the International
Religious Freedom Act given significant restrictions on freedom of
worship. Many of those detained for advocacy or dissent are members of
Saudi Arabia's Shia minority.
Gender discrimination excludes women from many aspects of public
life. Women are routinely excluded from formal decision-making
positions in both government and the private sector, although some
women attained leadership positions in business and served in senior
advisory positions within government ministries.
If confirmed, I will make clear that the United States remains
deeply concerned by the detention of activists and perceived dissidents
in Saudi Arabia and that we take all allegations of abuse seriously. I
will continue to urge the government of Saudi Arabia to ensure fair
trial guarantees, freedom from arbitrary and extrajudicial detention,
transparency, and rule of law. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will call
on the government of Saudi Arabia to treat prisoners and detainees
humanely, and to ensure that allegations of abuse are investigated
quickly and thoroughly and anyone found responsible is held
accountable.
Women's rights are a critical goal for U.S. foreign policy, and I
fully commit to making them a key element of my potential tenure as
ambassador. The Saudis have made progress, but it is clearly not
enough. We have pressed them on this issue for years, and I will
continue to do so.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Saudi Arabia in
advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. Our advocacy is challenged by the absence of any Saudi law
protecting freedoms of religion and thought, expression, peaceful
assembly, and association, as well as a deeply conservative culture
that does not favor universal equality of men and women in society.
While we welcome the decision to allow Saudi women to drive which was
enacted in June 2018, we remain concerned that the male guardianship
law is still in place, which prohibits Saudi women from traveling
overseas and limits their freedom of movement.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Saudi Arabia? If confirmed, what steps will
you take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador, I intend to meet with the full
range of Saudi society, as well as non-governmental organizations in
the United States that work on issues related to Saudi Arabia. I will
make clear to Saudi leadership that the United States supports the
important role civil society plays in every country. I will commit to
uphold the Leahy Law, and will also commit to our Conventional Arms
Transfer policies that require human rights to be considered as a
factor in any arms transfer or licensing decision.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Saudi Arabia to address cases of key political prisoners or persons
otherwise unjustly targeted by Saudi Arabia
Answer. Freedom of expression and thought are not enshrined in
Saudi law. At least 120 Saudis remain in Saudi government detention for
activism, criticism of government leaders, impugning Islam or religious
leaders, or ``offensive'' internet postings. There are credible reports
that some of the detainees have been mistreated or tortured, including
U.S. citizen Walid Fitaihi.
I will make clear that the United States remains deeply concerned
by the detention of activists and perceived dissidents in Saudi Arabia
and that we take all allegations of abuse seriously. I will continue to
urge the government of Saudi Arabia to ensure fair trial guarantees,
freedom from arbitrary and extrajudicial detention, transparency, and
rule of law. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will call on the government
of Saudi Arabia to treat prisoners and detainees humanely, and to
ensure that allegations of abuse are investigated quickly and
thoroughly and those found responsible are held accountable.
Question. Will you engage with Saudi Arabia on matters of human
rights, civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. At every opportunity, I will underscore the United States'
enduring commitment to human rights and fundamental freedoms. If
confirmed, I will meet with the full range of Saudi society, including
independent, local press as well as non-governmental organizations in
the United States that work on issues related to Saudi Arabia. I will
make clear to Saudi leadership that the United States supports the
important role civil society plays in every country.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Saudi Arabia?
Answer. My investment portfolio includes companies that have a
presence in Saudi Arabia. My investment portfolio also includes
diversified mutual funds that may hold interests in companies with a
presence in Saudi Arabia; however, such funds are exempt from the
conflict of interest laws. I am committed to ensuring that my official
actions will not give rise to a conflict of interest, will divest my
interests in those companies the State Department Ethics Office deemed
necessary to avoid a conflict of interest, and will remain vigilant
with regard to my ethics obligations.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. Throughout my career I have been dedicated to mentoring
minority, women and disadvantaged soldiers and ensuring that diverse
populations faced no systemic or organizational barriers to promotion
and advancement. I will continue to do so if confirmed as an Ambassador
of the United States.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I will by my own personal example ensure that
diversity issues are discussed and implemented and ensure that all
applicable State Department policies are understood and followed. I
share your belief that diverse teams not only make the Embassy
stronger, but make the United States stronger, and set a positive tone
for those who are watching us in the host nation.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in Saudi
Arabia specifically?
Answer. Saudi contacts from a broad range of backgrounds routinely
cite anti-corruption safeguards and accountability among their top
concerns for government reform. government measures, including
investigations by the Public Prosecutor's Office (PPO), to deter and
combat corruption enjoy strong public support.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Saudi
Arabia and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. King Salman and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman have
prioritized efforts to prevent and punish public sector and government
contract corruption. Saudi authorities, including the Public
Prosecutor's Office (PPO), continue to aggressively pursue corruption
cases. These efforts enjoy broad public support.
While the explicit goal of anti-corruption efforts should be
supported, any detentions and prosecution must respect the rights of
the accused, be supported by strong evidence, transparency, and a fair
judicial process. Such efforts must be free of political influence, and
guarantee the humane treatment of any individuals involved.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen
good governance and anticorruption programming in Saudi Arabia?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage the Saudi government on
additional efforts to stamp out corruption, but will emphasize the
importance of transparency and due process as Saudi authorities
investigate corruption and hold accountable those who violate Saudi
anti-corruption laws. I will stress that the best way to build public
confidence in government anti-corruption efforts and to deter
wrongdoing is to release as much information as possible about
corruption cases and ensure that those accused of criminal corruption
are afforded the opportunity to defend themselves before the law; this
will make prosecutions more credible and blunt accusations of political
influence.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to General John Abizaid by Senator Bob Portman
Question. I would like to ask about ongoing operations in Yemen.
As you are aware, we have a very robust Foreign Military Sales program
with Saudi Arabia. Recently, it has been found that the United Arab
Emirates has transferred U.S. provided vehicles and weapons to known
terrorist groups. If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure
Saudi Arabia fulfills their obligations under Foreign Military Sales
rules?
Answer. Recent media reports alleging that the Coalition provided
U.S.-origin Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected (MRAP) vehicles and other
equipment to Yemeni forces and other third parties without the consent
of the U.S. government are concerning. All recipients of U.S. origin
equipment are expected to adhere to commitments governing procurement
of U.S. defense equipment. If confirmed, I am committed to working with
the Saudis to ensure they follow all rules and regulations surrounding
the transfer of U.S. equipment.
Yemen.
Question. Right now, there appears to be no end in sight to the
fighting in Yemen. The Saudis see the Houthis as an existential threat
to their security. What do you see as realistic strategic goals for the
Saudi's in Yemen, and what do you see as U.S. influence ``levers'' we
can pull to push the Saudis and Emiratis to end this conflict?
Answer. One of our shared national security interests with Saudi
Arabia is to stop the growing malign influence of Iran, both in the
Arabian Peninsula and globally. To that end, we are leveraging constant
diplomatic engagement to seek a solution to the conflict in Yemen. We
have messaged clearly that a political solution--not a military one--is
the only viable option for ending this conflict. The Saudis have
supported political negotiations and the United Nations Special Envoy's
efforts, adhering to the terms agreed to in Sweden for a general
ceasefire in and around the port of Hudaydah, and directly urging the
Republic of Yemen government to maintain its presence at the
negotiating table. Saudi Arabia also shares our goal of eliminating
violent extremist forces operating in Yemen, including al-Qa'ida and
ISIS, and through many years of close cooperation, we have secured
significant progress on that front. Working with Department of Defense
partners, we will continue to engage the Coalition and regional leaders
at all levels.
Question. I would like to discuss human trafficking. As you may be
aware, Senator Corker, the former Chairman of this committee, passed on
to me the responsibility for continuing his work on ending modern
slavery. The State Department's 2018 report on trafficking in persons
found that ``Saudi Arabia does not fully meet the minimum standards for
the elimination of trafficking, however it is making significant
efforts to do so.'' There are currently over 11 million third country
nationals working in the service industry in Saudi Arabia and many of
them are at risk of human trafficking. Saudi Arabia is currently a
``Tier 2'' Watch List country and was granted a waiver from downgrade.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to work with Saudi Arabia to
eliminate human trafficking?
Answer. The administration continues to take the issue of
trafficking in persons (TIP) very seriously and presses governments
around the world, including the Saudi government, to develop and
implement anti-trafficking initiatives. I am concerned by Saudi
Arabia's efforts to address human trafficking and, if confirmed, I will
engage Saudi officials on four key areas: 1) significantly strengthened
law enforcement efforts to convict traffickers, particularly for forced
labor offenses; 2) expanded reforms to the sponsorship-based
employment--or kafala--system; 3) improved efforts to proactively
identify and protect potential trafficking victims and ensure they are
not punished for unlawful acts committed as a direct result of being
subjected to trafficking, including immigration law contraventions and
prostitution; and, 4) implementation of the Saudi government's five-
year National Action Plan to combat TIP.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to General John Abizaid by Senator Edward J. Markey
Nuclear Cooperation with Saudi Arabia
Question. Senior Saudi officials have declared that under certain
circumstances, Saudi Arabia might develop nuclear weapons. These
officials also have insisted that Saudi Arabia be able to produce its
own nuclear fuel, raising fears that it will be diverted into a covert
weapons project. The Trump administration appears intent on proceeding
with negotiations to achieve a ``123'' nuclear cooperation agreement
with the Saudis, despite these statements and the findings from the
House oversight committee regarding financial connections between
administration officials and firms pushing for this deal.
If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that the United States
only shares nuclear technology under a ``gold standard'' 123
agreement--one that prohibits Saudi Arabia from enriching
uranium and reprocessing plutonium?
Answer. The United States has a long-standing policy of seeking to
limit the spread of enrichment and reprocessing technologies around the
world. If confirmed as ambassador, I will support pursuing the
strongest nonproliferation standards in negotiations with Saudi Arabia.
Question. If confirmed, how will you ensure that the Americans
involved in any Saudi nuclear negotiations are free of financial
conflicts of interest?
Answer. Federal ethics rules apply to all U.S. government employees
and include relevant recusal obligations with respect to particular
matters that would have a direct and predictable effect on the
financial interests of those employees. If confirmed, I would expect
all U.S. government employees involved in such negotiations to abide by
their relevant obligations and will insist on full accountability and
compliance with financial disclosure rules.
Question. Some countries--like the United Arab Emirates and
Egypt--have language in their 123 agreements permitting them to request
to renegotiate the terms of these agreements should other countries in
the region receive more favorable terms. If the United States were to
conclude a 123 agreement with Saudi Arabia that did not include a Saudi
commitment to forgo all uranium enrichment and reprocessing, do you
anticipate these countries would ask the United States to renegotiate
their 123 agreement terms?
Answer. I cannot speculate as to the potential actions of these
other governments, but I am aware of these concerns.
Question. In a recent speech at the Hudson Institute, Assistant
Secretary for International Security and Nonproliferation Chris Ford
stated that 123 agreements ``are a critical part'' of civil nuclear
cooperation with the United States, ``but they need not be viewed as
the only tool, for not all countries that wish to develop better civil
nuclear relationships with the United States.'' He stated that, ``to
help provide an additional way to catalyze and nurture cooperative
relationships, we are working to expand the use of less formal, non-
binding bilateral political arrangements more akin to a memorandum of
understanding (MOU) than to a full 123.'' If confirmed, would you
endorse engaging in the type of cooperation with Saudi Arabia Assistant
Secretary Ford described in his remarks?
Answer. If confirmed, my charge would be specific to Saudi Arabia.
I would support continuing discussions with Saudi Arabia on a 123
agreement that includes the strongest nonproliferation standards.
Question. Do you believe the United States should engage in
civilian nuclear cooperation of any kind with Saudi Arabia at present
given its stated willingness to pursue nuclear weapons?
Answer. As Saudi Arabia expands and diversifies its economy under
Vision 2030, alternate means of energy production are a reasonable
avenue to lessening the country's dependence on fossil fuels. Safe,
secure civilian nuclear power is one route to achieving that goal.
The United States has significant strategic, commercial, and
nonproliferation incentives to conclude a 123 agreement with Saudi
Arabia. Bringing into force such an agreement would provide substantial
economic opportunities for U.S. firms and ensure the Saudi nuclear
power program is subject to the highest nonproliferation, safety, and
security standards required by any nuclear supplier in the world. In
the absence of a 123 agreement, U.S. firms will lose the opportunity to
compete and will likely be replaced by state-owned enterprises from
other countries with lower nonproliferation standards.
Saudi Arabia is a member of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty
(NPT) and a strong security partner of the United States. It has
committed never to acquire nuclear weapons, and to apply full-scope
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards to all peaceful
nuclear activities. The United States remains committed to holding all
states accountable to their obligations under the NPT and IAEA
safeguards agreements.
Question. It is longstanding, bipartisan U.S. policy to actively
work against the spread of nuclear weapons to any country, friend or
foe. If confirmed, would you continue to support this policy approach?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I will actively work against the spread
of nuclear weapons to any country.
Presence of State Department Officials in U.S. government Meetings
Question. CNN reported on March 7 that officials and staffers in
the U.S. embassy in Riyadh were excluded from Jared Kushner's late-
February meetings in Riyadh with Saudi officials including the Crown
Prince and thus unaware of the details of those meetings. Reports
indicate that only a senior State Department official focused on Iran
joined Mr. Kushner's meetings. Do you believe it is appropriate for
career State Department officials stationed at an embassy to be
excluded from official meetings visiting U.S. delegations have with the
host government? If confirmed, would you oppose U.S. government
meetings that do not include State Department staff? What steps would
you take to ensure career State Department officials in Saudi Arabia
are not excluded from official meetings visiting U.S. delegations have
with Saudi government officials?
Answer. If confirmed, my policy as Ambassador will be to have an
Embassy assigned representative at every official meeting to the extent
possible. The U.S. government should always act as one unit in the
execution of foreign policy. As I noted in my testimony, if confirmed,
I will join with the many U.S. government interlocutors from
Washington, within the U.S. Mission to Saudi Arabia, and elsewhere to
advance U.S. interests in Saudi Arabia as the Ambassador and Chief of
Mission in the most coordinated manner possible.
Murder of Jamal Khashoggi and Human Rights in Saudi Arabia
Question. The Trump administration has asserted that, ``the
President maintains his discretion to decline to act on congressional
committee requests when appropriate.'' However, the Global Magnitsky
Act states that, ``not later than 120 days after receiving a request
from the chairperson and ranking member of [the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee] with respect to whether a foreign person has
engaged in [a human rights violation], the President shall:
``(A) Determine if that person has engaged in such an
activity; and
``(B) Submit a classified or unclassified report to the
[requesters] with respect to that determination that includes
(i) a statement of whether or not the President imposed or
intends to impose sanctions with respect to the person; and
(ii) if the President imposed or intends to impose sanctions, a
description of those sanctions.''
What is the legal rationale for how the language in this U.S. law
permits the president to decline to act as outlined in bullets
A and B? Do you agree with that rationale?
Answer. I know the administration takes Global Magnitsky sanctions
very seriously and has taken concrete steps, including designating 17
Saudi officials for sanctions, in response to the horrific killing of
Mr. Khashoggi. If confirmed, I will work with the relevant stakeholders
in the interagency to utilize the Global Magnitsky sanctions program as
an important tool of foreign policy.
Question. Why, in your view, has the Trump administration failed
to sanction the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia for the murder of Jamal
Khashoggi, a U.S. resident, while the administration has used Global
Magnitsky sanctions against two high-ranking officials in the
government of Turkey, a NATO ally, for the detention of an American?
Answer. As I am not yet a member of the administration, I am not
privy to these discussions nor have I been briefed on any intelligence
matters. I have seen the Secretary's public statements regarding the
need for transparency in the Saudi investigation and for there to be
accountability for anyone involved in Mr. Khashoggi's murder, including
the highest ranking officials of the Saudi government. If confirmed, I
will also push for this accountability in line with the advancement of
U.S. foreign policy interests as laid out by the President.
Question. Major human rights groups have called for an independent
investigation into Khashoggi's murder. Do you support such an inquiry?
If so, what entities are in your view appropriate to conduct such an
investigation? Would a U.N.-led investigation be appropriate?
Answer. The administration has been clear that the murder of Jamal
Khashoggi was a heinous crime. Human rights groups and other
organizations have my full support to pursue independent inquiries.
The administration supports U.N. Special Rapporteur Agnes
Callamard's global mandate to investigate extra-judicial, summary, or
arbitrary executions. It is my understanding that State Department
officials met with her, at her request, in Washington to discuss
several matters, including the murder of Jamal Khashoggi. If confirmed,
I will urge Saudi counterparts to continue their investigation in order
to hold those responsible accountable, and to provide appropriate
cooperation for Special Rapporteur Callamard's inquiry into the murder
of Mr. Khashoggi.
Question. If confirmed, what would you do to secure the release of
Dr. Walid Fitaihi, a U.S. citizen and Harvard-trained physician who has
been detained by Saudi Arabia since November 2017 without any public
charges or trial? Given reports that he may have been tortured, what is
the administration doing to protect his rights while he remains in
detention?
Answer. I have spent my life defending U.S. citizens and U.S.
values. If confirmed, I will continue to do so. I understand U.S.
officials in Riyadh and Jeddah are consistently and forcefully engaging
Saudi counterparts to ensure Dr. Fitaihi's safety, rights, and
protections under the law, and made several visits to Dr. Fitaihi in
recent months. Dr. Fitaihi's situation is of critical importance, and
if confirmed, I will continue to elevate his case.
Question. An area of serious concern is the prevalence of anti-
Semitic and intolerant messages in Saudi educational textbooks. If
confirmed, what priority do you intend to give to this issue, and how
would you recommend the administration address this issue with Saudi
officials?
Answer. The United States continues to urge the government of Saudi
Arabia to counter religious intolerance, including by encouraging
educational and textbook reform. They are concerned that hateful
language in educational materials not only fosters intolerance and
discrimination, but also fertilizes the ground for violent extremism
that extends far beyond Saudi Arabia's own borders. Although the Saudi
government has vowed to remove objectionable content, textbooks retain
inflammatory material hostile to Christians, Jews, and Shia Muslims. I
understand that Embassy officials routinely engage with Saudi
counterparts on this issue, and support international visitor programs
and other programs aimed at expanding religious tolerance and
interfaith cooperation. If confirmed, I commit to making this issue a
priority, and as noted in my testimony, intolerance and violent
religious extremism exported across borders and regions is a problem we
need to solve.
Question. In your view, does the U.S. government have the right
level of emphasis on human rights in our bilateral relationship with
Saudi Arabia?
Answer. Yes, as I know this is a core part of the U.S. Mission to
Saudi Arabia's engagement with the Saudi government. That said, we must
always seek to emphasize our core American values and ideals, as well
as universal human rights and fundamental freedoms, as we expand any
international relationship.
Yemen and Humanitarian Access
Question. All parties to the Yemen conflict continue to put a wide
range of access constraints in place, from a full blockade of Yemen's
ports in 2017, to secondary inspections of humanitarian shipments that
have already cleared the U.N. inspection process, to restrictions on
humanitarian staff movements and arbitrary delays in approving life-
saving projects. If confirmed, what concrete steps will you take to
address these access constraints, particularly when it comes to Saudi
Arabia and the United Arab Emirates?
Answer. I am seriously concerned about the dire humanitarian
situation in Yemen. I understand that maintaining free and unfettered
access to all of Yemen's ports of entry--and throughout Yemen--is
critical to the humanitarian response. If confirmed, I will continue to
urge Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to increase access and
to continue to work closely with the U.N. and its inspection process to
make sure humanitarian aid and staff are able to reach the estimated 24
million Yemenis who rely on some form of humanitarian assistance to
survive. If confirmed, I intend to work with like-minded partners to
address and deter Houthi threats to the Bab al-Mandeb--this will
provide assurances to shippers and importers to return to the Red Sea
ports, which are located nearest to the populations in most need of
aid.
U.S. Weapons Sold to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates
Question. Recent reporting indicates U.S. weapons and materiel
sold to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates is ending up in the
hands of al Qaeda-linked fighters, Salafi militias, and other, non-
state factions waging war in Yemen in violation of the terms of these
sale agreements. What do you believe the appropriate recourse would be
for the United States government if these reports were to be confirmed?
Answer. Recent media reports alleging that the Coalition provided
U.S.-origin Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected (MRAP) vehicles and other
equipment to Yemeni forces and other third parties without the consent
of the U.S. government are concerning. All recipients of U.S. origin
equipment are expected to adhere to commitments governing procurement
of U.S. defense equipment. If confirmed, I am committed to working with
the Saudis to ensure they adhere to all of the requirements regarding
the transfer of U.S. equipment.
Question. If confirmed, how will you ensure that any investigation
Saudi Arabia conducts into this matter is done in a thorough,
transparent manner?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working with the Saudis to
ensure they adhere to all of the requirements regarding the transfer of
U.S. equipment.
Rift in the Gulf Cooperation Council
Question. How, if at all, does the continued rift within the Gulf
Cooperation Council affect U.S. interests? If confirmed, how will you
work to press Saudi Arabia toward reconciling its differences with
Qatar?
Answer. The President and Secretary Pompeo have been clear that the
Gulf dispute has gone on too long. The dispute benefits our adversaries
and harms our mutual interests. Both Saudi Arabia and Qatar are close
partners with the United States, and the administration continues to
underscore to the parties the political, economic, security, and social
benefits of Gulf unity. This is something I look forward to working on
if confirmed.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to General John Abizaid by Senator Todd Young
Question. Based on your preparation for this nomination, can you
provide an update on the Saudi agreement with Huawei? Do you have any
concerns about this agreement? If confirmed, do you anticipate raising
those concerns with Riyadh?
Answer. I am aware of the media reports about Saudi Crown Prince
Mohammed bin Salman's visit to China in late February and reports of
the conversations Saudi Arabia and China have had about Huawei 5G
technology. I understand the U.S. government has raised concerns about
Huawei technologies with many of our allies, including that Huawei's
components present a serious threat to cybersecurity and national
security. If confirmed, I will support the administration's position of
ensuring the United States and our partners maintain secure and
trustworthy networks. The only way to do this is to utilize trusted
supply chains to reduce the risk of unauthorized and malicious cyber
activity which could disrupt critical services or possibly be
manipulated by authoritarian regimes.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to General John Abizaid by Senator Cory A. Booker
Efforts to reduce civilian casualties
Question. On September 12, 2018, Secretary Pompeo certified under
Section 1290 of the Fiscal Year 2019 National Defense Authorization Act
that Saudi Arabia was taking appropriate steps to avoid
disproportionate harm to civilians and civilian infrastructure and
complying with applicable agreements and laws regulating defense
articles purchased or transferred from the United States.
The certification states: ``The Saudi Ministry of Defense committed
to fund U.S.-provided training for the Royal Saudi Air Force (RSAF) on
minimizing civilian casualties as one component of a $750 million,
multi-year Foreign Military Sales training case.'' What is the status
of the implementation of this case and what meaningful and demonstrable
improvements has it made in RSAF operations in Yemen?
Answer. I understand that, at the U.S. government's urging, Saudi
Arabia has put in place a number of mechanisms to reduce civilian
casualties in Yemen, including civilian casualty reduction seminars
that focus on intelligence, strike preparation, strike command and
control, and investigations. The Saudi-led Coalition has also
implemented reviews of civilian casualty incidents by the Joint
Incidents Assessment Team, which investigates collateral damage caused
by air strikes, determines the cause, and recommends process
improvements to mitigate the risk of future incidents.
Question. According to a December 25, 2018, New York Times
article, ``The coalition routinely ignored a no-strike list--drawn up
by the United States Central Command and the United Nations--of
hospitals, schools and other places where civilians gathered.'' Will
you commit to ensure that the Saudi-led coalition abides by the no-
strike list?
Answer. Yes, I am committed to advancing the Saudi-led Coalition's
obligations to abide by the no-strike list.
Question. What other efforts do you plan to undertake to ensure
the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen reduces civilian casualties?
Answer. This is an issue I care deeply about having spent my life
in the Armed Forces. If confirmed, I will continue to work with Saudi
Arabia in advancing its efforts on civilian protection and adherence to
international humanitarian law as that country pursues its legitimate
national security objectives. Our close relationship with Saudi Arabia
ensures we can continue to work with them on this matter.
Shia minority
Question. Although the Saudi government has pledged to undertake
significant domestic reforms under Vision 2030 and other programs, the
Shia community in Saudi Arabia remains subject to state discrimination
and abuses. While I am hopeful that these reforms make meaningful
changes that improve conditions for the Shia community, Human Rights
Watch documented a number of cases in September 2018 that show
continued bias in education materials, religious restrictions, and
imprisonment of Shia protestors.
What efforts will you undertake, if confirmed, to raise concerns
voiced by the Shia minority community in Saudi Arabia?
Answer. The Shia minority is marginalized from political, social,
and economic life in Saudi Arabia. Intolerance and violent religious
extremism exported across borders and regions are difficult problems
that we must continue efforts to solve.
If confirmed as Ambassador, I will note U.S. support for expanding
the participatory process for religious minorities in Saudi Arabia. I
will also make clear that the United States remains deeply concerned by
the detention of activists and perceived dissidents in Saudi Arabia and
that we take all allegations of abuse seriously. If confirmed, I will
urge the government of Saudi Arabia to ensure fair trial guarantees,
freedom from arbitrary and extrajudicial detention, transparency, and
rule of law. The United States has pressed them on these issues for
years, and I will continue to do so.
Question. Are you concerned about members of the Shia community
getting caught up in the Saudi government's broad campaign against
Iranian influence in the Gulf and if not, why not?
Answer. The State Department's most recent Human Rights Report on
Saudi Arabia documents significant restrictions on freedom of
expression and civil society. Fundamental freedoms of religion,
expression, assembly, and association are not enshrined in Saudi law. I
understand that Saudi Arabia remains a Country of Particular Concern
for international religious freedom. Many of those detained for
advocacy or dissent are members of Saudi Arabia's Shia minority. At
least 120 Saudis remain in Saudi government detention for activism,
criticism of government leaders, impugning Islam or religious leaders,
or ``offensive'' internet postings. The use of counterterrorism laws
and courts to prosecute non-terrorists remains a key problem.
If confirmed, I will pursue American interests, champion our
values, our commitments, and our enduring respect for human rights and
religious freedom. I will make clear that the United States remains
deeply concerned by the detention of activists and perceived dissidents
in Saudi Arabia and that we take all allegations of abuse and
harassment seriously. If confirmed, I will continue to urge the
government of Saudi Arabia to ensure the right to a fair trial, freedom
from arbitrary and extrajudicial detention, transparency, and rule of
law. I will call on the government of Saudi Arabia to treat prisoners
and detainees humanely, and to ensure that allegations of abuse are
investigated quickly and thoroughly.
Question. What meaningful domestic reforms will you encourage the
government of Saudi Arabia to undertake to improve conditions for the
Shia population?
Answer. Vision 2030 is a bold plan that seeks to make the Kingdom
more economically competitive and socially open, including through
greater inclusion of women in society and the workplace. This is
critical for the Kingdom's long-term development, and the Saudi
government has shown a firm commitment to that goal. I believe the U.S.
government--alongside the full range of American commercial,
educational, and societal actors--can play a key supporting role in
advancing Vision 2030's stated goals.
Joint Incidents Assessment Team
Question. Numerous U.S. officials have highlighted the Joint
Incidents Assessment Team (JIAT) as one of the many reforms that the
Saudi-led coalition had implemented in the war in Yemen. However, a
Human Rights Watch report from August found that the body routinely
cleared the coalition of wrongdoing, and documented 17 instances in
which the assessment team's conclusions were profoundly at odds with
Human Rights Watch's own findings.
In response to a previous question I asked of Ambassador Henzel, he
replied that the JIAT was ``nominally an independent body
composed of Coalition members. . . . It is not under a specific
country's military authority.'' If the JIAT is not under any
country's military authority, how do individual coalition
members like Saudi Arabia incorporate its findings into their
operations and tactics?
Answer. The administration has worked closely with the Joint
Incident Assessment Team (JIAT) and Royal Saudi Air Force (RSAF) on
best practices for civilian casualty investigations, providing
trainings on the Law of Armed Conflict aimed at improving the JIAT's
investigations. Additionally, the administration continues to engage
the Saudi-led coalition to encourage the swift implementation of
recommendations from JIAT. It is my understanding that JIAT
recommendations and process improvements are forwarded to the
operational commands of Coalition members so that others can revise
their tactics and learn from prior incidents.
Question. The Fiscal Year 2019 NDAA Section 1290 certification
also states: ``Recent civilian casualty incidents indicate insufficient
implementation of reforms and targeting practices. Investigations have
not yet yielded accountability measures.'' How does the U.S. envision
such investigations yielding accountability measures and what measures
would be sufficient in the view of the State Department?
Answer. The Joint Incident Assessment Team makes recommendations
based on its investigations; it remains up to the governments of the
participating Coalition countries to implement these recommendations.
If confirmed, I will continue to urge the JIAT to conduct swift and
transparent investigations and the government of Saudi Arabia to
implement the JIAT's recommendations in order to hold those responsible
for civilian casualty incidents accountable and to implement
recommended tactical changes.
Dr. Walid Fitaihi
Question. In March 2019, the New York Times reported that a dual
citizen of Saudi Arabia and the United States, Dr. Walid Fitaihi, had
been tortured by Saudi officials. Dr. Fitaihi has reportedly been
imprisoned since November 2017 without charges or a trial and remains
detained for unspecified reasons. While I appreciate you raising his
case in your testimony, this ongoing treatment of an American citizen
is unacceptable.
What steps has Embassy Riyadh taken thus far to secure Dr.
Fitaihi's release?
Answer. I understand U.S. officials in Riyadh, Jeddah, and here in
Washington are consistently and forcefully engaging senior Saudi
counterparts to ensure Dr. Fitaihi's safety, rights, and protections
under the law, and consular officials have made several visits to Dr.
Fitaihi in recent months. I am highly concerned about reports of his
abuse and possible torture. Dr. Fitaihi's situation is of critical
importance, and if confirmed, I will continue to advocate and elevate
his case.
Question. What additional actions will you take, if confirmed, to
raise Dr. Fitaihi's case with senior Saudi officials and work to secure
his release?
Answer. I have dedicated my life to the protection of U.S. citizens
and U.S. national security interests and, if confirmed, that will not
change. If confirmed, the protection of all U.S. citizens in Saudi
Arabia will be my highest priority. I am committed to raising Dr.
Fitaihi's case and others with the highest levels of the Saudi
government.
Human Rights and Press Freedom
Question. The Saudi regime exerts a strong grip of control over
media in Saudi Arabia and the broader Arab world. This can make it
difficult to get trustworthy information about the human rights
situation within the Kingdom. News of the detention of activists and
dissidents sometimes do not surface for months, and Saudi authorities
practice severe intimidation against family members of detainees.
Moreover, one of the most chilling messages sent by the murder of Jamal
Khashoggi is that no one who dissents from the regime is safe from
Saudi Arabia's reach-even outside the country.
As the U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia, will you pledge to meet
with journalists, dissidents, and activists in the country and
advocate for respect for independent press in your engagement
with the Saudi government, if confirmed?
Answer. At every opportunity, I will underscore the United States'
enduring commitment to human rights and fundamental freedoms. If
confirmed, I will meet with the full range of Saudi society, including
independent, local press as well as non-governmental organizations in
the United States that work on issues related to Saudi Arabia. I will
make clear to Saudi leadership that the United States supports the
important role civil society plays in every country.
Question. Will you commit to pressing the Saudi government to halt
their harassment of Saudi journalists and other dissidents who have
left Saudi Arabia and live outside the country, if confirmed?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will make clear that the United States
remains deeply concerned by the harassment and detention of
journalists, activists, and perceived dissidents in Saudi Arabia and
that we take all allegations of abuse seriously. I will continue to
urge the government of Saudi Arabia to advance freedom of expression
and ensure freedom from arbitrary and extrajudicial detention,
transparency, and rule of law.
Women's Rights Activists
Question. In November, Amnesty International and Human Rights
Watch issued reports about mistreatment of a number of female activists
in prison in Saudi Arabia. A sister of one of the activists, Alia
Hathloul, wrote a January 13 op-ed for the New York Times confirming
many of the allegations of abuse including that Loujain Al-Hathloul had
been held in ``solitary confinement, beaten, waterboarded, given
electric shocks, sexually harassed and threatened with rape and
murder.''
During your testimony you said, ``I feel particularly strongly that
Saudi Arabia, like any nation, will benefit greatly by expanding the
space for women in public and professional life. Advocating for women's
rights is a critical goal for U.S. foreign policy, and I fully commit
to making this a key element of my potential tenure as ambassador'' I
appreciate these views and hope you will give these words meaning
through your actions.
Answer. Secretary Pompeo told reporters he raised the cases of
these women activists during his meetings in January with King Salman
and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. However, since then, Saudi
authorities have charged the activists with ``coordinated and organized
activities. that aim to undermine the Kingdom's security, stability,
and national unity.'' If confirmed, I will make clear that the United
States remains deeply concerned by the harassment and detention of
activists and perceived dissidents in Saudi Arabia, and will urge the
government of Saudi Arabia to advance freedom of expression and ensure
freedom from arbitrary and extrajudicial detention, transparency, and
rule of law.
Beyond these specific activist cases, gender discrimination
excludes women from many aspects of public life. Women are routinely
excluded from formal decision-making positions in both government and
the private sector, although some women attained leadership positions
in business and served in senior advisory positions within government
ministries.
Women's rights are a critical goal for U.S. foreign policy, and I
fully commit to making them a key element of my potential tenure as
ambassador. The Saudis have made progress, but it is clearly not
enough. We have pressed them on this issue for years, and I will
continue to do so.
Question. What steps will you undertake, if confirmed, to advocate
for their cases and request their release from these questionable
charges?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make clear that the United States
remains deeply concerned by the detention of activists and perceived
dissidents in Saudi Arabia and that we take all allegations of abuse
seriously. I will continue to urge the government of Saudi Arabia to
ensure fair trial guarantees, freedom from arbitrary and extrajudicial
detention, transparency, and rule of law. If confirmed as Ambassador, I
will call on the government of Saudi Arabia to treat prisoners and
detainees humanely, and to ensure that allegations of abuse are
investigated quickly and thoroughly and anyone found responsible is
held accountable.
Arms Export Control Violations
Question. In late 2018, the New York Times reported that Sudanese
forces fighting Yemen had been issued American-made uniforms and
weapons. The Saudi government denied this claim stating that American-
made weapons had ``never been distributed to personnel participating
from Sudan as part of the coalition's operations.'' Nevertheless, there
have also been similar reports of reexports of arms and equipment by
the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to forces fighting on their behalf in
Yemen.
Has the United States government found the government of Saudi
Arabia to have violated any provision of U.S. law or any other
bilateral agreement or understanding with regard to the re-
export or transfer of U.S. defense articles since the beginning
of the Yemen conflict in 2015?
Answer. Recent media reports alleging that the Coalition provided
U.S.-origin equipment to Yemeni forces and other third parties without
the consent of the U.S. government are concerning. All recipients of
U.S.-origin equipment are expected to adhere to commitments governing
procurement of U.S. defense equipment. If confirmed, I am committed to
looking into these allegations and working with the Saudis to ensure
that they adhere to all of the requirements regarding the transfer of
U.S. equipment.
Question. Has the United States investigated the allegation that
U.S.-made uniforms and weaponry were provided by the Saudi government
to Sudanese forces fighting in Yemen? If not, why not?
Answer. I know the U.S. government takes seriously all reports of
unauthorized transfers of U.S.-origin equipment. If confirmed, I am
committed to looking into these allegations and working with the Saudis
to ensure they adhere to all of the requirements regarding the transfer
of U.S. equipment.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, MARCH 12, 2019
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:02 a.m. in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Marco Rubio,
presiding.
Present: Senators Rubio, Johnson, Gardner, Romney, Young,
Menendez, Cardin, Murphy, and Kaine.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. MARCO RUBIO,
U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA
Senator Rubio. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will
come to order.
This is a nominations hearing for Michael Fitzpatrick to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Ecuador and Ronald Johnson, from
my home State of Florida, to be the Ambassador to the Republic
of El Salvador.
I wanted to take a quick moment, as I am not able to
introduce Mr. Johnson from the witness table, to say a few
words. I met Mr. Johnson and his wife Alina about 7 years ago
when he served as the representative of the Director of
National Intelligence and the CIA Director to the U.S. Southern
Command. Mr. Johnson has served in the U.S. government for over
3 decades, starting his career as an officer in the U.S. Army.
He retired as a colonel in 1998 and joined the U.S.
intelligence community where he currently serves as the Central
Intelligence Agency's science and technology liaison to the
United States Special Operations Command in Tampa, Florida. He
has worked on a wide variety of issues throughout his career
and is fluent in Spanish. And his experience and background
make him an excellent candidate to lead the U.S. mission in San
Salvador.
I welcome the two nominees here today with us. Ambassadors,
as we all know, play a critical role in advancing U.S. foreign
policy and objectives, and thank you for your willingness to
serve and continue to serve our country, in the case of both of
you.
We will have an opportunity to discuss two different
positions in two countries which are undergoing democratic
progress and are taking important steps to improve their
economy, security, and their bilateral relations with the
United States.
I would like to start by emphasizing the importance of the
electoral process in El Salvador, as the country has elected a
new leader. I recently had the opportunity to speak with
President-elect Nayib Bukele and congratulated him on his
recent victory. We were very cognizant of the importance of
this process for the region as the first presidential election
of this year. Our Ambassador and embassy personnel closely
monitored this process and shared with us that the elections
were transparent and the elections were credible. And I want to
thank our embassy personnel for playing a supporting role
through that process. It was the first time El Salvador had
used their own electoral software, and the system, by all
accounts, seemed to work very well. This was a key step in
restoring confidence for the Salvadoran people and their
government and institutions. There were international
observation missions that monitored the elections from both the
European Union and the Organization of American States. There
was also large participation of civil society organizations.
The United States is committed to working with President-
elect Bukele and his transition team as they assume the
presidency on the 1st of June. This relationship between the
U.S. and El Salvador provides an opportunity to work on issues
related to cooperation in both security and migration. And the
chairman of the Homeland Security Committee, Senator Johnson,
is here and he knows well the importance of the migration
issue, particularly as it regards El Salvador.
However, there are, as I said, many challenges that remain.
El Salvador has the highest concentration of gang members per
capita in Central America. These gangs are responsible for a
higher percentage of homicides than in neighboring countries.
While El Salvador has worked to lower the rates of homicide,
there is still much work to be done.
On the economy, it is my hope the United States will work
with President-elect Bukele and his new team to help
initiatives to jump start what has proven to be a stagnant
economy.
Here is a side note that is of importance. China continues
to grow in its efforts to expand its influence and its presence
in the western hemisphere, and I hope that we remain engaged in
addressing this and particularly the influence of the Chinese
government and Communist Party in El Salvador. Last year, I and
others were deeply disappointed to see El Salvador under the
current administration break its diplomatic relations with
another fellow democracy, Taiwan, and instead embrace Communist
China. I believe--many of us believe--this was a grave mistake
and one that will prove to be costly and short-sighted given
China's debt trap diplomacy and economic exploitation globally.
Following El Salvador's decision which, by the way, was
following the lead of other Latin American countries who have
caved to Chinese pressure, I joined Senator Gardner, a member
of this committee, in introducing legislative action that dealt
with U.S. assistance to El Salvador over this move.
I am pleased that President-elect Bukele has said that he
will reassess the existing relationship with China to make
necessary policy changes from the previous administration.
At the same time, I also hope that the U.S. will become
more fully engaged and prepared to support our friends and
partners who are being bullied and pressured by China to ensure
they do not become vulnerable to these kinds of aggressive
Chinese government tactics.
By the way, President-elect Bukele will be visiting
Washington this week, and we have a real opportunity to
strengthen the U.S.-El Salvador partnership and gain an
important ally on issues of regional and global importance. And
the embassy will play a key role in that front.
Ecuador, under President Moreno is making efforts to
liberalize the economy and to seek broader private investment.
He has been working to promote public-private partnerships for
government projects in areas such as infrastructure,
telecommunications, and energy. I am pleased that the
administration's fiscal year 2019 budget request would provide
foreign assistance to strengthen the rule of law and build
civil society capacity to counter instability and violence in
Ecuador.
The U.S. also operates Peace Corps programs in Ecuador that
support 110 volunteers.
In June of last year, Vice President Pence visited Ecuador
and held talks with President Moreno to broaden the bilateral
dialogue and strengthen U.S.-Ecuadorian relations in a number
of areas such as security, economic cooperation, migration, and
democratic governance. The Vice President recognized the
efforts being made by Ecuador to encourage private investment.
They also announced a mutual commitment to reactivating a
bilateral trade and investment council before the end of 2018
and a commitment to address the influx of more than 150,000
Venezuelan citizens who have fled the nightmare that is
Maduro's Venezuela.
In closing, both positions will be critical to ensuring
that U.S. interests are advanced here in our own region.
And once again, I want to thank both of you and your
families for your service and commitment to our country and
your willingness to continue to serve it abroad.
And now the ranking member, Senator Cardin.
STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me thank both of our nominees for their willingness to
serve our country. These are very challenging times. It is not
easy to represent America anywhere in the world, and the
challenges in our own hemisphere are great today. So I thank
both of you for your willingness to serve, and we thank your
families because we know this is a family sacrifice we
appreciate very much.
The two countries are critically important. El Salvador is
a country that has a lot of impact here in America, 2 million
Americans are of Salvadoran decent. In my home State of
Maryland, 100,000 of our population trace their roots to El
Salvador.
We also have the immediate issue of the temporary
protective status for Salvadorans. About 200,000 in the United
States are under the TPS, which is being challenged by the
President and, right now, protection in our courts. But it is
an uncertain future. Once again, in Maryland, we have a higher
percentage than most of the Salvadoran TPS cases. So this is of
immediate interest.
I have had a chance to meet with both of the nominees, and
we have had, I think, very robust, good discussions and I
appreciate that opportunity.
I have underscored particularly in our hemisphere but
globally as well that our missions are critically important to
promote human rights, good governance. These are challenges
that are taking place in both El Salvador and Ecuador today.
There are different circumstances.
In El Salvador, we have had a commitment to help the people
of El Salvador with regional security issues, with economic
issues so there is an economic future other than trafficking in
drugs or extortion, and to deal with governance issues, which
is critically important to deal with the issues of governance.
We have funded those programs. We could argue whether we need
to do a better job, a more focused job. That is an issue that
this Congress is still wrestling with.
I was in El Salvador in 2015 and saw firsthand how the
gangs ravage the communities. The FBI allowed me to be embedded
for a day, and it was eye-opening to me to see the risks that
families face in neighborhoods that look like nice
neighborhoods. But the gang activities are pervasive. So the
challenges there are great.
And we look forward to a discussion today as to how our
mission in El Salvador can promote American values, provide
safety for the people of El Salvador, and stop some of the
pressures we have seen on migration because people leave
because of the problems in the country. The best investment for
us to make is to shore up these issues as we have been working
on now for the last several years.
In Ecuador, we have hope. The administration has shown some
degree of sensitivity towards reform on good governance. The
question is can we continue that momentum that we have seen in
that country.
As the chairman has pointed out, even though Ecuador is
1,000 miles away from Venezuela, they have had a real influx of
Venezuelan refugees. My number is about 200,000. I think you
said 150,000. But it is a large number that have exited
Venezuela that are now in Ecuador. That has a major impact on a
small country. It causes us to understand that we are going to
have challenges and we need to work with the new government to
make sure the reforms stay in place and that the impact of the
Venezuelan crisis does not impede the progress that we have
seen in Ecuador.
We have new leaders in both countries. We look forward to a
robust relationship, improving America's relationship in our
own hemisphere and America's leadership in our hemisphere. And
I look forward to hearing from our nominees.
Senator Rubio. Thank you both for being here. I just want
to say it is not often there are two Ron Johnsons in one place
at a time.
Senator Johnson. We got to hang together.
[Laughter.]
Senator Rubio. Anyway, it is tough to vote against Ron
Johnson.
Well, Mr. Johnson, let us start with you since Senator
Johnson is here with us. Thank you for being here and thanks
for your service.
STATEMENT OF RONALD DOUGLAS JOHNSON, OF FLORIDA, TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF EL SALVADOR
Mr. Johnson. Thank you, Senator, and thanks for that warm
introduction.
Chairman Rubio, Ranking Member Cardin, and distinguished
members of the committee, I am truly honored to appear before
you today as the President's nominee to serve as United States
Ambassador to the Republic of El Salvador. I am grateful to
President Trump for the faith and confidence he has placed in
me and to Secretary Pompeo for his support. I am humbled by the
opportunity to serve our country at such an important time in
our history, and I am grateful to you for your consideration of
my nomination.
I am supported in this endeavor by a strong and patriotic
family. My wife Alina to my right immigrated to this country
over 50 years ago from Cuba. She has actively contributed to my
service to this country for over 38 years, and it has not
always been easy. My government careers have required frequent
separations and service in high-risk areas. Together we have
raised four grown children, Robert, Lori, Michael, and Joshua.
Our youngest son Joshua was the fourth generation of Johnsons
to serve this country in combat.
I would also like to mention my mother-in-law, Helen Arias.
As an airline employee in Cuba, when communists took over the
country, she helped thousands of children flee to the United
States aboard Pan Am flights through a program called Operacion
Pedro Pan. Today at 95 years young, she loves the United States
as only someone who has lived under tyranny can.
I first represented the United States in El Salvador in
1984 as an active duty Army officer. Then the country was
embroiled in a horrible civil war that would last for over 12
years, ravage the countryside, and claim the lives of over
70,000 people. Since that conflict ended in 1992, the
Salvadoran people have exhibited a strong commitment to
democracy through free and fair elections and the peaceful
transfer of power. The most recent example of this is the
February 3rd presidential election where President-elect Nayib
Bukele won a clear victory in a competitive multi-party race.
El Salvador has accomplished much since the war ended, but
much work remains to be done.
For the United States, combating transnational crime and
stemming illegal immigration are the key priorities. Our
strategy for Central America focuses on advancing security,
prosperity, and good governance to address these priorities
that are linked to slow economic growth and unemployment.
There is clearly a need for increased security, but we must
also work together simultaneously to develop a broader economic
agenda. El Salvador's growth rate of 2 percent per year over
the last 10 years is simply too low to provide economic
opportunities and viable options for young Salvadorans. Working
together, we need to focus on making El Salvador more
attractive to business, instead of a place where businesses
have to add the price of extortion to the cost of operating. We
must work together to make illicit activities less lucrative
and to produce dignified alternatives that help Salvadoran
youth make the right choice.
The United States is El Salvador's number one trade partner
and largest source of foreign investment. There are currently
over 300 U.S. businesses operating in El Salvador, but there
could be more. If confirmed, I will make the combined issues of
security and prosperity my highest priority.
I know our governments share the same concerns regarding
illegal immigration and gang violence.
The government of El Salvador is working closely with us
now to educate its citizens on the dangers associated with the
long journey to the U.S. border and to discourage individuals
from traveling to the United States without a visa.
There are multiple gangs in El Salvador where violence is
the centerpiece of the gang's power, its influence, and reach.
In El Salvador, gang membership is illegal, and the
Salvadoran government works with the U.S. embassy's
international narcotics and law enforcement unit and other
offices to disrupt and dismantle gangs and other transnational
criminal organizations. These programs focus on strengthening
the capacity of Salvadoran law enforcement and criminal justice
systems through a three-part approach: regional coordination
and information sharing; bottom-up community anti-gang efforts
designed to improve relationships between communities and the
police; and finally, top-down institutional reform to
strengthen investigation and prosecution of criminal actors. If
confirmed, one of my top priorities will be to expand these
programs and to build stronger cooperation among regional
partners and U.S. law enforcement. Gang violence is a
multinational problem, and combating it will require
multinational cooperation.
El Salvador has made progress and there are indicators that
should help us be optimistic.
El Salvador's Plan El Salvador Seguro has helped to reduce
the murder rate by over 55 percent. And looking at the long
term, World Bank statistics indicate that from 1990 to 2017
life expectancy increased from 64 to 74 years, while per capita
income rose and extreme poverty dropped significantly.
We are on the right path, but let there be no doubt. It is
a path. Continued progress requires broad, sustained, and
persistent engagement and a willing partner. If we are
respectful of each other's concerns and limitations, we can
work together toward a cooperative and mutually beneficial
relationship.
I will treat people with dignity, honesty, and respect. I
will prioritize our efforts in a way that is impactful and
beneficial to both sides, and I will make those priorities
clear to my staff and to our partners.
Chief of Mission San Salvador is no easy assignment, but I
believe my experience of over 4 decades of government service,
along with my knowledge of the region and my deep respect for
the Salvadoran people have prepared me well to represent
America's interests and to achieve greater regional security
and prosperity.
If confirmed, I will safeguard our citizens, our embassy,
and our reputation, and I will help build a more peaceful,
secure, and prosperous relationship between the United States
and the Republic of El Salvador. Your counsel and leadership
would be crucial for this to work, and if confirmed, I look
forward to working with you and your staffs toward that goal.
It is an honor to be before you today, and I would be
pleased to answer your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Johnson follows:]
Prepared Statement of Ronald Douglas Johnson
Chairman Rubio, Ranking Member Menendez, and distinguished members
of the committee, I am truly honored to appear before you today as the
President's nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to the
Republic of El Salvador.
I am grateful to President Trump for the faith and confidence he's
placed in me, and to Secretary Pompeo for his support. I am humbled by
the opportunity to serve our country in this capacity at such an
important time in our relationship with El Salvador and I am grateful
to you for your consideration of my nomination.
I am supported in this endeavor by a strong and patriotic family.
My wife, Alina, immigrated to this country over 50 years ago from Cuba.
She has actively contributed to my service to this country for over 38
years, and it has not always been easy. My government careers have
required frequent separations and service in high-risk areas. Together
we've raised four grown children, Robert, Lori, Michael, and Joshua.
Our youngest son Joshua is the fourth generation of our family to have
served our country in combat.
I'd also like to mention my Mother-in-Law, Helen Arias. As an
airline employee in Cuba, when communists took over the country she
helped thousands of children flee to the United States aboard Pan-Am
flights through a program called ``Operation Pedro Pan.'' Today at 95
years young, she loves the United States as only someone who has lived
under tyranny can.
I first represented the United States in El Salvador in 1984, when
the country was embroiled in a horrible Civil War that would last for
over twelve years, ravage the countryside, and claim the lives of over
70,000 people. Since that conflict ended in 1992, the Salvadoran people
have exhibited a strong commitment to democracy through free and fair
elections and the peaceful transfer of power. The most recent example
of this is the February 3rd presidential election, where President-
elect Nayib Bukele won a clear victory in a competitive multi-party
race.
El Salvador has accomplished much since the war ended, but much
work remains to be done.
For the United States, combating transnational crime and stemming
illegal immigration are the key priorities. They are linked to slow
economic growth and unemployment. There's clearly a need for increased
security but we must also work together to simultaneously develop a
broader economic agenda. El Salvador's growth rate of 2 percent per
year over the last 10 years, is simply too low to provide economic
opportunities and viable options for young Salvadorans. Working
together we need to focus on making El Salvador more attractive to
business, instead of a place where businesses have to add the price of
extortion to the costs of operating. We must work together to make
illicit activities less lucrative and to produce dignified alternatives
that help Salvadoran youth make the right choice.
The United States is El Salvador's number one trade partner and
largest source of foreign investment. There are currently over three
hundred U.S. businesses operating there but there could be more. If
confirmed I will make the combined issues of security and prosperity my
highest priorities.
I know our governments share the same concerns regarding illegal
immigration and gang violence.
The government of El Salvador is working closely with us now to
educate its citizens on the dangers associated with the long journey to
the U.S. border and to discourage individuals from traveling to the
United States without a visa.
There are multiple gangs in El Salvador where violence is the
centerpiece of the gang's power, influence and reach.
In El Salvador gang membership is illegal and the government works
with the Embassy's International Narcotics and Law Enforcement unit and
other offices to disrupt and dismantle gangs and other transnational
criminal organizations. These programs focus on strengthening the
capacity of Salvadoran law enforcement and criminal justice systems
through a three part approach: 1) Regional coordination and information
sharing; 2) Bottom-up community anti-gang efforts designed to improve
relationships between communities and the police; and 3) Top-down
institutional reform to strengthen investigation and prosecution of
criminal actors. If confirmed, one of my top priorities will be to
expand these programs and to build stronger cooperation among regional
partners and U.S. law enforcement. Gang violence is a multi-national
problem and combating it will require multi-national cooperation.
El Salvador has made progress and there are indicators that should
help us be optimistic.
El Salvador's ``Plan El Salvador Seguro'' has helped to reduce the
murder rate by over 55 percent. And looking at the long term, World
Bank statistics indicate that from 1990 to 2017 life expectancy
increased from 64 to 74 years, while per capita income rose and extreme
poverty dropped significantly.
We are on the right path but let there be no doubt, it is a path.
Continued progress requires broad, sustained and persistent engagement
and a willing partner. If we are respectful of each other's concerns
and limitations, we can work together toward a cooperative and mutually
beneficial relationship. I will treat people with dignity, honesty and
respect. While I will be and effective negotiator, I will also be a
good listener. I will prioritize our efforts in a way that is impactful
and beneficial to both sides and I'll make those priorities clear to my
staff and to our partners.
Chief of Mission San Salvador is no easy assignment, but I believe
my experience of over four decades of government service, along with my
knowledge of the region and my deep respect for the Salvadoran people
have prepared me well to represent America's interests and to advance
this relationship. If confirmed I will safeguard our citizens, our
embassy, and our reputation, and I will help build a more peaceful,
secure, and prosperous relationship between the United States and the
Republic of El Salvador. Your counsel and leadership would be crucial
for this to work and I look forward to working with you and your staffs
in this endeavor.
It is an honor to be before you today and I would be pleased to
answer any questions.
Senator Rubio. Thank you very much.
Mr. Fitzpatrick?
STATEMENT OF MICHAEL J. FITZPATRICK, OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
COUNSELOR, TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY
OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF ECUADOR
Mr. Fitzpatrick. Thank you very much. Mr. Chairman, Ranking
Member, distinguished members of the committee, it is an honor
to appear before you this morning as the President's nominee to
serve as the next United States Ambassador to the Republic of
Ecuador.
I would like, first, to recognize some members of my
family, if I may, without whose strong and continuing support I
likely would not be here today. First, my dear wife Silvana,
originally from Peru, joins us today. I would like to recognize
her and our daughter Michelle both for their repeated personal
sacrifices as they too have so proudly joined me in serving our
nation as representatives abroad. My brother John, my sister-
in-law Ellen, and their son William also join us here today.
Mr. Chairman, during my 33 years with the State Department,
I have been honored to represent the United States while living
in seven countries on five continents and traveling to scores
of other nations around the world. If I am confirmed, I believe
that my longstanding involvement and deep familiarity with both
this region and our government's best practices will be of
great value to me not only in leading our strong interagency
teams at Embassy Quito and Consulate General Guayaquil, but
also in partnering with the government of Ecuador under the
leadership of President Lenin Moreno.
The United States has a distinct opportunity to advance our
relationship with both the people and government of Ecuador by
developing a genuine partnership. Chief among our shared
interests in my mind are democracy, prosperity, and security.
The first responsibility of any U.S. ambassador must be to
ensure the safety and security of our citizens. I assure you
that, if confirmed, I will continue to prioritize investments
and activities that protect the growing number of our citizens
who live in or visit Ecuador, including for the security of
U.S. government personnel in country.
President Moreno has sought to enhance democratic rights
and practices and to fight corruption while modernizing and
opening up Ecuador's economy. He has also welcomed greater
international cooperation, including with the United States, in
addressing complex regional and global challenges. Especially
as transnational criminal organizations seek to deepen their
presence, we should respond positively to offers to cooperate
with Ecuadorian efforts to fortify their public institutions,
reduce international crime, and enhance border protection,
while safeguarding legitimate travel.
In short, Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will work in
Ecuador to advance U.S. values and interests. That begins with
pursuing a shared vision of democratic governance, transparent
economic development, free and fair commerce, and a fair, open,
and secure environment in which all may pursue their individual
God-given talents.
I would like to express my appreciation to this committee
and its members for your support for U.S. engagement with
Ecuador at this important time in our country's relationship
and for your consideration of my nomination today. Thank you,
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee. I
look forward to answering any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Fitzpatrick follows:]
Prepared Statement of Michael J. Fitzpatrick
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as the President's
nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Ecuador.
I would like to recognize some members of my family, without whose
strong and continuing support I likely would not be here today. First,
my wife, Silvana. Although our daughter, Michelle, cannot be here, she
is watching the webcast. I would like to recognize them both for their
repeated personal sacrifices as they too have so proudly served our
nation as representatives abroad. My brother, John, and my sister-in-
law, Ellen, also join us here today.
Mr. Chairman, during my thirty-three years with the State
Department--first as a Presidential Management Fellow, then as a career
Civil Servant, and now for three decades as a commissioned Foreign
Service Officer--I have been honored to represent the United States
while living on five continents, and TDY service to a sixth. I have had
the opportunity to travel to scores of nations around the
world.Nevertheless, it is Latin America where my career began. Latin
America has been a constant in my life. And it is Latin America that
has been the focus of my most recent assignments: As Charge d'Affaires,
a.i. and Deputy Chief of Mission in Lima, Peru; as the Interim United
States Representative to the Organization of American States; and most
recently, as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for the Andes, Brazil
and the Southern Cone. I believe this long-standing involvement and
understanding will be of great value to me, if confirmed, both in
leading our Missions in Guayaquil and Quito, and in partnering with the
government of Ecuador, under the leadership of President Moreno.
Since his inauguration in 2017, President Moreno has: repeatedly
advanced efforts to enhance democratic rights and practices, notably
press freedom; launched an anti-corruption campaign that resulted in
the imprisonment of his own Vice President; repealed some authoritarian
decrees targeting civil society; and, welcomed greater international
cooperation, including from the United States, in addressing complex
international challenges.
The United States thus has a distinct opportunity now to advance
our relationship with both the government and people of Ecuador, for us
to rebuild a genuine partnership in pursuit of shared interests. Given
that this has not always been the case, it is incumbent upon us, I
believe, not to squander this occasion. Chief among the many
opportunities, in my mind, as we seek to build a stronger bilateral
compact are: Democracy, Prosperity, and Security.
Let me speak to each of those, starting with the last, though
hardly the least, of these three: Security.
Security
Indeed, the first responsibility of any U.S. Ambassador must be to
ensure the safety and security of our citizens. Ecuador is, with good
reason, an increasingly attractive destination for Americans, be they
tourists, students, entrepreneurs, or retirees. I assure you that, if
confirmed, I will continue to prioritize investments and activities
that protect all of our personnel and citizens in Ecuador.
Ecuador also now faces significant challenges from narco-
trafficking and transnational crime. Mexican cartels, seeking to
transit cocaine from the neighboring nations of Peru and Colombia to
the United States and world markets, have expanded their presence in
Ecuador. Former members of the FARC launched multiple armed attacks
over the last year along Ecuador's common border with Colombia. The
government of Ecuador has demonstrated a clear desire to partner with
the United States, Colombia, Peru, and Mexico to combat transnational
organized crime and strengthen its security, prosecutorial and judicial
institutions. We should respond positively, cooperating with Ecuador--
particularly through capacity-building efforts and the sharing of best
practices--in their efforts to fortify public institutions, reduce
international crime and enhance border protection while safeguarding
legitimate travel.
Democracy
A presidentially supported public referendum on constitutional
reforms won handily last year. Among other steps, this re-introduced a
two-term limit to the presidency. Although this represents a step
towards deeper democratization, persistent social and fiscal challenges
will continue to weigh on governance.
The United States should continue to promote the rule of law and
the freedom of speech and association; this will help revitalize civil
society, restore confidence in national institutions and foster greater
support for shared values and policies. We must also support Ecuador in
its efforts to tend to the significant number of Colombian, and
increasingly, Venezuelan, refugees and migrants, with emphasis on
protecting the rights of the most vulnerable among them.
Prosperity
External economic shocks have contributed to the ousting of three
democratically elected presidents of Ecuador since the late 1990s.
While record-high oil prices helped underwrite the public largesse of
President Moreno's immediate predecessor, fate has not so blessed his
own administration. Yet his government gains international support for
its steps to increase transparency, strengthen fiscal institutions and
re-establish a competitive private-sector driven economy. I commit to
work, if confirmed, with both the public and private sectors to address
business environment deficiencies. Together, we can reduce trade
barriers, promote investor-friendly practices, increase infrastructure
investments and reduce corruption while providing greater employment
opportunities.
In sum, Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will work in Ecuador to
advance U.S. values and interests. That begins with pursuing a shared
vision of good governance, transparent economic development, free and
fair commerce, and a fair, open and secure environment in which all may
pursue their individual, God-given talents.
I would like to express my appreciation to this committee and its
members for your support for U.S. engagement with Ecuador at this
important time in our countries' relationship--and for your
consideration of my nomination. Thank you Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member,
and members of the committee. I look forward to answering any questions
you may have.
Senator Rubio. Thank you both for being here.
I will only ask one question, then defer my time to the
members who may have to go somewhere else.
So, Mr. Fitzpatrick, I wanted to ask you at the outset. One
of the highest profile irritants in the relationship
historically has been Julian Assange's status abroad under the
protection of diplomatic protection of the government. What
update can you give us on that? And what role will that play,
do you believe, in your service to our country from the
embassy?
Mr. Fitzpatrick. Yes, sir. I am deeply concerned about
Julian Assange and Wikileaks hostile activities and intent to
undermine U.S. democracy and national security. Mr. Assange's
nearly 7-year stay in the Ecuadorian embassy has permitted him
to meddle in U.S. affairs and to harm our national security.
That is a problem, and letting it drag on much longer would
continue to harm our interests and I believe Ecuador's
interests as well.
If confirmed by the Senate, I would continue to raise our
significant concerns regarding Mr. Assange, and at every
appropriate opportunity, I would urge the government to pursue
a rapid resolution of this issue. I would also expect, if
confirmed, to remain in very close contact with the members of
this committee.
Let me say we respect many of the reform efforts undertaken
by the Moreno administration, but Mr. Assange does, as I said,
damage to U.S. national security and the United States will
have to assess a bilateral relationship accordingly.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
The ranking member.
Senator Cardin. Once again, thank you to both of you.
Both El Salvador and Ecuador are democratic states. Both
have significant challenges in dealing with impunity and
corruption. This is not a new subject. We have been working on
the impunity problems in this region for a very long time. We
have seen in the Northern Triangle different efforts with
integrity commissions. President-elect Bukele has indicated
that he intends to seek a commission that will deal with this
issue, with the assistance of international organizations.
Can you tell us, Mr. Johnson, your priority in dealing with
this issue of fighting corruption in El Salvador and how you
believe the United States can assist the government in
implementing such a policy?
Mr. Johnson. Thank you, Senator.
I certainly recognize that we do have issues with
corruption. In fact, one of the previous presidents of El
Salvador is in prison now for corruption charges, while another
is under asylum in Nicaragua. I do not think one shoe fits all,
but I am committed--I know I am committed to support anything
that will help reduce corruption in El Salvador.
Like you, I am encouraged by President-elect Bukele's
comments. I am not privy to the details on how he plans to move
forward. I think that will largely depend on the President-
elect and his cabinet as he assembles his administration. But I
certainly anticipate, if confirmed, to play a role in helping
him to put together a commission that will be effective in
ensuring that there is transparency in such agreements, as the
one that was made with China, and that we can work together
with the attorney general to fight corruption throughout the
country.
Senator Cardin. One thing is clear to me. There are
international standards for fighting corruption. And that is
one of the reasons why the different models that have been used
in Central America have relied in various measures on the help
of the international community, some 39 nations, other things
that have been done. But there are standards, and it is
important. And I would just urge you in your conversations with
the Salvadoran government to recognize that it is important
that they take advantage of the help of international
organizations to give legitimacy to their efforts to fight
corruption.
Mr. Fitzpatrick, in Ecuador, the government has indicated
that they are going to set up some type of corruption
commission. They have not indicated much more than that. There
are some conversations about links to the United Nations or OAS
or other international organizations.
Can you just assure us that this will be a top priority as
to how Ecuador institutionalizes their commitment to fight
corruption in their country?
Mr. Fitzpatrick. Yes, sir, Senator. Absolutely I concur
with that.
We do not have many details of this announcement by
President Moreno to establish an international anti-corruption
commission. As you mentioned, they have discussed linking it
with both the United Nations and the Organization of American
States. Of course, the OAS has a number of international
conventions on anti-corruption which we in the United States
have strongly supported in the past. We look forward to getting
a lot more information and some details from the government and
looking for ways that we can partner with them in implementing
this as they move forward.
Senator Cardin. And once again, I would urge the American
presence to explain how it is important to engage the
international community in fighting corruption so there is
again credibility in efforts being made.
Mr. Johnson, I mentioned TPS in my opening statement. We
have had some different views here on the TPS issue. My
understanding is that the mission in San Salvador has been very
open about their concerns about the TPS not being extended for
the Salvadorans that are here in this country. My question to
you is that will you assure us that you will provide
independent advice as to the circumstances within El Salvador
that would affect the return of the 200,000 that are currently
under TPS status as to whether they could safely be repatriated
back to their country or whether TPS should be extended. There
are certain standards that we use in extending TPS, and we
depend upon having the independent advice of the mission.
Now, the ultimate decision will not be made by the mission,
but it is important that we get that independent advice. And
what I have seen to date would indicate that the TPS should be
extended. Will you make that commitment to us?
Mr. Johnson. Absolutely, sir. You have my commitment. I
understand my role on the ground is to provide ground truth
dealing with capacity and the capability of the Salvadoran
government to receive people back, as well as with the U.S.
embassy's capacity to take care of any of those that have
children or spouses that are U.S. citizens. You have my
commitment, sir.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Rubio. Senator Johnson?
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I want to first thank both nominees for your past service
and your willingness to serve in these new capacities.
And, Mr. Johnson, I really hope that your name is not an
impediment to getting votes. If so, I apologize right now.
When I went down to Guatemala and Honduras the first time
about 4 years ago, I was surprised when they talked about the
two challenges: corruption and impunity. And corruption--we
have already talked about that. Impunity
--I really never heard that before. And, of course, it all
relates to the drug cartels who are untouchable, and that just
creates a level of impunity for the extortionists and kind of
the destruction of these public institutions and it leads to
corruption.
I have recently met with the new Ambassador to Mexico a
couple times, and she has brought in a number of her
representatives. In our last discussion, it was pretty
interesting. The representatives were talking about how they
wanted to cooperate with America. They are getting more
information on the people coming to this country, their country
illegally from Guatemala, covering that border.
But they spent a lot of time talking about development. And
after I kind of listened to their presentation, one thing that
is pretty obvious to me is there was no mention whatsoever of
combating the drug cartels and transnational criminal
organizations.
You speak in your testimony about the need for economic
opportunities for Salvadorans or Guatemalans or Hondurans. That
is crucial, but you cannot get private investment in an
unsecure situation. And you mentioned in your testimony gang
violence is a multinational problem and combating it will
require multinational cooperation. Is that not the first step?
And how do we in a multinational way effectively begin to break
up these drug cartels which are just a scourge to the region?
And I have said repeatedly the reason we have an unsecure
border is our insatiable demand for drugs that has given rise
to these drug cartels who have just expanded their product line
into human trafficking and sex trafficking. But we have to
effectively address that multinationally. How do we do that?
You have a great deal of experience in the region.
Mr. Johnson. Sir, thank you for that question.
And you have hit on two major points. One is the
apprehension and the arrest, if you will, of people that are
involved in these types of criminal activities, and the other
is how well we are able to prosecute them and hold them
accountable once they have been arrested. And that is exactly
the way I would approach it.
Number one, there is currently a Northern Triangle
agreement and task force against gangs, not necessarily against
drugs but usually where there are drugs, there are gangs
involved. I am not familiar with the task force. I have not
visited, but I intend to make that one of my priorities to get
familiar with it. It is based on personal relationships and
building trust to teach them to cooperate with each other and
share this information. And I think it is important because if
you look at that region, you can commit crimes in one country,
and when you know things are getting a little hot there, you go
across the border and you seek refuge in the other. So if we
can help them learn to trust each other and share that
information, I think we will have a lot more success with that
part of it.
The other part you mentioned is immunity. The current
prosecution rate is at about 11 percent in El Salvador, so
there is a 90 percent chance or so that if you are apprehended,
that you will be released. I know one of my priorities will be
to work with the new attorney general and the Department of
Justice, with judges, with prosecutors, and I would look at
programs that we can bring down that would help train them,
advise them, and mentor them through the process.
Senator Johnson. A very chilling story that I was told when
I was down there. And we all know the examples of brutality. I
do not even want to talk about them in an open hearing. But if
you are a new member of the police force in one of these
countries, you get a little DVD, and on that DVD, it shows
video of your children and your wife going to church or going
into school.
How can you expect police forces to show the courage to
combat those drug cartels that have almost unlimited resources,
the billions of dollars from the drug trafficking? Does that
not almost require a multinational force that is under that
type of threat? Again, you can work with institutions, but do
we not need an outside force to really combat this effectively
with those individuals in country being under that kind of
threat?
Mr. Johnson. Sir, if confirmed, I would be willing to look
at anything we can do to increase security for the personnel in
El Salvador that face these threats. It will not be the first
time I have dealt with this. In Iraq, we lost more people when
they were on leave than we did when they were on duty because
people would hunt them down in their homes. I think it is a
very chilling tragedy for someone who is making the decision to
serve their country and defend their neighborhoods in El
Salvador in a lot of cases, and they have to worry about their
loved ones and their security. That is something I will be
committed to look into early. And I have a little bit of
experience working on those issues, and we will look at
everything we can do to help them increase that security.
Senator Johnson. Well, I want to work with you in that
capacity and try and put this task force together because that
is what is going to be required.
Mr. Johnson. Thank you, Senator. I look forward to that.
Senator Rubio. Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
And congratulations to both of you for your nominations.
Mr. Johnson, I want to go back to the anti-corruption
agenda of the new president of El Salvador, President Bukele,
because it is reminiscent of the election of Jimmy Morales to
be president of Guatemala. Jimmy Morales kind of came out of a
nontraditional political background. President-elect Bukele is
the first to be elected without the support of either side of
the civil conflict in El Salvador for the last 30 years. So he
is coming in, a young, dynamic mayor of San Salvador, without
the traditional political background.
President Morales in Guatemala--anti-corruption was the
lead theme of the campaign. There was a U.N. CICIG, an anti-
corruption organization, already in place when he got there
that he pledged to work together with. Shortly after becoming
president, he has, together with other officials, attacked that
anti-corruption agency over and over again. Those attacks have
often been litigated in the Guatemalan courts, and the courts
of the country have tended to side with the commission rather
than the president. The president and his cabinet ordered the
anti-corruption agency out of the country about 2, 3 months
ago.
So with experience in this region, what might you offer to
us, sort of your thoughts about how the new president of El
Salvador in pursuing a similar strategy, being elected on an
anti-corruption platform, suggesting that we will try to set up
an international independent anti-corruption agency? What might
we do to help that be successful?
Mr. Johnson. Thank you, Senator.
I think corruption is a very serious problem, and it bleeds
off a lot of the resources that could go to other more serious
problems that help drive illegal immigration and prosperity and
violence in the country.
I have not had the opportunity to speak with President-
elect Bukele about the details of his plan moving forward. I
look forward to doing that. Like you, I am extremely encouraged
by the remarks that I have heard him make. I mentioned once
before I do not think one shoe fits all, so I am not sure
exactly how we would bring or the Salvadorans would bring a
commission or an organization of some type together to fight
corruption, but I have to believe he is serious about it.
And I think another thing that is important to keep in mind
with President-elect Bukele--like you said, he did not come
from one of the two major parties that exist in country. The
National Assembly in El Salvador has 84 seats. His party has
10. So his success is going to largely depend upon his ability
to garner support from some of these other parties, and that
remains to be seen. But I feel very positive about his ability
to do that. And I look forward to working with him and with
this body to assist in any way we can.
Senator Kaine. I really appreciate it. It is a tall order.
I lived in Honduras, and there are similar issues there and a
similar commitment by the current government to tackle some of
these issues. And yet, the OAS declared the most recent
presidential elections in Honduras so fundamentally flawed that
the OAS suggested they needed to be re-run. So this is a tall
order for the new government, and I encourage your attention to
it.
If I could ask you, Mr. Fitzpatrick. The Vice President was
there visiting recently President Moreno, and talked a lot
about the economy and this idea of a reactivation of the trade
and investment council. To support President Moreno in his
reforms, one of the best things we could do is help President
Moreno in his effort to build more strength in the Ecuadorian
economy. It has been hit by declining oil prices. Talk a little
bit about the trade and investment council and what we might be
able to do as the United States through that vehicle to help
the economy be more successful.
Mr. Fitzpatrick. Yes, sir. Thank you, Senator.
The United States remains Ecuador's number one trading
partner by far. Free trade and open markets are in our mutual
interest.
As you mentioned, the first meeting of the trade and
investment council occurred I believe in November, the first
time in about 9 years that they actually met. The next time the
council should meet is I believe in June coming forth in
Ecuador.
I believe, if confirmed, there are a number of things I
would like to do to pursue the issues related to the TIC. First
of all, I would like the opportunity to speak directly to the
United States private sector, both in the United States and in
Ecuador, to learn more not just from the briefing papers
frankly, but from the actual participants in international
commerce to understand from them the impediments that they are
still facing, the irritants that exist in our bilateral
commercial relations.
Clearly President Moreno is trying to take a number of
steps to open up their economy, to reengage with the
international global markets. That is all to the good. It is
something we should be encouraging them on. But again, as I
suggested, there are some bilateral irritants, whether it is
access for agricultural products into their market, whether it
is intellectual property rights enforcement, et cetera. There
are a number of issues like that that I think are ripe for us
to consider through the trade and investment council.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
I look forward to supporting you both.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
And Senator Romney turns 49 today. It is his birthday.
Senator Romney. Thank you. I appreciate your noticing that.
And you are 29?
[Laughter.]
Senator Rubio. I feel 30.
[Laughter.]
Senator Romney. Thank you.
I do not think there is any question in people's minds
about the significance of America's role in the world impacting
not just the world but also America. One only need to look at
what is happening in your respective countries that you hope to
represent us in. Clearly the health and well-being of Latin
America has an enormous impact on our country, on our citizens
with regard to everything from gangs like MS-13 to drugs to
trade and so forth. And so I want to express my appreciation to
both of you for your willingness to take on assignments in
these countries and to help foster relations that will improve
the lives of Americans, as well as improve the lives of people
in these wonderful nations.
Mr. Johnson, with the election of a center right president
in El Salvador, there is hope on the part of many that this
might begin a trend and that other nations in Central America
that have been hostile to our interests and hostile to their
own well-being might be encouraged. As I recall, he won without
a runoff, over 50 percent of the vote, first time running for
national office in this nation. And so there are many of us
that have very high hopes that he will be successful, and this
might spread to neighbors.
And I am interested in what your objectives, what your
priorities would be as you look at helping a new president deal
with everything from MS-13 to corruption in his government to
doing his best to keep FMLN from rearing its head again in a
violent way.
And then, Mr. Fitzpatrick, I am interested in a follow-up,
after Mr. Johnson has spoken, about whether there is a growing
trend in Latin America, as you see it, that might be more
beneficial to the people of those nations and to the prospects
of prosperity and peace.
Yes, Mr. Johnson?
Mr. Johnson. Happy birthday, Senator.
Senator Romney. Thank you. You are very kind.
Mr. Johnson. Thank you for the question.
I think it is a very complex issue. There are not a lot of
simple answers, but I have two simple priorities and that is
security and prosperity. And if we look at the other issues,
the violence, the narcotics issues, human trafficking, it all
sort of folds under those two main topics. I can assure you
that will be my priority. I think it will also be the priority
of the new president-elect and his administration.
Like you, I am very excited about the promise that his
election shows, and as we look at other countries in Central
America and in South America, I am very interested in how the
political climate is changing in the region. We have all been
paying a lot of attention on the news recently to the
developments in Venezuela, for example. I think Central
American and South American countries are paying a lot of
attention to that as well. So I think what happens in Venezuela
will have an impact throughout the region.
I think the election in El Salvador will have an impact
throughout the region. And anything that happens regarding
security or the problems that we have discussed in the country
of El Salvador will certainly have an impact on its neighboring
countries in the Northern Triangle and in the upper part of
Central America.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Mr. Fitzpatrick?
Mr. Fitzpatrick. Yes, sir. I would echo much of what Mr.
Johnson said particularly about the priorities of prosperity
and security. Security first. Without security, prosperity
simple is not possible. And one need look no further than
Venezuela for proof positive of that today.
In the case of Ecuador, for counternarcotics purposes, it
is a transit country, not a producing country, but it is
wedged, if you will--Ecuador--between Peru and Colombia, the
number one and two producing nations in the world. Under
President Moreno, he has reengaged with the United States but
also with his immediate neighbors on counternarcotics in a
range of areas. And we look forward to deepening and
strengthening that regional cooperation on this transnational
threat.
Just in the last few months, through his good offices and
interagency support by the United States, we have reinitiated
maritime air patrol activities, and they have already seized
north of 13 metric tons of cocaine on the high seas in Ecuador.
That is just one example of one of the benefits of cooperation.
But frankly, I see it as a simple indicator of the scale of the
threat. If there were 13 metric tons that we were able to seize
in a few flights, how much is getting by?
And so it is incumbent on us, I believe, to double down
with this administration of President Moreno and the Ecuadorian
people who also, as was said earlier, can look 1,000 miles away
and see the threats coming out of Venezuela not only in terms
of their own security, but frankly for their own prosperity and
democratic future.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Rubio. Senator Menendez?
Senator Menendez. Mr. Chairman, I want to wish our
colleague happy birthday. Now that I know that Twinkies is your
favorite dessert, when I need something, I will bring a package
over. So happy birthday.
Mr. Chairman, I have a statement that I would like to be
included for the record.
Senator Rubio. Without objection.
[The prepared statement of Senator Menendez follows:]
Opening Statement Senator Robert Menendez
I want to thank Senators Rubio and Cardin for chairing today's
hearing. I also want to congratulate Mr. Fitzpatrick and Mr. Johnson on
your nominations. Today's hearing is an important opportunity to
discuss relations with Ecuador and El Salvador--two important U.S.
partners.
In Ecuador, are witnessing a transformation. President Moreno
deserves credit for supporting efforts to reinstate presidential term
limits and improve press freedoms. Together, our governments have
resumed counternarcotics and security cooperation, and reinstated the
U.S.-Ecuador Trade and Investment Council to strengthen economic ties.
President Moreno has also shown leadership in recognizing
Venezuelan Interim President Guaido, and we are collaborating to
address the regional impact of Venezuela's migration crisis.
Despite this notable progress, one specific irritant in the
bilateral relationship remains. I will ask Mr. Fitzpatrick about how it
might be resolved and look forward to his response.
Mr. Johnson, if confirmed, you will arrive in San Salvador in a
moment of transition and opportunity for strengthening our bilateral
ties. Since 2014, the U.S. has expanded our engagement with El Salvador
to facilitate the conditions for security and prosperity, and address
the issues forcing people to flee their countries. But, progress has
been piecemeal.
President-elect Nayib Bukele has proposed new initiatives to
strengthen governance and combat impunity, and potentially reverse
President Sanchez Ceren's unfortunate decision to break ties with
Taiwan. These would be welcome developments.
I also look forward to discussing the issue of the TPS designation
for El Salvador. In November 2017, the Trump administration announced
an end to TPS for roughly 195,000 Salvadorans that have been residing
in the U.S. legally since 2001, including more than 6,800 with TPS in
my state of New Jersey. These TPS holders have, by some estimates,
217,000 U.S. citizen children, including and 3,900 U.S.-born children
in New Jersey. While the administration's decision to terminate TPS for
El Salvador is under review by the courts and the administration
extended TPS designations until 2020 in compliance with court
directives, I am concerned about the future of TPS. And, I am very
concerned about how State Department leadership ignored the assessments
and recommendations of our ambassadors.
So, there is much to discuss and I look forward to hearing from
both of our nominees.
Senator Menendez. Congratulations to both of you on your
nominations.
Mr. Johnson, a series of my friends have asked me to be
nice to you as if I am not nice to every nominee that comes
before us.
[Laughter.]
Senator Menendez. So I do not know what he means, but
anyhow, I just want you to know you have friends in the
community.
Mr. Fitzpatrick, last month, the Moreno government reached
initial agreement on a $4 billion IMF package, which would be
in addition to $6 billion in support from the Inter-American
Development Bank, World Bank, and other financial institutions.
What does the magnitude of this financial package say about
the scope of the economic challenges that President Moreno
inherited from his predecessor? And what is your assessment of
the Moreno government's ability to successfully manage and
implement such a major financial package?
Mr. Fitzpatrick. Yes, sir. The $10.2 billion package to be
provided by the IMF and a number of international financial
institutions, as I understand it, is to be spread out over a 3-
year period. It is important for the macroeconomic stability of
Ecuador, and of course, greater economic prosperity in Ecuador
is important to the United States as well.
I think the government of President Moreno took a fair
amount of time in their first year trying to understand the
books, if you will, the financial situation that they were left
with from the Correa administration, and the debt situation
was, undoubtedly, worse than they had been led to believe
initially. But President Moreno has taken strong and I think
courageous steps to reengage with the IMF, to reengage with the
international financial institutions, to seek support from the
United States, and to reopen his economy to the global markets.
That is going to cost him politically I believe in the short
term at home, but longer term, if we walk the walk with them,
if we stand by them through this process, I believe they will
come out stronger at the end.
Senator Menendez. Do you believe they have the ability to
implement such a large package?
Mr. Fitzpatrick. Yes, I believe they do.
Senator Menendez. And will you, as our Ambassador, if
confirmed, to the extent that we are investing some significant
money through these institutions, monitor what is going on as
it relates to implementation of those obligations?
Mr. Fitzpatrick. Absolutely, sir.
Senator Menendez. Let me ask you--I know you addressed
somewhat of this. But with reference to Mr. Assange, what is
your understanding of Wikileaks interference in our 2016
elections?
Mr. Fitzpatrick. Sir, I am very aware of the January 2017
assessment by the ODNI about Wikileaks' involvement in that
working with Russian elements through the GRU to intervene in
and to influence our elections in 2016 through the use of the
GRU, in particular to relay U.S. victim information. Then CIA
Director Pompeo said in April 2017--and of course, he is now my
boss, the Secretary of State. He said it is time to call out
Wikileaks for what it really is, a non-state, hostile
intelligence service often embedded by state actors like
Russia.
Senator Menendez. So you accept the intelligence
community's determination and the Secretary of State's former
comments when he was the CIA Director?
Mr. Fitzpatrick. I do, sir.
Senator Menendez. As such, President Moreno refers to
Assange as an inherited problem, and that is true to an extent.
But what is the Moreno government going to do to manage
Assange's presence and limit his ability to interfere in
foreign elections? And will you make this one of your top
priorities in your intercession with the Moreno government?
Mr. Fitzpatrick. If confirmed, I certainly commit, sir, to
make that a priority, absolutely.
Several months back, the Moreno administration issued a new
set of requirements for their, shall we say, house guest in
their embassy in London. He has now been there 6 and a half
years. But in the fall, a number of additional restrictions
were placed on him, including restricting his access to the
Internet. He, as I understand it, has in some ways separated
himself from Wikileaks, and yet he is still officially the
publisher of Wikileaks and we still hold him responsible for
what Wikileaks does.
Their foreign minister, I understand, has been engaged
directly with the government of the United Kingdom to work out
potential ways to resolve this problem in the short term. I
sense increasing frustration on the part of the government of
President Moreno. He has called this a pebble in the shoe. It
is long past time to take that pebble out of the shoe.
Senator Menendez. It is a big pebble.
Mr. Fitzpatrick. It is a big pebble. It is getting bigger.
Yes, sir.
Senator Menendez. Mr. Johnson, do you believe that the
government of El Salvador has the capacity to guarantee the
safety of more than 195,000 TPS beneficiaries and their 217,000
U.S. citizen children?
Mr. Johnson. Thank you, Senator.
I have not had an opportunity to see it firsthand. I know
that is a lot of people for a small country to absorb,
especially if they were expected to do it all in a short period
of time. That said, I am very clear on what my responsibilities
are in regard to TPS, and that is to provide ground truth on
what the impact might be and on the capacity and the capability
of the government to repatriate its citizens and on the U.S.
embassy's capability----
Senator Menendez. Will you give honest and unfettered
information to your superiors and to this committee, if asked,
about what is the consequences of 400,000 and more people being
returned to El Salvador?
Mr. Johnson. Yes, sir. I take a great deal of pride in
honesty and accuracy, and I will commit to speaking truth.
Senator Menendez. Two final questions, if I may, Mr.
Chairman.
During El Salvador's recent presidential campaign, one of
President-elect Bukele's most popular campaign proposals was
that he would set up an internationally supported commission
against impunity to work with El Salvador's attorney general
investigating and prosecuting some of the politically thorniest
corruption cases. Similar commissions in Guatemala and Honduras
have made real progress with some difficulty.
Do you believe that El Salvador faces challenges with
accountability and impunity, and would you support this
proposal to create an internationally backed commission?
Mr. Johnson. Sir, I have not had an opportunity to speak
with President-elect Bukele. I am encouraged by his words on
anti-corruption. I also understand we have a new attorney
general in El Salvador that I look forward to working with. I
think I can safely say that I would be committed to helping
anyone as they put together a commission or an organization or
a plan that would help stem corruption and impunity in El
Salvador.
Senator Menendez. I appreciate that.
Do you have any direction by the State Department on this
question? Have you been given any direction in your briefings
in preparation of this hearing as to whether this is something
we support or not?
Mr. Johnson. Sir, I have not been given any direction on
that specific issue. I have been given a great deal of help in
assembling information, but not that specific issue, no, sir.
Senator Menendez. Given the extensive cooperation between
Ambassador Manes and former Attorney General Melendez--no
relationship to me. That is an ``l'' not an ``n''--would you
prioritize a close relationship with the new attorney general,
Raul Melara?
Mr. Johnson. Absolutely, sir. I think that is one of those
critical relationships that the embassy will have.
Senator Menendez. I appreciate that.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
I will be the last question unless someone else shows up or
Senator Romney has anything additional, having reserved the
time.
Just on the issue of El Salvador, I would hate for our
relationship to solely be defined by the issue of migration,
but it most certainly is a big one. And I have often argued
that perhaps the best--not that we do not do other things on
border security, but the most effective thing we can do on
border security is to help nations address the reasons why
people are leaving those countries in the first place. We do
not have a migratory crisis from Costa Rica, Chile, Peru,
Argentina. It does not mean we have zero, but it is not the
same pressure. And I think when you look at some of the lowest
levels of growth in investment, El Salvador has the highest
homicide rate in Central America. And it is no surprise that we
are seeing this sort of migratory crisis.
That said, last year, the statistics say that at the
southwest border, the number of apprehensions of Salvadorans
declined, while those from Honduras and Guatemala increased.
So in a two-part question, to what extent has the work we
have done or the security plan El Salvador is attributed to
that decline, and what do we need to do to build on that
progress in El Salvador?
Mr. Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I think that if you look at, in particular, INL's program
in 15 municipalities in El Salvador where they have focused on
the issue of security and building relationships between the
community and the police department and on improvements in the
judiciary system, we have seen the murder rate drop in those
municipalities by over 50 percent. Some are 55 percent and
higher.
What I would propose to do, if confirmed, is spend a great
deal of time looking at what are the best practices in those
municipalities, what are we doing that perhaps is not
contributing, and look to expand the program to other areas,
and look to take resources from things that are maybe not
giving us a lot of impact and apply them to other things that
are showing success. And I agree with you. The numbers are down
from El Salvador, and I think it can be contributed to the
efforts of Plan Seguro El Salvador.
Senator Rubio. And I would just suggest, if confirmed and
when you are there, that is how you could be most helpful to
those of us who continue to advocate for addressing the root
causes of migration and to identify the programs that work best
and I think also would be helpful for the new administration to
be able to address those because it builds on the second part.
I have highlighted about how they have the lowest levels of
growth in investment in the region.
The President-elect recently revealed a national
development plan that calls for a new airport, a new railway
line. It is not clear yet how they plan to pay for it, but the
concern always becomes is that China has become an expert at
swooping in and providing a bunch of money and the workers, by
the way, to their benefit, and then they trap you in this debt
situation. And then they leverage that in international forums
in foreign policy.
If you could briefly describe, first of all, how much of a
focus will that be of your time there to ensure that that does
not happen to our detriment? And second, what can we do from
the embassy to make El Salvador a more attractive place for
other investment partners, including U.S. partners, to be able
to come in and contribute to that?
Mr. Johnson. Sir, I will answer the second part first. I
think to make it more attractive to other investors from the
U.S. and from other countries, we have to establish security.
We have to reduce the amount of extortion that these businesses
are paying, and they have to be able to know they can come
there and hire employees that can come back and forth from work
to home without having to pay gangs to cross their territory.
Regarding China, the bad news is China has expanded its
engagement in the western hemisphere quite a bit in the last 10
years. The good news is it has not proven to be very effective,
and I think there is plenty of evidence if you look at places
where they are heavily invested. And two of those would be
Venezuela and Nicaragua. They have not followed through with
their promises. You frequently see construction projects that
they build that do not provide jobs to local citizens, but they
bring in their own people to do the work. They bring in their
own supplies. They do not purchase local supplies. They do not
have good environmental programs to ensure the environment is
protected. And I think there is plenty of evidence.
My job would be to sit down with the government of El
Salvador with the various people in the legislative assembly
and others in the administration to ensure that they have seen
these examples and that they understand what the risks are of
dealing with China.
Senator Rubio. And I think that is important simply because
we hear complaint from the region, which is you asked us not to
break with Taiwan. You asked us to be wary of Chinese
investment, but you provide no alternative. And so in
particular, you have a new president coming in who needs to
address this. There is money available there from a third
country even if it comes with a lot of strings attached. And
there has not been in the past a feeling that the U.S. or
others have been able to step to the plate and fill the gap. So
any role we can do in that regard--and you have touched on
several of the impediments--is important, and I hope will
become a centerpiece of your service there, if confirmed.
Mr. Fitzpatrick, on the issue of Ecuador, they face one of
the biggest fiscal deficits in all the region. I think it is
about 6 percent of their gross domestic product at least a
couple of years ago. And they are now undergoing, under
President Moreno, efforts to sort of open up the economy and to
seek more private investment. They have announced they are
going to privatize a number of their state companies. He is
also promoting public-private partnerships for government
projects, all this hoping to generate $1.5 billion to $2
billion to investment in infrastructure and telecommunications
and things of this nature.
What is, in your view, the primary obstacles to investment
right now in Ecuador?
Mr. Fitzpatrick. Sir, I think some of the primary obstacles
for American investors in particular is assureties about--well,
first of all, import restrictions, but more broadly, assureties
about getting a fair shake.
You and Mr. Johnson were just discussing the role of China.
Of course, China has been a major player in Ecuador in recent
years. The Ecuadorians have also discovered the potential of a
debt trap with China, but they have also discovered as well, as
was suggested, that the Chinese do not always play well in
terms of labor rights, recognition of environmental rules in
order they play fair in terms necessarily of transparency on
loans and investments.
I believe the United States and the American private
sector, when they are presented a fair playing field, they can
compete and compete strongly and well. And it is our job in the
State Department in particular to go bat for American
companies, to go bat for the American private sector, and to
ensure that they get a fair and transparent hearing. And when
there are indications that they are not and that they are not
able to compete competitively and free and fairly, whether
publicly or privately, we take the issues up, as appropriate,
with the government.
Senator Rubio. And then one more point on the history of
Ecuador. They seemed to have gotten hit twice now. First, a 50-
some odd year, 40-some odd year--I guess 52-53-year--conflicts
inside of Colombia had a huge spillover effect for them and
continue to this day as recently as, I guess, a year ago or so.
There was the abduction of the journalist--the two Ecuadorian
journalists, and then they were later killed. But obviously,
now the spillover effect of Venezuela, a different figure,
between 150,000 and 200,000. We have seen sort of that produce
a local reaction already of some societal pressures within
Ecuador as any country would have of this size when assuming so
many people at once.
What is your understanding of what can be done to help,
obviously, I think it brings to light the reality of the
Venezuela conflict is not just constrained to Venezuela. It has
a regional impact.
So the two-part question is what is the risk and the
threats to Ecuador if in fact that situation in Venezuela
remains unresolved and actually is exacerbated? Say another 2
million people were to leave as the U.N. projects in the next
year or more, and some percentage of those wind up in Ecuador.
What would be the impact to Ecuador?
And second, what does Ecuador need now, given all the other
challenges they are facing with the debt and so forth? What can
we do to be of assistance to them?
So the two-part, what would be the impact if Venezuela is
not resolved and 2 million more people leave, and what can we
do to help them with their current challenges?
Mr. Fitzpatrick. Thank you, Senator. You are quite right to
be concerned about the potential impact.
Ecuador historically has been very open to international
migration through its country--to its country and through its
country. Currently only about a dozen countries in the world--
citizens of a dozen countries are required visas even to travel
to Ecuador. So they are very pro-migration, if you will,
internationally.
That said, I have heard the numbers from the U.N. lately,
as many as 220,000 currently in Ecuador. Obviously, that fluxes
over time. But I think you are right that the numbers are only
likely to increase as the situation in Venezuela gets worse.
There have been some unfortunate recent incidents in
Ecuador of xenophobia and some criminality. It is important
that Ecuadorians I believe continue their openness and
welcoming of Venezuelans and other migrants as they have so
ably and capably welcomed Colombians for so many years, as you
said, fleeing violence next door. But there is no doubt that
given the current situation, economic situation, it is
increasingly difficult for them.
The United States has, therefore, stepped forward with
increasing amounts of humanitarian assistance for Ecuadorian
communities, as well as for the Colombians and Venezuelans that
are now relocated to Ecuador. Currently it is about $20 million
we have provided over the last 2 years. I would imagine as the
situation gets worse in Venezuela, the need will only increase.
So what they need now immediately is continued cooperation
with all their regional partners. Ecuador is hosting a number
of migratory conferences as the region tries to deal with the
outflow from Venezuela. I think some technical assistance, the
skills, the capabilities, the technologies that the United
States can bring to bear would be of help to them.
Senator Rubio. I would just add the Ecuadorian embassy has
told us the number is as high as 280,000. So we started at
150,000. It has climbed to 280,000 in the short time we started
this. Nonetheless, it is a very significant burden for a
country of the size. And by the way, this is not over a 20-year
period. This is over a 3 or 4-year period.
So I think it just calls to mind, in the case of Ecuador,
here we have a new president who has sort of realigned the
nation's foreign policy and practices to be friendlier towards
the United States and their neighbors in the region, but whose
success is threatened by both the preexisting debt issue, which
at some point they may need to have to go to outside finance to
sort of deal with, and secondarily, with this neighboring
crisis, which continues to escalate with an unpredictable
future ahead.
And I just think it, once again, touches on the point that
one of the best things that we could do to help Ecuador, as
well as Colombia and other countries in the region, is do all
we can to be supportive of a democratic transition that brings
stability to Venezuela and takes away this crisis, which
extends beyond Venezuela and actually threatens to severely
harm, if not collapse, the success of the region because
whether it is Ecuador or whether it is Colombia or Peru, these
are important anti-drug partners as well whose ability to
commit resources to that is constrained even further by the
influx of this crisis.
So it is complex but it is an important issue that I think
bears to mind why this is really a regional crisis and not a
localized one.
I tell all of our nominees that the shorter the hearing,
the better the news is for both of you. Usually people that are
going to have some problems have a lot of people show up and
ask a lot of questions, and the crowd is full and the cameras
are here. If I were ever nominated for something, the less
people that are there and the less questions you are asked, the
better sign it is. That has at least been the history. Anything
can happen. But I think you both have done very well today, and
I appreciate both of you coming and giving us the time and your
willingness to continue to serve.
The record of this hearing is going to remain open for
another 48 hours. So it is possible written questions may be
submitted, and I hope we can get those answered if the are
submitted--questions for the record--quickly so we can expedite
this and see when the chairman sets up our next steps.
But, again, thank you both for being here and your
families.
And with that, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:10 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
----------
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Ronald Johnson by Senator Robert Menendez
TPS for El Salvador
On July 7, 2017, the U.S. Embassy in El Salvador sent an
unclassified cable numbered San Salvador 860, with recommendations
regarding Temporary Protected Status for El Salvadorans. The cable
warned that the government of El Salvador lacked the capacity to
guarantee the safety of more than 195,000 TPS beneficiaries or their
217,000 U.S.-citizen children, and that they would be vulnerable to
gang recruitment, as a result. The cable also stated that repatriating
so many people could accelerate unauthorized immigration to the U.S.,
and concluded that it is in the U.S. national interest to extend the
TPS designation for El Salvador. In the end, we know the Trump
administration ignored these assessments and tried to end TPS anyway.
If confirmed, at some point it will be your responsibility to write a
similar cable.
Question. Do you believe the government of El Salvador has the
capacity to guarantee the safety of the more than 195,000 TPS
beneficiaries and their 217,000 U.S. citizen children?
Answer. The Department of Homeland Security provided a delayed
effective date of 18 months for El Salvador to permit an orderly
transition both for those individuals returning home and for the
government. My understanding is the phase-out period will provide TPS
beneficiaries time to arrange for their departure and the government of
El Salvador time to prepare for the reception and reintegration of
their citizens. It is also my understanding that the administration is
expending significant time and effort working with the government of El
Salvador and the other Northern Triangle governments to address the
security and prosperity of Salvadorans and others in the region. I also
understand that the U.S. Embassy in El Salvador has met with host
government counterparts to encourage further development of programs
and services that can facilitate the successful reintegration of their
nationals, including TPS returnees. If confirmed, I will continue to
work closely with the government of El Salvador to strengthen its
ability to safely and successfully reintegrate their returning
nationals and support its security and prosperity-focused efforts.
Question. Do you believe repatriated TPS beneficiaries and their
U.S. citizen children would be vulnerable to gang recruitment in El
Salvador?
Answer. I am concerned with the security situation posed by gangs
in El Salvador, including gang recruitment of minors. I understand the
U.S. government has hosted immigration workshops in El Salvador to
explore challenges and best practices in reintegration. I also
understand that the U.S. Embassy in El Salvador has met with host
government counterparts to encourage further development of programs
and services that can facilitate the successful reintegration of their
nationals, including TPS returnees. If confirmed, I will continue to
work with the government of El Salvador to strengthen its ability to
safely and successfully reintegrate their returning nationals and
ensure the U.S. Embassy is able to assist U.S. citizens, including
minor children.
Question. Do you agree that the destabilizing impact of
repatriating hundreds of thousands of people to El Salvador could
accelerate unauthorized immigration to the U.S.?
Answer. I understand that the multi-year U.S. Strategy for Central
America seeks to address the underlying economic, security, and
governance challenges that contribute to illegal immigration. I also
understand that the U.S. Embassy in El Salvador has met with host
government counterparts to encourage further development of programs
and services that can facilitate the successful reintegration of their
nationals, including TPS returnees. If confirmed, I will work to
redouble the efforts to strengthen El Salvador's ability to reintegrate
all returning nationals, including TPS returnees.
Question. Do you believe that repatriating hundreds of thousands
of people to El Salvador could have the collateral impact of
undermining our bilateral cooperation with the Salvadoran government?
Answer. A secure and stable Central America contributes to a safer
and more prosperous United States by addressing the security,
governance, and economic drivers of illegal immigration in Central
America. If confirmed, I will continue to advance the Department's work
with the government of El Salvador to advance these objectives. I
understand the U.S. Embassy in El Salvador has met with host government
counterparts to encourage further development of programs and services
that can facilitate the successful reintegration of their nationals,
including TPS returnees. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the
government of El Salvador to strengthen its ability to safely and
successfully reintegrate and provide for its nationals, including TPS
returnees.
Question. Do you believe it is in the U.S. national interest to
extend the TPS designation for El Salvador?
Answer. A secure and prosperous Central America contributes to a
safer and more prosperous United States by addressing the security,
governance, and economic drivers of illegal immigration in Central
America. If confirmed, I will continue to work with the government of
El Salvador to strengthen its ability to safely and successfully
reintegrate and provide for its nationals, including TPS returnees.
Taiwan
Question. El Salvador cut its ties to Taiwan and established
sovereign relations with China on August 21 of last year, reducing the
number of countries that still recognize Taiwan to 17. This change was
directly related to growing Chinese influence in the Western
Hemisphere.
What are the prospects for President-elect Nayib Bukele reversing
El Salvador's recognition of Taiwan?
Answer. I have not had the chance to meet President-elect Nayib
Bukele and am not able at this time to assess the likelihood of his
reversing El Salvador's recognition of Taiwan.
Question. What do you think are the prospects for limiting Chinese
influence in El Salvador, and.
Answer. We encourage Latin American leaders to choose high quality,
transparent, inclusive, and sustainable foreign investment, and we want
to ensure development financing does not result in unsustainable debt.
When evaluating types of partnerships and investment relationships,
Latin American leaders must ensure they are getting the best deal for
their country and their people over the long term.
It is my understanding that the U.S. Mission San Salvador has
focused on promoting transparency for government decision-making with
regard to all foreign investments and has been successful in raising
public awareness of the risks connected with corrupt investment
practices and excessive debt. If confirmed I would be a strong advocate
for investments that are transparent, commercially motivated, private
sector-led, and that respect national sovereignty and apply best
international practices. If these practices are followed, the
government of El Salvador will be able to make decisions that benefit
the Salvadoran people and consider the interests of key partners such
as the United States.
Weak Rule of Law/Governance Driving Migration
Question. It is widely understood that poor security conditions
and high levels of violence are drivers of migration in Central
America, but weak rule of law, corruption, and the lack of democratic
governance also contribute to increased migration. I would like to ask
how U.S. policy could support the fight against corruption, strengthen
the rule of law, and ultimately support Salvadoran efforts to create
stable and durable democratic governance.
What is your assessment about how weak rule of law and a lack of
democratic governance drive migration?
Answer. I understand pervasive corruption, impunity, weak
institutions, and lack of transparency erode prosperity and undermine
security in El Salvador. These conditions allow for permissive
environments in which transnational criminal organizations thrive.
Corruption strains a government's ability to address complex security,
economic, and governance challenges--the interrelated root causes that
drive illegal immigration toward the United States. Improving
democratic governance, strengthening institutions and the rule of law,
and tackling corruption and impunity are among the most urgent
challenges that countries like El Salvador face. If confirmed, I will
underscore in my engagement with the Salvadoran government the
importance of its collective action in the fight against corruption.
Question. What is your assessment of the challenges to democratic
governance faced by El Salvador today? Where would you place anti-
corruption efforts as a priority in El Salvador?
Answer. I understand corruption in El Salvador is a significant
problem and is a drag on the economy, weakens government institutions,
hampers the fight against narcotics trafficking and insecurity, and
contributes to illegal migration flows. The successful prosecution of
former President Saca for corruption by former Attorney General
Melendez indicates that parts of the government of El Salvador are
committed to fighting corruption and building strong democratic
institutions. There is much more yet to be done. The U.S. Strategy for
Central America aims to secure U.S. borders and protect U.S. citizens
by addressing the interrelated security, governance, and economic
challenges that drive illegal immigration and illicit trafficking. The
U.S. government supports the fight against corruption by helping to
strengthen government institutions by mentoring prosecutors, training
law enforcement, and providing other technical assistance. If
confirmed, I will continue to prioritize U.S. government efforts to
combat corruption and impunity in El Salvador.
Question. Do you see a role for the U.S. in supporting anti-
corruption efforts, and efforts to strengthen the rule of law? What
tools do you think you would need to further this effort?
Answer. I understand the United States has consistently supported
El Salvador's current and former attorneys general in their efforts to
tackle corruption and prosecute high-level officials for their crimes.
If confirmed, I will continue to support the U.S. government's efforts
to provide training and assistance to Salvadoran institutions to
strengthen the rule of law. My understanding is U.S. assistance seeks
to support more effective, transparent, and accountable judicial
institutions; combat corruption and impunity; promote accountability;
uphold the rule of law; and increase access to justice. If confirmed, I
will continue to support these efforts to build upon U.S. support for
good governance and anticorruption efforts in El Salvador.
International Commission Against Impunity
Question. During El Salvador's recent presidential campaign, one of
President-elect Nayib Bukele's most popular campaign proposals was that
he would set up an internationally-supported commission against
impunity to work with El Salvador's attorney general on investigating
and prosecuting some of the politically thorniest corruption cases.
Similar commissions in Guatemala and Honduras have made real progress,
despite some difficulties.
Do you believe that El Salvador faces challenges with
accountability and impunity?
Answer. I understand pervasive corruption, impunity, weak
institutions, and lack of transparency erode prosperity and undermine
security in El Salvador. These conditions allow for permissive
environments in which transnational criminal organizations thrive.
Corruption strains a state's ability to address complex security,
economic, and governance challenges--the interrelated root causes that
drive illegal immigration toward the United States. I understand
improving democratic governance, strengthening institutions and the
rule of law, and tackling corruption and impunity are among the most
urgent challenges that El Salvador faces. If confirmed, I will
underscore in my engagement with all branches of the Salvadoran
government the importance of their collective action in the fight
against corruption and commit to supporting its efforts to do so.
Question. Will you support President-elect Bukele's proposal to
create an internationally-backed commission to help investigate and
prosecute cases?
Answer. I understand President-elect Bukele expressed a desire to
form an independent anticorruption commission. While it is up to the
Salvadoran people and their leaders to decide what is best for their
country, it is essential any anti-corruption efforts build on El
Salvador's progress to-date in combatting corruption and impunity.
If confirmed, I will continue U.S. support for the Salvadoran
government's efforts to strengthen its institutions to fight corruption
and impunity and will look forward to assessing all available options
related to these priorities to ensure the U.S. can support most
effectively to achieve measurable results.
Collaboration with Attorney General
Question. El Salvador's legislative assembly elected a new
Attorney General just last December, replacing Douglas Melendez, a
proven and brave prosecutor who led several important investigations to
uphold accountability and the rule of law.
Do you believe that El Salvador faces challenges with
accountability and impunity?
Answer. I understand the United States has consistently supported
El Salvador's current and former Attorneys General in their efforts to
tackle corruption and prosecute high-level officials for their crimes.
I also understand that the Current Attorney General, Raul Melara, has
made clear his commitment to partnering with the United States
government to address corruption in El Salvador. If confirmed, I will
continue to support Mission San Salvador's efforts to provide training
and assistance to Salvadoran institutions working to strengthen the
rule of law, including the Attorney General's office.
Question. Will you support President-elect Bukele's proposal to
create an internationally-backed commission to help investigate and
prosecute cases?
Answer. U.S. assistance seeks to support more effective,
transparent, and accountable judicial institutions; combat corruption
and impunity; promote accountability; uphold the rule of law; and
increase access to justice. These efforts seek to build on the recent
Salvadoran successes to combat impunity and transnational organized
crime. If confirmed, I will continue to support these and other efforts
to build upon U.S. support for good governance and anticorruption
efforts in El Salvador.
Promoting the Rule of Law
Question. The recently-approved foreign assistance appropriation
for FY19 includes a section on Central America and is relevant for El
Salvador. As the nominee for Ambassador, I want to make sure that you
are comfortable with it. The language makes clear that we will continue
to provide assistance to El Salvador to help it build democratic
institutions and fight corruption, and that if the government in San
Salvador is not seriously committed to these goals, we will not waste
U.S. taxpayer dollars and will look to move that money elsewhere.
Can you tell the committee what evidence you will be looking for
that the Salvadoran government is serious about fighting
corruption and improving the performance of the judiciary, the
Attorney General's office, and the police?
Answer. A lack of transparency, corruption, weak institutions, and
high impunity rates pose significant obstacles to advancing human
rights, civil society and democracy in El Salvador. Addressing these
issues is essential to effectively combat transnational organized
crime, and will require sustained support and commitment by both the
government and the people of El Salvador. If confirmed, I will continue
the U.S. government's efforts to develop trusted and capable judicial
institutions. Specifically, I would plan to continue to support the
Salvadoran Attorney General in efforts to combat corruption and
criminality and strengthen the capacity of his office and other justice
sector entities.
U.S. assistance has enabled El Salvador to conduct more complex
investigations and become trusted partners of U.S. law enforcement. It
is my understanding that Salvadoran institutions can now deliver high-
impact results due to U.S. support, such as the successful prosecution
of former President Saca for corruption. A continuation of high-impact
investigations and prosecutions would send a strong signal to the
Salvadoran people that their institutions of government will combat
corruption.
MS-13
Question. The administration has focused a great deal of time and
media attention on MS-13, and while there is no doubt that MS-13 is an
important and dangerous actor contributing to crime and violence in El
Salvador, the government has engaged in iron-fisted anti-gang efforts
that can prove counterproductive. El Salvador has one of the region's
largest prison overpopulation rates, and neighborhood sweeps result in
the imprisonment of scores of young men and women, often without
criminal charges. By some estimates, 50% of prisoners in El Salvador
have not been charged with any crime, and these prisoners can wait as
long as two years for release. Moreover, during those two years they
are forced to live in inhumane and dangerous conditions in which they
are forced to join prison gangs simply to survive. As a result, many
are innocent when they enter prison, but find themselves deeply
integrated into criminal life upon their release.
What can the U.S. do to encourage a new approach to Salvador's gang
problems?
Answer. Gang violence and criminality, such as extortion, undermine
the security of El Salvador and have led to a large prison population.
El Salvador also continues to face serious human rights challenges and
the Department, through INL and USAID, is working to help Salvadoran
authorities develop a professional, credible, and effective judicial
system to address corruption, uphold the rule of law, and respect human
rights. The United States works to encourage and assist the Salvadoran
government with institutional reforms that will equip police and
justice entities, including the prisons, to effectively investigate,
prosecute, and hold accountable individuals and organizations,
including gang members, that break Salvadoran law. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with the new administration in El Salvador to
discuss the best way forward on this complex issue to ensure human
rights and the rule of law are upheld while we tackle gang violence and
other pressing security issues.
Question. USAID supports gang prevention and reduction programs,
and there is evidence that these programs have an impact. Will you
continue to support these programs?
Answer. It is my understanding that the U.S. Mission in El Salvador
is working with the government of El Salvador to institutionalize
proven prevention programs,. If confirmed, I would work to support gang
prevention and reduction programs and build the evidence-base for what
works in reducing crime and violence in this region, partnering with
U.S.-based organizations that have proven experience addressing these
types of challenges in gang-ridden cities like Los Angeles and Chicago.
Migration
Question. Salvadorans are leaving their country in very high
numbers, and it's not just single men looking for work. We are seeing,
at our border, a lot of families with children, sometimes children
without their parents.
Can you give us your assessment of why so many people are leaving,
and what can be done to address the conditions--like gang crime
and domestic violence--that contribute to this?
Answer. I understand many Salvadoran citizens continue to undertake
dangerous and illegal journeys to reach the United States often citing
insecurity, limited economic opportunities, and a desire for a better
future as among the reasons why they left El Salvador. I also
understand the U.S. government, as a part of the multi-year U.S.
Strategy for Central America, seeks to assist Central American
governments as they work to address the underlying economic, security,
and governance conditions that drive illegal immigration. If confirmed,
I will continue to prioritize diplomatic engagement and foreign
assistance programs that can help address the drivers of illegal
immigration.
Democracy
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Throughout my over four decades of service to the United
States, I have supported and defended freedom, democracy, strong rule
of law, and the promotion of human rights and individual liberty around
the world, engaging with foreign leaders and citizens in Latin America
and the Middle East. As a military officer, I was responsible for
promoting respect for democracy and human rights in interactions with
foreign personnel and for reporting to my chain of command any known or
suspected violations. Throughout my government service, I have held
numerous leadership positions that required me to teach formal classes
to both U.S. and foreign personnel on human rights, and I have advised
and mentored foreign partners on the importance of gaining the support
of the local population by treating them with respect and fairness.
Most recently, as an advisor to senior military commanders, I briefed
them on human rights allegations to help them prioritize the protection
of human rights as a key component of their interactions with foreign
leaders and organizations.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to
democracy or democratic development in El Salvador? These challenges
might include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as
possible.
Answer. A lack of transparency and government accountability,
endemic corruption, weak institutions, violations of human rights, and
high impunity rates are among most pressing challenges to democracy in
El Salvador.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in El Salvador? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. I believe it is essential for the United States to work
with civil society, business communities, journalists, religious
leaders, and academic institutions in El Salvador to address these
challenges to democracy. If confirmed, I will continue to provide
strong support for the important efforts of the Salvadoran Attorney
General to combat corruption, impunity, and criminality; build judicial
institutions; strengthen the rule of law; and hold government and
security leaders accountable to the Salvadoran people for violations of
the law.
It is my understanding that the Attorney General's office does not
have adequate resources to investigate complicated financial crimes to
investigate high-level corruption and the National Civilian Police
needs more training and additional resources. If confirmed, I will work
to prioritize U.S. government support to address these challenges.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance
resources at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small
Grants program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding,
to support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. U.S. foreign assistance to El Salvador supports the U.S.
Strategy for Central America, which includes security, economic
opportunity, and governance objectives. I understand U.S. government
support has enabled Salvadoran law enforcement to conduct complex
investigations and become better partners for U.S. law enforcement to
more effectively fight crime and tackle gang violence, especially
related to MS-13. Additionally, U.S. assistance combats gang violence
by strengthening the capacity of Salvadoran law enforcement and the
justice sector through a three-pronged approach of community
engagement, institutional reform, and increased information-sharing.If
confirmed, I will work to build the capacity of Salvadoran law
enforcement institutions, increase information-sharing to fight crime
and gang violence, and support the National Civil Police's (PNC)
efforts to provide for greater security and the protection of human
rights for the Salvadoran people.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in El Salvador? What steps will you take to pro-actively
address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via
legal or regulatory measures?
Answer. Yes, I commit to meeting with civil society members, human
rights and other non-governmental organizations in the United States,
with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil society in El
Salvador I also commit to address with the Salvadoran government any
restrictions on the fundamental freedoms and rights of civil society to
advocate with their government.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to meet with democratically-
oriented political opposition figures and parties and encourage genuine
political competition as part of strengthening democratic institutions
and governance in El Salvador. I will advocate for the rights of women,
minorities, and youth to engage in the democratic process.As
demonstrated by the recent presidential election in which outsider
Nayib Bukele won a competitive multiparty race, El Salvador has a
functioning democracy and Salvadorans value their democratic system. If
confirmed, I will be a strong advocate for the rule of law and human
rights that are the foundation of the democratic system. Where
appropriate, I would support election monitoring. I would speak
publicly in favor of free and fair elections and I would encourage the
investigation and prosecution of criminal attempts to violate the
integrity of elections.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with El
Salvador on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in El Salvador?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Mission in El
Salvador to actively engage with the government of El Salvador on
freedom of the press and address any government efforts designed to
control or undermine press freedom through legal, regulatory or other
measures. I also commit to meeting regularly with independent, local
press in El Salvador.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
civil society and government counterparts on countering disinformation
and propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Mission in El
Salvador to actively engage with civil society and government
counterparts on countering disinformation and propaganda disseminated
by foreign state or non-state actors in the country.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with El
Salvador on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Embassy in El
Salvador and actively engage with the government of El Salvador on the
right of labor groups to organize, including for independent trade
unions.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in El Salvador, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do
the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face
in El Salvador? What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in El Salvador?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to using my position to advance U.S.
interests and values and defend the human rights and dignity of all
people in El Salvador, regardless of sexual orientation or gender
identity.
It is my understanding that lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and
queer (LGBTQ) people in El Salvador face discrimination,
marginalization, and violence directed against them. If confirmed, I
will set an example for all mission personnel and for the government
and people of El Salvador in respecting the dignity, value, and
equality of all persons. .I would also encourage the government of El
Salvador to investigate and prosecute all crimes committed, including
those against marginalized populations, to ultimately prevent impunity
and strengthen the rule of law and access to justice for all people.
Administrative
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation
against career employees based on their perceived political beliefs,
prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is
wholly inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If
confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all employees under your
leadership understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other
prohibited personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. Yes, I agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government. Department
employees, like all federal employees, are subject to restrictions on
engaging in partisan political activity while at work and outside of
work. If confirmed, I will ensure that prohibited personnel practices,
including retaliation and blacklisting, will not be tolerated under my
leadership and that all employees understand and are in strict
compliance with federal statutes, the Hatch Act, Department policy, and
federal ethics laws concerning political beliefs or previous work on
policy or affiliation with a previous administration.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. No.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of
sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious,
etc.), or inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you
had supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and
actions taken.
Answer. No.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Ronald Johnson by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. Throughout my over four decades of service to the United
States, I have supported and defended freedom, democracy, strong rule
of law, and the promotion of human rights and individual liberty around
the world, engaging with foreign leaders and citizens in Latin America
and the Middle East. As a military officer, I was personally
responsible for promoting the respect for democracy and human rights in
interactions with foreign personnel and for reporting to my chain of
command any known or suspected violations. Throughout my government
service, I have held numerous leadership positions that required me to
teach formal classes to both U.S. and foreign personnel on human
rights, and I have advised and mentored foreign partners on the
importance of gaining the support of the local population by treating
them with respect and fairness. Most recently, as an advisor to senior
military commanders, I briefed them on human rights violation
allegations against foreign leaders and organizations to help them
prioritize the protection of human rights as a key component of their
interactions with foreign leaders and organizations.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in El
Salvador? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in El Salvador? What
do you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. I believe the most pressing human rights issues in El
Salvador come from organized criminal elements, including local and
transnational gangs and narcotics traffickers. These individuals and
entities commit violent crimes, including murder, extortion,
kidnapping, and human trafficking, and they threaten and intimidate
police, judicial authorities, the business community, journalists,
women, and members of vulnerable populations. I also have serious
concerns regarding allegations of unlawful killings, forced
disappearances, torture at the hands of suspected gang members and
security forces and harsh prison conditions, arbitrary arrest and
detention, and children enslaved in horrific conditions of child labor
If confirmed, I will work to support current U.S. efforts to address
these issues, promote democratic governance and the rule of law,
protect human rights, and partner with the Salvadoran Public Ministry
and civil society to effectively combat corruption and impunity and
achieve greater government transparency and accountability to
Salvadoran citizens, fewer homicides and violent crimes, and less
illegal migration to the U.S.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in El Salvador in
advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. A lack of transparency and government accountability,
endemic corruption, weak institutions, and high impunity rates pose
significant obstacles to advancing democracy, human rights, and the
rule of law in El Salvador. I believe it is essential for the U.S. to
work with civil society, business communities, journalists, religious
leaders, and academic institutions in El Salvador to address these
challenges. If confirmed, I will work to continue strong U.S. support
for the important efforts of the Salvadoran Attorney General to combat
corruption, impunity, and criminality; build judicial institutions;
strengthen the rule of law; and hold government and security leaders
accountable to the Salvadoran people for violations of the law.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in El Salvador?
If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the
Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of
U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities
reinforce human rights?
Answer. Yes, I am committed to and look forward to meeting with
human rights, civil society, and other non-governmental organizations
in the U.S. and with local human rights NGOs in El Salvador.
If confirmed, in accordance with the Leahy law and all applicable
legal requirements, I will work to continue U.S. efforts to thoroughly
vet all foreign security force personnel and units prior to them
receiving U.S. government--funded assistance. If information is found
related to a gross violation of human rights, I will review and
recommend appropriate actions be taken to ensure U.S. taxpayer dollars
follow all applicable U.S. laws and work to assist the Salvadoran
government in bringing the responsible parties to justice.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with El
Salvador to address cases of key political prisoners or persons
otherwise unjustly targeted by El Salvador?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will work with my embassy colleagues
to actively engage with Salvadoran government officials to address
cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted
by the Salvadoran government, especially if they are U.S. citizens.
Question. Will you engage with El Salvador on matters of human
rights, civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will engage with the Salvadoran
government and Salvadoran people on matters of human rights, civil
rights, and democratic governance issues as part of our Mission's
priorities.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in El Salvador?
Answer. No. Neither I, nor any members of my immediate family, have
financial interests in El Salvador.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to leading the team of U.S.
and Salvadorian nationals at Embassy San Salvador and to tapping the
unique and diverse talents each person brings to promote U.S. foreign
policy objectives in El Salvador. At the State Department's core are
its people. The Department is committed to fostering a workforce that
reflects the diverse people it represents. Diversity not only enhances
our effectiveness but also promotes a workplace culture that values the
efforts of all members and enhances the professional experience of our
valued public servants. The Department's diversity efforts are outlined
in its 2016 Diversity and Inclusion Strategic Plan. If confirmed, I
will prioritize a variety of training opportunities, mentoring, and
career development programs to ensure employees have the skills
necessary for current and future work assignments.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. The State Department is committed to equal employment
opportunity (EEO) and ensuring the Department's work environment is
free from prohibited discrimination and harassment in all phases of
employment--including hiring, evaluation, promotion, and training. This
includes improving and enhancing mentorship programs, expanding
outreach to managers who make hiring decisions, and encouraging
collaboration with external partners. If confirmed, I will strongly
communicate the Department's EEO policies in my mission and ensure they
are followed. If confirmed, I will also take advantage of the variety
of programs the Department offers to help supervisors work with a
multicultural staff.
Question. If the Salvadoran president requests U.S. assistance in
forming this commission, how can the U.S. support such an
effort?Answer:
Answer. The U.S. government supports the Salvadoran government's
efforts to combat corruption and impunity. If confirmed, I commit to
working to continue this close collaboration with President-elect Nayib
Bukele and his government to further advance these priorities. I
understand President-elect Bukele has expressed a desire to form an
independent anticorruption commission to build on El Salvador's
progress to-date in combatting corruption and impunity. If confirmed, I
commit to continuing U.S. support for the Salvadoran government's
efforts to strengthen its institutions to fight corruption and impunity
and will look forward to assessing all available options related to
these priorities to ensure the U.S. can support most effectively to
achieve measurable results.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in El Salvador
specifically?
Answer. I understand that pervasive corruption, impunity, weak
institutions, and lack of transparency erode prosperity and undermine
security in El Salvador. These conditions allow for permissive
environments in which transnational criminal organizations thrive.
Corruption strains a government's ability to address complex security,
economic, and governance challenges--the interrelated root causes that
drive illegal immigration toward the United States. Improving
democratic governance, strengthening institutions and the rule of law,
and tackling corruption and impunity are among the most urgent
challenges that countries like El Salvador face. If confirmed, I will
underscore in my engagement with the Salvadoran government the
importance of its collective action in the fight against corruption.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in El
Salvador and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. I understand that corruption in El Salvador is a
significant problem and is a drag on the economy, weakens government
institutions, hampers the fight against narcotics trafficking and
insecurity, and contributes to illegal migration flows. The successful
prosecution of former President Saca for corruption by former Attorney
General Melendez indicates that parts of the government of El Salvador
are committed to fighting corruption and building strong democratic
institutions. There is much more yet to be done. The U.S. Strategy for
Central America aims to secure U.S. borders and protect U.S. citizens
by addressing the interrelated security, governance, and economic
challenges that drive illegal immigration and illicit trafficking. The
U.S. government supports the fight against corruption by helping to
strengthen government institutions by mentoring prosecutors, training
law enforcement, and providing other technical assistance. If
confirmed, I will continue to prioritize U.S. government efforts to
combat corruption and impunity in El Salvador.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen
good governance and anticorruption programming in El Salvador?
Answer. I understand the United States has consistently supported
El Salvador's current and former attorneys general in their efforts to
tackle corruption and prosecute high-level officials for their crimes.
If confirmed, I will continue to support the U.S. government's efforts
to provide training and assistance to Salvadoran institutions to
strengthen the rule of law. My understanding is U.S. assistance seeks
to support more effective, transparent, and accountable judicial
institutions; combat corruption and impunity; promote accountability;
uphold the rule of law; and increase access to justice. If confirmed, I
will continue to support these efforts to build upon U.S. support for
good governance and anticorruption efforts in El Salvador.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to implementing all three
pillars of the Strategy, including economic and governance efforts?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to working to support U.S.
government assistance across all three pillars and furthering our
diplomatic engagement with our Salvadoran partners. The U.S. Strategy
for Central America is a comprehensive effort that takes a holistic
approach to security, economic, and governance drivers of illegal
immigration and illicit trafficking by enhancing regional economic
opportunity, reducing insecurity and violence, and strengthening
democratic institutions. Furthermore, U.S. assistance complements the
$8.6 billion that Northern Triangle countries themselves are investing
to address these goals.
Question. How can the U.S. assist El Salvador in tackling gang
violence while still respecting human rights and the rule of law?
Answer. U.S. government foreign assistance to El Salvador supports
the U.S. Strategy for Central America, which includes both security and
governance objectives. U.S. support has enabled Salvadoran law
enforcement to conduct complex investigations and become better
partners for U.S. law enforcement to more effectively fight crime and
tackle gang violence, especially related to MS-13. Additionally, INL
programs combat gang violence by strengthening the capacity of
Salvadoran law enforcement and justice sector through community
engagement, institutional reform, and increased information sharing. As
a result of these efforts, the homicide rate in El Salvador was reduced
by over 50 percent from 2015 to 2018, and greater information-sharing
between Salvadoran, Guatemalan, Honduran, Mexican, and U.S. law
enforcement entities has resulted in better identification of gang
members, human smugglers, and drug traffickers. I believe that the U.S.
needs to continue these efforts in building capacity of Salvadoran
entities responsible for fighting crime and gang violence while also
prioritizing clear protection for human rights and the rule of law.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure U.S. efforts continue to build
the capacity of Salvadoran law enforcement institutions, increase
information sharing to fight crime and gang violence, and support the
National Civil Police's (PNC) efforts to provide for greater security
and the protection of human rights.
Question. Do you commit to reporting and addressing allegations of
human rights abuses and extrajudicial killings by the Salvadoran
security forces?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to reporting and addressing
allegations of human rights abuses and extrajudicial killings by the
Salvadoran security forces and to proactively supporting the Leahy law
and all applicable legal requirements so that U.S. security assistance
and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights. I also
commit to supporting efforts by Salvadoran authorities to investigate
and hold accountable those responsible for current and past human
rights violations.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Ronald Johnson by Senator Christopher Murphy
Question. Do you agree with the assessment that it's important for
El Salvador to confront the crimes of the past, and will you be
supportive of their doing so?
Answer. Yes, it is important for El Salvador to continue to
confront the crimes of the past and uphold adherence to the rule of
law. I understand the U.S. government supports the efforts undertaken
in El Salvador's judicial system to fairly and independently
investigate, prosecute, and adjudicate historical war crimes and crimes
against humanity, narco-trafficking, and corruption. The search for the
disappeared and ongoing investigations and proceedings in El Salvador
for historical atrocity crimes committed during the internal armed
conflict can restore dignity to victims, inspire trust in state
institutions, and serve as a positive example to countries around the
world about how to address legacies of violence. If confirmed, I will
underscore to the Salvadoran government the importance of ensuring
accountability for crimes of the past through fair and independent
proceedings and support the government's efforts to uphold the rule of
law and bring about justice for victims.
Question. Do you believe El Salvador has major problems with
corruption and impunity, and will you support President-elect Bukele's
proposal to create an internationally backed commission to help
investigate and prosecute cases?
Answer. I understand that pervasive corruption, impunity, weak
institutions, and lack of transparency erode prosperity and undermine
security in El Salvador. These conditions allow for permissive
environments in which transnational criminal organizations thrive.
Corruption strains a state's ability to address complex security,
economic, and governance challenges--the interrelated root causes that
drive illegal immigration toward the United States. I understand that
improving democratic governance, strengthening institutions and the
rule of law, and tackling corruption and impunity are among the most
urgent challenges that El Salvador faces. If confirmed, I will
underscore in my engagement with all branches of the Salvadoran
government the importance of their collective action in the fight
against corruption and commit to supporting its efforts to do so.
The successful prosecution of former President Saca for corruption
by former Attorney General Melendez indicates that parts of the
government of El Salvador are committed to fighting corruption and
building strong government institutions. There is much more yet to be
done. I understand that the U.S. government supports the Salvadoran
government's efforts to combat corruption and impunity. If confirmed, I
commit to working to continue this close collaboration with President-
elect Nayib Bukele and his government to further advance these
priorities. I understand President-elect Bukele has expressed a desire
to form an independent anticorruption commission to build on El
Salvador's progress to-date in combatting corruption and impunity. If
confirmed, I commit continuing U.S. support for the Salvadoran
government's efforts to strengthen its institutions to fight corruption
and impunity and will look forward to assessing all available options
related to these priorities to ensure the U.S. can support most
effectively to achieve measurable results.
Question. What should we be doing to improve their crime fighting
strategies, and to ensure they are a strong effective institution that
respects human rights?Answer:
Answer. U.S. government foreign assistance to El Salvador supports
the U.S. Strategy for Central America, which includes both security and
governance objectives. U.S. support has enabled Salvadoran law
enforcement to conduct complex investigations and become better
partners for U.S. law enforcement to more effectively fight crime,
especially related to MS-13 investigations. U.S. assistance has also
strengthened information sharing between Salvadoran, Guatemalan,
Honduran, Mexican, and U.S. law enforcement entities and resulted in
better identification of gang members, human smugglers, and drug
traffickers. I believe that the U.S. needs to continue these efforts in
building the capacity of Salvadoran entities responsible for fighting
crime while also prioritizing clear protection for human rights and the
rule of law.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure U.S. efforts continue to build
the capacity of Salvadoran law enforcement institutions, increase
information sharing to fight crime, and support the National Civil
Police's efforts to provide for greater security and the protection of
human rights.
Question. Will you support a continuing emphasis in our assistance
programs on these kinds of community based violence prevention
programs?
Answer. Through INL and USAID, the United States provides
comprehensive community-based violence-prevention programs. These
programs seek to engage youth at-risk for migrating to the U.S. or
joining gangs, build relationships between police and communities they
serve, prevent crime recidivism, and support intelligence-led policing,
thorough investigations, and professional prosecutions to achieve
reductions in the rates of homicides and other crimes in El Salvador.
If confirmed, I will work to support current U.S. efforts where I see
measurable impact and results in the communities where we are working,
including community-based violence-prevention programs to support U.S.
interests in El Salvador.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Ronald Johnson by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. Civil society in El Salvador, international human rights
organizations, and investigative journalists repeatedly have expressed
concerns regarding excessive use of force by security officers,
including in units that receive training from the United States:
If confirmed, what concrete actions would you take or what changes
would you make to ensure that Salvadoran security forces uphold
human rights? What thresholds would you use to ascertain
whether that United States should continue to provide security
funding?
Answer. El Salvador faces serious human rights challenges. I
understand the Department of State is working to help the Salvadoran
government develop a professional, credible, and effective police force
that is free of corruption, upholds the rule of law, and respects human
rights. If confirmed, I will be a strong advocate for human rights,
police training and professionalization, and accountability. I would
also report accurately on conditions on the ground and continue to
support U.S. efforts to address human rights challenges by training the
Salvadoran government, and partnering with civil society. I look
forward to assessing all available options related to these priorities
to ensure the U.S. can support effectively to achieve measurable
results.
I understand the State Department conducts Leahy vetting prior to
providing assistance to police or security forces. If confirmed, I
would continue to support the Leahy vetting program to ensure that any
units or individuals that do not meet these standards or are unable to
pass Leahy vetting lose eligibility to receive support from the United
States.
Question. As part of U.S. support for combating corruption and
impunity in Central America, the U.S. Embassy has worked closely with--
and provided increased levels of funding to--the Attorney General's
office and yet, as you stated in your testimony, El Salvador has only
an 11 percent prosecution rate. Civil society organizations in El
Salvador have also documented repeated occasions on which the Attorney
General's office has protected members of the right-wing ARENA party
from investigation and prosecution:
With a new Attorney General who has close ties to the ARENA party,
what role should the U.S. Embassy play with regard to ensuring
that justice is carried out effectively and evenly in El
Salvador? What specific programs and policies should the U.S.
promote in order to improve the justice system?
Answer. Former Attorney General Melendez, with U.S. assistance,
made great strides in the fight against corruption, including the
prosecution of former President Saca and former Attorney General
Martinez for corruption. Current Attorney General Melara just took
office in January and has expressed his desire to partner with the
United States government to address corruption in El Salvador. It is
critical that the United States continue to support the strengthening
of the Attorney General's Office as an institution. The Attorney
General's office needs resources and technical skills to continue
building its investigative capacity to prosecute financial
crimes.Transparency in government operations and tenders is essential
to improving the justice system, thus making impunity impossible. If
confirmed, I would work to continue the U.S. Embassy's efforts to
advocate for fairness and transparency in government processes in El
Salvador.
The Salvadoran people have grown impatient with the lack of
progress against corruption, and on February 3, 2019, the Salvadoran
people elected Nayib Bukele who ran on an anti-corruption platform.
Bukele has expressed a strong interest in cooperating with U.S. anti-
corruption efforts. The United States is currently supporting
anticorruption efforts through both USAID and INL programs, including
cooperating with U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) efforts to
stand up an anti-corruption unit in the Attorney General's office. If
confirmed, I would work to continue strong support to address
corruption and impunity challenges in El Salvador.
Question. In October 2018, a district court judge issued a
preliminary injunction to prevent the federal government from
terminating temporary protected status for several countries, including
El Salvador. The order granting the injunction states, ``terminating
TPS status may have adverse ramifications internationally.'' The judge
points to an October 2017 memo by the Assistant Secretary for
International Affairs in OP&S, which warns, ``returning aliens to
[Nicaragua and El Salvador] would put a strain on these countries'
systems:''
Do you believe that El Salvador is prepared to repatriate its
nationals? Do you agree that the return of its nationals would
put a strain on El Salvador's systems? What types of obstacles
and consequences may occur?
Answer. If confirmed, as with all issues pertaining to our
relationship with El Salvador, I commit to report accurately on the
conditions on the ground, including its ability to receive its
nationals. I understand that the U.S. Embassy in El Salvador has met
with host government counterparts to encourage further development of
programs and services that can facilitate the successful reintegration
of their nationals, including TPS returnees. If confirmed, I will
continue to work with the government of El Salvador to strengthen its
ability to safely and successfully reintegrate and provide for its
nationals, including TPS returnees, as well as to ensure the U.S.
Embassy in El Salvador is able to assist U.S. citizens, including minor
children, who may accompany TPS returnees.
Question. You stated in your testimony that you were in El
Salvador in 1984 with the U.S. Armed Forces. How would you evaluate
U.S. policy in El Salvador at that time in terms of its successes and
failures? What lessons from that era can we apply to our contemporary
bilateral relations?
Answer. As a military officer, I was personally responsible for
demonstrating respect for human rights in all interactions with foreign
personnel and for reporting any known or suspected violations during my
service in El Salvador. Throughout my over four decades of service of
the United States, I have supported and defended democracy around the
world, engaging with foreign leaders and populations to highlight the
virtues of democracy and a rules-based system without impunity. The
United States is the example that many seek to emulate and it is
important for us to remain engaged and to ensure that we set the right
example and demonstrate American values in everything we do.
During my career, I observed that when U.S. assistance is linked to
demonstrable and verifiable progress, we can make a lasting impact.
When we do not measure results, results are ephemeral at best. In El
Salvador, the United States played a key role in the 1992 peace accords
that led to a democratic society. Since then, El Salvador has had six
peaceful transitions of power, including the ongoing transition to
President-elect Nayib Bukele who won a competitive multiparty race on
February 3, 2019. Our persistent and constructive engagement in El
Salvador eventually helped create the basis for peace. The huge loss of
human life during the civil war has hindered development in El Salvador
to this day and explains much of the country's security and economic
problems. However, I believe the country is now on the verge of
compounding the slow progress it has been making and is ready to move
forward rapidly to address its security, prosperity, and governance
challenges. President-elect Nayib Bukele has asked for continued
engagement and support from the United States and has stated his desire
to be a model small-nation partner with the United States. We should
constructively embrace his offer, remain engaged, and, above all,
continue to live and represent our values in El Salvador.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michael Fitzpatrick by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What does the magnitude of this financial package say
about the scope of the economic challenges that President Moreno
inherited from his predecessor?
Answer. The IMF fiscal package of $4.2 billion, together with
approximately $6 billion from other international financial
institutions, offers the Ecuadorian government low-cost finance and
expert advice on how to reorient the Ecuadorian economy toward a
market-led model. The Moreno government has exerted significant efforts
to resolve legacy issues, including debts, left by the Correa
administration. Public spending is unsustainable, with persistent
public deficits. Heavy tax burdens, complex bureaucracy, and inflexible
labor laws constrain growth.
To respond to these challenges, President Moreno and his economic
team adopted an economic plan (Plan Prosperidad) that focuses on
reducing government spending and financing the government in a fiscally
responsible manner while promoting economic growth and increasing
support for social programs.
If confirmed, I will work to support to the Moreno government's
efforts as they seek to address these economic challenges.
Question. What is your assessment of the Moreno government's
ability to successfully manage and implement this major financial
package?
Answer. The Moreno government possesses an economic team of
capable, pragmatic advisors with experience in the private sector,
including Economic Minister Richard Martinez and Trade Minister Pablo
Campana, who are committed to see through the successful implementation
of Plan Prosperidad and the international financial institutions'
support package. The international institutions financing the
assistance package have pledged technical support to the Moreno
government throughout its implementation.
Question. If confirmed, what efforts would you take to help USAID
reopen its offices in Ecuador?
Answer. USAID and U.S. Department of State assistance in Ecuador
enhances the ability of diverse civil society actors to work
effectively and collaboratively, including with the Ecuadorian
government, to encourage good governance, protect human rights and
fundamental freedoms, promote transparency, deter corruption, and
strengthen legislative and judicial institutions.
If confirmed, I will engage the Moreno government and USAID
colleagues to continue efforts to identify areas for cooperation and
ensure judicious investment of U.S. government funding and gear
technical assistance towards preserving and furthering democratic
freedoms in Ecuador. I will look for opportunities to expand Ecuador's
inclusion in regional USAID initiatives, and will continue working
towards the re-establishment of a USAID staffing presence in our
Embassy.
Question. What is your assessment of Ecuador's ability to manage
this massive influx of Venezuelan refugees?
Answer. In line with its human mobility policy, Ecuador generously
hosts the largest number of recognized refugees in Latin America,
approximately 67,000 Colombian refugees, even as it continues receiving
and providing services to growing numbers of Venezuelan refugees and
migrants. According to official Ecuadorian government statistics, more
than 950,000 Venezuelans legally entered Ecuador in 2018, a 231 percent
increase over the 288,005 who entered in 2017. As of March 10, more
than 87,000 Venezuelans have legally entered Ecuador thus far this
year. An estimated 20 percent remain in Ecuador, with the rest
continuing on to Peru or Chile. The Ecuadorian government and
International Organization for Migration estimate about 300,000
Venezuelans are now living in Ecuador. International organizations
report Venezuelans are arriving ill, malnourished, in need of shelter,
and vulnerable to human trafficking.
The government of Ecuador has shown political will to continue
hosting migrants and refugees, but it lacks the resources and capacity
for a sustained response to the large influx of Venezuelans entering
its country in addition to its existing population of Colombian
refugees and migrants. Venezuela's neighbors have worked together to
respond to the exodus of Venezuelans fleeing the political repression
and economic disaster caused by the former Maduro regime. The
Ecuadorian government has convened a series of regional technical
meetings, called the ``Quito Process,'' to discuss entry and
regularization requirements for Venezuelans, as well as a regional
donor conference to discuss funding needs. It is clear that Ecuador, as
a small country with its own serious economic problems, will need
continued international support to bear the burden of hosting an
unprecedented number of refugees and migrants
Question. If confirmed, what type of cooperation with the Moreno
government would you prioritize in order to support their efforts to
address the Venezuelan migration crisis and uphold their international
commitments?
Answer. It is my understanding that sustained levels of
international assistance will be necessary to support Ecuadorian
efforts to effectively address the Venezuelan refugee and migration
crisis and uphold their international commitments. If confirmed, I will
continue to prioritize efforts that help strengthen the government of
Ecuador's capacity to identify, assist, and provide protection to the
most vulnerable Venezuelan refugees and migrants. Since 2018, the
United States has provided more than $15 million in humanitarian
assistance to protect and assist Venezuelans in Ecuador. These funds
provide emergency food, medicine, education, and protection to the most
vulnerable Venezuelans and are in addition to nearly $5 million in
targeted humanitarian assistance for Colombian refugees and migrants in
Ecuador.
If confirmed, I will urge the Ecuadorian government to continue
working closely with various humanitarian organizations, and other
international and non-governmental organizations, to ensure the
delivery of life-saving aid to Venezuelans and other vulnerable
migrants and refugees and to assist in their integration into
communities in Ecuador. I would also engage both publicly and privately
with governmental and non-governmental opinion makers to ensure
sustained support for continued international coordination in response
to the crisis in Venezuela.
Question. What is your understanding of WikiLeaks interference in
our 2016 elections?
Answer. It is my understanding that Julian Assange and WikiLeaks
have engaged in hostile activities with the intent to undermine U.S.
democracy and national security. I am aware of the ODNI's January 6,
2017 ``high confidence'' assessment that Russian efforts to influence
the 2016 U.S. presidential election included the use of the Russian
military's General Staff Main Intelligence Directorate (GRU) to relay
U.S. victim data obtained in cyber operations to WikiLeaks.
I am also aware of that report's assessment that ``the Kremlin's
principal international propaganda outlet RT has actively collaborated
with WikiLeaks. I am aware that, according to Russian and Western
media, the RT editor-in-chief visited WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange
in August 2013 at the Ecuadorian embassy in London, where they
discussed renewing his broadcast contract with RT. I have read a number
of media reports detailing Mr. Assange and WikiLeaks' interference with
the domestic politics of a number of other countries, including some
U.S. allies.
Question. WikiLeaks head Julian Assange has been in Ecuador's
Embassy in London since 2012 and President Moreno refers to Assange as
an ``inherited problem.'' What is the Moreno government doing to manage
Assange's presence and limit his ability to interfere in foreign
elections?
Answer. The Ecuadorian government has said publicly that Mr.
Assange must respect the conditions of his asylum, which include not
interfering in the internal political affairs of third countries. In
March 2018, the Ecuadorian government cut off Assange's internet access
after he violated an agreement not to interfere in the internal affairs
of other states by making statements on social media that the
Ecuadorians assessed ``put into risk their good relations with the
United Kingdom, EU states, and other nations.''
Answer. In October 2018, the Ecuadorian government gave Assange a
set of protocols to address his visits, communications, and medical
care; the document states that violation of the protocols could be
grounds for terminating his asylum. The protocol stipulates
restrictions on Assange's internet access and prohibits political
interference in the affairs of other nations or Ecuador's bilateral
relations. In February, Foreign Minister Jose Valencia publicly stated
it was not feasible for Mr. Assange to remain in their Embassy in
London indefinitely and that the situation needed to be resolved as
soon as possible.
Question. Do you commit to make Assange's ongoing presence in the
Ecuadorian Embassy in London a priority in your interaction with the
Moreno government? And, do you commit to keeping members of this
committee and our staff informed about your efforts?
Answer. Mr. Assange's harmful activities undermine the national
security of the United States and our allies. If confirmed, I will
continue to raise at every appropriate opportunity our significant
concerns regarding Mr. Assange and urge rapid resolution of the issue
with senior officials in the government of Ecuador. I also commit to
keeping members of this committee and staff informed about our ongoing
efforts.
Question. What do these incidents say about China's environmental
record in Ecuador and Latin America at large?
Answer. Alleged incidents of Chinese illegal fishing in Ecuadorian
waters and in fragile eco systems like the Galapagos, demonstrate
China's poor environmental record in Latin America. The Ecuadorian
government remains seriously concerned by the threat illegal Chinese
fishing incursions pose to its country's national resources, and is
making a good faith effort to control fishing in its territorial waters
and exclusive economic zone despite limited resources and capabilities.
If confirmed, I will stress that Chinese investments and activities
need to adhere to international best practices on environmental impacts
as well as transparency, rule of law, and financial sustainability.
Question. How can the U.S. support the government of Ecuador's
efforts to counter China's illegal shark fishing?
Answer. The United States government works with the Ecuadorian
fisheries service and the Ecuadorian Navy to improve monitoring of
illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing. Ecuador's renewed
openness and interest to collaborate with the United States provides
opportunities to deepen cooperation on illegal fishing.
It is my understanding that Ecuador has reached out to the United
States to inquire about purchasing more vessels and radars to assist
with maritime surveillance. I believe we should explore options that
help the Ecuadorian government improve its maritime capabilities. We
could also assist the Ecuadorian government by providing technical
assistance to improve their judicial capacity to handle illegal fishing
cases. In addition, the United States could encourage Ecuador to expand
its regional coordination efforts, both diplomatic and military, to
stem the threat of Chinese fishing depredation.
Question. What do you view as the next steps for restoring
democratic institutions and norms in Ecuador, and what do you see as
the United States' role in supporting these efforts?
Answer. The continued restoration of democratic institutions and
norms in Ecuador will require our sustained engagement with both the
Ecuadorian government and civil society. U.S. assistance seeks to
preserve democratic freedoms, increase broad-based citizen engagement
with the national and local government, strengthen legislative and
judicial institutions, and support civil society organizations' work to
promote and defend human rights and promote transparency and deter
corruption within government institutions. It is critical that this
work continue.
If confirmed, I will use all the tools at my disposal to assist the
government of Ecuador and the nation's citizens in addressing their
democratic governance challenges. I am a firm believer in the critical
importance of civil society and private sector initiatives to promote
government transparency and accountability to the people. The United
States promotes its own interests when it supports Ecuador through
professional and educational exchanges, and when it makes public
statements and engages privately with a wide variety of actors,
including government officials, journalists, business leaders, civil
society representatives, and the international community. Such
engagement deepens our bilateral relationship and helps us promote U.S.
national interests in Ecuador.
Question. What next steps would you look to take with the aim of
further deepening security cooperation with Ecuador?
Answer. The United States shares Ecuadorian President Lenin
Moreno's interests in combating transnational crime and
narcotrafficking and promoting regional security. If confirmed, I will
seek to deepen our security cooperation with Ecuador by building on the
well-established law enforcement relationships and arrangements already
in place.
If confirmed, I will work with the Ecuadorian government to improve
information sharing and identify ways we can advance our mutual goal of
combatting narcotrafficking and transnational organized crime. The
establishment of the Office of Security Cooperation and INL funding
will significantly assist our efforts. I will look for opportunities to
increase scheduled training, including through the U.S.-Colombia Action
Plan for Regional Security Cooperation (USCAP), and support greater
Ecuadorian-Colombian cooperation and coordination. U.S. continued
financial support for operations and training will increase Ecuador's
ability to combat its security challenges. In addition, if the Defense
Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA) acts to reinstate Ecuador's access
to dependable undertaking, it would expedite the Ecuadorians ability to
acquire the capabilities needed to be a reliable partner in the region.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. The defense of human rights and democracy by the United
States, and their promotion, have been constant priorities in my
career, as a political officer serving repeatedly in conflict zones.
Very early on, I learned that a country's human rights development and
its construction of effective democratic institutions were some of the
most critical ways to advance U.S. long-term interests and values
abroad. I also determined that honest recognition--not just by us but
also by our international partners--of the nature and extent of
shortcomings is an essential precondition for the political will
necessary to make the tough choices required to ensure lasting
improvements. My political reporting and advocacy on these issues won
Department-wide awards as both a junior-level officer in Peru and as a
mid-level officer in Colombia. Most importantly, my work informed U.S.
policy choices and the development and execution of U.S. bilateral
efforts in difficult circumstances.
The promotion of human rights and democracy has continued to be an
integral part of my own diplomatic efforts a senior officer. As Deputy
Chief of Mission in Paraguay, I took specific steps to ensure that all
Paraguayan power centers respected the nation's 2008 election of an
opposition presidential candidate (after 61 straight years of Colorado
Party rule), both as the time of the election, throughout the
transition, and following the inauguration. As Deputy Chief of ission
in Peru, I helped the Peruvian government recruit, train, and deploy an
innovative U.S.-supported, interagency jungle task force to pursue
heavily armed narcotics traffickers, and this task force pioneered
Peru's inclusion of fully integrated judicial prosecutors to ensure all
operations were conducted legally and with public accountability. While
leading our Mission to the Organization of American States (OAS) and
then again as Deputy Assistant Secretary, I worked closely with
Venezuelan democratic forces to defend human rights and promote
democratic principles and institutions in the face of sustained attacks
by the illegitimate Maduro regime. These efforts, undertaken publicly
and privately, at the OAS and with bilateral partners throughout the
Americas, in Europe, and elsewhere, contributed significantly to the
international repudiation and isolation of the Maduro regime, and laid
the groundwork for a future Venezuelan transition to democracy.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to
democracy or democratic development in Ecuador?
Answer. President Lenin Moreno's reform agenda includes important
steps to advance democracy in Ecuador. Since taking office in May 2017,
Moreno has advanced participatory democracy, supported greater press
freedom, and repealed several pre-existing authoritarian decrees that
stifled dissent and unduly restricted freedoms of speech and
association. Nevertheless, challenges remain, including a lack of
independence in the judicial sector and the need to build capacity
among judges and legislators. An inconsistent application of the rule
of law remains another challenge, as does the need to expand the reach
of effective democratic governance.
If confirmed, I will use all the tools at my disposal to assist the
government of Ecuador and its citizens in addressing these democratic
governance challenges.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Ecuador? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. The Ecuadorian government under President Moreno has shown
a genuine commitment to addressing many human rights and democratic
governance challenges. If confirmed, I will encourage the Ecuadorian
government to continue its efforts to improve press freedoms, build
greater democratic governance and stronger institutions accountable to
the Ecuadorian people, and urge consistent application of the rule of
law and greater social inclusion and respect for human rights.Obstacles
to the challenges facing Ecuador today will require greater citizen
engagement from the Ecuadorian people themselves, civil society, and
the business community, to hold the government accountable and urge
specific reforms. If confirmed, I will work to support civil society
initiatives that promote transparency and accountability; facilitate
the sharing of best practices through professional and educational
exchanges; and encourage Ecuador's democratic progress through public
statements and private engagement with a wide variety of actors,
including government officials, journalists, business leaders, civil
society representatives, and the international community.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance
resources at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small
Grants program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding,
to support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use U.S. government assistance to
preserve and expand democratic freedoms, increasing broad-based citizen
engagement with national and local government. U.S. assistance in
Ecuador enhances the ability of diverse civil society actors to work
effectively and collaboratively, including with the Ecuadorian
government, to encourage good governance, protect human rights and
fundamental freedoms, promote transparency, and strengthen legislative
and judicial institutions. I commit to working closely with all of our
partners in Ecuador, and all relevant agencies of the U.S. government,
to ensure every dollar of U.S. assistance is used wisely and in
accordance with U.S. interests in the hemisphere.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Ecuador? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I promise to engage with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
United States, and with local human rights NGOs in Ecuador on human
rights, including civil rights and democratic governance. I also commit
to engage with the Ecuadorian government, at the highest level
necessary, if measures result in restricting NGOs and civil society.
Continuing diplomatic engagement is crucial to ensuring Ecuador's
democratic reforms reflect international standards and obligations to
protect human rights.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to meet with the full range of
democratic political and non-governmental organizations and figures,
including democratically oriented political opposition figures and
parties, and advocate for access and inclusivity for women, minorities,
and youth within political parties. To encourage genuine political
competition, I will advocate for full respect for freedoms of
expression, including for members of the press, and peaceful assembly,
as well as genuinely free and fair, electoral processes.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Ecuador on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Ecuador?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I promise to engage the Ecuadorian
government, at the highest levels, and civil society to promote freedom
of expression, including for members of the press. I also commit to
meeting regularly with independent, local press, and will encourage my
embassy staff to do the same.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
civil society and government counterparts on countering disinformation
and propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will engage with civil society and
government counterparts on countering disinformation and malign
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in
Ecuador, and I will ensure my embassy team does the same.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
Ecuador on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed I will actively engage with the
Ecuadorian government at the highest level on the right of members of
labor groups, including independent trade unions, to organize.
Ecuador's eligibility for the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP)
trade program is contingent, in part, on taking steps to afford
internationally recognized worker rights, including the right to
organize.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Ecuador, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do the
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in
Ecuador? What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ people
in country Ecuador?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to advance U.S. interests and values
and defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Ecuador,
regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity. It is my
understanding that LGBTI individuals face high levels of bias-motivated
violence and discrimination, particularly in education, employment, and
access to health services. If confirmed, I will engage with the Ecuador
government and civil society on matters of human rights for all people,
including marginalized groups. I also commit to ensuring that Mission
Ecuador itself serves as a model in respecting the dignity, value, and
equality of all persons regardless of sexual orientation or gender
identity. I will work with the Ecuadorian government to continue to
advance efforts to end violence and discrimination against all
marginalized groups, including LGBTI individuals, through a variety of
approaches, including programming, regular diplomatic engagement,
cooperation with other diplomatic missions, including U.N. agencies,
and multi-level engagement with interlocutors throughout the
government.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation
against career employees based on their perceived political beliefs,
prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is
wholly inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If
confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all employees under your
leadership understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other
prohibited personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. Yes, I agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government. Department
employees, like all federal employees, are subject to restrictions on
engaging in partisan political activity while at work and outside of
work. If confirmed, I will ensure that prohibited personnel practices,
including retaliation and blacklisting, will not be tolerated under my
leadership and that all employees understand and are in strict
compliance with federal statutes, the Hatch Act, Department policy, and
federal ethics laws concerning political beliefs or previous work on
policy or affiliation with a previous administration.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. I am not aware of any such complaints.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of
sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious,
etc.), or inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you
had supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and
actions taken.
Answer. I do not recall an instance of such concerns against a
specific employee I supervised. I have long worked to ensure a
workplace free of harassment and discrimination of any kind.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michael Fitzpatrick by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. The defense and human rights and democracy by the United
States, and their promotion, have been constant priorities in my
career, as a political officer serving repeatedly in conflict zones.
Very early on, I learned that a country's human rights development and
its construction of effective democratic institutions were some of the
most critical ways to advance U.S. long-term interests and values
abroad. I also determined that honest recognition--not just by us but
also by our international partners--of the nature and extent of
shortcomings is an essential precondition for the political will
necessary to make the tough choices required to ensure lasting
improvements. My political reporting and advocacy on these issues won
Department-wide awards as both a junior-level officer in Peru and as a
mid-level officer in Colombia. Most importantly, my work informed U.S.
policy choices and the development and execution of U.S. bilateral
efforts in difficult circumstances.
The promotion of human rights and democracy has continued to be an
integral part of my own diplomatic efforts a senior officer. As Deputy
Chief of Mission in Paraguay, I took specific steps to ensure that all
Paraguayan power centers respected the nation's 2008 election of an
opposition presidential candidate (after 61 straight years of Colorado
Party rule), both as the time of the election, throughout the
transition, and following the inauguration. As Deputy Chief of Mission
in Peru, I helped the Peruvian government recruit, train, and deploy an
innovative U.S.-supported, interagency jungle task force to pursue
heavily armed narcotics traffickers, and this task force pioneered
Peru's inclusion of fully-integrated judicial prosecutors to ensure all
operations were conducted legally and with public accountability. While
leading our Mission to the Organization of American States (OAS) and
then again as Deputy Assistant Secretary, I worked closely with
Venezuelan democratic forces to defend human rights and promote
democratic principles and institutions in the face of sustained attacks
by the illegitimate Maduro regime. These efforts, undertaken publicly
and privately, at the OAS and with bilateral partners throughout the
Americas, in Europe, and elsewhere, contributed significantly to the
international repudiation and isolation of the Maduro regime, and laid
the groundwork for a future Venezuelan transition to democracy.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in
Ecuador? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in Ecuador? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. President Lenin Moreno's reform agenda includes important
steps to address human rights concerns in Ecuador. Since taking office
in May 2017, Moreno has advanced participatory democracy, supported
greater press freedom, and repealed several pre-existing authoritarian
decrees that stifled dissent and unduly restricted freedoms of speech
and association. Nevertheless, challenges remain, including a lack of
independence in the judicial sector and the need to build capacity
among judges and legislators. An inconsistent application of the rule
of law remains another challenge, as does the need to expand the reach
of effective democratic governance.; Trafficking in persons remains a
serious challenge, as does discrimination against historically
marginalized groups and violence against women and children, Afro-
Ecuadorians, indigenous, and LGBTI persons.
If confirmed, I will use all the tools at my disposal to assist the
government of Ecuador and its citizens in addressing its human rights
and democratic governance challenges. In particular, I believe in the
critical importance of civil society and private sector initiatives to
promote government transparency and accountability to the people. The
United States promotes its own interests when it supports Ecuador
through professional and educational exchanges, and when it makes
public statements and engages privately with a wide variety of actors,
including government officials, journalists, business leaders, civil
society representatives, and the international community. Such
engagement deepens our bilateral relationship and helps us promote U.S.
national interests in Ecuador.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Ecuador in
advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. The Ecuadorian government under President Moreno has shown
a real commitment to addressing many human rights and democratic
governance challenges. Obstacles to the challenges I mentioned earlier
will require greater citizen engagement from the Ecuadorian people
themselves, civil society, and the business community, to hold
government accountable and urge specific reforms. If confirmed, I will
encourage the Ecuadorian government to continue its efforts to improve
press freedoms, build greater democratic governance and stronger
institutions accountable to the Ecuadorian people, and urge consistent
application of the rule of law and greater social inclusion and respect
for human rights.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Ecuador? If confirmed, what steps will you
take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will continue the United States'
longstanding practice of closely engaging Ecuadorian civil society to
ensure I remain attuned fully to the priorities of Ecuadorian citizens
on human rights and democratic governance. I commit to working closely
with the Ecuadorian government, civil society, and all relevant
agencies of the U.S. government to ensure the wise use of every dollar
of U.S. assistance, in accordance with all applicable legal
requirements, including the Leahy Law.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Ecuador to address cases of key political prisoners or persons
otherwise unjustly targeted by Ecuador?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed I commit to actively engaging with the
government of Ecuador to address cases of any key political prisoners
or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by the Ecuadorian government,
especially if they are U.S. citizens.
Question. Will you engage with Ecuador on matters of human rights,
civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to engage the Ecuadorian government
and Ecuadorian people on human rights, civil rights, and democratic
governance issues as part of our Mission's priorities. Sustained U.S.
diplomatic engagement is critical to ensure that Ecuador upholds its
commitments to human rights, rule of law, and democratic governance.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in the Ecuador?
Answer. My investment portfolio consists of diversified mutual
funds. The diversified mutual funds are exempt from the conflict of
interest laws. Even with that said, I am committed to ensuring that my
actions will not give rise to a conflict of interest, and I will remain
vigilant with regard to my ethics obligations.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. If confirmed, I will consider candidates from diverse
backgrounds when seeking to fill high-level positions at the U.S.
Mission, as I have done in past assignments. I am committed to
promoting, mentoring, and supporting all staff members, especially
those from diverse backgrounds and under-represented groups. I believe
discrimination in the workplace harms both individual employees and the
larger institution. I recognize that each individual employee brings
unique strengths, and I will seek to foster a work environment that
both reflects and draws upon the rich composition of America's
citizenry.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I will take steps to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy fosters a diverse and inclusive work
environment. Doing so helps build greater unity within the Mission and
allows us to support U.S. interests in Ecuador more effectively. I will
communicate these priorities directly to and through Embassy
supervisors, supporting greater mentoring for staff, and using employee
performance reviews as avenues to encourage a diverse, inclusive, and
supportive work environment.
Question. How does political corruption affect democratic
governance and the rule of law?
Answer. Political corruption left unchecked, without transparency
and accountability to citizens, erodes democratic governance and the
rule of law, exacerbates social conflict, enables human rights abuses,
and undermines public confidence in the democratic system. Over the
past year, we have seen politicians and senior executives tried,
convicted, and imprisoned on corruption charges, with several others
currently under investigation for the embezzlement of funds,
irregularities in procurement, and bribery. The country is in the midst
of rebuilding its democratic institutions and capacity now because of
the corrosive effects of political corruption in the past.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Ecuador
and efforts to address and reduce them by the government of Ecuador?
Answer. The Ecuadorian government under President Moreno has shown
a genuine commitment to addressing the widespread corruption that has
long plagued Ecuador and undermined confidence in government
institutions. In the last year, we have seen politicians and senior
executives tried, convicted, and imprisoned on corruption charges, with
several others currently under investigation for the embezzlement of
funds, irregularities in procurement, and bribery.
Since taking office, President Moreno has encouraged press
reporting on corruption and has supported the independence of
government oversight bodies and of the judiciary. He supported the
prosecution of government officials involved in the Odebrecht
corruption scandal, which led to a six-year jail sentence for his
former vice president, Jorge Glas. He has also taken steps to join the
Open government Partnership, a global pact that promotes transparency
and accountability in government practices. Ecuador further seeks to
join the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI).
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen
good governance and anticorruption programming in Ecuador?
Answer. If confirmed, I will take efforts to continue U.S. support
of the Moreno administration in its work to strengthen democratic
governance, encourage greater press freedoms, and fight corruption and
impunity. I will also support U.S. assistance for effective programs
that can show measurable results in helping the Moreno government
accomplish these priorities and increase public transparency,
strengthen judicial and legislative institutions, and encourage greater
civil society participation in the political process.
Question. Aside from Venezuela, are there any other global issues
where you view Ecuador as a potential U.S. partner?
Answer. The United States has clear interests in Ecuador: it has
vast hydrocarbons, mining resources, and renewable energy; it has a
dollarized economy; and it is strategically important as a South
American transshipment point for U.S.-bound illegal drugs and precursor
chemicals. The United States and Ecuador have significant opportunities
for greater partnership, from pursuing greater energy security to
addressing increased narcotics trafficking and dismantling
transnational criminal organizations. In addition, the promotion of
human rights is a priority for the Moreno administration. In the past
year, we have seen an important shift in Ecuadorian voting behavior on
human rights-related issues at the OAS and United Nations, including
support of human rights and democratic governance in statements or
votes on Nicaragua, North Korea, and Syria. The Ecuadorian government
has condemned publicly the state of human rights in Nicaragua and
engaged the Ortega regime to urge respect for the fundamental rights of
Nicaraguans, dialogue with the opposition, and respect for democratic
institutions. Ecuador will likely continue playing an important
regional role on human rights, particularly through its participation
in the OAS Permanent Council Working Group on Nicaragua, which has
pursued a peaceful and sustainable solution to the crisis there.
Question. How can we continue to engage with the Ecuadorian
government and civil society to consolidate the democratic gains that
have been made over the past two years?
Answer. Continued U.S. technical assistance and training for
government officials and civil society will be crucial to the Moreno
administration as it implements its reform agenda and the Ecuadorian
people as they support rebuilding the country's democratic
institutions. The United States has a clear interest in supporting
strong, stable, and sustainable democratic institutions in Ecuador as a
model for other countries in the region turning away from authoritarian
regimes. The State Department and USAID support civil society programs
to help the government build transparency and strengthen judicial and
legislative institutions. As Ecuador's political dynamics evolve and
civil society becomes more vibrant, USAID and State support must remain
flexible to meet new needs as they arise. Regular U.S. diplomatic
engagement and high-level dialogues will likewise be critical to
maintaining the momentum of Ecuador's democratic gains as will visits
and increased political engagement by Members of the U.S. Congress.
Question. How can we highlight Ecuador's progress to other
countries in the region?
Answer. The renewed relationship between the United States and
Ecuador, demonstrated through high-level visits and increased bilateral
cooperation, highlights U.S. support for Ecuador's progress and reform
agenda. The United States can highlight Ecuador's progress and
importance as a partner in the region by continuing to publicly express
support for its democratic reforms, include Ecuador in regional
initiatives, and engage Ecuador in seeking solutions to regional
problems.
Question. In which areas does Ecuador still need to improve on
governance and human rights?
Answer. While the Moreno administration has made significant
strides on governance and human rights in the last two years,
particularly in the areas of freedom of expression and association,
dismantling ten years of authoritarian, corrupt, and repressive
policies and rebuilding independent democratic institutions and greater
press freedoms will take time. Continuing vigilance to address
corruption and impunity is essential. Strengthening the professionalism
and independence of the judiciary and building the capacity of the
National Assembly to research and prepare legislation are also
necessary to help Ecuador ensure it has a strong system of checks and
balances in place. In addition to these governance challenges, Ecuador
continues to face alarming reports of torture and abuse by police
officers and prison guards, harsh prison conditions, child labor, and
marginalized populations suffering disproportionately from
discrimination, violence, and social exclusion.
Question. How can we continue Ecuador's support for a return to
democracy in Venezuela?
Answer. Ecuador has been a strong supporter of a return to
democracy in Venezuela. The Moreno government recognized Interim
President Guaid and it has taken a leading role in South America in
responding to the humanitarian needs of Venezuelan refugees and
migrants. It currently hosts hundreds of thousands Venezuelans who have
fled their homeland--and the number is growing. The United States has
committed in excess of $15 million in humanitarian assistance to help
Ecuador respond to the influx of Venezuelan refugees and migrants.
Ecuador has shown tremendous regional leadership on the Venezuelan
migration crisis through the Quito Process, and has continued to engage
with countries in the region and Europe to advance a peaceful solution
to crisis in Venezuela.
Question. Do you think Ecuador would consider joining the Lima
Group?
Answer. Though not a member of the Lima Group, Ecuador has
participated in Lima Group meetings as an observer. Furthermore,
Ecuador has proven to be a helpful interlocutor on the Venezuela crisis
through its convening of regional partners in the Quito Process,
focused on shared operational challenges to managing the international
flow of Venezuelan migrants and refugees.
The Lima Group and Quito Process are complementary regional
mechanisms to the Venezuela crisis, and the U.S. government supports
both. The practical coordination elements discussed in Quito Process
meetings, such as increased information sharing and migration tracking,
are important for strengthening border security and protection of
refugees and migrants.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 27, 2019
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:09 a.m. in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. James E.
Risch, chairman of the committee, presiding.
Present: Senators Risch [presiding], Rubio, Gardner,
Romney, Isakson, Portman, Young, Menendez, Cardin, Shaheen,
Coons, Murphy, Kaine, and Markey.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
The Chairman. The committee will come to order.
Today we will hold a nomination hearing for three very
important positions. First, we have Mr. Robert Destro to be
Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and
Labor. Second, we have Mr. Keith Krach to be Under Secretary of
State for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment, as well
as the following positions: United States Alternate Governor of
the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development; United
States Alternate Governor of the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development; and United States Alternate
Governor of the Inter-American Development Bank. Our third
nominee is General David Stilwell to be Assistant Secretary of
State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs.
We also have some very distinguished guests with us who
wish to introduce two of our nominees. So we are going to allow
them to proceed with those introductions. So I am going to
postpone my opening statement until we have the introductions,
so they can be excused to pursue other ideas.
And so with that, I would like to introduce Senator Bill
Cassidy of Louisiana and ask you to make your introduction
please.
STATEMENT OF HON. BILL CASSIDY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM LOUISIANA
Senator Cassidy. Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez,
and members of the committee, thank you for allowing me to
speak.
And I appreciate the ability or the opportunity to
introduce President Trump's nominee to be the Assistant
Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, Mr.
Robert Destro.
Mr. Destro is currently a professor of law at the Catholic
University of America here in D.C. where he also serves as
Director of the university's Institute for Policy Research and
Catholic Studies. He is also the founding Director of the
university's Interdisciplinary Program in Law and Religion and
is a distinguished fellow in the Religious Freedom Center of
the Newseum Institute. He is immensely qualified. His body of
work represents the principles and experience necessary to
accomplish the mission and promote democracy, labor, and human
rights abroad.
Robert is a graduate of the University of Miami Ohio and
University of California-Berkley Law School. And he has
dedicated his career to protect the rights and well-being of
peoples of all faiths, ethnicities, and nationalities.
In 2007, Robert served as the primary administrator for the
Interfaith Cooperation Initiative in Israel and Palestine, a
USAID-funded effort to bring Christian, Jewish, and Muslim
leaders together to work on practical issues important to each
community. His ability to work with all parties towards a
common goal is obviously an important quality for his nominated
position.
In 2011, he co-founded the Iraqi-Kurdistan Religious
Freedom and Cultural Mapping Project, which produced the only
pre-ISIS survey of the Christian communities in the Kurdistan
region.
With him today are his children Gina and Mark, brother-in-
law William, and also his wife Brenda. Brenda in her own right
is an accomplished and committed public servant. She was
pivotal in my office working with Chris Murphy and his office
to both write and pass the bipartisan Mental Health Reform Act
of 2016, which was signed into law by President Obama.
It was through her that I met Robert, and with his
expertise, he then aided my office in developing and passing by
unanimous consent a bipartisan resolution in 2016 expressly
naming the atrocities perpetrated by the Islamic State of Iraq
in the Levant against religious and ethnic minorities in Iraq
and Syria as war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide.
It was through working with him that I witnessed a clear
passion for human rights and freedom for all people. He
continues to be actively involved with the Christian, Muslim,
Yazidi and other religious communities throughout Iraq in an
effort to document the ISIS genocide.
To make measured advancements in democracy anywhere on the
globe, you need a willingness to understand the relationships
between the political culture and social dynamics of groups in
the region. Reviewing his past work, it is clear Robert Destro
understands what it takes to be successful in this position.
I look forward to the committee and the Senate favorably
considering his nomination.
Thank you, Chairman Risch.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Senator Cassidy. We
appreciate you taking time to come here and give us those
remarks from a personal standpoint.
Mr. Destro, welcome to you.
Now we have a couple of our members from the committee that
are going to introduce one of our guests today. We will start
with Senator Portman, the Honorable Senator Portman from the
great State of Ohio. Senator Portman?
STATEMENT OF HON. ROB PORTMAN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OHIO
Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The great State of Ohio happens to have two nominees before
you today. Mr. Destro is also a native of Ohio, but I am here
to take the opportunity to introduce Keith Krach to be the
Under Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy, and the
Environment.
Keith is a native Ohioan, as I said, born in Lakewood,
Ohio, raised in Rocky River. That is near Cleveland. His
parents, Elda and John Krach, he says were the most important
mentors in his life. He says his dad is the best leader that he
ever knew. And for those who know Keith--and I have had the
opportunity to meet him prior to his stepping up to this post--
he takes after his parents, and I think that is the ultimate
compliment.
You will see from his biography he is highly qualified for
this position. He is a natural leader. He has got a long list
of business accomplishments and successes. I think he will be
the first to tell you that he would not have been able to do
any of it without support of his wife Metta, who is with him
today. But he has also got a few kids: Stephen; Carter; 7-year-
old twins, JD, Emma. And I see the 7-year-old twins are with
you today. Is that correct? Go JD and Emma. I know you are all
very proud of your dad, and again, we are proud of him for
stepping up to take on this public service responsibility.
The job he has been nominated for is really vital, not just
to the State Department but to our country right now. As Under
Secretary of State for Economic Growth, Energy, and
Environment, he is going to have a really important
responsibility, senior economic official at the State
Department. He will be Secretary Pompeo's principal advisor on
a lot of issues: international economic development, energy,
agriculture, science, technology. Chairman Risch talked about
some of the responsibilities of that post earlier.
And he could not be taking the post at a more important
time for our country. We are strong in our economy right now.
We are blessed by that, but frankly, it is a dangerous and
volatile world out there, and specifically we face a lot of
challenges. China continues to use unfair trade practices to
undermine our economy particularly in the area of intellectual
property, but beyond that. And I know you will be involved in
some of those issues. Russia is trying to leverage the transit
of natural gas through Europe with Nord Stream 2, which has
enormous potential foreign policy implications. Europe is
wrestling with Brexit and the possibilities there. We saw some
news this morning about another change and the parliament
taking over that issue. This has got ripple effects all over
the EU and beyond.
And also, how do we capitalize on the opportunities of
emerging markets throughout the world that want and need U.S.
leadership? I think that is something we sometimes forget is
there are so many developing countries that are looking to us
to provide that leadership and perhaps a model of how free
markets can work.
So there is no doubt in my mind that Keith is up to this
task. He has the academic background with degrees from both
Purdue and Harvard to go along with an impressive business
resume, starting out 10 years with General Motors. His current
job is CEO and Chairman of the Board of DocuSign.
I am proud to introduce my fellow Ohioan today and I know
he will serve the Secretary and his nation with distinction.
I urge my fellow Senators to vote in favor of his
nomination here in the committee and on the floor.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Portman.
Senator Young?
STATEMENT OF HON. TODD YOUNG,
U.S. SENATOR FROM INDIANA
Senator Young. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking
Member Menendez, and members of the committee. It is an honor
for me to join Senator Portman in introducing Keith Krach
today.
You have heard his impressive bio from Senator Portman, but
I want to use my time to talk a bit about the immense value he
has added to my State of Indiana and the difference he has made
in the lives of countless individuals.
His connection to Indiana is through Purdue University. He
graduated from Purdue in 1979 and served on the Board of
Trustees from 2007 to 2013. I asked Purdue President Mitch
Daniels to describe Mr. Krach's relationship to the university,
and one word stood out, ``beloved.'' He continued. He is
beloved for his commitment to students and for helping advance
the university's mission in learning, discovery, and
engagement. And we will be proud to see his influence on an
even larger scale. It sounds really heartfelt, and having spent
some time with you, Keith, I echo the sentiments.
Mr. Krach's professional achievements are impressive, and
they are well documented. You have heard about some of them. He
is a visionary with global experience that makes him eminently
qualified to serve the President as Under Secretary of State
for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment.
What he has chosen to do with his success demonstrates his
character and devotion to causes that will leave this planet
better for future generations.
As Solomon Kahn noted, Mr. Krach has empowered people to
accomplish more than they had ever imagined, resulting in a
profound impact on GDP per capita, international trade, and the
sustainability of our planet.
Take DocuSign as an example. Not only has it been a
successful company, it was named one of Glassdoor's best places
to work. And DocuSign's disruptive technology has saved more
than 20 billion pieces of paper and 608,000 barrels of oil.
Additionally, DocuSign IMPACT Foundation, which Mr. Krach
now chairs, is a force multiplier for the charitable causes
selected by DocuSign employees.
Beyond DocuSign, Mr. Krach is an advisor for City Year,
founder of Children's Autistic Network, and board member for
Opportunity International, which issues micro-loans worldwide.
So clearly he has a heart for service, and if that were not
enough, he and his family foundation supports education,
science, the arts, health care, and people in need.
So there is nothing more humbling than reading through this
list of achievements for me. And I am grateful that Mr. Krach
has accepted this call to serve his country. He is going to be
a true asset to the State Department, to this President, and to
our nation. I look forward to supporting his nomination before
the committee and on the Senate floor.
Thanks so much.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, both Senator Young and
Senator Portman.
Welcome to our guests.
I am going to make some very brief introductory remarks and
then turn it over to the ranking member, Senator Menendez, to
make some introductory remarks. And then we will turn to you
for your opening statements and we will have some questions.
So with that, welcome to you and your families. Obviously,
the families share in these just as much, sometimes more so
than the nominees. I have experienced that myself. But we
welcome all of you.
First of all, talking about the appointment of Mr. Destro
for Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights,
and Labor. At a time where democracy and human rights are
challenged across the globe, it is important for this position
to be filled. In particular, pervasive threats against
religious freedom threaten our core values. The United States
will and must continue to defend this fundamental human right.
Following the United States' withdrawal from the U.N. Human
Rights Council last June, I look forward to from you on how the
United States plans to continue to lead on human rights issues
around the world.
Next, Mr. Krach for the Under Secretary for Economic
Growth, Energy, and Environment. This important position
oversees a number of bureaus at the State Department, and I
look forward to hearing how you plan to promote the important
role that these bureaus play in advancing American economic
interests overseas.
Finally, I am pleased to welcome General David Stilwell,
nominated to be Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and
Pacific Affairs. General Stilwell brings a wealth of expertise
in the Indo-Pacific region acquired during his more than 2
decades of service in the United States Air Force. He served in
Japan, South Korea, and China, as well as on the Joint Staff
and at U.S. Indo-Pacific Command. He is currently the Director
of the China Strategic Focus Group at USINDOPAC Command.
And on a personal note, General, thank you for hosting me
at the command. That was very instructive, and I appreciate
that. Unfortunately, all my colleagues do not have the
opportunity to do that, but that was a very enlightening
briefing.
The Indo-Pacific region is vital to American prosperity and
security, and the United States has a deep interest in
supporting a free and open region. I look forward to hearing
how you will advance U.S. interests in this region, especially
through strengthening and expanding our alliances and
partnerships. Our enduring alliances with Japan, South Korea,
Australia, and New Zealand are a source of American strength.
Strengthening these alliances and expanding other partnerships
are key to promoting peace, security, economic development, and
freedom across the region.
The challenge of China is global, but most acute in the
Indo-Pacific. The Trump administration has already engaged in
rebalancing bilateral relationships and pushing back on China's
often coercive and intimidating actions in the region. However,
more, much more, remains to be done.
We face the continued threat of North Korea's nuclear and
missile programs. I remain optimistic that we can get a deal,
but it is going to take time and we will need to keep up the
pressure.
The Indo-Pacific and China in particular are a top priority
for this committee, as we have already discussed in this
committee. We look forward to particularly close coordination
with you as you work to advance American interests in this
important region.
Along these lines, I would like to take note of the Asia
Reassurance Initiative Act, an effort led by Senators Gardner
and Markey, signed into law by the President last December.
This act aligns well with the priorities articulated by the
administration and should be implemented.
Thanks to all for being here with us today. Thanks to your
families for being here.
And, Senator Menendez, I will turn the floor over to you.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Welcome to the nominees and to your families as well, and
thank you for your willingness to serve.
Mr. Chairman, however, before I turn to these nominees, I
need to correct the record concerning statements reportedly
made by President Trump yesterday afternoon in which he claimed
Democrats were holding up nominations in the Senate.
Let me be clear. When the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee has received qualified nominations, I have worked
with efficiency and diligence to vet and advance these
nominations. I have devoted my time and staff resources to
ensure this because of our strong belief that the State
Department and USAID and other foreign affairs agencies must be
properly vetted and properly staffed.
In the last Congress, the committee reported 169
nominations. So I reject any assertion that we have not done
our part to ensure that the State Department is appropriately
staffed.
As the chairman knows, the committee, with my full support,
has been extremely diligent in moving forward on General
Abizaid's nomination to be the U.S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia.
He appeared on the very first committee nominations hearing of
the 116th Congress, and I look forward to voting in favor of
his nomination, as soon as the chairman puts him to a vote for
the committee in a nomination process, and to a speedy
confirmation.
I have also proposed to the chairman moving forward with
approximately 20 more nominees based on reaching an agreement
regarding other committee business, and I look forward to a
response.
But I am concerned that President Trump has an inaccurate
view of the nominations situation in the Senate and
particularly on the Foreign Relations Committee. We cannot
confirm diplomats that we do not have. All too often, the
committee has received nominations late or not at all. It took
23 months before the administration bothered to nominate
General Abizaid. It took even longer, over 2 years, before the
Trump administration nominated a candidate to be U.S.
Ambassador to Turkey. We are now 26 months into the Trump
administration, and we still lack ambassadorial nominees to
critical countries like Egypt, Pakistan, and our close ally
Jordan.
And when we do receive nominations, the substandard vetting
at State means I have to devote significant time and resources
to ensure that we are not moving nominees who have no business
representing the United States of America around the world.
Now, I have been a gentleman about this. I have not gone
through these nominees' backgrounds, but in fact I intend to go
to the Senate floor and talk about some of the problems that
these nominees have. They have problems with Me Too issues.
They have legal issues. They have ethical issues. This is
pretty significant for a series of these nominees.
And so while we have tried to do this internally to get to
a better place, if the administration wants to make charges
that are exactly not true, then we will go to the Senate floor
and have full vetting about what these nominees are all about.
But to get diplomats in place, they need to be nominated in
a timely fashion and vetted properly. That is the real holdup
here above all.
Now let me turn to the nominees here today.
General Stilwell, thank you for your lifetime of service to
our nation. It is good to see a nominee for a critical position
of Assistant Secretary for East Asia and the Pacific. And it
has taken a long time, nearly 2 years, but I am glad to see
that we will, hopefully, soon fill this important post.
I know you have a deep knowledge and understanding of
China, but as you know, the region is much more than just
China. I happen to be one who holds the view that to get China
right, we have to first get the region right, starting with our
allies and partners. So I am also interested in hearing your
views on the rest of the region and how the United States
should be positioning itself.
I am sure you followed the press about the President's
tweet reversing U.S. sanctions on North Korea, followed by what
appears to be an effort to deny that the President had done
what I thought he plainly did. I do not know what to say about
such a process other than to know that dealing with Korea is
deadly serious business, and I would expect you to share your
views with us this morning on exactly what you believe both
happened here and what we will be doing as we move forward
against one of the critical national security challenges of the
United States.
Mr. Destro, welcome. As you know, the Bureau of Democracy,
Human Rights, and Labor leads many of the State Department's
most significant efforts to advance American values, including
the rule of law, democracy, individual rights, religious
freedom and labor rights. So should you be confirmed as
Assistant Secretary for DRL, you will lead a bureau that works
to promote some of our most basic values.
Last year, I sent a bipartisan letter to the President
urging him to nominate a properly qualified candidate for this
position. We advocated for a qualified nominee but, most
importantly, one committed to upholding the basic rights of all
people, including those targeted for their work such as
journalists, labor activists, and human rights defenders.
So, sir, I have to say I have deep reservations about your
willingness to carry out those duties.
First, your statements and positions on a wide range of
LGBT issues are extremely concerning. In the past, you have
opposed the Equality Act, which would ban discrimination
against LGBT Americans. You have criticized nondiscrimination
protections that allow transgender people to use public
accommodations. Perhaps most troubling, you have suggested that
faith could be used as a pretext for discriminatory conduct
against LGBT people.
Given your history on these issues, it is hard for me to
imagine how you could credibly advocate for the rights and
equal treatment of LGBT individuals.
When it comes to women's rights, I am not convinced that
you would be a leader or the staunch defender of women's rights
across the globe. In my view, reproductive rights are human
rights, and the reality is that in too many countries around
the world, it is still entirely acceptable for women and girls
to be denied autonomy over their bodies and control of their
lives.
Many others share these concerns. On March 22nd, a
coalition of 46 human rights and civil society organizations
wrote a joint letter opposing your nomination. And I ask, Mr.
Chairman, that this coalition letter be included in the hearing
record.
The Chairman. It will be.
[The information referred to above is located at the end of
this hearing transcript.]
Senator Menendez. Last but not least, Mr. Krach, as
President Trump's nominee to be the Under Secretary of State
for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment, I hope you
are ready to hit the ground running. I think you will be.
Here again, we are dealing with a position that has been
vacant for more than 2 years.
I will be looking forward to hearing in our questioning
some of your views on some of the issues in your portfolio,
particularly one that I think has a global challenge and that
ultimately also has an economic growth and environmental
challenge, which is the issues of climate change. And I look
forward to hearing your views on that.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator.
To respond just briefly to your remarks about the President
expressing his frustration on nominees, I share the President's
frustration. As you know, you and I have had lengthy
discussions on these, and we want to move these as rapidly as
possible. We have got about 60 pending in the committee. We had
13 on the business committee, which has been taken down, as you
know.
But the criticism that he has not filled some of these--
again, I think everybody would like to see them filled, but
when we have got a backlog of 60, it is hard to criticize him
for not doing his job when we have got 60 in front of us before
we get to those.
So in any event, I look forward to working in a cooperative
fashion and seeing if we cannot get them there. I appreciate
your desire to go to the floor and talk about the flaws you
believe in some of these appointments, which is certainly your
right as Senator to do. But I think you have got the cart
before the donkey. What we ought to do is get them out on the
floor and debate them out on the floor, get them out of this
committee, move them along, and people can vote yes or no as
they see fit based upon their view of the nominee. The
President certainly feels that they are qualified. I understand
you have the absolute right to think otherwise and to debate
otherwise, but what we should do is move the process along, get
votes up or down, and let the chips fall where they may, and
those that do not make it, the President can back up and
refill.
So I look forward to working in a cooperative fashion with
you to moving these as rapidly as possible. There is a lot of
angst out there, I can tell you, for getting these positions
filled.
So with that, Mr. Destro, the floor is yours.
STATEMENT OF ROBERT A. DESTRO, OF VIRGINIA, TO BE ASSISTANT
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR
Mr. Destro. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Risch,
Ranking Member Menendez, and members of the committee, thank
you for giving me the opportunity today to appear before you as
President Trump's nominee to be Assistant Secretary of State
for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. I am humbled by the
nomination and grateful to the President for the confidence he
has placed in me. If confirmed, I will be privileged to serve
our great nation as a member of Secretary Mike Pompeo's team
and as the leader of the dedicated public servants who are
together the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.
Please allow me at the beginning to take a moment to
introduce my family. With me today are my wife, Dr. Brenda
Destro; my daughter, Gina Destro; my son, Mark Destro; and my
brother-in-law, William Cloonan. I am grateful that they have
taken time from their busy schedules to be with me here today.
I would also like to acknowledge the many family members,
friends, colleagues, and students, both present and former, who
are watching this hearing online. I am grateful for your
support too.
I would also like to acknowledge those who came before me
but who are no longer with us. My parents, Anthony and Bette
Destro, were first generation Americans. My dad was a policeman
in Akron, Ohio for nearly 40 years, and my mom, a homemaker,
who kept my sisters and me on the straight and narrow. All four
of my grandparents were teenage peasants who arrived in this
great country from Sicily in 1910. How amazed and proud they
would be of our family. Only in America, Senator.
I can say with confidence ``only in America'' because the
individual success stories of the members of my wonderful and
distinguished extended family would not have been possible had
my grandparents not settled in a social and political community
that respects the basic equality and dignity of every human
being. That respect is written into the text and structure of
our founding documents and is reflected in the text of the many
human rights conventions, to which the United States is a
party.
Our nation's commitment to respect for human dignity shows
up in our strong support for the rights of individuals and
associations and in the demands of human rights advocates that
governments and international organizations live by the command
that all persons are entitled to equal protection--and I
underscore ``protection''--of the laws. Americans support and
encourage a myriad of civil society associations both at home
and abroad because we strongly believe that, as human beings,
it is our God-given nature to communicate freely and to
organize associations to achieve our common goals in matters of
faith, education, business, politics, the arts, and the welfare
of others. This is why Congress and the President have asked
DRL to provide support to individuals and organizations around
the globe who aspire to enjoy the blessings of liberty,
democracy, and the freedom to participate, both individually
and collectively in the labor market.
Respect for the inherent dignity of every human being
requires no less. So over the course of my career, I have been
privileged to serve both here in the United States and abroad
as a civil rights lawyer, a public servant, an academic, and a
policy advocate. My work on the legal and policy issues that
arise at the juncture of law, religion, and culture has given
me a unique perspective on nearly every aspect of the
critically important responsibilities that Congress has
assigned to DRL.
If confirmed as Assistant Secretary, I will use all of this
experience and, consistent with the law, will draw upon the
experience of the many friends and colleagues with whom I have
been privileged to work to advance DRL's ongoing efforts to
protect and advance the cause of human rights across the globe.
DRL is filled with dedicated public servants who are committed
to the cause of human rights. I will work, if confirmed--to
work hard to earn not only their support, but yours as well.
Senator, I think I will leave it there. Thank you very much
for the opportunity to be here today.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Destro follows:]
Prepared Statement of Robert A. Destro
Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez, and members of the
committee, thank you for giving me the opportunity to appear before you
today as President Trump's nominee to be Assistant Secretary of State
for Democracy, Human Rights & Labor. I am humbled by the nomination,
and grateful to the President for the confidence he has placed in me.
If confirmed, I will be privileged to serve our great nation as a
member of Secretary Mike Pompeo's team and as the leader of the
dedicated public servants who, together, are the Bureau of Democracy,
Human Rights and Labor (DRL).
Please allow me to take a moment to introduce my family. With me
today are my wife, Dr. Brenda C. Destro, my daughter, Gina M. Destro,
my son, Mark B. Destro, and my bother-in-law, William Cloonan. I am
grateful that they have taken time from their busy schedules to be here
with me today. I would also like to acknowledge the many family
members, friends, colleagues and students, both present and former, who
are watching this hearing online. I am grateful for your support.
I would also like to acknowledge those who came before me, but who
are no longer with us. My parents, Anthony and Bette Destro, were
``first-generation'' Americans. My Dad was a policeman in Akron, Ohio
for nearly forty years and my Mom, a homemaker who kept my sisters and
me on the straight and narrow. All four of my grandparents were teenage
peasants who arrived in this great country from Sicily around 1910. How
amazed and proud they would be of our family.
Only in America!
I can say with confidence ``only in America'' because the
individual success stories of the members of my wonderful and
distinguished extended family would not have been possible without my
grandparents having settled in a social and political community that
respects the basic equality and dignity of each and every human being.
That respect is written into the text and structure of our founding
documents and is reflected in the text of the many human rights
conventions to which the United States is a party.
Our Nation's commitment to respect for human dignity shows up in
our strong support for the rights of individuals and associations, and
in the demands of human rights advocates that governments and
international organizations live by the command that all persons are
entitled to equal protection of the laws. Americans support and
encourage a myriad of ``civil society'' associations both at home and
abroad because we strongly believe that, as human beings, it is our
God-given nature to communicate freely and to organize associations to
achieve our common goals in matters of faith, education, business,
politics, the arts, and the welfare of others. This is why Congress and
the President have asked DRL to provide support to individuals and
organizations around the globe who aspire to enjoy the blessings of
liberty, democracy, and the freedom to participate, both individually
and collectively, in the labor market.
Respect for the inherent dignity of every human being requires no
less. Respect for the rights and freedoms of others is the foundation
of effective diplomacy and a stable foreign policy. It is the key to
helping others to strengthen the institutions of their own civil
society, and respect for difference and the interests of others is
absolutely necessary for the protection of America's vital national
security and economic interests.
Over the course of my career, I have been privileged to serve, both
here in the United States and abroad, as a civil rights lawyer, a
public servant, an academic and a policy advocate. My work on the legal
and policy issues that arise at the juncture of law, religion and
culture has given me a unique perspective on nearly every aspect of the
critically important responsibilities that Congress has assigned to
DRL.
If confirmed as Assistant Secretary, I will use all of this
experience--and, consistent with the law, will draw upon the experience
of the many friends and colleagues with whom I have been privileged to
work--to advance DRL's ongoing efforts to protect and advance the cause
of human rights across the globe. DRL is filled with dedicated public
servants who are committed to the cause of human rights. If confirmed,
I will work hard to earn not only their support and respect, but yours
as well.
If confirmed as Assistant Secretary, I promise that I will provide
my best advice and analysis to the Secretary and his leadership team. I
will also work closely with this and other committees of the Congress
to develop mutually agreeable outcome measures that will provide some
assurance to you, and to America's taxpayers, that the money you
entrust to DRL is being used wisely and effectively to advance our
values and strategic foreign policy interests.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your time and attention.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Mr. Krach?
STATEMENT OF KEITH KRACH, OF CALIFORNIA, TO BE UNDER SECRETARY
OF STATE FOR ECONOMIC GROWTH, ENERGY, AND THE ENVIRONMENT;
UNITED STATES ALTERNATE GOVERNOR OF THE EUROPEAN BANK FOR
RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT; UNITED STATES ALTERNATE
GOVERNOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL BANK FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND
DEVELOPMENT; AND UNITED STATES ALTERNATE GOVERNOR OF THE INTER-
AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK
Mr. Krach. Thank you, Chairman Risch and Ranking Member
Menendez, and members of the committee. It is a true privilege
to appear before you today.
I am especially grateful to Senators Portman and Young for
their overly generous introduction.
I am also honored and humbled that President Trump, at the
recommendation of Secretary Pompeo, has nominated me to serve
as Under Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy, and the
Environment, affectionately referred to as the ``E.''
I would like to thank all seven of the former E's and the
incredible State Department team who spent their valuable time
with me sharing their insights on this important role. As a
global businessman, I can tell you it is a strategic asset to
have the finest diplomatic corps in the world in your corner,
whether it is here or abroad.
I also want to thank my family for being here today: my
dear wife Metta, who is a Georgetown lawyer and serves on their
board; and our five children, Monika, a marine biologist;
Steve, a spacecraft design engineer at NASA; Carter, a Silicon
Valley tech entrepreneur; and our 7-year-old twins, JD and
Emma, whose courage, kindness, and sense of justice inspires me
every day.
My story starts like that of many Americans. I grew up in
small-town Ohio where my father ran a machine shop and my
mother was a teacher. My dad's customers were suppliers to the
big three car companies in Detroit, and his fortunes were tied
to theirs.
At age 12, I became a welder in his shop and soon learned
how to work all the machines. In good times, he employed as
many as five workers, whom he treated as family. In bad times,
I was his only employee and saw him go through the agonizing
process of having to lay off his trusted team. His pain was not
lost on me.
My father dreamed that I would get some college knowledge
and return as an engineer to help him grow the machine shop
into a big company of 10 employees. While I did become an
engineer, I never went back to work with my dad, but I believe
he was proud that I joined the biggest company in the world,
General Motors, which he had taken to calling ``Generous
Motors'' after they gave me a full ride to Purdue and to
Harvard Business School.
10 years at GM gave me the chance of a lifetime to work at
the Cadillac plant, Tech Center, New York Treasurer's Office,
and pioneer the emerging field of robotics by starting a joint
venture that is the largest industrial robotics manufacturer in
the world today.
That taste of high-tech innovation inspired me to risk it
all and move out west to become an entrepreneur. In my eyes,
Silicon Valley is the West Point of capitalism, a corporate
United Nations, a total meritocracy, and a place where failure
is recognized as the best teacher.
My Silicon Valley journey began at Rasna where we invented
mechanical design synthesis that enables engineers around the
world, like my rocket scientist son, to optimize designs in
real time.
I then went on to start another company called Ariba,
taking it public as the world's first business-to-business e-
commerce company. My ultimate aim was to create a values-based
driven company that was built to last. Now, $1.7 trillion in
transactions go through the Ariba network each year, more than
Amazon, eBay, and Alibaba combined.
My mother taught me that a truly meaningful career is about
giving back and paying it forward. So after some initial
success, I worked with the biggest global insurer of micro-
loans, and I would take my family along on journeys to some of
the most poverty-stricken places in the world to hand out
micro-loans. I will never forget being in the slums of Mumbai
after 12-year-old Carter handed an 18-year-old single mother of
a crippled child a $50 loan to purchase a sewing machine. And
he said, I get it now, Dad. We are not giving them fish. We are
teaching them how to fish.
My children saw firsthand that economic empowerment and
entrepreneurship can truly have a transformative impact on
families and communities. That same concept is what makes the E
mission so meaningful to me.
I also had a chance to give back to my alma mater Purdue
where I had the honor of serving as chairman of the board of
trustees and recruiting Governor Mitch Daniels to be our
president. I am particularly proud that Mitch is now recognized
by the ``Wall Street Journal'' as America's most innovative
university president, but even more so that we have frozen
tuition for the last 7 years, working to address the $1.5
trillion student debt crisis.
I eventually went back to building another company called
DocuSign, and after recently completing 10 years, it is now a
public company with more than 400 million users in 188
countries and, as Senator Young pointed out, along the way we
saved 20 billion pieces of paper.
This Ohio boy, who began his journey welding parts and
later had the good fortune of welding together billion-dollar
companies, has had the blessing of a true all-American dream.
But even this dreamer could have never imagined that one day he
might be presented with an opportunity to give back to this
great nation which has given him so much.
If confirmed, it would be the privilege of my life to serve
the country and pay it forward to this next generation of
Americans.
I fully appreciate the enormity and gravity of this role,
especially in a time where the reality we face as a nation is
of ever-increasing cyber warfare and seemingly ceaseless
variations of intense, perhaps even weaponized, economic
competition.
As you know, our rivals are playing the long game and they
are playing for keeps, a four-dimensional game of economic,
military, diplomatic, and cultural chess with little respect
for human rights, intellectual property, international law,
transparency, the environment, or sovereignty of nations.
In order to prevail, we must play the game better and take
economic statecraft to the next level. There is no substitute
for American diplomacy. I believe the team with the best people
wins and that diversity of thought is the catalyst for genius.
With that aim in mind, if confirmed, I will work side by
side at all levels with our preeminent diplomatic corps and
with each of you in a meaningful way benefiting from your
experience, your insights, and your wisdom. If confirmed, I
will work tirelessly and strategically here and around the
world to optimize economic growth, energy security, and the
health of our planet for the sake of advancing the interests of
our citizens and maximizing our national security.
Thank you so very much for your kind attention.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Krach follows:]
Prepared Statement of Keith J. Krach
Good morning, Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez, and
distinguished Members of the committee. It is a privilege to appear
before you today and I thank you all for your time and consideration,
especially those of you who took time from your busy schedules to meet
with me.
I am profoundly honored that President Trump, at the recommendation
of Secretary Pompeo, has nominated me to serve as the Under Secretary
of State for Economic Growth, Energy and the Environment,
affectionately referred to simply as ``E.''
I am also grateful to all 7 of the former E Under Secretaries who
spent their valuable time with me and shared their insights about this
important role. Thank you, Joan Spero, Stu Eizenstat, Al Larson,
Josette Sheeran, Reuben Jeffery, Bob Hormats and Cathy Novelli.
I would also like to thank the incredibly professional group of
Civil and Foreign Service officers from the Department who helped bring
me up to speed on the amazingly diverse work they do to support
American interests here and abroad. I can honestly say I have never
worked with a more welcoming, dedicated, intelligent, hard-working and
patriotic group of individuals, and, if confirmed, it will be my great
privilege to lead them.
I particularly wish to thank Manisha Singh, the Acting Under
Secretary, who has been most generous with her time from the Economic
and Business Affairs Bureau. Frank Fannon, our Assistant Secretary for
the Energy Bureau and Marcia Bernicat, the Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary for the Bureau of Oceans and International Environmental and
Scientific Affairs, were equally generous with their time.
Finally, I want to thank the E Team, in the Office of the Under
Secretary who guided me throughout this complex process.
I would not have been here today without their incredible
dedication, preparation and good humor. As a global business man, I can
tell you, it is a strategic asset having the finest diplomatic corps in
the world on our side.
I also want to thank my beloved family: My dear wife, Metta, who is
a Georgetown lawyer and serves on their Board; and our five children:
Monika, a marine biologist serving in the nonprofit sector; Stephen, a
spacecraft design engineer at NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory; Carter,
a Silicon Valley technology entrepreneur; and our seven-year-old twins,
JD and Emma, whose courage, sense of justice and kindness inspires me
every day.
My story starts like that of many Americans. I grew up in small-
town Ohio, where my father ran a machine shop and my mother was a
teacher. My dad's customers were suppliers to the big three car
companies in Detroit, and his fortunes were tied to theirs.
In good times, he employed as many as five workers, whom he
considered family. When things slowed down, I saw him go through the
agonizing process of having to lay off trusted employees. His pain was
not lost on me.
At the age of 12, I became a welder in his shop and soon learned
how to work the machines. I cherish the memory of working at his side.
In boom times, we scrambled to fill big orders. In bad times, I was his
only employee.
When orders dried up, my mom courageously assured us that
``everything would be okay and to buckle our chinstraps.'' To help make
ends meet, she worked second and third jobs, including coaching the 9th
grade boys wrestling team. She was and is our rock and inspiration.
My father dreamed that I would get some ``college knowledge'' and
return as an engineer to help him grow the machine shop into a big
company of 10 employees. While I did become an engineer, I never did go
back to work with my dad in Ohio. But I think he was proud that I went
to work for General Motors, the biggest company in the world at that
time, which my dad had taken to calling ``Generous Motors'' after they
awarded me a full scholarship to attend both Purdue University and
Harvard Business School.
I will be forever grateful for my 10 years working at GM where I
learned manufacturing at the Cadillac plant in Detroit, engineering at
the GM Tech Center, finance at the New York Treasurer's Office and was
given the opportunity to lead a pioneering robotics joint venture,
which I am proud to say has grown into the largest industrial robot
manufacturer in the world.
That taste of hi-tech innovation inspired me to take the risk to
move out West and become an entrepreneur. In my eyes, Silicon Valley is
``the West Point of Capitalism,'' a corporate United Nations, a total
meritocracy and a place where failure is recognized as the best
teacher. The objective is to reinvent everything, innovate at scale,
with speed being the ultimate currency.
My Silicon Valley journey essentially began at Rasna Corporation, a
software company where we invented Mechanical Design Synthesis that
enables engineers around the world--like my rocket-scientist son at
NASA--to optimize their designs in real time. I went on to start
another company called Ariba, taking it public as the world's first
business-to-business internet e-commerce company. My goal was to create
a values-driven company that was ``built-to-last.'' Last year, $1.7
trillion in transactions were processed through the Ariba network, more
than Amazon, eBay and Alibaba combined.
My mother taught me that a meaningful career is truly about
``giving back and paying it forward,'' so after some initial success I
set out to give back to the organizations that helped me along the way,
as well as, pay it forward to people who are less fortunate than me.
I served on the Board of the largest private issuer of micro loans
in the world, Opportunity International. I saw firsthand the way that
transformational leadership and the private social sector can truly
change communities and help families, many living on less than a dollar
a day, by spreading kindness, empowerment and hope. I would bring my
three teenage children along on these journeys as we traveled to the
poorest of neighborhoods, schools and orphanages in countries like
Kenya, the Philippines, India, Honduras, Indonesia, Peru, Viet Nam, and
Nicaragua.
They made hundreds of close connections by giving a warm hug and
personally handing out numerous $50 loans. They witnessed in person the
impact of what I refer to as ``the 3 big E's''--the power of
entrepreneurship, economic empowerment of women and education. I will
never forget what my 12-year-old son said, while in the slums of
Mumbai, after handing a $50 loan to an 18-year-old single mother of a
crippled child so that she could purchase a sewing machine instead of a
dreadful alternative. ``I get it now, dad. Just like it says--we are
not giving them fish, we are teaching them to fish.'' I knew then that
by helping to transform the lives of those less fortunate, my
children's as well as my life would be forever transformed.
Always near and dear to my heart is my alma mater, Purdue
University, where I had the honor of serving as the chairman of the
Board of Trustees and recruiting the former head of OMB and Governor of
Indiana, Mitch Daniels, to be our president. At Purdue, we worked to
create a model in higher education, innovating new solutions in student
affordability, online learning, global reach and retraining the
workforce, which I believe will have a lasting impact in reforming
higher education.
I am particularly proud that Mitch is now recognized by WSJ as
America's most innovative university president and equally proud that
we have frozen tuition for the last 7 years, working to address the
$1.5 trillion student debt crisis.
I eventually went back to be a CEO and Chairman again at a small
50-person company called DocuSign that had a simple dream of automating
the signature process. After recently completing 10 years there, it is
now a public company with more than 400 million users in 188 countries
and recognized worldwide for its transformative impact on the way
business is done. It is an example of how private industry and
technological innovation can accelerate commerce securely by replacing
slow, wasteful paper transactions--and along the way, we saved the
planet 20 billion pieces of paper.
This Ohio boy, who began his journey welding parts and later had
the good fortune of welding together billion-dollar companies, has had
the blessing of a true All-American dream. But not even this dreamer
could have ever imagined, that one day, he might be presented with an
opportunity to give back to this great nation, which has given him so
much.
If confirmed, it would be the privilege of my life to serve this
country and pay it forward to the next generation of Americans.
I fully appreciate the enormity and gravity of this role,
especially in a time where the reality we face as a nation is one of
ever-increasing cyber warfare and seemingly ceaseless variations of
intense, perhaps even weaponized, economic competition.
As you know, our rivals are playing the long game and they are
playing for keeps a four-dimensional game of economic, military,
diplomatic and cultural chess with little respect for human rights,
intellectual property, international law, transparency, the
environment, or the sovereignty of other nations.
At the end of the day, there is no substitute for American
leadership. In order to prevail, we must play this game better and take
economic statecraft to the next level.
My life's work has been focused on creating innovative companies
and transformative social causes by building high-performance teams
that challenge the status quo. I believe the team with the best people
wins and that diversity of thought on any team is the catalyst for
genius.
With that aim in mind, if confirmed, I will be honored to work
side-by-side at all levels with our accomplished and committed
diplomatic corp and with each of you in a meaningful way, benefiting
from your experience, insights and wisdom.
Economic diplomacy is at an inflection point and technological
advances have changed everything. Change is inevitable, and I believe
it is also the most powerful and exciting word in any language. Change
need not favor our adversaries.
If confirmed, my focus will be on embracing this opportunity and
harnessing 3 powerful areas of competitive advantage: strengthening our
partnerships with friends and allies, leveraging the innovation and
resources of the private sector, and amplifying the moral high ground
of our American values and enduring optimism to advance peace and
prosperity for our country and for the world.
If confirmed, I will work tirelessly and strategically here and
around the world to optimize economic growth, energy security and the
health of our planet for the sake of advancing the interests of our
citizens and maximizing our national security.
Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez, and distinguished members
of the committee, I thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today. I am honored and humbled that you are considering me for this
important position. I welcome your comments and questions. Thankyou.
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Krach.
General Stilwell?
STATEMENT OF BRIGADIER GENERAL DAVID STILWELL, USAF, RETIRED,
OF HAWAII, TO BE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR EAST ASIAN
AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS
Mr. Stilwell. Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez,
members of the committee, thank you for this opportunity.
I would also like to thank President Trump and Secretary
Pompeo for their confidence and support.
Peaceful and mutually beneficial relations with East Asian
and Pacific nations have been a U.S. strategic priority for
generations. Recognizing this, as well as the region's more
competitive environment, this administration has identified
maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific as a top priority. If
confirmed, I am committed to realizing a vision for the region
that more actively advances longstanding U.S. interests,
bolsters the freedom of East Asian and Pacific nations to
choose their own path, and brings them together to form a
strong and prosperous region.
America's vision is built on enduring principles: freedom
of the seas and skies; preserving sovereignty; resisting
coercion; promoting market-based economics and free, fair, and
reciprocal trade; and supporting good governance and respect
for human rights. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to
advance these principles.
A network of likeminded allies and partners is key. Our
strong alliance relationships with Japan, Korea, Australia, and
the Philippines continue to flourish, and the recent elections
in Thailand are a very positive development.
Growing relationships with strategic partners like Vietnam
and Singapore will continue to benefit both sides, and the Vice
President's trip to the region last fall demonstrated the
importance of Pacific island countries to maintaining a free
and open Indo-Pacific.
In this effort, New Zealand increasingly contributes across
the broader region, while ASEAN remains the core of our
regional engagement.
If confirmed, I will foster these relationships based on
our shared interests and values.
On the other hand, critical security challenges remain. The
most urgent is North Korea's nuclear and missile programs.
Longer-term, strategic competition with China presents a
comprehensive generational challenge. We will cooperate with
China where it advances our interests as in North Korean
denuclearization, but we must compete vigorously where our
interests diverge.
As the President's National Security Strategy makes clear,
we are concerned by Beijing's use of covert, corrupt, and
coercive means to interfere in the internal affairs of others.
China has used various levers to undermine others' sovereignty
whether through the One Belt One Road project or a
militarization of the South China Sea. I appreciate this
committee's work on ARIA and the BUILD Act to enable regional
partners to resist these trends.
As well, Beijing must abide by its commitments related to
Taiwan in accordance with the Three Communiques. If confirmed,
I commit to working to show China a better way that includes
respect for human rights, freedom of religion, and building
trust by honoring its commitments, while insisting on
reciprocity and true mutual benefit in our bilateral
relationship.
In the region, there is concern about backsliding on human
rights and democracy, for example, the plight of Burma's
Rohingya people, Chinese government repression of Muslim
minorities in Xinjiang, and the banning of political opposition
in Cambodia. If confirmed, I will continue to promote openness,
rule of law, and the protection of human rights and fundamental
freedoms.
Despite these challenges, the region is bright with
opportunity with several of the United States' largest export
markets and investment destinations in some of the world's
fastest growing economies. As Vice President Pence noted in
Singapore in November, our trade grows with the region's middle
class, topping $1.83 trillion in 2017. This helps U.S.
businesses, workers, farmers who can offer valuable goods,
services, and American know-how.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, this
administration is working to ensure that East Asia and the
Pacific continues to be a free, open, secure, and prosperous
region. If confirmed, I am committed to working with you to
ensure this trend continues.
And now for the best part, I am joined today by my wife
Jan, who flew out here with me from Honolulu; our son Dane, who
is here from Los Angeles; and our daughter Janae could not make
it. She is in Tokyo studying accounting as an exchange student.
We are celebrating our 30th anniversary today. So thanks for
making this milestone the most memorable.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Stilwell. And with that, I look forward to your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Stilwell follows:]
Prepared Statement of David Stilwell
Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez, and members of the
committee: Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you. I would
also like to thank President Trump and Secretary Pompeo for their
confidence and support.
Peaceful and mutually beneficial relations with East Asian and
Pacific nations have been a U.S. strategic priority for generations.
Recognizing this, as well as the region's more competitive environment,
this administration has identified maintaining a Free and Open Indo
Pacific as a top priority. If confirmed, I am committed to realizing a
vision for the region that more actively advances longstanding U.S.
interests, bolsters the freedom of East Asian and Pacific nations to
choose their own path, and brings them together to form a strong and
prosperous core of a vibrant region.
America's vision is built on enduring principles: ensuring the
freedom of the seas and skies; insulating sovereign nations from
external threat or unlawful use of force or coercion; promoting market-
based economics, open investment environments, and free, fair, and
reciprocal trade; and supporting good governance and respect for human
rights. If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to promote these
principles.
Our network of like-minded allies and partners is key. Our strong
alliance relationship with Japan continues to flourish as we cooperate
economically, confront shared challenges, and strengthen bilateral
trade ties. Our iron-clad and decades-long alliance with South Korea is
now global in reach, and has only strengthened as we coordinate more
closely to achieve the final, fully verified denuclearization of North
Korea and welcome it into the family of nations. And Australia
continues its tradition of mateship by addressing new challenges in
innovative ways Australia is reaching beyond its historical areas of
interest, linking up with traditional and non- traditional partners to
attack common threats.
In Southeast Asia, there is great potential to further expand
cooperation with treaty allies Thailand and the Philippines, as well as
other partners like Vietnam and Singapore. As the Vice President's trip
to the region last fall showed, we recognize the importance of Pacific
Island Countries to achieving a free and open Indo-Pacific, and are
committed to working with them to tackle global and regional
challenges. We work closely with New Zealand on the Pacific and across
the region more broadly.
The Trump administration is committed to maintaining ASEAN
centrality at the core of our engagement with broader regional
institutions such as the East Asia Summit, the ASEAN Regional Forum,
and the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. If confirmed, I will
prioritize longstanding relationships based on our shared interests and
values.
While East Asian and Pacific nations have generally enjoyed peace
for decades, critical security challenges remain. The most urgent is
North Korea's nuclear and missile programs. If confirmed, I will work
with Special Representative Biegun and others to maintain international
pressure on North Korea.
As a strategic competitor, China presents a longer-term challenge.
We will cooperate with China where it advances our interests, as in a
denuclearized North Korea and counter-narcotics, but we must compete
vigorously where our interests diverge. As the President's National
Security Strategy makes clear, we are concerned by China's use of
covert, corrupt, and coercive means to interfere in affairs outside its
borders, as well as its use of military threats to compel other states
to heed its agenda. China's actions often undermine national autonomy,
whether through commercially unviable projects that indebt other
countries, or militarization of the South China Sea.
China also should stop its pressure and coercion and resume
dialogue with the democratically elected authorities on Taiwan. If
confirmed, I commit to working to show China a better way to achieve
its goal of national rejuvenation that includes respect for human
rights, freedom of religion, and other nations' sovereignty, while
insisting on fairness and reciprocity in our bilateral relationship. I
also will make clear that the United States expects that any resolution
of cross-Strait differences must be peaceful and based on the will of
the people on both sides, in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act
and the Three Communiques.
Despite these significant challenges, the region is also bright
with opportunity, with a quarter of the global economy, some of the
world's fastest growing economies, and several of the United States'
largest export markets and investment destinations. As Vice President
Pence noted in Singapore in November, our trade grows with the region's
middle class, topping $1.83 trillion in 2017. This helps U.S.
businesses, workers, and farmers who can offer valuable goods and
services to the region's growing markets.
The United States will work with East Asian and Pacific nations, as
part of our broader Indo- Pacific approach, to create the conditions
needed to attract greater private investment. This engagement allows us
and our partners to advance an economic and trade architecture that
opens markets; promotes high standards; and achieves free, fair, and
reciprocal trade.
If confirmed, I will work with my colleagues in the interagency to
foster private sector-led development over state-dominated approaches
that impinge on national sovereignty and local autonomy. In particular,
I will work to implement the numerous economic initiatives the
President, the Vice President, and Secretary Pompeo have announced.
These promote fair and reciprocal trade, and expand sustainable
investment in infrastructure, energy, and the digital economy.
Continued prosperity and autonomy are rooted in good governance and
transparency. The United States supports strong civil society, efforts
to counter corruption, judicial sector and legal reform, responsible
borrowing, and honest procurement and contracting practices, among
other aims.
We are also concerned about backsliding on human rights and
democracy, including the plight of Rohingya from Burma's Rakhine State,
China's repression of Muslim minorities in Xinjiang, and banning of the
political opposition in Cambodia. If confirmed, I will continue to
promote openness, rule of law, and the protection of human rights and
fundamental freedoms.
Finally, the United States is working with East Asian and Pacific
partners to strengthen maritime security and domain awareness,
humanitarian assistance and disaster response, and peacekeeping
capabilities, as well as to counter transnational crime. If confirmed,
I will continue to deepen these important partnerships.
Ensuring success for U.S. objectives in this region will require
the full spectrum of our capabilities, including diplomatic
initiatives, public diplomacy, capacity building, economic cooperation
and commercial advocacy, and military cooperation. If confirmed, I am
committed to using all of our tools to advance our strategic priorities
and increase engagement with allies and partners.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, this administration is
working to ensure that East Asia and the Pacific continues to be a
free, open, secure, and prosperous region. If confirmed, I am committed
to working together with the dedicated professionals at the Department
of State and our missions in the region to ensure this continues under
my tenure as Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific
Affairs.
Thank you for inviting me to testify today and I look forward to
your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you, General. My wife and I have
celebrated some anniversaries like that too.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman. Believe me, it will be a memorable experience
over the remainder of your marriage. I promise you that.
Well, we are going to do a round of questions. But I
promised Senator Isakson, who has another commitment, that he
could have a minute to start with. So, Senator Isakson, I am
going to yield to you.
Senator Isakson. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I
apologize to the committee in advance.
But two things. One is from a past Member that all of you
know. Saxby Chambliss told me on Sunday if I did anything this
week, I had to come and make sure that I said good things about
Mr. Krach. So I want to say good things about Mr. Krach. I am
sure his testimony is going to be as good as his introduction
of himself. We are proud to have you and your family here
today.
The second thing I want to do is bring up an important
issue for our country, particularly for aviation and something
that Mr. Krach will have to deal with and I hope deal with it
successfully. But we have open skies agreements with a number
of the Middle Eastern country-owned airlines who are subsidized
by the sovereign wealth funds and compete with the United
States by getting into our marketplace through circuitous
routes and then compete for personnel and other things at an
advantage to our people, which we cannot compete with. I want
to make sure Mr. Krach will promise us he will do everything he
can to enforce U.S. agreements with foreign airlines coming
into the country with regard to open skies and be sure we have
fair and equitable play for our airlines and aviation industry
in America with the open skies agreements. And I hope he will
take that position.
I congratulate you and you have a beautiful family.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Isakson. I am not speaking
for everyone on the committee, but I think most people on the
committee share your view on the open skies agreement and some
of the backward way they are going about that, which has been
detrimental to airline industries in the United States. So
thank you very much for your comments.
I also got the same call from Saxby.
Well, first of all, I am going to be brief and then yield
to the ranking member.
I have a question, Mr. Stilwell, regarding North Korea. We
all agree that it is important we maintain maximum pressure on
North Korea especially after the second summit. He has
indicated that it is not going to go as quickly as a lot of us
would like to see although I think most of us understood we
were going to have to have some patience in this regard.
Last week, the Treasury designated two Chinese shipping
companies for attempted evasion of North Korea sanctions. The
next day, the President tweeted saying he had ordered the
withdrawal of those additional sanctions, which has created
some confusion. And I wonder if you could tell us your
understanding of what happened, please, and in your view what
the implications are for sanctions going forward. And I am sure
we are going to explore that more as questions go on. So,
General Stilwell.
Mr. Stilwell. Senator, thank you for that question, for the
time we got to spend in your office.
The North Korea question to me is very optimistic. Things
are looking much better than they have over the last 20 years
since I was first involved in 1994 in Kunsan, Korea when we
discovered the Yongbyon reactor issue.
If you look at the last 2 years under the pressure
campaign, we have seen no nuclear tests. We have seen no
missile launches. We have seen no provocations. The slow and
patient diplomacy seems to be working. There is going to be ebb
and flow with that, but staying the course and letting the
North Koreans know that we are not going to pull back just on
their word--we have been fooled enough times. And so the steady
pressure will continue to have an effect.
As for the sanctions, I am going to defer to Treasury on
that one but look forward to working with you on that question.
The Chairman. Thank you, General.
Senator Menendez?
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
General, to you and your wife, happy anniversary. We will
try to make it as happy as possible in this process.
Let me turn to Mr. Destro. Mr. Destro, do you believe that
the annual country reports on human rights are valuable?
Mr. Destro. I am sorry?
Senator Menendez. Do you believe that the annual country
reports on human rights are valuable? And would you put your
microphone on, please?
Mr. Destro. Yes, Senator, I do. In fact--you go ahead. I am
sorry.
Senator Menendez. And in your view, do they contribute to
advancing fundamental and universal human rights?
Mr. Destro. I think they do, absolutely.
Senator Menendez. So in 2018, while speaking on a panel by
the Family Research Council, you said that the United States
have these reports and we kind of cram the way we do things
here down other people's throats and they are not ready for it.
What did you mean by that?
Mr. Destro. Well, Senator, thank you for the question and
it is an important one.
I look at the human rights reports as the foundation of
much of our foreign policy in human rights. I know they are
relied upon.
But what I was reacting to is comments that I have had from
people in other countries. So the essence of diplomacy is being
engaged with everyone from good actors to bad actors, and there
is frustration out there in some cases.
Senator Menendez. But certainly the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights of the United Nations and virtually most
countries in the world have adopted--that promoting that is
not, quote, cramming down people's throats.
Mr. Destro. No, Senator, it is not. Like I said, the human
rights reports are the foundation of much of the work that--
certainly what DRL does. And it is also very foundational to
what most of the human rights groups do. So I am very
supportive of the reports and actually would like to take them
to the next step.
Senator Menendez. Well, what would that mean?
Mr. Destro. Pardon?
Senator Menendez. What would that mean?
Mr. Destro. I would like to see them be more interactive. I
think what we are looking at now is a very good, solid report.
One of the things that the wonderful staff at DRL has done with
me over the past month or so is they have given me access to
what the instructions are, and I think Ambassador Kozak did a
wonderful job when he explained what it is that DRL is trying
to do with the reports. But there are many other pieces of
information that are not in the reports that I think DRL could
make available to you and to the public, working across these
agencies in the State Department. And that is a conversation I
look forward to having, if confirmed.
Senator Menendez. In March 2017 at Catholic University
School of Law, there was an event titled ``Trump's Refugee
Order: Getting Down to Reality in the Age of Misinformation.''
You were a panelist at that event. Is that correct?
Mr. Destro. Yes, sir.
Senator Menendez. In your remarks, you spoke to the U.S.
refugee vetting system, and you said, quote, I would venture to
say that it is probably unlikely that most of the consular
officers really would know how to figure out who an ISIS person
anyway because asking those kinds of questions require levels
of sophistication that I have yet to see of the State
Department. Close quote.
I assume that before you spoke on the panel on refugees,
should you not have known that all refugees admitted in United
States are also vetted by the Department of Homeland Security,
the FBI, and other national security agencies?
Mr. Destro. Yes, Senator, I know that.
Senator Menendez. So are you suggesting that the State
Department employees have insufficient sophistication to
perform their critical national security duties?
Mr. Destro. No, Senator, I am not. What I am suggesting is
that in the many years that I have been dealing with the State
Department--and it goes back many years now--one of the things
that I have learned over time is that the State Department--
many of the people in the State Department--I should not say
everyone--have had a hard time dealing with the issue of
religion. And that is one of the issues I would like to bring
to their attention. And this question of who is a terrorist and
who is not requires a lot of sophistication.
Senator Menendez. There is a lot of sophistication at DHS,
FBI, and other national security agencies.
But since you brought up the question of religion, as part
of the Republican National Lawyers Association conference in
May of 2017, you participated in a panel where you discussed
the merits of the President's executive order granting broader
religious freedom to individual organizations. And during the
discussion, you said the following. Quote: What we need the
President to do is get these agencies staffed up with people
who really understand what religious liberty is all about so
that we can get some training done and we do not have to deal
with all the holdovers who make our lives miserable when we go
deal with these executive agencies.
Now, that statement is concerning to me. I can assure you
that if you are confirmed, the committee will be watching
closely on how you handle personnel issues at DRL. Can you
assure, because we have already had instances of political
retribution at the State Department--can you assure me that you
will not engage in any of these prohibited practices?
Mr. Destro. Senator, I am glad you asked me that question.
Of course, I will assure you of that. I mean, I have been a
labor lawyer all of my career. I believe that you address
people according to their abilities. And my job as the leader
of the wonderful people I have met at DRL is to actually find
out what they want to do in their careers and for me to help
them do that. So I do not have a problem with making that
assurance to you, and I will be happy to report back to you
whenever you would like.
Senator Menendez. I have another question, Mr. Chairman,
but I will wait for the second round.
The Chairman. Senator Gardner?
Senator Gardner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And, General Stilwell, happy anniversary to you. And I
think Chairman Risch probably scheduled hearings on his
anniversary so he could get out of paying for dinner. I do not
know. Is that what you did, Mr. Chairman?
[Laughter.]
Senator Gardner. Thank you all for your time and testimony
today and welcome to your families and your commitment to
public service.
General Stilwell, I am going to spend most of my time with
you. Do you commit to the full implementation of the Asia
Reassurance Initiative Act, or ARIA?
Mr. Stilwell. Senator, absolutely.
Senator Gardner. Thank you. Your testimony is very much in
line with what ARIA does. In fact, ARIA is basically the flesh
and bones of your testimony. How would you interpret that, your
testimony today, and how it fits with ARIA?
Mr. Stilwell. Senator, I see it as a proactive approach to
a challenge in the Asia-Pacific that we really have not had to
deal with in the past. And so the legislation is very timely.
It counters a state-run and directed attempt to, in many ways,
undermine state sovereignty, individual nation sovereignty,
through what looks like infrastructure funding but does not.
Whereas, ARIA leverages the open market private sector funding
that develops and delivers all sorts of great things in the
world of infrastructure, high quality infrastructure at
reasonable prices.
Senator Gardner. And I think you may be talking about the
BUILD Act. So I want to make sure on the Asia Reassurance
Initiative Act, though, that you are fully committed to the
implementation of the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act.
Mr. Stilwell. Yes. Apologies for conflating.
Senator Gardner. No, no. That is okay. The Obama pivot and
rebalance was a good idea, but the difference between that
success and failure is ARIA. ARIA means all the difference
between taking the pivot and rebalance and actually turning it
into something that does provide U.S. presence and leadership
in the region. So thank you for your commitment.
And will you agree to appear before this committee in the
future to talk about the implementation of ARIA?
Mr. Stilwell. Yes, Senator, absolutely.
Senator Gardner. Thank you.
This is an important generational opportunity for the
United States to provide leadership with all of the elements
that the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act contains. Yesterday, I
met with leaders from Vietnam, leaders from Thailand as well.
And all of them--the first discussion we had was on ARIA and
how they can partner with the United States to implement ARIA.
If we miss this opportunity, the U.S. will once again have
failed on leadership in Asia. We cannot afford to fail. ARIA is
critical to that success.
So thank you, General Stilwell, for your commitment and
your leadership.
Do you commit to the full enforcement of existing sanctions
against the North Korean regime under U.S. law, including those
mandated by the North Korea Sanctions and Policy Enhancement
Act and ARIA as well?
Mr. Stilwell. Affirmative. I do.
Senator Gardner. Thank you.
Do you agree that no sanctions against North Korea should
be lifted?
Mr. Stilwell. Senator, I believe--yes. I believe UNSCR-
approved sanctions should be enforced by all parties that
signed up to that, U.S. and countries, as part of it.
Now, as far as the bilateral U.S.-North Korea sanctions,
yes, we should. I believe that------
Senator Gardner. I want to clarify the question a little
bit, that no sanctions will be lifted until North Korea
demonstrates a commitment to complete, verifiable, irreversible
denuclearization.
Mr. Stilwell. Exactly. And so, again, we bought this horse
before and appreciate the fact that long-term, patient pressure
has had a very positive effect, as I mentioned earlier, and
releasing that pressure too soon will get us right back where
we started.
Senator Gardner. My concern, of course, is that we are now
slow boiling back to strategic patience, which failed to do
anything to deter North Korea. I am concerned about sanctions
that are being imposed under U.S. law, rightfully so by
Treasury, and then waived by the administration for no apparent
concrete step toward denuclearization. That is a very big
concern. And I think if we are going to relieve maximum
pressure, we are going to end up back in the failed strategic
patience doctrine.
I would just point out that on March 31st, in just a few
days, a report is due from the Department of State. This is a
report on a strategy to address the threats posed by and the
capabilities of North Korea. This report requires identifying
strategies and policies to achieve peaceful denuclearization,
to eliminate the threat posed by ballistic missiles, includes
an assessment of potential road maps towards peaceful
denuclearization. This report is due in just a few days. We had
a hearing yesterday with Dr. Victor Cha, Ms. Kelly Magsamen,
and both of them agreed that we are nowhere near getting this
report to Congress, as required by law, signed on December 31st
by the President.
So this is going to be a top priority of mine, should you
be confirmed under this. So I would like to make sure that we
get that.
And then also I would just submit for the record a letter
that Senator Markey and I sent to Secretary Pompeo and
Secretary Mnuchin that talks about the slow-down in sanctions
against North Korea. Since March of 2017, there were 182
persons and entities sanctioned by--and I know this is a
Treasury call, but you work very closely hand-in-glove with
Treasury and we need your pressure to make sure maximum
pressure is working.
But since February 23rd, only 26 new designations have
occurred despite ample evidence of illicit behavior from
Pyongyang and its enablers.
So, Mr. Chairman, I would ask unanimous consent that this
be submitted for the record.
The Chairman. It will be.
[The information referred to above is located at the end of
this hearing transcript.]
Senator Gardner. Thank you.
And just finally, the contours of the U.S. approach towards
China--I will follow up on this with a question for the record.
But do you commit to working with the subcommittee and the full
committee on a comprehensive effort to shape a new China policy
that is consistent with the National Security Strategy and the
National Defense Strategy?
Mr. Stilwell. Yes, Senator. I look forward to it.
Senator Gardner. Thank you.
And will you commit to appearing before my subcommittee or
the full committee to discuss these efforts in the near future,
including to provide constructive feedback on legislative
efforts?
Mr. Stilwell. Affirmative.
Senator Gardner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And, again, happy anniversary, General Stilwell. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Gardner.
Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
And congratulations to the witnesses for your nominations,
for your anniversary.
I grew up working in my dad's welding shop, Mr. Krach. So I
appreciate that aspect of your story as well.
Professor Destro, thank you for the opportunity to meet in
the office, and I have a couple of questions for you, one that
you and I talked about yesterday.
I asked this question in a confirmation hearing when
Governor Brownback was nominated to be Religious Freedom
Ambassador, and I was disappointed that I did not get an
unequivocal answer. So I want to ask you the same question
because it is so directly related to your human rights
portfolio, should you be confirmed.
Some governments use religious justifications to imprison
and execute LGBTQ people. Do you believe there is any
circumstance under which religious freedom can justify
criminalizing, imprisoning, or executing people based on their
LGBTQ status?
Mr. Destro. No, Senator, I do not.
Senator Kaine. Professor Destro, you engaged in a lot of
writing prior to the marriage equality decision of the Supreme
Court, and my understanding of your position at that time was
you did not believe that the Fourteenth Amendment equal
protection guarantee extended to guarantee same sex individuals
the right to choose their own partners and marry. There was a
phrase that you used in one of the articles that you wrote in
2012 that I just want to ask you about, and it goes like this.
If the structure of heteronormativity is to be dismantled,
there is only one place to do it. At the ballot box.
Throughout our history on fundamental issues of human
rights, people have not been able to rely purely on the ballot
box to do that. Slavery did not end and may not have ended
because of the ballot box. Women would not have gotten the
right to vote just because of the ballot box. We would not have
desegregated schools just because of the ballot box. If you ask
oppressed minorities or disenfranchised people to wait for the
ballot box, their human rights are often at risk because
majorities view them with suspicion or do not want them to have
equal treatment.
So I was curious about that formulation. You are being
nominated for a position. One of the key aspects of the
portfolio is the promotion of human rights and that will often
be human rights for people who might be of minority religions,
minority ethnicities, minority political views, people who the
ballot box does not offer them a lot of comfort. One of the
great aspects of our liberal democracy is we have a democracy,
but we also protect the liberties of minority populations so
that they are not subject to oppression by a majority.
So I was kind of curious about your suggestion in that
article that dismantling heteronormativity, if people were
LGBTQ and wanted to marry or wanted to be treated equally in
the workplace, they would have to wait for the ballot box to do
it. And I was just wondering if you could walk me through that.
Mr. Destro. Sure, Senator. Thanks for the question, and
thanks for taking the time with me yesterday morning to discuss
these issues in some depth.
The question--DRL deals with democracy, human rights, and
labor. And so sometimes the tendency is to prioritize one over
the other, and people in individual countries have the right to
band together to govern themselves. And so there is a constant
tension between kind of the question of how you prioritize
human rights. And as we know from our experience here in the
United States, that once the courts take a good, solid stand,
then the people follow.
So it seems to me that we have to give a good example of
what we are doing, and we not only have to be fair, we have to
act fair. And I certainly intend to bring that point of view
not only to address Senator Menendez's concerns about the
people within DRL--we are all going to be walking the walk
there. And basically that is what we will be doing across the
world as well.
Senator Kaine. And can you tell me that you will be an
advocate for the right of LGBTQ people to be treated as equals
using the U.S. as an example of a country that has moved toward
that and that should be one that we would want to impress the
virtues of the example on others?
Mr. Destro. Well, Senator, Brunei just took a slide down
that road just the other day. And of course, we cannot tolerate
lack of equal protection. That is why in my opening comments I
underscored the word ``protection.'' That is an active verb,
``to protect.'' And I think we have an obligation to help
people do that.
Senator Kaine. One more question quickly. Within the State
Department and the division, there were instructions given to
embassies and others out in the field to provide information
about the status of women's access to reproductive health care
in countries as part of the annual human rights report. And
that was the case from 2011 I believe to 2017. The instructions
that are now being given to the field do not ask them to put in
information about reproductive rights. You have the ability to
change that, should you be confirmed.
Would you instruct folks in the field to provide you
information so that the human rights report would include
information about the capacity of women around the world to
access reproductive health care?
Mr. Destro. Senator, my understanding is that the
Secretary's instructions are to follow the statutes. The
statutes require that we look at questions of access to health
care, access to------
Senator Kaine. I do not think you are quite answering my
question. Instructions for a number of years did instruct to
put in information about women's access to reproductive health
care. Those instructions have now been changed to deemphasize
that. If you are confirmed, you would have the ability to do
this. Would you ask for that information to be reported to you
from our FSOs in the field so that you can include it in the
human rights report?
Mr. Destro. Well, like I said, Senator, not being involved
in the discussion beforehand--I have seen the instructions.
They are trying to keep them uniform. I will do what I can
within the statutes, but that is all I can commit to at this
point.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Cardin is next. I know he has got some questions.
So we will be at ease for a minute while we try to get Senator
Cardin in here.
Senator Menendez. Mr. Chairman, while we are waiting for
Senator Cardin, since we would be going to a second round after
Senator Cardin, in the interest of time--Senator Cardin has
arrived.
The Chairman. I was going to deny that request, Senator
Menendez.
[Laughter.]
The Chairman. No offense. I wanted to make sure Senator
Cardin------
Senator Menendez. If I can, Mr. Chairman, to my
distinguished colleague, we had it bad on our side in terms of
the ordering. So we apologize.
Senator Cardin. First, let me thank all of our nominees for
their willingness to serve our country. These are challenging
times. I also want to thank your families for your willingness
to serve. These are challenging times for our country, and we
thank you for your willingness to serve in these public
positions.
General Stilwell, happy anniversary. We have all been
wishing you that. We hope that you celebrate many more, and we
hope that this service to your country will only encourage that
relationship.
My main concern for this round of questioning is to deal
with human rights issues. The East Asia and Pacific region is
one that is very much of concern about what is happening on
good governance and human rights. And I just really want to
encourage you to make sure that these issues are front and
center in the State Department because sometimes they get lost.
There are so many other issues. We are dealing with nuclear
proliferation. We are dealing with security issues, dealing
with trade issues. But human rights are the strength of this
country, and it is critical that these issues be included in
all of these discussions. And you hold a key position on this.
So you mentioned China and Burma. You mentioned Cambodia.
You could have mentioned also the Philippines having real
challenges. And I hope that you will make America's values a
principal part of your responsibility in overseeing our
missions in East Asia and Pacific.
Mr. Krach, I must tell you I have listened to many
statements before our committee, and yours was one of the most
impressive I have heard about your history. Certainly on
entrepreneurship, you bring incredible talent to this position.
It just shows that learning welding skills can do you well in
life. So I might go back and try to figure out how to become a
welder. But congratulations on your success.
But understand that your portfolio includes energy and the
environment also. And I think we all are going to be anxious to
understand your commitment to U.S. leadership in dealing with
the global issues, particularly on the environment. And if we
do not have time to ask today, we will get to those questions.
Senator Menendez raised that in his opening statement.
But to Mr. Destro, I want to concentrate a little bit on
your role because you have a principal role in human rights and
good governance, on anti-corruption, the values of this
country. As I pointed out to General Stilwell, a lot of times
it is difficult to get these issues front and center in this
country because there are so many other issues that our
missions depend on and work on that they do not want to be
bothered by human rights. But human rights is our strength.
Good governance is our strength.
So I want to just follow up on some of the comments that
you made. I did not quite understand what you meant about the
State Department having a hard time dealing with religion. What
did you mean by that in the response?
Mr. Destro. Thank you, Senator. Thanks for that question.
The Frank Wolf Religious Freedom Act requires that Foreign
Service officers be trained when they go out into the field.
And I have made the comment that not only do the Foreign
Service officers need to be trained, but so do the lawyers at
the State Department and at USAID. In the experience that I
have had, especially it really came kind of full force to me
when we were working on the inter-faith initiative in the Holy
Land where we were trying to bring the groups together. And I
have to tell you, Senator, I still have scars from people kind
of------
Senator Cardin. Do you believe that a practicing Muslim or
a practicing Jew or a practicing Christian raises particular
concerns?
Mr. Destro. No, sir. Quite the opposite. I think that we
need to bring people together, and I have devoted most of my
career for at least the last 16 years to doing just that.
Senator Cardin. So one of our concerns is that faith can be
used as justification for discrimination certainly against the
LGBT community. We all have our religious beliefs, and I
respect that. But are you committed to making sure that all
people globally are protected against persecutions, whether it
is under the guise of faith or under the guise that we should
not be interfering in the domestic relations of other
countries?
Mr. Destro. Absolutely, Senator.
Senator Cardin. Can you be a little bit more definitive?
Are you prepared--look, I have been on the Helsinki Commission
for a long time, and we have specific provisions under the
Helsinki Final Act where we can question activities in other
countries. But we always get the rebuttal, why are you
interfering in the domestic relations of another country? And
Senator Menendez says these are basic human rights tenets that
the global community has aspired to. Are you prepared to take
on this battle with other countries to say, look, even though
it may differ from my own personal religious beliefs, you are
going to stand up to protect the rights of the LGBT community,
to protect the rights against government laws and policies that
persecute people because of who they are?
Mr. Destro. Absolutely, Senator. It is a pervasive problem
all over the place. I have spent probably the last 12 years
working on getting prisoners out of jail thankfully, with the
help of a lot of other people. That is getting in the face of
other governments, and I would not hesitate to do that for one
minute.
The point I have been trying to make all along is that
equal protection means protection. Every member of a community
is entitled to the equal protection of the laws.
Senator Cardin. Just one last question. So if a country has
a law that would imprison someone because of being part of the
LGBT community, would that be a priority for you to fight to
have that law repealed?
Mr. Destro. Yes, Senator, as much as a priority of a
country that would imprison a woman for not being with her
minder or who would imprison a Christian or a Buddhist or
whomever. Equal protection means exactly that.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
The Chairman. Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you to each of you for being willing to consider
being nominated to these positions that are very critical to
the country at a very important time in the world.
Mr. Destro, I am going to follow up with some questions,
and if you have responded to these, I apologize for asking them
again.
But if confirmed, you would be responsible for overseeing
global U.S. policies for women's reproductive rights. Congress
appropriated $607.5 million in fiscal year 2019 for family
planning and reproductive health programs that expand access to
family planning services and activities for women and girls. So
if confirmed, will you implement these programs and follow
congressional will in spending appropriated dollars on family
planning and reproductive health?
Mr. Destro. Senator, yes. I mean, I will follow the
government's policies. Secretary Pompeo made a very eloquent
statement yesterday or the day before about the Mexico City
policy. I am bound by what the Secretary and the administration
does.
But the United States government is a leader in advocacy
for women around the world. The human rights reports do report
on violence against women. They do on coercion and all of that.
Senator Shaheen. I do not want to interrupt, but
unfortunately, the United States has not been a leader on
family planning and giving women around the world access to
those services. In fact, what we have seen from some agencies
over the last couple of years is a reluctance to spend the
dollars that Congress has directly appropriated and directed
them to spend. So it is not a surprising question.
Do you believe in the freedom of speech, and will you
commit to advocating for this right in countries that impose
restrictions on speech?
Mr. Destro. Absolutely, Senator, I will. I have been
working on freedom of speech issues for my whole career.
Senator Shaheen. Which I appreciate. Thank you for that.
And given that answer, I would be interested in your
personal take on Secretary Pompeo's announcement to expand the
global gag rule even further to invoke the Siljander Amendment
for the first time which, as you may know, would effectively
restrain the operations of NGOs and other groups that have
nothing to do with abortion services. Instead, it goes after
groups that express their views on choice. Do you think it is
appropriate for the United States to restrain the speech of pro
choice organizations in this way? And how can you effectively
advocate for free speech if you take that position?
Mr. Destro. Senator, I must question the premise of your
question. I mean, I do not think the United States government
is inhibiting freedom of speech at all. I do believe that the
Secretary spoke about this the other day, yesterday, and I will
abide by his will on this issue.
Senator Shaheen. Well, again, just to reiterate. The
Siljander Amendment would effectively restrain the operations
of NGOs and other groups that have nothing to do with abortion
services. And what Secretary Pompeo said, as I understand, was
that he was planning to expand the global gag rule to include
the Siljander Amendment which would restrain the ability of
other organizations that are not providing reproductive
abortion services, but that may advocate on that behalf, that
it would restrain our ability--any funding from the United
States to go to those organizations based on taking that
advocacy position.
So I would hope that you would go back to the Department of
State and that you would, if confirmed, get a clarification on
what this actually means because I think it is in violation of
our commitment to free speech around the world.
Mr. Destro. Senator, you certainly have my commitment to go
back and to talk to people about how that is understood.
Senator Shaheen. Also, I was disappointed to see that the
administration does not consider reproductive rights to be
worthy of inclusion on the congressionally mandated country
reports on human rights practices. And it has also
significantly scaled back reports on gender-based violence.
So if confirmed, you would oversee these reports. Do you
consider gender-based violence to be a human rights violation?
Mr. Destro. I do, Senator.
Senator Shaheen. And so will you commit to reporting on the
prevalence of gender-based violence in these country reports?
Mr. Destro. Senator, again, I have not been involved in the
discussions about how the reports are put together. I have seen
the instructions. I do know that there has been a movement
lately to try and keep the reports more compact. But my comment
to Senator Menendez a little earlier about adding on top of the
report, to the extent that we can do that, I would like to see
us report a little bit more about current events.
Senator Shaheen. Well, I would certainly hope that
reporting on gender-based violence would be done. Rather than
an attempt to keep the report compact, it would be a
recognition of a real effort to report on human rights
violations that are happening across the world. That, as I
understand, is the goal of this reporting. It is not to keep it
short so that it is an easy read for people.
Mr. Destro. That is true, Senator. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Murphy?
Senator Murphy. I would concur with the Senator's analysis
of the reason that we do these reports.
Mr. Krach, the House just passed a bill called the European
Energy Security and Diversification Act by a big bipartisan
majority, 391 to 24. This is a piece of legislation originally
introduced here in the Senate by myself and Senator Cardin and
Senator Johnson, Senator Rubio, Senator Gardner. A bunch of us
on both sides of the aisle think it is really important to set
up a financing vehicle that we could partner with diplomatic
efforts in order to help countries, especially those on the
Russian periphery, become energy independent of Russia, a way,
at no cost to the American taxpayer, to find some ways to try
to push back on one of the prime means of Russian leverage,
which is their energy that continues to flow largely unimpeded
into countries that then become reliant on not only Russia's
energy source but become very intertwined with their foreign
policy objectives and priorities as well.
Can you talk about the importance of the United States
standing up new capacities to try to help countries around the
Russian periphery become energy independent of Russia? And I
would love to get your commitment to work with us on both sides
of the aisle on this legislation.
Mr. Krach. Yes, Senator. And thank you for that piece of
legislation--all of Congress--because I really believe that
energy security is such a vital component to national security.
And a key to energy security is obviously to diversify all
sources of energy. So, Senator, you have my commitment. If
confirmed, I will do everything possible to utilize our Foreign
Service experts and bring all forces to bear.
Senator Murphy. And I assume you believe that the United
States can do more to try to promote energy independence in and
around Russia's periphery.
Mr. Krach. Absolutely, Senator. And my goal is to improve.
Senator Murphy. Mr. Destro, you have a difficult job ahead
of you. I am sure Senator Menendez and others have framed this
for you. This administration's constant embrace of brutal
oppressive regimes all around the world has set back the
international human rights cause by decades in my opinion.
But this position, when I think done right, is one that
makes the argument that despite all of the competing priorities
we have in bilateral relationships, when our President and our
Secretary of State is sitting across from another world leader,
that they should raise and must raise issues of human rights no
matter the competing equities. There are always competing
equities. And this job has been placed in the State Department
in order to make sure that the human rights and democracy
promotion equities are part of that equation.
The President's first trip, when he became the commander in
chief, was to Saudi Arabia, a country that occupies a position
of primacy with respect to those brutal and oppressive regimes
around the world. We have always known of it and its practices,
but we know a little bit more now given the fact that they
targeted an American resident for murder and have another today
that they have reportedly electrocuted.
Can you share with us what advice you are going to give
this administration with respect to how we right-size our
relationship with Saudi Arabia? Thus far, there have been
absolutely no consequences to the government of Saudi Arabia
from this administration. And I imagine if there was someone
strongly advocating for human rights and democracy promotion as
a cornerstone of our foreign policy in the State Department, we
might have had a different outcome in this administration's
policy. Give us your recommendations that you will make or how
you view the need to raise these issues with a Saudi regime
that seems to be targeting U.S. residents for repression.
Mr. Destro. Senator, thank you. The behavior of the Saudi
regime with respect to women and other minorities, religious
minorities, leaves a lot to be desired. I will certainly be a
strong advocate. My job, if confirmed as Assistant Secretary,
is to do the homework for the Secretary and the President on
these human rights issues.
I do know that the President has been four square and so
has Secretary Pompeo with respect to holding the people
responsible for the murder of Khashoggi and others to account.
There have been sanctions issued against people in the Saudi
regime, and I understand that the process of looking at the
evidence is still ongoing. Not having my security clearance,
unless and until I am confirmed, I cannot comment on where they
are in that process at this point.
Senator Murphy. We will look forward to having you back
here. I think everyone, with the exception of the President,
who has taken a look at the evidence available to us, has come
to the conclusion that we have not sanctioned and targeted the
people who were responsible for this killing, thus the need to
have somebody in your position who is speaking truth to power
on who was actually responsible for these crimes and who
actually needs to be held accountable.
But thank you very much for your participation today.
Mr. Destro. Thank you, Senator.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you, Chairman Risch, Ranking Member
Menendez, and thank you to the panel for your willingness to
step forward and serve and represent our nation in important
places around the world.
Mr. Krach, if I might first to you. In your testimony, you
mentioned the importance of leveraging the innovation and
resources of our private sector. If confirmed as Under
Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment, you
will need to advise Secretary Pompeo on his role as the
chairman of the new International Development Finance
Corporation created by the passage of the BUILD Act last year
which could deploy up to $60 billion a year of American private
capital in the developing world in a way that would allow us to
compete with peer competitors like China and others who are
much more active now in financing projects in the developing
world that we are.
What sorts of recommendations might you make to the
Secretary about the use of this new tool, about the role of the
IFDC to make sure that it is not just an appealing thing to
talk about but it actually has impact on the ground, makes a
difference in the developing world, and reengages particularly
on the continent of Africa but in other places where we,
frankly, have been sadly absent in recent years as China has
significantly stepped up its investments?
Mr. Krach. Thank you, Senator. And I think that is a
strategic asset for our foreign policy.
I would make a recommendation that really has three prongs
to the strategy, Senator.
The first one is in terms of deploying those funds, to
focus those on strategic countries where we could make the most
difference.
The second would be to leverage the innovation and
resources of the private sector. And when I mean private
sector, I mean not just the business sector but also the
educational sector and the social sector as well.
The third one would be to amplify American values. The
question is how do you make American values come alive. I would
start off with focusing on the power of entrepreneurship,
economic empowerment of women, and also education. If
confirmed, I will do everything I can, Senator.
Senator Coons. I could not agree with you more that this is
a tool that allows both the deployment of capital and the
financing of projects in a process that teaches about our
values, more transparency, more connectivity to the legitimate
development goals of our partner countries, and in ways that
should help advance human rights, democracy, governance
improvements.
General, if I might, happy anniversary to you and your
wife. Thank you for what I suspect has been a long career of
service that has not often allowed you to be together on your
anniversary.
China today is attempting to rewrite the rules of
international trade and is flexing its muscles broadly,
economically, politically, militarily, as they continue to rise
and as their economy and country continues to become more
significant. And I am greatly concerned about their actions in
ways that may redefine the international order for generations
to come.
While there are certainly areas where we are competing and
must compete with China, there are areas where we may well end
up in some confrontation with China.
I am interested in your advice about specific areas where
we could cooperate and where expanded cooperation with China
may balance out the voices that say we are inevitably on a path
towards confrontation. What are areas of cooperation you will
be exploring with China in the years to come, should you be
confirmed?
Mr. Stilwell. Senator, thank you for that question. That is
really a good point.
Oftentimes we use the word ``China'' and we blanket the
entire not just the government but the people and all that. I
really, if confirmed, will caution people on that and maybe
more specific in our language and what are the objectionable
actors and activities rather than splashing because Xi Jinping
is using our language to fan nationalist flames and say that
the world and the U.S. is holding China--trying to keep all
Chinese people down. And that is not the point.
So as far as cooperation, while I was there, I had some
good interaction with Chinese veterans associations from World
War II. Mr. Destro's family member spoke about Joe Stilwell in
World War II and the interaction there. I had the opportunity
while I was there, to meet some 95-year-old folks who fought
alongside Americans. We put up a display in the Pentagon of
positive cooperation between the U.S. and China, not
necessarily the communists and the nationalists, and that
seemed to resonate.
So one area--and this is only because of my past
experience--is to look at developing a positive interaction,
not with the PLA but with the veterans especially from our
cooperative period as allies in World War II.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
I have got one more question for Mr. Destro, but if I might
suggest, General, I think there are ways in counterterrorism,
in nonproliferation, in combating human trafficking, and
combating wildlife trafficking. There are a range of areas.
Peacekeeping. You know, I met my first Chinese flag rank
officer in visiting a U.N. peacekeeping force in South Sudan.
So I do think there are areas of potential cooperation, and I
do think our narrative of the U.S. China relationship needs to
include that. And I am encouraged to hear about your work with
Chinese veterans. That was an aspect of it that had not
occurred to me.
Mr. Destro, last, if I might. In your testimony, you noted
that--and I quote--respect for the rights and freedoms of
others is the foundation of effective diplomacy and a stable
foreign policy. As the co-chair of the Senate Human Rights
Caucus, I could not agree more. And if confirmed, I will be
looking to ensure that you stay true to that belief even when
difficult or uncomfortable. I know my colleagues have
questioned you at length about your positions and some public
statements on LGBT rights and on other issues. And I join them
in concern about making sure that we step forward and continue
to be a voice for human rights broadly understood.
But I want to focus on one last thing, if I might.
Secretary Pompeo recently said China is in a league of its own
when it comes to human rights violations. I think he was
referring to the Uighur Muslims in the western most province of
Xinjiang. How would you engage the international community on
this issue, if confirmed to the position for which you have
been nominated?
Mr. Destro. Well, Senator, dealing with China and the human
rights issues in China, particularly in Xinjiang, is going to
take every ounce of creativity that we have. The Chinese have
effectively shut down the NGOs that DRL certainly has worked
with. It has become fashionable in many countries to shut down
the NGO sector as effectively being spies. So we are going to
have to find, as General Stilwell has just point out, ways in
which we can cooperate and get that human rights message to the
right people. Unfortunately, in the case of China, the right
person is the party chairman, and we are going to have to
figure out how to get that message to him.
Senator Coons. One of the challenges you will face--and I
know and admire the work of several of your predecessors, now
Congressman Malinowski, Yale Law Professor Harold Koh under
whom I studied at school. The work of the Bureau of Democracy,
Human Rights, and Labor is to be a strong and persistent and
effective and engaged voice for human rights not as one among
many interests but as a principal interest of the United
States. There are always security interests at the table. I
think we need to work together to make sure that human rights
interests, promoting a free press, promoting a free and open
Internet, promoting respect for LGBT rights, promoting respect
for religious liberty. You have a very broad portfolio and one
I look forward to working with you closely on to make sure we
continue to advocate for human rights in all the ways it has
helped advance American interests in the past.
Thank you all.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your forbearance.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Coons.
Senator Menendez for a second round.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Destro, let me return to you. You can hear from my
colleagues that we all have concerns.
Do you recognize the constitutional right to marriage for
LGBT Americans, including Department of State employees------
Mr. Destro. Yes, Senator.
Senator Menendez. Let me finish my question. And the
nondiscrimination rights of LGBT citizens in other countries?
Mr. Destro. I do, Senator.
Senator Menendez. So here is our problem. You have talked
very often in response to questions about your decades of
working for certain things. How do you reconcile your prior
statements and long-held views on LGBT rights and women's
rights with the responsibilities of the position you are
seeking today? How are we to assume that you are ready and
willing to fight for some of the very rights you have fought
against for decades?
Mr. Destro. Well, Senator, thanks for the question.
Let me take you back to 1987 when a good friend, the first
person I ever knew who died of AIDS--I went to see him in the
hospital. I saw how he was treated. And as a result of that
treatment, I brought to the United States Civil Rights
Commission, of which I was a member at the time, the issue of
health care discrimination against people with HIV. That was
not a popular position to take at the time.
And throughout my career, I have tried to deal with
everybody I have dealt with equally and to encourage their
development as students, their development as employees, and to
be honest, Senator, that is what I will do.
Senator Menendez. Truly you must understand the hesitancy
of some of us who believe this may be a nomination conversion
because your statements are totally in contrast to the very
mission that you are called upon, if confirmed, to lead. So I
am not sure that--maybe after the hearing, I would love to have
a conversation because I just do not see it. So I would like
you to convince me because the history does not match up with
what I hear here today.
Mr. Destro. Well, Senator, again, I would be more than
willing to sit down with you and talk, but I think that if you
actually talk to the people who I have worked with, for whom I
have advocated, you will find that at least most of them would
say that the charge that I am anti-LGBT is laughable.
Senator Menendez. General, let me ask you. This year we
celebrate the 40th anniversary of the Taiwan Relations Act.
U.S. support for Taiwan's flourishing democracy, for its
ability to maintain the cross-strait status quo, for its
ability to have a space for autonomy have been important to us
in our relationship with Taiwan.
What is your assessment of the current cross-strait
situation, the pressure Beijing seems to be bringing on Taipei,
seems to be doing it to various countries in the world, trying
to disassociate themselves with Taiwan? What do you believe we
need to do in this regard?
Mr. Stilwell. Senator, thank you for that question.
It is obvious that Beijing is trying to conclude their
reunification in a way that is contrary to the agreements we
made between 1972 and 1979, primarily the Three Communiques,
and then subsequent.
I am not sure why the rush. I am not sure why the
leadership believes that now is the time to do this. The
relationship across straits was actually fairly positive in
terms of trade and other things. So I cannot understand why
they are doing it, but I do believe that it is our role and our
responsibility to communicate very clearly to them that it is
not acceptable. We are going to ask them to live up to their
commitments and reinforce our position as to the peaceful
settlement of this dispute through dialogue and not through
force or coercion.
Senator Menendez. Well, there is a strong bipartisan
support here for the U.S.-Taiwan relationship based upon the
Taiwan Relations Act, and I hope you will be an advocate of
that in your role, if confirmed.
Mr. Stilwell. Absolutely.
Senator Menendez. The administration has announced with
some fanfare a new Indo-Pacific strategy. I have to admit
listening to different administration officials, I am not sure
exactly what it is and how it has been resourced. So could you
explain, as you understand it, that strategy, and where do you
think additional resources are needed and warranted?
Mr. Stilwell. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
I guess I will start off with my current boss makes a great
point that most great strategies are backed into. You know what
your objective is and you state very clearly what it is you are
trying to accomplish, and then over time and given time, you
work out the ways and the means on how you are going to get
that done.
We have talked a lot about investment, economics. We have
talked about ARIA, the BUILD Act. With the help of the
Congress, this is one of those areas where I believe that there
is no dispute. This is an area where the administration and the
Congress can work together and has worked together very well
over time.
If I can just focus on one thing on the strategy, we need
to focus on the idea of governance. If you look at what is
coming out of Beijing in the last 8 years, you know, a couple
books called the ``Governance of China,'' volumes 1 and 2, they
are trying to push that governance model out, this
authoritarian governance model I guess in an effort to develop
likeminded allies, but having little success, which is good.
But I think our job is to focus on something that we take for
granted, we have taken for granted since the fall of the Soviet
Union in 1991, and focus on the importance of democracies.
Francis Fukuyama said in ``The End of History,'' democracy won.
We have kind of become complacent. And that is one thing, if
confirmed, I would like to focus on is why democracy is
important, why free, open markets are important, and why top-
down directed authoritarian rule just does not work.
Senator Menendez. I appreciate that.
Lastly, Mr. Krach, let me ask you. 2019 is a significant
year for the U.S. participation in the Paris Agreement because
November 4th is the day when President Trump can officially
initiate the formal withdrawal process. And November 4th
happens to be 7 days before the start of COP25 in Santiago,
Chile, which by all indications what was intended to be pursued
at COP25 is very beneficial to the United States and to its
industries.
Do you believe that the United States should withdraw from
the Paris Agreement?
Mr. Krach. Senator, let me put it this way. I think the
climate issue is a very serious issue. I think we all want to
leave and preserve the health of our planet for our children
and our grandchildren.
President Trump has made the decision to withdraw.
I do believe that the health of the planet is critical for
economic security and also national security. And I believe
innovating in the clean tech area holds the key. And if
confirmed, I will leverage my background in the area of
innovation and high-tech to make sure that we mitigate
greenhouse gases while protecting our national security.
Senator Menendez. Well, you know, when the President
announced, he said possibly we could stay in the Paris
Agreement if a better deal could be reached. I have not seen
efforts to achieve that. But if a better deal could be reached.
Senator Collins and I wrote Secretary Pompeo a letter
several weeks ago, for which we have not received a response
yet, requesting that the Secretary explain how we intend as a
nation to maintain our power and influence in a process that we
are walking away from. How do you think that that can be
achieved?
Mr. Krach. Senator, I think to focus on results. For
example, since 2005, our GDP has grown 19 percent. Our
greenhouse emissions has gone down 14 percent. So I am a
businessman. I think it is to clearly focus on results. And as
I mentioned in my opening statement, I really want to focus on
optimizing energy security, economic growth, and the health of
the planet. And I really believe that innovation holds such a
great key there. So, if confirmed I know this is a passionate
issue for you, Senator--I would love to constructively engage
and continue this dialogue.
Senator Menendez. Well, I appreciate that. And let me just
say it is difficult to understand how we leverage U.S.
interests, for example, in the COP25--the COP24 hearings are
going to take place in Chile. The reality is business, not me.
Business is widely regarded as successful and favorable towards
U.S. interests. But you have to be there to be able to make the
case. You have to be there in international organizations to
lead the way. When we have as a nation participated, we largely
get to set the standards, and when we set the standards, we get
to promote American interests at the end of the day.
I hope that particularly in your unique role that has three
significant buckets to it that you will be an advocate of that.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the time.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Thanks to all of our nominees and your families. Again, we
appreciate your willingness to stand up and do this work for
your country. It will be greatly appreciated.
For the information of members, the record will remain open
until the close of business on Thursday, including for members
to submit questions for the record.
With that, the committee is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:50 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
----------
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Robert Destro by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Do you commit to ensuring that the promotion of human
rights and democracy is a central part of U.S. foreign policy?
Answer. Yes. The President's National Security Strategy is clear on
the point and the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor has a
very important role in the promotion of human rights, which is in the
best interest of the United States.
Question. Do you believe advocating for human rights and democracy
is a U.S. national security imperative?
Answer. Yes, absolutely. President Trump has made clear that human
rights are in the national interest, and his National Security Strategy
(NSS) reflects a strong commitment to human rights. It states that,
``Liberty, free enterprise, equal justice under the law, and the
dignity of every human life are central to who we are as a people.'' It
also makes clear that a commitment to human rights is essential to
advance U.S. influence abroad, and that respect for human rights
produces peace, stability and prosperity--making it integral to U.S.
national security.
Question. Do you believe that the U.S. government's efforts to
support emerging democracies can be more effective? If confirmed, where
would you focus your efforts?
Answer. Supporting emerging democracies is essential. I would hope
to work closely with the committee on that important goal.
For example, as Secretary Pompeo said: ``As a friend of the
Venezuelan people, we stand ready to help them even more, to help them
begin the process of rebuilding their country and their economy from
the destruction wrought by the criminally incompetent and illegitimate
Maduro regime.''
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meeting with dissidents
and their families here in the U.S. and abroad to advocate for specific
human rights cases?
Answer. Yes. It is important that the U.S. stand with those who,
sometimes at great risk to themselves, press their governments to
protect human rights.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to pushing for freedom of
the press and placing greater emphasis on an independent media that is
free of fear and intimidation from their government?
Answer. Absolutely. I will promote press freedom by engaging
directly with governments to encourage reform of laws that unduly
restrict freedom of expression or press freedoms, as well as raise
specific cases and provide diplomatic and program support to
independent media.
Question. Do you believe it is a wise investment of U.S. taxpayer
dollars to support emerging democracies? Will you support critical
funding to democracy promotion globally?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work for strategic investments
that enable America to advance democracy worldwide.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Robert Destro by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. I have been working on civil and human rights issues for
most of my career, both here in the United States and abroad. In
addition to the examples I gave during my testimony, such as the
pioneering work I did in the mid-1980s on discrimination against
persons with HIV/AIDS, here are three (3) additional examples:
Release of prisoners, journalists and prisoners of conscience.
Since the early 2000s, I have been actively involved in efforts
to seek the release of prisoners of conscience and journalists.
Because of my work in the Middle East, I have had the privilege
to work with American families whose loved ones are imprisoned,
and to press the case for the release of their family members
at every available opportunity. In several cases, we succeeded.
Where individuals remain imprisoned or missing, I am committed
to the effort to get them out for as long as it takes, and
will, if confirmed, use whatever authorities I have to multiply
the force of ongoing efforts. I am, as I make this report,
working on four (4) such cases.
Human Rights. From a policy perspective, the most important
accomplishment was the drafting, field work and advocacy for
the ISIS genocide resolutions: House Concurrent Resolution 75,
co-sponsored by Reps. Jeff Fortenberry and Anna Eshoo (adopted
393-0); Senate Res. 340, co-sponsored by Senators Bill Cassidy
and Joe Manchin (adopted by unanimous consent). Then-Secretary
of State, John Kerry, responded by making a formal genocide
declaration on March 17, 2016. I have remained involved in the
anti-genocide effort since that time, and have used the
experience to inform my ongoing efforts to prevent and document
the atrocities that are continuing in many parts of the world.
If confirmed, I will bring that experience, and the many
committed people with whom I have worked, into a broadly-based,
international effort to implement the Elie Wiesel Atrocities
Prevention Act.
Democracy. My experience as a Commissioner on the U.S. Commission
on Civil Rights from 1983-1989, and as voting rights counsel
for the Ohio Secretary of State from 2004-2006, has given me a
``ground-based'' understanding of the entire range of voting
rights issues--from registration to the security of voting
technology. My work with Christians, Muslims, Jews and other
minorities in the Middle East and North Africa has given me
unparalleled opportunities to discuss how to make the case for
democracy and human rights in countries that do not have a
democratic tradition.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to
democracy or democratic development around the world? These challenges
might include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as
possible.
Answer. The promotion of democracy and human rights is central to
our national interests and an essential element of our foreign policy.
Societies that respect and defend human rights, fundamental freedoms,
and the rule of law are more stable, secure, and prosperous and make
stronger allies. Yet we face the challenge of anti-democratic
governments working to undermine public faith in the democratic process
and weaken democratic institutions, both at home and abroad. They seek
to restrict the freedoms of expression, association, and assembly--
essential to any functioning democracy. Political opposition, civil
society activists, human rights defenders, independent media, and
others face threats, harassment, intimidation, and violence from both
state and non-state actors. Too often, these acts go unpunished, giving
rise to a culture of impunity, which further stifles efforts by civil
society to preserve and promote human rights and the rule of law.
If confirmed, I will make it clear that the United States stands
firmly with like-minded governments, civil society, and other
stakeholders in our shared commitment to promote, protect, and advance
democratic values.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy around the world? What do you hope to accomplish through
these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the
specific obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, you have my commitment to use a range of
diplomatic tools and programming to support democracy around the world.
The most powerful thing we can do to support democracy is to support
democrats--those people who exist in every society who are striving
peacefully for democratic reforms. For example, I will use tools like
the Magnitsky Act and the Global Magnitsky Act to deter attacks on
democratic institutions or democratic activists. I will use democracy
programs to help civil society. These are powerful tools, and it is
important that the bureau be effective using them against forces that
seek to restrict democratic institutions and activities. I hope to work
closely with the committee to protect victims of abuses while
increasing the space for civil society to operate.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance
resources at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small
Grants program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding,
to support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to utilize all resources at my
disposal. In particular, I will continue to ensure that DRL programs
will align with national security goals, including defeating ISIS and
other terrorist groups, by addressing conditions that are conducive to
the spread of these threats such as poor governance, corruption, and
human rights violations and abuses. I understand that DRL's rule of law
programs counter radicalization to violence caused by inability to seek
redress of human rights violations and abuses, which enhances U.S.
security and interests through greater stability. DRL will aid civil
society to advocate for peaceful reform, more openness in repressive
states, and enhanced respect for human rights. If confirmed, I will
continue to prioritize protecting victims of religious discrimination
globally, promoting rule of law in China, and improving the free flow
of information in the DPRK. Under my leadership, DRL will continue to
provide rapid responses to democratic openings and human rights crises;
assert U.S. leadership by utilizing strategic partnerships with
governments, the private sector, and faith-based organizations, as
appropriate; oppose corruption and improve market-oriented governance,
thereby fostering economic opportunities for the American people; and
promote uncensored access to the Internet.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society when you travel abroad? What steps will you take to pro-
actively address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society
via legal or regulatory measures?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will meet with civil society members,
human rights groups, and other non-governmental organizations in the
United States, as well as during my overseas trips. The United States
values the voice and opinions of civil society and has a long history
of engaging leaders both inside and outside the government, a tradition
I will continue. Hearing this range of views is essential in
understanding country conditions, including the state of democracy and
human rights, and plays a key role in informing and advancing U.S.
foreign policy.
If confirmed, I will continue the Department's efforts to provide
direct assistance to embattled civil society organizations around the
world that are under threat or attack, in addition to empowering civil
society around the world to build democratic institutions, support
access to justice, create independent media, and document human rights
abuses.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. Yes on all counts. If confirmed, I will meet with a wide
range of actors who are committed peacefully to promote democratic
principles and human rights within their countries. If confirmed, I
will explore how U.S. government programming and advocacy can push for
space for political competition, the inclusion of diverse voices and
opinions, and space for civil society and citizens to exercise their
fundamental freedoms. I will advocate for access and inclusivity for
women, youth, and minorities in the political process.
Question. Will you actively engage with governments on freedom of
the press and address any government efforts designed to control or
undermine press freedom through legal, regulatory or other measures?
Will you commit to meeting regularly with independent, local press when
you travel abroad?
Answer. Yes to both questions. If confirmed, I will actively engage
with governments on free expression and freedom for the press. I will
work to advance press freedom, knowing that an informed citizenry is a
fundamental requirement for free nations and people. If confirmed, I
will meet regularly with independent, local press when I travel abroad.
Question. Will you actively engage with governments on the right
of labor groups to organize, including for independent trade unions?
Answer. Yes. I have spent a good portion of my career as a labor
lawyer and remain actively involved in advocating for whistle-blowers
and other employees who face discrimination and retaliation in the
workplace for reasons unrelated to their job performance. I strongly
believe that the right to organize and operate labor unions is
protected by the fundamental rights of speech, press, association,
expression, and peaceful assembly, and that such organizations serve as
foundation stones in the building of democracy. As a result, they
should be at the heart of our engagement on labor, democracy and non-
discrimination issues. Ensuring that U.S. trade partners respect
internationally recognized worker rights and adhere to high labor
standards promotes a level playing field for U.S. workers and helps
create stronger trading partners for the United States. If confirmed, I
will support workers' rights, including their ability to form and join
the independent trade unions of their choice.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people, no matter their
sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do the lesbian,
gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face around the
world? What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ people?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work to defend the human rights
and dignity of all people, including LGBTI individuals. LGBTI persons
face serious challenges, including the criminalization of LGBTI status
or conduct and bias-motivated violence and discrimination in employment
housing and provision of government services.
If confirmed, I would use the full range of tools at our disposal--
including bilateral and multilateral diplomatic engagement, emergency
assistance to LGBTI persons and organizations at risk, and the
imposition of visa restrictions and economic sanctions, as appropriate,
against perpetrators of human rights violations and abuses.
Question. When discussing the annual Country Reports on Human
Rights during your confirmation hearing, you said, ``So, I'm very
supportive of the reports and actually would like to take them to the
next step..I'd like to see them be more interactive.''
What is the ``next step''? How would you make the reports more
interactive? Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with other bureaus and offices
across the Department to explore digital and graphics tools that might
be used by DRL in an effort to ensure that the information in the
reports is as up to date, engaging and interactive as possible.
Question. Also in relation to the annual Country Report on Human
Rights, during your hearing you said, ``.there are many other pieces of
information that are not in the reports that I think DRL could make
available to you and to the public.''
What additional pieces of information do you think should be made
available? Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. As I stated in my testimony, I consider the reports to be
the ``foundation'' of DRL's reporting obligations. If confirmed, I
would like to see if DRL can build upon that foundation by
incorporating more graphical, visual and interactive elements that can
effectively illustrate the content of the reports. I believe, for
example, that additional data could be presented through interactive
maps and charts that would further elaborate on and explain the
patterns of abuses outlined in the reports.
Question. Many believe that the current administration has
embarked on an unprecedented diminution of support for democracy and
human rights around the world. Abroad, the President routinely praises
dictators and congratulates autocrats on winning rigged elections. The
administration's budget request would decimate foreign assistance
provided to promote democracy and human rights in foreign countries.
Answer. The National Security Strategy states that, ``Liberty, free
enterprise, equal justice under the law, and the dignity of every human
life are central to who we are as a people.'' It also makes clear that
a commitment to human rights is essential to advance U.S. influence
abroad, and that respect for human rights produces peace, stability and
prosperity--making it integral to U.S. national security. If confirmed,
I will use diplomacy, sanctions and other tools to press states and
leaders who act contrary to human rights norms to change their
behavior. I appreciate and share the longstanding Congressional support
for democracy programming, and I pledge to respond quickly and flexibly
to changing needs and opportunities to advance human rights around the
world. I will also, for example, use the Human Rights and Democracy
Fund rapid response mechanisms to reinforce U.S. leadership in global
human rights promotion, leveraging partnerships with governments, the
private sector, and faith-based organizations.
Question. If confirmed, do you think the President's actions and
statements are helpful or harmful to the work you will be doing to
advance human rights and democracy? If harmful, how do you intend to
mitigate that harm?
Answer. President Trump has been clear that promoting human dignity
is key to our national security. As he said at his speech in Poland in
2017: ``we value the dignity of every human life, protect the rights of
every person, and share the hope of every soul to live in freedom. That
is who we are. Those are the priceless ties that bind us together as a
nation, as allies, and as a civilization.''
Secretary Pompeo has told this committee that he is firmly
committed to defend the human rights of all people and will work to
strengthen democracy where it exists and promote it where it does not.
If confirmed, I will support the President's policy by raising
human rights and cases with counterparts, including when I travel.
Question. Do you believe that public criticism of violations of
human rights or democratic norms committed by foreign governments can
advance the cause of human rights and should be a technique used by the
United States in appropriate cases?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Are there any circumstances in which you believe the
United States should not criticize other governments for violating
human rights or democratic norms? What are the factors that you would
consider in weighing that question?
Answer. I do not believe there are any circumstances in which we
should ignore violations of human rights or democratic norms. At times,
it may be more effective to raise our concerns in a constructive rather
than a critical tone, and sometimes it may be more effective to make
criticisms in private. If confirmed, I will raise human rights and
democracy issues bilaterally and multilaterally, including when I
travel, using the tactics I judge will be most likely in a given
situation to bring about progress.
Question. Should it make a difference in deciding whether to
publicly criticize a government for violating human rights or
democratic norms that the nation in question is considered to be an
ally of the United States?
Answer. We should hold all nations to their internationally
accepted human rights standards and norms. If confirmed, I will do
that. Whether we do that privately, publically, or both should be based
on a calculation of which approach is most likely to bring about the
change in respect for human rights we seek.
Question. Do you believe that raising concerns about human rights
and democratic norms enshrined in international agreements and
universally recognized documents such as the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights constitutes interference in the internal affairs of
another state?
Answer. No. If confirmed, I commit to you that I will continue to
raise human rights cases and issues.
Question. Do you believe that publicly raising concerns about
corruption or violations of rights committed by a government currently
in power and seeking to remain in power constitutes interference in the
internal affairs of a state?
Answer. No, I do not.
Question. What is the right balance for the United States when it
comes to engaging or even partnering with deeply abusive governments?
Answer. If confirmed, it will be my job to ensure that human rights
and democracy issues are always part of the discussions at the foreign
policy table. I commit to you that I will raise human rights cases and
issues to ensure that they are part of the engagement when we find it
necessary to engage with abusive governments.
Question. In general, how do you believe the U.S. can strike the
right balance between addressing national security and human rights
concerns? Many Central American women, adolescent girls, and families
migrate to the U.S. because of gender-based violence, inadequate
accountability for perpetrators, and inadequate support for survivors
in their home countries. International human rights law recognizes that
gender-based violence, including domestic violence, is a human rights
violation. This year, the annual State Department Human Rights Report
scaled back reporting on incidences of gender-based violence in many
countries, including Central American countries like El Salvador,
Guatemala, and Honduras where women and girls are fleeing unspeakable
risks.
Answer. President Trump's National Security Strategy explicitly
states that the U.S. will support efforts to advance women's equality
and protect the rights of women and girls. I believe that reporting on
the prevalence of violence against women and girls is one of the many
ways in which the Department of State is advancing U.S. efforts to
press governments to create policies and practices that protect women
and girls from violence.
If confirmed, I would work to ensure that the Department of State's
annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices report on the extent
of gender-based violence such as: rape and domestic violence; female
genital mutilation/cutting; harmful traditional practices such as
dowry-related deaths, so-called honor killings, acid attacks, and widow
violence. While it is not possible to list each instance of these
terrible abuses, we need to find ways to give those who utilize the HRR
access to qualitative, quantitative, graphical and geographic
distribution data for every country in which such information is
available.
Question. Do you believe, based on your understanding of
international human rights law, that gender-based violence, including
domestic violence, is a human rights violation?
Answer. Yes. Gender-based violence, including domestic violence,
violates and impairs or nullifies the enjoyment by women and girls of
their human rights and fundamental freedoms.
President Trump's National Security Strategy explicitly states that
the United States will support efforts to advance women's equality and
protect the rights of women and girls.
Question. How will you ensure that the annual State Department
Human Rights Report restores its prior levels of reporting on gender-
based violence as a serious human rights violation afflicting millions
of women around the world?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek to ensure that the Country
Reports on Human Rights Practices provide both qualitative and
quantitative reporting on gender-based violence in each country
report.to include rape and domestic violence, female genital
mutilation/cutting; harmful traditional practices such as dowry-related
deaths, so-called honor killings, acid attacks, and widow violence.I
Question. n your view, what message does a reduction in funding
for democracy program, whether via NED, State or USAID send to those
struggling for human rights and democracy as well as our adversaries,
like China and Russia, who are seeking to disrupt the democratic world
order and replace it with their authoritarian political, economic and
governance model?
As Assistant Secretary, will you commit to supporting a budget that
invests in DRG funding, and will you recommend that the President
abandon his proposed cuts to DRG funding in future budgets?
Answer. I believe democracy programs are critical for defending
national security, fostering economic opportunities for the American
people, and asserting U.S. leadership and influence. I understand the
FY 2020 budget request upholds U.S. commitments to key partners and
allies through strategic, selective investments that enable America to
retain its position as a global leader, while relying on other nations
to make greater contributions toward shared objectives, including
advancing democracy worldwide. If confirmed, I will look to continue
support for these critical programs.
Question. How will you use the various diplomatic and development
tools that DRL has at its disposal to promote the human rights of LGBT
people and the need to hold violators of those rights to account?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to protect and defend human
rights for all people equally--including LGBTI individuals. I would use
the full range of tools at our disposal--including bilateral and
multilateral diplomatic engagement, emergency assistance to LGBTI
persons and organizations at risk, and the imposition of visa
restrictions and economic sanctions, as appropriate.
Question. How specifically would you seek to support reform
efforts in the nearly 80 countries that still criminalize same-sex,
adult relationships?
Answer. If confirmed, I will fully support long-standing U.S.
efforts to advocate the de-criminalization of LGBTI status or conduct.
These efforts are best led by local LGBTI human rights defenders. I
would seek and listen carefully to their advice on where and how the
United States can bring its diplomatic and programmatic tools to bear.
I would continue the practice of highlighting criminalization of LGBTI
status or conduct in the annual Human Rights Reports and the
Department's consular information. I would work with our embassies and
consulates to carefully calibrate our public and private messaging, and
explore opportunities to work with private industry, law enforcement,
faith leaders, and other allies whose voices may have greater influence
than our own. In my interactions with governments, I would make clear
that human rights are universal--and that that LGBTI persons are, like
everyone else, entitled to equal protection of the laws.
Question. Despite pledging to fill the job of Special Envoy for
the Human Rights of LGBTI Persons almost a year ago, Secretary Pompeo
has yet to do so. If confirmed, will you commit to ensuring that a
Senior Foreign Service Officer is appointed promptly to that position,
and to ensuring that he or she is empowered to accomplish the advocacy
duties of that position?
Answer. I support the administration's plan to retain the position
of Special Envoy for the Human Rights of LGBTI Persons. If confirmed, I
will fully support the Department's efforts to fill the position with a
qualified individual empowered to perform its mandate.
Question. Will you commit to raising issues related to
discrimination against LGBTI populations directly with your foreign
counterparts, at your level, rather than delegating these issues to
lower levels?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will personally advocate with foreign
counterparts decriminalization of LGBTI status or conduct, bias-
motivated violence, and discrimination such as in employment, housing
and access to government services. As I said in my confirmation
hearing, LGBTI individuals are entitled to the same freedoms and
protections as all other human beings.
Question. Will you commit to ensure that DRL programs and
engagement include transgender populations, wherever human rights
reports have indicated that issues with transgender acceptance/
exclusion exist?
Answer. Yes. All humans, including LGBTI individuals are entitled
to respect for their human rights. Where people are subject to criminal
penalties, violence or discrimination in housing, employment or the
provision of government services, I would, if confirmed, use diplomacy
and programming to help them end such abuses.
Question. As the Assistant Secretary of the bureau that leads U.S.
efforts to protect human rights around the world, what concrete
measures will you take to protect those individuals who are on the
frontlines of defending human rights in Guatemala?
Answer. I support efforts to increase protections for human rights
defenders and to promote their key role in a healthy democracy. If
confirmed, I will support the work of Guatemalan human rights
defenders. I will engage Guatemalan officials and commit DRL resources
to promote respect for human rights and the rule of law to end impunity
for violence against human rights defenders.
Question. Do you believe that DRL has been given adequate
resources to fulfill its mission over the last decade?
Answer. Yes, and I appreciate the committee interest in the welfare
of the bureau.
Question. Do you believe that there is value in DRL directly
managing programmatic budgets that allow it to quickly and flexibly
support human rights defenders, support and defend democracy and help
accomplish other objectives?
Answer. Yes, I understand that the majority of DRL programming is
implemented in repressive, authoritarian, or transitioning countries,
including where the United States has no diplomatic presence. If
confirmed, I will utilize the HRDF like a ``venture capital fund for
freedom'' therefore enabling DRL to be flexible, adaptable, and
responsive to complex and changing situations on the ground. I
understand DRL has developed programming tools gives them the ability
to respond to critical human rights and democracy issues in a matter of
days. If confirmed, I will continue to expand our capacity to assist
threatened human rights activists and organizations by providing them
small infusions of support--to allow them to continue their work in
safety. I understand such emergency assistance to human rights
activists attacked or under threat includes paying the costs of
temporary relocation, installation of surveillance cameras, and
medical, legal, psychosocial, and other support services.
Question. Do you have any thoughts about how you might like to
restructure DRL, its offices and programs?
Answer. Not at this time. If confirmed, I will seek to ensure that
we are organized to most effectively advance the bilateral and
multilateral work of the bureau, and to make sure that we have strong
democracy programs. I appreciate the question, and if confirmed and if
I determine that we could be better organized, I would look forward to
discussing these issues, including with Members of Congress.
Question. Do you have any criticisms concerning DRL's past
programs, activities or priorities?
Answer. No. As I said in my opening statement, if confirmed, I will
be privileged to serve our great nation as a member of Secretary
Pompeo's team and as the leader of the dedicated public servants who,
together, are the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (DRL). I
care very deeply about the work of the bureau, which has historically
enjoyed strong bipartisan support. Also, I hope to work closely with
all the members of the committee, and would be pleased to discuss any
concerns the committee members may have.
Question. If so, what are those criticisms and in what way to you
plan to address them?
Answer. I do not, at this time, have enough information to
formulate any criticisms. If confirmed, I would be pleased to discuss
any concerns raised by staff with them and with senior management of
the Department, and to discuss any concerns about the Bureau or its
operations that committee members may have.
Question. What do you think is the appropriate role for DRL within
the Department of State? What should be the relationship between DRL
and the regional bureaus?
Answer. I believe the role of the regional bureau is to synchronize
all of the different aspects of our relations with the countries in
their areas of responsibility. I believe the job of DRL is to ensure
that human rights and democracy are always part of that mix and being
given proper priority, and that DRL can do so by seeking to understand
the needs and priorities of those who must implement policy at the
regional and country levels. If confirmed, I will build strong working
relationships with my counterparts throughout the Department of State,
especially in the regional bureaus. I commit to you that I will press
DRL issues diligently including by raising the issues to more senior
levels when necessary.
Question. Will you be willing to state disagreements with
officials within regional bureaus and embassies on issues of human
rights when they arise?
Answer. I commit to you that I will, if confirmed, press DRL
issues, including with regional bureaus and embassies.
Question. Will you pledge to do everything in your power to ensure
that DRL has adequate resources and manpower to fulfill its many
mandates, and that you will inform this committee if you feel that your
efforts to strengthen DRL are being resisted by others within the
administration?
Answer. Absolutely. If I am confirmed, I do hope to work very
closely with the committee and commit to consult regularly.
Question. Freedom of the press is enshrined in the first amendment
to the United States constitution. Freedom of expression, including
through a free news media, is also enshrined in Article 19 of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights. Today, the President of the United States
routinely labels members of the news media ``enemies of the people.''
This is a term generally associated with Soviet dictators Lenin and
Stalin, who applied the term to many of those executed by the communist
state. Variations on the term were also used in the 20th century by
Hitler and Mao. Today, dictators around the world, from Prime Minister
Hun Sen in Cambodia, to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, to
President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi in Egypt use similar language to
delegitimize independent media. In these countries, journalists are
routinely harassed, imprisoned, and killed.
What are your views on the role of the fourth estate in functioning
democracies?
Do you believe that journalists are ``enemies of the people''?
Answer. A free press is an essential pillar of democracy. If
confirmed, I will draw attention to the cases of journalists who have
been imprisoned for their work, will push for accountability for
violence against journalists around the world, and will oppose legal
and regulatory measures to restrict press freedom. In addition, I would
support programs to strengthen the professional capacity of independent
journalists and to defend them against censorship and other such
assaults on press freedom.
Question. Will you be willing, if confirmed, to stand up for
freedom of expression in your dealings with foreign governments who
seek to delegitimize the news media as a means to repress members of
their society?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work to advance press freedom,
and where countries fall short to uphold their commitments to free
expression and a free press, I will push to call out those countries
and encourage reforms.
Question. How do you plan to respond to critiques from foreign
governments, journalists, and activists that the U.S. president does
not support the notion that a free press is an essential check on
government power?
Answer. As an open society, the President and political leaders on
both sides of the aisle encourage people to scrutinize all information
they receive and come to informed judgments. Media in the United States
remains fiercely independent with multiple points of view represented.
If confirmed, I will work to advance press freedom, and I will also
draw attention to the cases of journalists who have been imprisoned
around the world for their work, and I will push for accountability for
violence against or killings of journalists around the world.
Question. Turkey leads the world in the most jailed journalists.
This is not behavior we expect from a NATO partner. If confirmed, what
steps will you take to address this concern?
Answer. I share your concern about Turkey's negative trajectory on
rule of law, and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms,
including media freedom. U.S. officials speak out privately and
publicly on issues of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Turkey.
As noted in the U.S. National Security Strategy, these principles form
the foundation of our most enduring alliances.
If confirmed, I will urge Turkey to respect and uphold human rights
and fundamental freedoms, release all those held arbitrarily--including
unjustly detained journalists, Dr. Serkan Golge, an American citizen
and NASA physicist who is serving a sentence for a conviction that the
Department regards as wrongful, and locally employed staff of the U.S.
Mission--and support judicial independence.
Question. The Leahy Laws--one for assistance provided through the
State Department and one for assistance provided through the Department
of Defense--were adopted by Congress to help insure that taxpayer
funded assistance provided to foreign governments by the United States
is not used to facilitate gross human rights violations. Do you support
these laws?
Answer. Yes. I believe that promoting democracy, human rights, and
fundamental freedoms advances our national security. I believe that our
most valued, dependable, and effective partner governments and security
forces around the world uphold democratic values, protect the human
rights of their citizens and civilians they protect, hold human rights
violators accountable when necessary, and do not unduly restrict the
fundamental freedoms of their people. I believe that we must continue
to create and maintain strong security relationships with such partners
through diplomacy, measured assistance, and frequent and ongoing
cooperation. I believe that the Leahy laws are important tools that
assist us in this effort, and I fully support the laws and their
continued rigorous implementation by both the Department of State and
Department of Defense.
Question. Do you have any criticisms of or concerns about the
Leahy Laws?
Answer. I believe that the Department of State and Department of
Defense should continuously seek to make improvements to the policies,
procedures, and the tools that are used to implement the Leahy laws, in
order to make them as effective, transparent, accountable, and
efficient as possible. While I believe that we should strive for
constant improvement in the Leahy law implementation programs, I fully
support the letter and spirit of the Leahy laws and their continued
rigorous implementation, and do not have criticisms of or concerns
about the Leahy laws.
Question. Do you believe that the Leahy Laws should be changed in
any way?
Answer. I believe that the improvements I will strive to implement
to our Leahy law implementation programs are fully supported by the
current Leahy laws. I understand the Departments are investing in new
technology to carry out Leahy vetting, developing clearer guidance for
Leahy law implementers throughout the world, and actively working to
tackle remaining challenges in implementing the Leahy laws through
policy solutions. I fully support these efforts and I believe that
these efforts are further supported by the existing Leahy laws.
Question. Do you believe that DRL should be provided with
sufficient resources to adequately vet the records of security force
and police units intended to receive U.S. assistance and to do so in a
timely fashion?
Answer. Yes, I believe that DRL should be provided with sufficient
resources to adequately vet the records of security force and police
units in a timely fashion. This is an important mission for the bureau.
The resources needed to vet these cases are included in the annual DRL
budget request for Diplomatic Programs.
Question. Do you believe that DRL has been provided with
sufficient resources in recent years to accomplish the objectives set
forth in the prior question?
Answer. Based on the information I currently have, yes. I
understand that in addition to the amounts appropriated directly for
democracy and human rights programming, regional bureaus in the
Department have routinely transferred funds to DRL to support such
programming in their areas of responsibility.
Question. The Leahy Laws encourage the United States government to
offer assistance to foreign governments to clean up units found to be
ineligible to receive assistance. Do you support these provisions?
Answer. Yes. I fully support all provisions of the Leahy laws,
including the provision to seek to offer assistance to partner
governments to bring security force members who have committed gross
violations of human rights to justice. I understand that the Department
of State and the Department of Defense have worked together to draft
and publish policies and procedures to recognize when partner
governments have done this, and that U.S. assistance can be provided to
these remediated foreign security forces units in accordance with the
Leahy laws. I fully support this process. I agree with Senator Leahy's
remarks that such ``Leahy diplomacy'' is a highly effective way to
promote respect for human rights and security force accountability
throughout the world.
Question. Do you believe that the Leahy Laws interfere with
legitimate and important security cooperation?
Answer. No. I am aware that sometimes inefficiencies in the
nominating and vetting system have caused unnecessary complications in
security cooperation, support the efforts now being made to upgrade
technology, and if confirmed will look for every opportunity to make
the administrative system more efficient while fully applying the law.
I believe that promoting democracy, human rights, and fundamental
freedoms advances our national security. I believe that our most
valued, dependable, and effective partner governments and security
forces around the world uphold democratic values, protect the human
rights of their citizens and civilians they protect, hold human rights
violators accountable when necessary, and do not unduly restrict the
fundamental freedoms of their people. I believe that we must continue
to create and maintain strong security relationships with such partners
through diplomacy, measured assistance, and frequent and ongoing
cooperation. I believe that the Leahy laws are important tools that
assist the U.S. government in this effort.
Question. Do you believe that the Leahy Laws promote U.S.
interests by allowing the United States to operate in conflict
situations without underwriting gross human rights violations that
alienate the public and create ill-will toward the U.S.?
Answer. Yes. I believe that promoting democracy, human rights, and
fundamental freedoms advances our national security and is a U.S.
interest. I believe that even in conflict situations, the U.S.'s most
valued, dependable, and effective partner governments and security
forces uphold democratic values, protect the human rights of their
citizens and civilians they protect, hold human rights violators
accountable when necessary, and do not unduly restrict the fundamental
freedoms of their people. I believe that the U.S. must continue to seek
out and create and maintain strong security relationships with such
partners, in accordance with the Leahy laws.
Question. Please describe steps that you will take to enhance
effective implementation of this law within the Department of State and
in U.S. embassies.
Answer. I understand that in 2019, DRL plans to field a brand-new
cloud-based International Vetting and Security Tracking (INVEST) system
called INVESTc with upgraded software features and security protocols
to make Leahy Law implementation even more effective and beneficial to
U.S. national security and human rights objectives. This system should
make the work of our embassies more effective. I will fully support
this step to enhance the Department of State's Leahy Law implementation
program.
If confirmed, I also plan to fully support DRL's work with
Department of State, U.S. embassies and Department of Defense partners
to encourage accountability for partner security forces. I would seek
to ensure that our messaging is consistent and that partner governments
understand to the maximum extent possible what has resulted in the
ineligibility of a particular unit and what steps they need to take
with our support to make it eligible again. The purposes of the law are
not served if our partners believe that assistance is being withheld
for anything other than the commission of gross violations of human
rights and the failure to take steps to bring the perpetrators to
justice.
Question. Please describe the steps you would take to increase
awareness of the intent of the law-helping allied governments end
impunity for human rights violations.
Answer. If confirmed, I will, in my engagements with partner
governments, increase their awareness of the Leahy laws and their
intent, with the goal of promoting accountability for human rights
violators and ending impunity for human rights violations.
I understand that in 2019, DRL plans to hold a Leahy law workshop
in Washington D.C. The workshop will be attended by Leahy law
practitioners from the Departments of State and Defense, as well as
civil society organizations. I understand that the Department will hold
panels to discuss Leahy law implementation topics that will be recorded
and published to U.S. Embassies throughout the world who will be able
to share them with our partner governments and security forces units
and members. If confirmed, I will fully support this effort.
Question. Will you commit to briefing this committee every 6
months on the steps you have taken to increase the efficacy and
implementation of Section 620M?
Answer. Yes, I fully support all efforts to improve the Department
of State and Department of Defense Leahy Law implementation programs,
and, if confirmed, am happy to commit to regularly brief this committee
on our progress.
Question. Will you work to ensure that the Leahy Laws are
faithfully implemented?
Answer. Yes, I fully support the letter and spirit of the Leahy
laws and their rigorous implementation by DRL, the Department of State,
and the Department of Defense. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that
efforts to enhance the Department of State Leahy Law implementation
programs continue to be fully resourced and are completed. I will also
continue to seek to develop and implement further enhancements to the
Department of State Leahy law implementation programs.
Question. If confirmed, what process will you put in place for
thorough human rights vetting of munitions sales?
Answer. The Bureau of Political-Military Affairs (PM) has primary
responsibility for the process of vetting munitions export license
applications that are subject to the International Traffic in Arms
Regulations. The Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation
Affairs (ISN) and the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs (EB) have
shared responsibility for the process within the Department of State of
vetting munitions export license applications that are subject to the
Export Administration Regulations and overseen by the Department of
Commerce. The Conventional Arms Transfer Policy (CAT Policy; National
Security Presidential Memorandum Regarding U.S. Conventional Arms
Transfer Policy, April 19. 2018) directs the executive branch to
continue to meet the requirements of all applicable statutes, including
the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2751) and the Foreign
Assistance Act (22 U.S.C. 2304), and that ``in making arms
transfer decisions, the executive branch shall account for'' human
rights and international humanitarian law alongside other
considerations including the national and economic security of the
United States.
DRL plays an important role in making recommendations based on
human rights. If confirmed, I will commit to making sure DRL's
recommendations are appropriately considered.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation
against career employees based on their perceived political beliefs,
prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is
wholly inappropriate and has no place in the federal government?
Answer. Yes. Targeting of or retaliation against career employees
based on their real or perceived political beliefs, prior work on
policy, or affiliation with a previous administration should not be
tolerated.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all
employees under your leadership understand that any retaliation,
blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices will not be
tolerated?
Answer. If confirmed, I will hold all employees to the highest
standards of professional conduct and will reiterate to all employees
under my leadership that retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated. I will take allegations of
such practices seriously and ensure they are referred to the
Department's Inspector General.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. No. I take the issues of sexual harassment, discrimination
(e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), and inappropriate conduct with
the utmost seriousness and do not tolerate any types of behavior that
could be considered discriminatory.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of
sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious,
etc.), or inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you
had supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and
actions taken.
Answer. Yes. I take the issues of sexual harassment, discrimination
(e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), and inappropriate conduct with
the utmost seriousness and do not tolerate any types of behavior that
could be considered discriminatory. I would welcome further
conversation with you on the importance of these topics and how I
believe institutions and individuals can best respond to any complaints
or allegations.
Responses to Follow-Up Questions for the Record
Submitted to Robert Destro by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. State Department Personnel: During your hearing, I
expressed my concern over remarks you made in March 2017 regarding the
sophistication of State Department employees. In response you said,
``.many of the people in the State Department-I shouldn't say everyone-
have had a hard time dealing with the issue of religion, and that's one
of the issues I'd like to bring to their attention and this question of
who is a terrorist and who isn't requires a lot of sophistication:''
Please elaborate on what you meant by this statement.
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the
individuals at the Department who advise those who serve abroad and at
our borders, to ensure they are effectively and accurately applying the
First Amendment and the No Religious Test Clause in our foreign and
visa policies. Section 103 of the Frank R. Wolf International Religious
Freedom Act, P.L. 114-281, 130 Stat. 1426, already requires that the
training of all Foreign Service Officers, deputy chiefs of mission and
ambassadors include ``segments tailored to the particular religious
demography, religious freedom conditions . in each receiving country.''
For a more detailed discussion of the relationship between attitudes
about religious freedom and cultural awareness please see my article
``Genocide, Statecraft and Domestic Geopolitics,'' a copy of which has
been submitted for the committee's consideration.
Question. During your hearing, your referenced ``equal protection
of the laws'' several times:
Please explain in more detail your understanding of the equal
protection to which LGBTI persons should be entitled as part of
your work, and for which you will advocate, as stated at your
hearing.
Answer. Like all other human beings, LGBTI individuals are entitled
to the freedoms and protections enumerated in internationally accepted
human rights instruments such as the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. If confirmed, I will personally advocate with foreign
counterparts and work with civil society to end bias-motivated
violence, criminalization of LGBTI status or conduct, and
discrimination such as in employment, housing and access to government
services.
Question. Arms Sales: In your response to Question 54, when you
wrote that DRL's recommendations will be ``appropriately considered'',
in what circumstances would you consider a DRL recommendation not to
approve the sale to be ``inappropriate?''
If the government of a country has been credibly accused of
committing gross violations of human rights, would you approve
sales of defense articles that themselves would likely not be
used for additional human rights violations? If so, would not
that conflict with U.S. foreign policy principles to use all
means of U.S. leverage, including security assistance such as
arms sales, to eliminate such abuses? What human rights abuses
do you consider to be ``gross violations of human rights''?
Answer. In no circumstances would I consider a DRL recommendation
not to approve an arms sale to be inappropriate. If confirmed, I would
seek to ensure that DRL's views are always considered in the arms sales
approval process. In cases of arms sales to countries that have been
credibly accused of committing gross violations of human rights but
where the particular arms in question might not likely be used to
commit human rights violations, if confirmed, I would seek to use all
forms of leverage to advance respect for human rights. If confirmed, I
would apply the definition of gross violations of human rights in 22
USC 2304(d)(1) of the Foreign Assistance Act.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Robert Destro by Senator Rob Portman
Question. Mr. Destro, if confirmed to this position will you
support the Trump Administration's initiative to end the
criminalization of homosexuality globally in nations where it is still
illegal to be a homosexual?
Answer. Absolutely.
Question. Further, do you affirm to protect the rights of LGBTQ
people worldwide and acknowledge that these people will be affirmed the
same basic rights and human dignities that all people should receive?
Answer. Yes. Again, as I articulated in my statement, respect for
the rights and freedoms of others is the foundation of effective
diplomacy and a stable foreign policy.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Robert Destro by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. I have been working on civil and human rights issues for
most of my career, both here in the United States and abroad. Here are
some three (3) examples:
Release of prisoners--journalists and prisoners of conscience.
Since the early 2000s, I have been actively involved in efforts
to seek the release of prisoners of conscience and journalists.
Because of my work in the Middle East, I have had the privilege
to work with American families whose loved ones are imprisoned,
and to press the case for the release of their family members
at every available opportunity. In several cases, we succeeded.
Where individuals remain imprisoned or missing, I am committed
to the effort to get them out for as long as it takes, and
will, if confirmed, use whatever authorities I have to multiply
the force of ongoing efforts. I am, as I make this report,
working on four (4) such cases.
Human Rights. From a policy perspective, the most important
accomplishment was the drafting, field work and advocacy for
the ISIS genocide resolutions: House Concurrent Resolution 75,
co-sponsored by Reps. Jeff Fortenberry and Anna Eshoo (adopted
393-0); Senate Res. 340, co-sponsored by Senators Bill Cassidy
and Joe Manchin (adopted by unanimous consent). Then-Secretary
of State, John Kerry, responded by making a formal genocide
declaration on March 17, 2016. I have remained involved in the
anti-genocide effort since that time, and have used the
experience to inform my ongoing efforts to prevent and document
the atrocities that are continuing in many parts of the world.
If confirmed, I will bring that experience, and the many
committed people with whom I have worked, into a broadly-based,
international effort to implement the Elie Wiesel Atrocities
Prevention Act.
Democracy. My experience as a Commissioner on the U.S. Commission
on Civil Rights from 1983-1989, and as voting rights counsel
for the Ohio Secretary of State from 2004-2006, has given me a
``ground-based'' understanding of the entire range of voting
rights issues--from registration to the security of voting
technology. My work with Christians, Muslims, Jews and other
minorities in the Middle East and North Africa has given me
unparalleled opportunities to discuss how to make the case for
democracy and human rights in countries that do not have a
democratic tradition.
Question. International human rights law recognizes that gender-
based violence, including domestic violence, is a human rights
violation. This year, the annual State Department Human Rights Report
scaled back reporting on incidences of gender-based violence in many
countries, including Central American countries like El Salvador,
Guatemala, and Honduras where women and girls are fleeing unspeakable
risks. Do you believe, based on your understanding of international
human rights law, that gender-based violence, including domestic
violence, is a human rights violation? How will you ensure that the
annual State Department Human Rights Report restores its prior levels
of reporting on gender-based violence as a serious human rights
violation afflicting millions of women around the world?
Answer. President Trump's National Security Strategy explicitly
states that the United States will support efforts to advance women's
equality and protect the rights of women and girls. I believe that
reporting on the prevalence of violence against women and girls is one
of the many ways in which the Department of State is advancing U.S.
efforts to press governments to create policies and practices that
protect women and girls from violence.
If confirmed, I would work to ensure that the Department of State's
annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices report on the extent
of gender-based violence such as: rape and domestic violence; female
genital mutilation/cutting; harmful traditional practices such as
dowry-related deaths, so-called honor killings, acid attacks, and widow
violence. While it is not possible to list each instance of these
terrible abuses, we need to find a way to give both a qualitative and
quantitative description of them for every country in the world.
Question. The report also removed reporting on women's rights
issues broadly defined as reproductive rights. This term was adopted by
states in a consensus document at the International Conference on
Population and Development in 1994, but it was a recognition that
reproductive rights are rights already recognized by international law.
Will you restore the annual State Department Human Rights Report to its
prior levels of reporting on reproductive rights? If not, why not? If
yes, what specific steps will you take to ensure this mandate is
followed by all U.S. embassies?
Answer. U.S. law requires that we report on ``wherever applicable,
practices regarding coercion in population control, including coerced
abortion and involuntary sterilization.'' The Cairo Program of Action
and the Beijing Platform for Action provide for the recognition of the
basic right of all couples and individuals to decide freely and
responsibly the number, spacing and timing of their children and to
have the information and means to do so, and the right to attain the
highest standard of sexual and reproductive health. It also includes
their right to make decisions concerning reproduction free of
discrimination, coercion and violence, as expressed in human rights
documents.
If confirmed, I will report facts relevant to these provisions
fully and efficiently.
Question. Do you believe it acceptable that religious freedom can
be used, in any case, as a justification for policies that criminalize,
stigmatize or otherwise discriminate against LGBTI people,
relationships, or organizations? In some countries, governments cite
their citizens' religious beliefs as a justification for their
discriminatory policies. Given your history and writings, I am
concerned that you might actually agree with them. Will you commit to
standing by the State Department's policies, that religious beliefs
should not be used as justification for discriminatory policies? If
confirmed, how would you work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
Religious Freedom to ensure that the legal and access rights of any
minority population-including LGBTI populations-are not disrespected by
the majority population, in law or otherwise?
Answer. There is no justification for criminalization of LGBTI
status, nor for violence against LGBTI persons, nor for discrimination
in housing, employment or the provision of government services. Respect
for the inherent dignity of every human person is a universal duty, and
is the foundation of an effective foreign policy. If confirmed, I will
work closely with colleagues across the State Department and beyond to
promote respect for fundamental freedoms, human rights and democratic
governance for all people, including LGBTI persons. governments around
the world must understand they are obligated to provide every citizen
with equal protection under the law, and if confirmed, I would stand
forcefully for that principle.
I see no inherent tension between the U.S. government's
longstanding effort to protect the human rights of LGBTI people
globally and concepts of international religious freedom. In fact, the
U.S. government promotes all these rights for exactly the same reason:
we believe every person has the right to equal protection of the laws.
All have an equal right to be free to live their lives without fear of
persecution.
United States policy is to oppose criminalization, bias-motivated
violence, and serious discrimination targeting LGBTI persons in areas
such as employment, housing, or the provision of government services.
If confirmed, I look forward to the opportunity to advance those
principles.
Question. DRL is responsible for promoting human rights, including
women's rights and sexual and reproductive rights. The U.S. is a party
to both the International Conference of Population and Development
Programme for Action and the Beijing Platform for Action, which
reaffirm reproductive rights and the right to reproductive health care.
Implicit in the right to reproductive health is the right of men and
women to be informed and to have access to safe, effective, affordable
and acceptable methods of family planning of their choice, including
information and access to the full range of modern contraceptive
services such as hormonal contraception, condoms and barrier methods,
and long-acting reversible contraception. Do you believe that the U.S.
and other countries should work to ensure that women, young people and
LGBTI receive accurate information about and access to a full range of
information and services about their sexual and reproductive health? Do
you think that health care providers in developing countries should be
able to refuse to provide women, girls and LGBTI with information about
modern contraception with the use of U.S. funds? Similarly, should
health care providers be allowed to discriminate against LGBTI people,
unmarried adolescent girls, or other minorities people in the delivery
of services? Can providers deny to provide LGBTI people information
about condoms, pre-exposure prophylaxis, or methods to prevent
transmission of HIV? How would you address these issues and potential
sexual and reproductive rights violations in your role as Assistant
Secretary?
Answer. The U.S. has been a leader in promoting the dissemination
of information about and access to contraception around the world as
envisioned in the Cairo and Beijing documents. If confirmed, I will
work to ensure that human rights for women and LGBTI people, including
with respect to health, are promoted and protected.
Question. What will you do to promote, mentor and support your
staff that come from diverse backgrounds and underrepresented groups in
the Foreign Service?
Answer. I agree with Secretary Pompeo's recent statement: ``Our
mission is, of course, to represent all of the American people in all
corners of the globe, so the makeup of our workforce matters .'' He was
referring to the longstanding commitment of the Department of State to
having a diverse workforce. If confirmed, I will work to attract new
talent from the diverse groups that make up U.S. society, inspire all
of our employees, and encourage individual growth. I will foster an
organization-wide environment in which diversity and inclusion are
valued and respected.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors in the Foreign Service are fostering an environment that is
diverse and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I will vigorously uphold the Department's
commitment to foster, support and realize the full potential of a
diverse staff. I will utilize resources within the Department and the
Foreign Service Institute to provide training and enhance professional
development that values and respects unique perspectives.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the Inspector General of the State Department and Foreign Service) any
change in policy or U.S. actions that you suspect may be influenced by
any of the President's business or financial interests, or the business
or financial interests of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in any country abroad?
Answer. My investment portfolio includes diversified mutual funds
that may hold interests in companies with a presence abroad. I am
committed to ensuring that my official actions will not give rise to a
conflict of interest and I will remain vigilant with regard to my
ethics obligations.
Question. For the third consecutive year, the Trump administration
has put forward a budget for the State Department and USAID that would
decimate much of U.S. diplomacy, including with respect to foreign
assistance geared toward promoting democracy and defending human
rights. In an era in which human rights are increasingly under threat,
what are your views on the role played by U.S. foreign assistance in
promoting fundamental freedoms around the world? If confirmed, will you
commit to support a robust Democracy, Rights and Governance (DRG)
budget, and to inform this committee if you feel that support for human
rights funding is being threatened? If confirmed, do you commit to
utilize the resources that Congress appropriates and respect the
Congressional intent for the use of those resources?
Answer. U.S. foreign assistance to promote fundamental freedoms
around the world is a low cost/high return element of our foreign
policy. If we can help people who share our commitment to those
freedoms bring about reform in their own sovereign countries,
international stability and prosperity will be enhanced.
I believe democracy programs are critical for defending national
security, fostering economic opportunities for the American people, and
asserting U.S. leadership and influence. If confirmed I would of course
advocate for adequate funding for these programs.
If confirmed, I commit to utilizing the resources that Congress
appropriates and to respect the Congressional intent for the use of
those resources.
Question. Your portfolio covers not only religious liberty, but
the full range of human rights and labor rights issues, including
support for democracy and good governance. What experience do you have
supporting democracy, good governance, or labor rights overseas? How
can the U.S. work to reverse the disturbing trends of democratic
backsliding we see taking place worldwide? If confirmed, how would you
use DRL's diplomatic and programmatic resources to support democratic
actors and counter authoritarianism? Numerous countries in Latin
America have created--or have discussed creating--anti-corruption
commissions to support good governance. If confirmed, do you commit to
support these efforts to prevent and combat corruption to promote good
governance?
Answer. I have worked on human rights and labor issues throughout
my career. For example, I have practiced labor law, have pressed for
the release of political prisoners around the world since 2007, and
have worked to support organizations and individuals active in human
trafficking prevention and victim recovery in both Central America and
the Middle East. For almost twenty years I have built dialogues that
encourage tolerance and collaboration among Christians, Muslims and
Jews in the U.S. and Middle East on issues including basic human
rights, the release of prisoners, atrocities prevention, religious
freedom and human trafficking.
If confirmed, I commit to create an enabling environment for civil
society, and to support the work of individual citizens and
associations to encourage their own governments to be more responsive
and accountable. I will also press foreign governments to increase
transparency and eliminate corruption, and continue the Bureau's work
in support of civil society and democracy activists, especially in
places where we have no USAID programs and sometimes no diplomatic
representation. Corruption in Latin America is a significant problem
that erodes support for democracy and enables human rights violations
and abuses. Corruption robs societies of economic opportunity, erodes
the rule of law, and serves as a driver for migration. As such, the
U.S. national interest is clear in supporting meaningful Latin American
efforts to prevent and combat corruption.
Question. As I'm sure you know, the U.N. describes the situation
in Yemen as the world's worst humanitarian crisis, with 24 million
Yemenis in need of humanitarian assistance. Data shows that the Saudi
and Emirati forces supported by the United States in Yemen are
increasingly targeting civilians in what may amount to war crimes. On
Monday, I introduced legislation--along with Senators Durbin, Wyden and
Markey--that would require the Secretary to make human rights
certifications for certain arms sales and transfers, specifically those
involving heavy weapons capable of causing mass casualties or
destruction, such as attack aircraft and missile launchers.
Should the United States continue to facilitate arms sales to
foreign governments like Saudi Arabia and the UAE credibly
suspected of acts that may amount to war crimes?
Answer. I am aware of and concerned by reports of civilian
casualties and damage to civilian infrastructure resulting from Saudi-
led Coalition airstrikes in Yemen. I understand the State Department
adjudicates all potential arms transfers through an Administration
review process on a case-by-case basis and through a consultation
process with Congress, as required by law. If confirmed, I would expect
to contribute to that process.
Question. What are your views on the position put forth by
Secretary Pompeo that, in effect, continuing to arm and otherwise
support Saudi Arabia and the UAE in Yemen is the best way to support
human rights there?
Answer. I believe U.S. priorities are advanced if we are able to
influence, steer, and achieve results because of our ability to have
honest, often difficult conversations with Saudi leadership on issues
like the Yemen conflict. Saudi Arabia and the UAE helped get the
parties to Sweden and continue to actively support the U.N. Special
Envoy as he helps them implement the Stockholm Agreement and reach a
political agreement. This agreement is the only way to end Yemen's
conflict and humanitarian crisis and to secure a peaceful, stable Yemen
that upholds human rights and is free of malign Iranian influence.
Question. Two weeks ago, the Senate passed S.J. Res. 7, which
calls for an end to U.S. support for the Saudi- and Emirate-led war. In
response to that bipartisan vote, Secretary Pompeo said, in effect,
that those that really care about human rights in Yemen should be
worried about Iran, not about the massive civilian harm being imposed
on the people of Yemen by our security partners.
If confirmed, how would you propose to engage security partners
like Saudi Arabia and the UAE?
Answer. If confirmed as DRL Assistant Secretary, I commit to
consistently engage with security partners like Saudi Arabia and the
UAE to mitigate civilian harm and strengthen human rights protections.
Partnership with the United States in many cases provides political,
security, and economic benefits, and we should use these relationships
to advance American values and ideals, including protection of basic
human rights, which undergird stable and prosperous societies.
Question. What would you do as DRL A/S to raise these and other
human rights issues both privately and publicly with Saudi and Emirati
authorities?
Answer. If confirmed, I will raise human rights issues of concern
with counterparts, including Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates,
and seek to publicize those concerns when appropriate. The National
Security Strategy prioritizes support for the dignity of all persons.
Secretary Pompeo has said that ``we expect every country to behave in a
way that treats their citizens with the dignity and respect they
deserve.''
Question. If U.S. officials witness court proceedings in Saudi
Arabia that fall short of international standards, will you urge them
to say so publicly?
Answer. If confirmed, I will urge the government of Saudi Arabia to
ensure fair trial guarantees, freedom from arbitrary and unlawful
detention, transparency, and respect for the rule of law. I will call
on the government of Saudi Arabia to treat prisoners and detainees
humanely, and to ensure that allegations of abuse are investigated
quickly and thoroughly and that anyone found responsible is held
accountable. I will urge that we publicize our concerns when I believe
it will advance our human rights objectives.
Question. Would you seek to visit in their places of detention
human rights activists who are at risk of torture?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work closely with my colleagues
in the Department, as well as seek the views of civil society and human
rights groups, to determine the best course of action, including
possible visits to detained activists, for ensuring any detentions and
prosecutions respect the rights of those detained and accused, and
guarantee the humane treatment of any individuals involved.
Question. As you know, in response to the Saudi murder last
October of Jamal Khashoggi, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
triggered a provision of the Global Magnitsky Act that directed the
president to report on those individuals--up to and including Saudi
Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman--whom the U.S. government believes had
a role in killing Khashoggi, and on whether the administration intended
to sanction those responsible.
Do you agree that Mr. Khashoggi's killing is a completely
unacceptable violation of national and international laws and
norms? Do you agree that anyone involved in committing or
directing that killing should face accountability, no matter
their position or rank?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you commit to brief this committee in the future with
the whole truth about what the U.S. government knows concerning the
circumstances of Mr. Khashoggi's killing?
Answer. Yes to the full extent permissible under U.S. security laws
and regulations. I would also favor using other channels to convey
relevant information to the Congress when security so requires.
Question. If, once confirmed, you were told by appropriate
officials within the IC and law enforcement communities that they
assess with high confidence that MBS played a role in directing
Khashoggi's killing, or was otherwise witting of the murder, can you
commit to saying that you would advise Secretary Pompeo and President
Trump that Crown Prince Mohammed's role in the murder should be made
public, and that he should be held accountable?
Answer. The President and Secretary of State have been clear that
Saudi Arabia must hold accountable every individual implicated in the
horrific murder of Jamal Khashoggi, including high-ranking members of
the Saudi government. If confirmed, I will do my utmost to advance this
process.
Question. If MBS or other senior Saudi officials were found to
have played a role in Khashoggi's murder, what specific steps toward
accountability would you recommend the U.S. government undertake?
Answer. The President and Secretary of State have been clear that
Saudi Arabia must hold accountable every individual implicated in the
horrific murder of Jamal Khashoggi, which was fundamentally
inconsistent with American values. Secretary Pompeo has stated that all
those involved in the murder must be brought to justice regardless of
rank and King Salman has made a similar demand. If confirmed, I will
commit to engaging deeply on additional steps toward accountability
that the administration could take.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to implementing the Global
Magnitsky Act robustly?
Answer. Yes. Global Magnisky is an extremely valuable tool as it
allows us to target human rights violators without creating a sanctions
program for an entire country. If confirmed, I look forward to working
with the Department's experts and the interagency to advance
implementation of this law.
Question. Do you commit to recommend sanctions designations under
the Act against individuals found to have committed the most egregious
or systemic crimes, and not to politicize sanctions determinations?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work with the Department and
interagency to ensure a principled approach to implementation of the
Global Magnitsky sanctions program.
Question. Do you commit to moving as expeditiously as possible to
produce the global tranche of designations that were expected last
December?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work within the Department and
interagency to develop both global, thematic, and region specific
sanctions tranches.
Question. Do you commit to informing this committee if you lack
the resources to carry out robust implementation of the Russia
Magnitsky Act and Global Magnitsky Act?
Answer. Yes. You have my commitment.
Question. It's safe to say that democracy and human rights are
being challenged right now. They're certainly being challenged by
governments the United States views as hostile and/or as competitors,
like China, Russia, Venezuela, and Iran. But they're also being
challenged by U.S. partner states, from NATO allies like Turkey,
Poland, and Hungary, to Middle East security partners like Saudi
Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, and Egypt. In this year's DRL Human Rights
Report, Secretary Pompeo wrote: ``The policy of this Administration is
to engage with other governments, regardless of their record, if doing
so will further U.S. interests.'' What is the right balance for the
United States when it comes to engaging or even partnering with deeply
abusive governments? How would you recommend the Secretary of State
approach such partnerships? In general, how do you believe the U.S. can
strike the right balance between addressing national security and human
rights concerns? Do you believe there are cases where political
isolation or sanctions are appropriate, either based on a country's
human rights abuses or other foreign policy concerns?Answer:
Answer. Human rights advocates should always have a seat at the
foreign policy table. We should always be pressing other governments,
both abusive and friendly, to adhere to internationally accepted human
rights standards. Promoting human rights is always in the best
interests of the United States and of the countries for whose citizens
we are advocating because societies that respect human rights and the
rule of law are more stable, and make better allies. It is in our
national interest to work with allies and partners to try to prevent
conflict by addressing the causes of violence. Diplomatic efforts to
prevent conflict are much more effective than engagement after conflict
erupts. Secretary Pompeo has said that, under his leadership, the
Department will use a range of programs and partners to promote our
values abroad, including through bilateral and multilateral channels,
and imposing visa restrictions and economic sanctions, as appropriate.
Yes, there are cases where sanctions are appropriate.
Question. In addition to the concerning humanitarian crisis,
Venezuela's democratic institutions have greatly deteriorated over the
past two decades. What can the U.S. do to ensure that any transition
paves the way for a return to democracy rather than a new authoritarian
regime? What do you see as DRL's role in ensuring that any transition
is peaceful and democratic?
Answer. The administration has been clear and consistent that a
change from one authoritarian regime to another is neither our
objective, nor an acceptable outcome. I agree that our objective should
be free and fair elections and reinvigoration of democratic
institutions. The sprawling humanitarian crisis in Venezuela is a
direct result of the former Maduro regime's efforts to dismantle
democratic institutions, eliminate checks and balances, and repress the
rights and freedoms of the Venezuelan people.
I am deeply committed to helping the Venezuelan people restore
their democracy and regain their freedom. I will work with the
Organization of American States to urge its members to achieve the
objectives of the Inter-American Democratic Charter.
DRL has a key role to support Venezuela's embattled civil society
and democratic institutions, to shine light on human rights abuses and
to support free and fair elections.
Question. On December 03, 2018, the Holocaust Museum announced for
the first time that it believes there is compelling evidence that the
Burmese military committed ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity,
and genocide against the Rohingya, Muslim minority population. Senator
Young and I plan to re-introduce our Burma Human Rights and Freedom
Act, which promotes democracy and human rights in Burma, and among
other actions, requires a State Department report on crimes against
humanity and other serious human rights abuses committed against the
Rohingya and other ethnic groups in Burma. Do you believe that the
gross human rights violations that took place in 2017, in which over
700,000 fled persecution, when the Rohingya were raped, tortured,
burned and killed for who they were,--do you believe those actions
constitute genocide and crimes against humanity? What additional
measures would you recommend the U.S. take to address allegations of
genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes? What additional
measures would you recommend the international community take? Would
you recommend, for example, collaboration to establish a multilateral
sanctions regime against Burmese military officials who aided,
participated in, or were otherwise implicated in gross violations of
internationally recognized human rights in Burma?
Answer. I share the view that gross human rights violations took
place in 2017 and am deeply concerned about the Burmese military's
horrific abuses directed at the Rohingya and the ongoing humanitarian
crisis that has ensued.
If confirmed, I will undertake my own review of the facts, and
offer my recommendations to the Secretary on appropriate actions to
take to promote accountability and deter further atrocities. Our goal
should be a mix of private and public and bilateral and multilateral
diplomacy, economic sanctions and visa restrictions designed to remove
from positions of responsibility those responsible for ordering these
atrocities and to bring about the full transition to a civilian-led
democracy. We also must address the causes of violence and
discrimination in all regions of Burma.
I will also support the United States' ongoing efforts to provide
life-saving humanitarian assistance to those affected by these events
and to ensure the security of the hundreds of thousands of Rohingya
remaining in Burma
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Robert Destro by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. In the past, you have argued that Christians who oppose
homosexuality, on the basis of religious belief, should be permitted to
deny equal treatment and services to LGBT individuals. You have
questioned whether a transgender person must be accepted as such by
someone who doesn't accept the basis of gender identity. Given your
past comments, how can you effectively carry out the position
articulated by the Secretary of State and be a credible advocate of
LGBTI rights globally?
Answer. Respect for the inherent dignity of every human person is
the foundation of an effective foreign policy. There is no
justification for violence against LGBTI persons, for criminalization
of LGBTI status or relations, or for discrimination in areas such as
housing, employment, or the provision of government services. If
confirmed, I will work closely with colleagues across the State
Department and beyond to promote respect for fundamental freedoms,
human rights and democratic governance for all people, including LGBTI
persons.
Question. In his statement last year during Pride month, Secretary
Pompeo said, ``LGBTI persons--like all persons--must be free to enjoy
their human rights and fundamental freedoms, including freedom of
expression, peaceful assembly, and association, without fear of
reprisal.'' Do you agree with the Secretary's past statements on the
role of the U.S. government in promoting the human rights of LGBTI
people abroad?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I look forward to advancing respect for
the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all, including LGBTI
persons.
Question. Do you believe it acceptable that religious freedom can
be used, in any case, as a justification for policies that criminalize,
stigmatize or otherwise discriminate against LGBTI people,
relationships, or organizations?
Answer. There is no justification for criminalization of LGBTI
status, nor for violence against LGBTI persons, nor for discrimination
in housing, employment or the provision of government services. Respect
for the inherent dignity of every human person is a universal duty, and
is the foundation of an effective foreign policy. If confirmed, I will
work closely with colleagues across the State Department and beyond to
promote respect for fundamental freedoms, human rights and democratic
governance for all people, including LGBTI persons. governments around
the world must understand they are obligated to provide every citizen
with equal protection under the law, and if confirmed, I would stand
forcefully for that principle.
I see no inherent tension between the U.S. government's
longstanding effort to protect the human rights of LGBTI people
globally and concepts of international religious freedom. In fact, the
U.S. government promotes all these rights for exactly the same reason:
we believe every person has the right to equal protection of the laws.
All have an equal right to be free to live their lives without fear of
persecution.
United States policy is to oppose criminalization, bias-motivated
violence, and serious discrimination targeting LGBTI persons in areas
such as employment, housing, or the provision of government services.
If confirmed, I look forward to the opportunity to advance those
principles.
Question. Following the departure of Randy Barry, the position of
the LGBTI special envoy has remained unfilled. Do you support retaining
the position? If so, what are your plans to encourage the Secretary to
fill this position?
Answer. I support the Administration's plan to retain the position
of Special Envoy for the Human Rights of LGBTI Persons. If confirmed, I
will fully support the Department's efforts to fill the position with a
qualified individual empowered to perform its mandate.
Question. Following the designations of five individuals and two
units for atrocities against the Rohingya population in 2017, the
United States has refrained from sanctioning other senior Burmese
military officials. Do you believe there should be additional sanctions
against the Burmese military, including on Commander-in-chief Min Aung
Hlaing? What will you do to make sure U.S. policy protects the rights
and dignities of the Rohingya and holds perpetrators of mass atrocities
accountable?
Answer. The Administration has been clear that the atrocities
committed against Rohingya and the ongoing humanitarian crisis that has
ensued in Burma are the responsibility of the Burmese military
leadership, that those responsible should be removed from power, and
the military subordinated to civilian rule.
If confirmed, I will advocate for actions that promote
accountability and deter further atrocities. Such actions may include
targeted economic sanctions and visa restrictions. While I do not want
to prejudge any specific actions including additional U.S. visa
restrictions or financial sanctions on specific Burmese individuals or
security force units, I believe that the United States remains a key
voice in the international community on the protection and promotion of
human rights and fundamental freedoms. I will, if confirmed, review the
conduct of Burmese security forces during the ethnic cleansing of
Rohingya, as well as human rights abuses by Burmese security forces in
other parts of the country.
If confirmed, I will support programs to counter violence and
discrimination in all affected regions of Burma, and I will support the
United States' ongoing efforts to provide life-saving humanitarian
assistance to those affected by violence.
Question. Given the trend in authoritarian behavior in the Indo-
Pacific region, and China's efforts to export its authoritarian model
to other countries in the region, how you will use your position to
counter this trend and China's efforts to bolster authoritarianism?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to advance a free and open Indo-
Pacific through strong support for good governance including promoting
transparency, openness, rule of law, and the protection of human rights
and fundamental freedoms within the Indo-Pacific region. These values
are embedded in the Indo-Pacific Transparency Initiative that was
announced by the Vice President last November. I will express U.S.
concerns about China's efforts to export its authoritarian model, seek
to ensure the U.S. government utilizes appropriate tools to counter
this trend, and coordinate with our international partners.
Question. In you view, what role does civil society play in the
Indo-Pacific region in promoting democracy and human rights? If
confirmed, how will you ensure that U.S. foreign policy regularly
includes engagement and support for civil society in the region?
Answer. Civil society plays a key role in promoting democracy and
human rights around the globe, including in the Indo-Pacific region. An
absence of civil society means an abuse of human rights and democracy.
If confirmed, I will work to promote a strong, active civil society by
supporting opportunities for civil society organizations to engage
their governments, to share best practices across borders, and to
cooperate on common challenges affecting human rights and fundamental
freedoms. I will counter efforts by certain governments in the Indo-
Pacific region to place restrictions on the activities of civil society
organizations and constrain the space in which civil society can
operate. Finally, I will seek to ensure that democratic institutions,
including elections, are more credible, inclusive, and effective.
Question. How will you ensure that the administration maintains
focus on the grave situation of human rights in North Korea even as it
continues diplomatic engagement on denuclearization?
Answer. The DPRK's human rights record remains among the worst in
the world. If confirmed, I will meet with North Korean defectors, work
with likeminded partners to increase international awareness of the
egregious abuses and violations, and promote respect for human rights
in North Korea. I will also support civil society efforts to increase
the free flow of independent information into, out of, and within the
country.
Question. If confirmed, will you use your post to advocate for
U.S. negotiators to press North Korea on human rights issues, including
pressing them to cooperate with U.N. human rights mechanism and to join
the International Labour Organization?
Answer. Yes. The only way to resolve this human rights crisis is
for the DPRK regime to join the community of nations and begin to
respect human rights and adhere to international norms.
Question. If confirmed, will you use your post to raise awareness
of the terms of the North Korea Sanctions and Policy Enhancement Act of
2016, which specifically imposes sanctions on the North Korean
government because of its human rights record? Under the law, these
broader sanctions cannot be lifted, or even waived, unless North Korea
takes steps to improve its human rights record; will you use your post
to remind negotiators--on both sides--of this basic legislative
reality?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work with Department and
interagency counterparts to ensure that our North Korea human rights
policy, including human rights-related sanctions, is implemented
consistent with the law, including the North Korea Sanctions and Policy
Enhancement Act of 2016.
Question. Do you think the U.N.'s establishment of a field office
in Seoul to track rights violations in North Korea is helpful in
shining a light on North Korea's human rights record? As you know, the
U.S. withdrew from the UNHRC in June 2018. Do you think this helps or
hurts multilateral efforts to call out Kim regime abuses?
Answer. North Korea's human rights record is among the worst in the
world. I support efforts to document the egregious human rights abuses
and violations in North Korea for the purposes of shining a light on
the country's deplorable human rights record and for future
accountability purposes.
I believe there are a variety of multilateral forums and tools we
can use to call out the North Korean government's terrible human rights
record, including the U.N. General Assembly, the U.N. Security Council,
and the Universal Periodic Review process.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Robert Destro by Senator Cory A. Booker
Question. Do you support these changes made in 2018 downgrading
the importance of and focus on women's reproductive rights in the
annual Human Rights Reports?
Answer. U.S. law requires that we report on ``wherever applicable,
practices regarding coercion in population control, including coerced
abortion and involuntary sterilization.'' The Cairo Program of Action
and the Beijing Platform for Action provide for the recognition of the
basic right of all couples and individuals to decide freely and
responsibly the number, spacing and timing of their children and to
have the information and means to do so, and the right to attain the
highest standard of sexual and reproductive health. It also includes
their right to make decisions concerning reproduction free of
discrimination, coercion and violence, as expressed in human rights
documents.
If confirmed, I will report facts relevant to these provisions
fully and efficiently.
Question. Since you have taken stances on numerous pieces of
legislation in the past, do you support the passage of S.707,
Reproductive Rights Are Human Rights Act? If not, why not?
Answer. President Trump's National Security Strategy explicitly
states that the U.S. will support efforts to advance women's equality
and protect the rights of women and girls.
If confirmed, I will work to ensure that women's human rights,
including their right to the enjoyment of the highest attainable
standard of physical and mental health, are promoted and protected.
As a nominee, it would not be appropriate for me to express an
opinion on a specific piece of proposed legislation. If confirmed, I
will be happy to have a conversation about legislation of concern to
you and to contribute to formulating the Administration's response to
the proposed bill.
Question. The State Department's own 2018 Human Rights Reports
acknowledge that the Nigerian ``government did not adequately
investigate or prosecute most of the major outstanding allegations of
human rights violations by the security forces or the majority of cases
of police or military extortion or other abuse of power.''
Unfortunately, this lack of lack of accountability for abuses by
security forces has been a consistent challenge.
As recently as October, according to an investigation by Amnesty
International researchers, Nigerian soldiers and police used excessive
force which led to the killing of at least 45 supporters of the Islamic
Movement in Nigeria (IMN) over two days in October 2018, as the Shi'a
Muslim group held a peaceful religious procession around Abuja. Video
footage shows the security forces ``opening fire on unarmed
demonstrators, sometimes shooting indiscriminately into the crowd at
close range as people turned and tried to flee.'' The soldiers depicted
were apparently the 7th unit of the Nigerian Brigade (also referred to
as the Presidential Guard Brigade).
To your knowledge, has the State Department implemented vetting
under the Leahy Law for 7th unit of the Nigerian Brigade (also
referred to as the Presidential Guard Brigade) for its alleged
abuses in October?
Answer. I am deeply concerned by allegations of extrajudicial
killings by Nigerian security forces members, and the lack of public
accountability to date. I believe it is incumbent upon Nigerian
security forces to respond to protests in a measured manner that
adheres to Nigerian law, respects fundamental freedoms, and the rules
for the escalation of force, while protecting the lives of civilians
and security forces. If confirmed, I will seek to ensure through the
Leahy Law and other tools that Nigerian security forces responsible for
serious human rights abuses do not receive assistance and that they
improve their respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.
I am not privy as to whether the 7th unit of the Nigerian Brigade
(also referred to as the Presidential Guard Brigade) has been nominated
for assistance or training since the incident described in the Amnesty
report. Were it to be to be nominated for training or assistance in the
future if confirmed I would ensure that the information in that report
was reviewed and taken into account.
Question. How will you seek to promote a greater respect for human
rights and accountability for security force abuses in Nigeria when
they remain an important security U.S. partner in fighting Boko Haram,
if confirmed?
Answer. I believe that the U.S. government needs to continue its
robust efforts that aim to help the Nigerian government and civil
society address instability across Nigeria while building more capable,
professional, and accountable Nigerian security forces that respect
human rights and protect civilians. I stress that these concerns are
not mutually exclusive: protecting human rights, promoting
accountability, and ensuring civilian protection are instrumental to
defeating terrorism.
We must press the Nigerian government for credible, transparent,
and thorough investigations into allegations of corruption and human
rights violations, pursuing accountability for those responsible. If
confirmed, I will ensure that our security cooperation with Nigeria
continues to support our goals of respect for human rights and
protection of civilians.
Question. Do you support the administration's decision to ignore
the statutory mandate in the Global Magnitsky Human Rights
Accountability Act relating to requests for determinations from
Congress?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with interagency legal and policy
experts to implement the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability
Act in accordance with applicable delegations of authority and other
appropriate considerations.
Question. What do you view as Congress' proper role in requesting
a sanctions determination under the Global Magnitsky Human Rights
Accountability Act?
Answer. If confirmed, I will welcome the recommendations of
Congress in Global Magnitsky Act implementation and will work to ensure
congressional views are taken into account.
Question. The most recent Religious Freedom Report on Bahrain from
2017 states that: ``The government continued to question, detain, and
arrest clerics, community members, and opposition politicians
associated with the Shia community.'' Moreover, the government
continued its crackdown against dissent of all kinds, typified by the
ongoing imprisonment of human rights defender Nabeel Rajab for tweets
critical of the government.
In spite of these ongoing religious freedom and human rights
concerns, according to a readout of Secretary of State Mike Pompeo's
meeting with the Bahraini King and Foreign Minister on January 11th,
Secretary Pompeo failed to publicly raise either of these issues during
his meeting.
What steps do you plan to take to raise the concerns of Shia
citizens in Bahrain, if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage counterparts in Bahrain on
strengthening respect for the human rights of all Bahrainis, including
Shia citizens. Societies are strengthened, not threatened, by
expressions of opinion and dissent, and opposition voices can play a
vital role helping societies become more tolerant and inclusive.
Bahrain is an important U.S. partner. Closing avenues to legitimate
civil and political discourse could open a window for external parties,
including Iran, to exploit frustrated communities.
Question. What foreign policy tools do you think the United States
should employ to put pressure on the Bahraini government for its
failure to implement governance reforms and respect human rights?
Answer. I will support human rights issues and raise human rights
cases of concern with counterparts, including when I travel. I will
also consult regularly with civil society and opposition voices. The
National Security Strategy prioritizes support for the dignity of all
persons. I will urge that we publicize our concerns when I believe it
will advance our human rights objectives.
I know the United States has many tools in addition to public and
private messaging that we can use to effectuate improved human rights
protections, and if confirmed, I will commit to engaging strongly on
these issues regarding Bahrain.
Question. What in your view is should be the U.S. response to the
Egyptian government's proposed amendments to extend President Sisi's
time in power, reduce the independence of the judiciary, and increase
the role of the military in civilian government?
Answer. I believe constitutional transitions of power are essential
for strong democracies everywhere and that we should encourage the
Egyptian government to ensure that the referendum allows all Egyptians
to give voice to their views, without penalizing dissenters. I believe
the United States should encourage civilian control of the military and
independent judicial systems if we are to advance our objectives of
prosperity and security around the globe.
Encouraging Egypt to build a more stable and secure society
including through strengthening civil society and human rights
protections is part of achieving those objectives.
Question. What innovative ideas will you propose, if confirmed, to
support human rights defenders and civil society organizations in
Egypt?
Answer. If confirmed, I will raise our serious concerns about the
human rights situation in Egypt with senior Egyptian government
officials. In those conversations, I will emphasize the obligation that
all governments have to protect and respect human rights, and to ensure
that all persons enjoy fundamental freedoms, including freedoms of
expression, peaceful assembly, association, and religion. As I said at
the hearing, I want our reporting to be more real time. If confirmed, I
will look for new ways to use social media and other platforms to
report on human rights problems and show support for civil society and
human rights activists in places like Egypt and around the world.
Enabling an environment for human rights defenders and civil
society organizations to operate is critical Egypt's to stability and
prosperity, and to meeting the very real security and terrorism
challenges Egypt faces. Around the world, these individuals and groups
are often key to identifying the most innovative initiatives to advance
reform in their own countries, and I would look forward to seeking
their views on how the United States can support their own efforts.
Question. Will you pledge to work with the Ambassador-at-Large for
International Religious Freedom to ensure the Egyptian government takes
concrete steps to end discrimination towards and ensure the safety of
the Coptic Christian community and places of worship in Egypt, if
confirmed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I pledge to work with the Ambassador-at-
Large for International Religious Freedom to ensure the Egyptian
government takes steps to end discrimination towards and ensure the
safety of the Coptic Christian community and places of worship in
Egypt.
Question. Will you pledge to raise the cases of prominent human
rights workers, lawyers, and political activists who have arbitrarily
detained in your conversations with Egyptian authorities, if confirmed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will raise our serious concerns about
these issues with senior Egyptian government officials. In those
conversations, I will emphasize the obligation that all governments
have to protect and respect human rights, and to ensure that all
persons enjoy fundamental freedoms, including freedoms of expression,
peaceful assembly, association, and religion.
Respecting these values and principles, and allowing space for the
emergence of a robust civil society are critical to Egypt's stability
and prosperity, and to meeting the very real security and terrorism
challenges Egypt faces.
Question. According to the recently released State Department's
2019 Human Rights Report on China, which includes Tibet: ``Official
repression of the freedoms of speech, religion, movement, association,
and assembly of Tibetans in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) and other
Tibetan areas and of Uighurs and other ethnic and religious minorities
in Xinjiang worsened and was more severe than in other areas of the
country.'' Moreover, the report states that ``arbitrary arrest and
detention remained serious problems'' in Tibet and as of November 27,
2017, there were 303 Tibetan political prisoners known to be detained
or imprisoned in China.
Will to commit to raising the cases of Tibetan political prisoners
and prisoners of conscience in meetings with Chinese government
officials, if confirmed?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I am committed to pressing for respect
for human rights, including freedom of religion and belief, in my
conversations with Chinese officials, and advocating for the release of
Tibetan political prisoners and prisoners of conscience.
Question. Will you support full implementation of the Reciprocal
Access to Tibet Act of 2018, including revoking the visas of Chinese
officials determined to substantially involved in the formulation or
execution of policies related to access for foreigners to Tibetan
areas, if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support full implementation of the
Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Keith Krach by Senator Johnny Isakson
Question. Last spring, the State Department negotiated an
agreement with the UAE to address subsidies provided by the UAE
government to their state-owned airlines.
When subsidized carriers open routes to the U.S., American jobs are
put at risk. That's why Open Skies agreements are so important,
particularly to my home state.
However, an earlier agreement with Qatar appears to have been
undermined when state-owned Qatar Airways acquired a 49% stake in an
Italian airline. They are now able to use that airline to launch new
service to the United States:
If confirmed, will you commit to strictly enforce Open Skies
agreements?
Answer. If confirmed, I would commit to strictly enforcing our Open
Skies agreements and leveling the playing field to ensure U.S.
companies have an opportunity to succeed globally.
Question. What efforts will you undertake to remedy these types of
violations?
Answer. I would support the Department's leadership in ensuring
appropriate follow-though on the Understandings reached in January 2018
with Qatar and in May 2018 with the UAE. I would seek to address
concerns of U.S. industry regarding subsidized competition while
maintaining the Open Skies framework of U.S. international aviation
policy. My goal would be to provide beneficial results for as many U.S.
stakeholders as possible.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Keith Krach by Senator Robert Menendez
Paris Agreement
Question. 2019 is a significant year for U.S. participation in the
Paris Agreement because November 4th is the day when President Trump
can officially initiate the formal withdrawal process. November 4th
happens to be 4 weeks before the start of COP25 in Santiago, Chile.
According to the historical responsibilities of your predecessors, if
confirmed, you would be Head of Delegation to COP25.
Do you believe the United States should withdraw from the Paris
Agreement?
Answer. I fully support the President's decision that the United
States will withdraw from the Paris Agreement unless we can identify
terms for participation that are better for the American people. If
confirmed, I will ensure that the United States promotes a balanced
approach to economic growth, energy security, and environmental
protection. We will remain a global leader on the issue of climate
change to advance and protect U.S. economic and environmental
interests, including by participating in ongoing international climate
change negotiations to ensure a level playing field for all countries.
We will continue to work with other countries to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions and enhance resilience in ways that drive innovation and
market-friendly solutions.
Question 2 How is it in the best strategic and economic interests
for the United States to remove itself from the international Agreement
every other nation of the world is using to shape the future of the
global economy?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States remains
engaged in international negotiations and discussions on the issue of
climate change to advance and protect U.S. interests, working with
other countries to help drive innovation and market-friendly solutions,
so that our efforts to protect the environment and grow our economy are
mutually supportive.
Question. When President Trump announced he would withdraw the
United States from the Paris Agreement he did so with the caveat that
he would work to seek a ``better deal'' wherein the United States would
remain a party to the Paris Agreement.
Are you aware of what work or progress to advance the president
pledge to reach a new or better deal on international climate
action, wherein he may justify keeping the United States party
to the Paris Agreement?
Answer. As I am not a government employee, I have not been engaged
in conversations concerning this matter, but I understand that the
United States has remained active in international negotiations related
to the Paris Agreement in order to protect U.S. interests and keep all
policy options open for the President. I also understand that the
Administration policy regarding withdrawal from the agreement remains
unchanged and that the United States intends to withdraw as soon as
possible, consistent with the terms of the agreement.
Question. Will you commit to the committee that, if confirmed, you
will develop and provide details on what a ``better deal'' would be as
well as the strategy for achieving a new or better deal?
Answer. As I am not a government employee, I have not been engaged
in conversations concerning this matter. If confirmed, I will ensure
that the United States remains actively engaged on the issue of climate
change, in multilateral bodies, as well as directly through our
diplomatic and development activities with other countries.
Question. Senator Collins and I wrote Secretary Pompeo a letter
several weeks ago, for which we have not received a response,
requesting the Secretary explain how he intends to maintain power and
influence in a process that we are walking away from.
Do you believe that U.S. interests are better served when we are
inside and actively involved in diplomatic negotiations, or
when we excuse ourselves, and walk from processes that the rest
of the entire world is actively engaging in?
Answer. The United States continues to participate in ongoing
international climate change negotiations to to protect U.S. economic
and environmental interests. Regardless of our position on the Paris
Agreement, the United States' approach to environmental protection
serves U.S. interests and has unburdened communities, individuals, and
industries to develop and implement policies that fit their needs. This
approach leverages the ingenuity of our citizens and businesses to
protect our environment and grow our economy.
Question. Can the U.S. maintain its leadership and influence in
negotiations of policy and implementation processes, in multi-lateral
forums like the Paris Agreement, when we have chosen not to be party to
these agreements? If you believe we can, how? If confirmed, will you
develop and present the State Department's strategy for continued
leadership on climate change diplomacy, international climate change
cooperation, and engagement in the Paris Agreement, both during the
year-long interim period wherein the U.S. withdrawal process is being
processed, and for the years after a U.S. withdrawal is finalized and
our country is no longer party to the Paris Agreement?
Answer. Yes, I believe the United States can maintain its
leadership and influence in these multilateral policy forums regardless
of our position on the Paris Agreement. If confirmed, I will ensure
that the United States remains actively engaged on the issue of climate
change, in multilateral bodies, as well as directly through our
diplomatic and development activities with other countries. I will
ensure that we work to advance and protect U.S. interests, working with
other countries to help drive innovation and market-friendly solutions,
so that our efforts to protect the environment and grow our economy are
mutually supportive.
Question. The outcomes from COP24 are widely regarded as
successful and favorable towards the U.S.'s interests. a. Do you agree
with this assessment? b. How much credence do you put on the
achievement of these positive outcomes resulted from the U.S.'s full
participation in the negotiations as a party to the Paris Agreement?
Answer. I welcome the outcomes of the 24th Conference of the
Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
(UNFCCC COP24) in Katowice and appreciate the hard work of our
negotiators, whose active and constructive engagement made it possible
for the United States to achieve such outcomes. The outcome took a
significant step toward holding our economic competitors accountable
for reporting their emissions in a manner consistent with standards the
United States has met since the early 1990s.
Question. What is your strategy for maintaining and growing U.S.
influence, cooperation, and power on climate diplomacy at COP25?
(Taking into consideration that in the coming months leading up to
November 4, 2019, which is the earliest date the President can
officially begin the United States' withdrawal process).
How do you think our partner and ally, as well as rival, parties to
the Paris Agreement posture and willingness to deal with the
United States may change, knowing that on November 4, 2019 the
United States may very likely initiate the withdrawal process?
Answer. With COP25 months away, it is too early to say anything
specific. That said, I understand that the United States was actively
engaged at COP24 and, if confirmed, I would work with U.S. negotiators
to develop an approach to advance and protect U.S. interests at COP25.
Question. Given your experience in business and negotiations, if
your negotiating partner affirmatively states and maintains an
intention to walk away from a deal, even after gaining concessions,
would, or rather when, do you as the party sitting across the table
from the walking party move on and write off further talks and
concessions for the walking party?
Answer. Regardless of our position on the Paris Agreement, I would
work to ensure that the United States remains engaged on the issue of
climate change internationally, to advance and protect U.S. interests,
working with other countries to help drive innovation and market-
friendly solutions, so that our efforts to protect the environment,
enhance energy security, and grow our economy are mutually supportive.
Question. Are you aware that many major U.S. companies, like
Microsoft, Nike, Walmart, Apple, Unilever, Kelloggs, Mars, Best Buy,
and Exelon support U.S. remaining in the Paris Agreement?
Answer. I am aware of the views of these private U.S. companies.
Regardless of our position on the Paris Agreement, the United States'
approach to environmental protection has unburdened communities,
individuals, and industries to develop and implement policies that fit
their needs. This approach leverages the ingenuity of our citizens and
businesses to protect our environment and grow our economy.
Question. Congress approved funding for bilateral assistance for
both renewable energy and adaptation programs in the FY19 omnibus
appropriations bill. State and USAID have long and well-established
channels and programs towards which to obligate these funds.
Do you support implementing Congress's clear intention in this
spending legislation, and devoting resources toward renewable
energy and adaptation programming?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that all funds are
implemented in a manner that is consistent with Administration policy
and applicable law.
Question. If confirmed, will you work with the F bureau at State,
to ensure the State Department will execute and spend these fund
according to Congress's clear intent in the FY19 omnibus appropriations
bill?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the F bureau to ensure that
all funds are implemented in a manner that is consistent with
Administration policy and applicable law.
Question. If confirmed, will you ensure that the full sums are
obligated as intended, and not applied to existing spending or
otherwise double-counted?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues on implementing
programs consistent with Administration policy and applicable law.
Question. Regardless of whether the U.S. withdraws from the Paris
Agreement, the U.S. remains a party to the U.N. Framework Convention on
Climate Change. Should you be confirmed, will you continue U.S.
engagement with the UNFCCC and prioritize payment of U.S. contributions
to that organization?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States remains
engaged on the issue of climate change, through the UNFCCC and other
multilateral and bilateral fora, to advance and protect U.S. interests.
The FY 2020 congressional budget justification includes a request for
funds to be contributed to the UNFCCC
Question. In 2017, at the Meeting of Parties to the Montreal
Protocol in Kigali Rwanda, all parties agreed to amend the Montreal
Protocol to initiate a global phasedown of HFCs, a highly potent
greenhouse gas used in refrigeration. U.S. industry stakeholders like
Dow Chemical and United Technologies as well as the U.S. environmental
community all support U.S. ratification of the Kigali amendment. In
fact, 13 Republican senators led by Senator Kennedy, sent a letter to
President Trump last year, including some members of the committee
urging him to submit the Kigali to the Senate for advice and consent,
and yet the Kigali amendment remains on his desk, where it's been since
he took office.
Will you ensure that, if confirmed, you will work to get the Kigali
Amendment sent to the Senate for its Advice and Consent?
Answer. I understand that the Administration is actively
considering transmittal of the Kigali Amendment to the Senate for its
advice and consent, but no final decision has been reached. If
confirmed, I will ensure that the State Department remains fully
engaged in the interagency process considering the Kigali Amendment.
Question. Are you aware of the Senate's strong bi-partisan support
for the Kigali Amendment and, if you have not already, will you read
the attached letter of support for the Kigali Amendment from 13 Senate
Republicans, led by Senator John Kennedy of Louisiana, and signed by
three members of this committee, and commit to reaching out to Sen.
Kennedy to discuss the Kigali Amendment and brief him on the status of
the Administration's deliberations?
Answer. I am aware of the letter and, if confirmed, I would be
happy to discuss this issue with Senator Kennedy and other co-signers.
Question. Are you aware of the strong support for the Kigali
Amendment from affected U.S. industry leaders?
Answer. I understand the Administration is aware of U.S. industry's
views and that the State Department and other agencies are in regular
communication with industry leaders on this issue.
Question. Will you reach out to these industry leaders to
understand their perspective on how U.S. ratification of the Kigali
Amendment improves their global economic competiveness and to brief
them on the status of the Administration's deliberations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with colleagues in the State
Department to continue to work closely with all relevant stakeholders,
including U.S. industry, as the Administration considers the Kigali
Amendment.
Administrative
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation
against career employees based on their perceived political beliefs,
prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is
wholly inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If
confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all employees under your
leadership understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other
prohibited personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. I view our Foreign and Civil Service employees in the
highest regard. Having now met with many of them in preparation for my
hearings before the committee, I have been impressed with their
professionalism, patriotism, and expertise. Career civil servants and
Foreign Service employees should be evaluated on merit and are
protected under law from being treated differently due to their real or
perceived political affiliation or beliefs. As the Secretary has said,
such prohibited personnel actions will not be tolerated at the State
Department. If confirmed, I will ensure that employees under my
leadership understand the rules and understand that they have the
ability to report prohibited actions to the appropriate authorities,
for example the Office of the Inspector General.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. I take the issues of sexual harassment, discrimination
(e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), and inappropriate conduct with
the utmost seriousness and do not tolerate any types of behavior that
could be considered discriminatory. I would be happy to speak with you
on the importance of these and similar topics of this nature, and give
you my perspective on the need to treat everyone with respect,
courtesy, and fairness.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of
sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious,
etc.), or inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you
had supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and
actions taken.
Answer. I take the issues of sexual harassment, discrimination
(e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), and inappropriate conduct with
the utmost seriousness and do not tolerate any types of behavior that
could be considered discriminatory. I would be happy to speak with you
on the importance of these and similar topics of this nature, and give
you my perspective on the need to treat everyone with respect,
courtesy, and fairness.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Keith Krach by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Human Rights
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Even though I haven't served in government, I have focused
on reinforcing human rights and democracy by putting American values
into action in the business, education, and social sectors around the
world.
Business sector
I helped to build four category-defining companies that have had a
positive impact on productivity, standard of living, human empowerment,
and the health of the planet. As I mentioned in my opening statement,
my goal was always to create values-driven companies that were built to
last. The values I worked to instill in my companies are fundamental
principles of transparency, courtesy and respect for all, and
accountability. U.S. companies serve as a model to promote good
governance, human rights, and democracy around the world.
Social sector
As the founder and chairman of the DocuSign Impact Foundation, I
led our team with the mission to transform lives through commitment to
noble causes. We instituted a one-for-one match for employee's
contributions to their favorite charities, which provided $30 million
for these organizations. I also served on the board of Opportunity
International, the largest global private issuer of micro loans, as
chairman of the advisory board of New Story- which builds homes in
third world countries, and as co-founder of the Children's Autistic
Network.
If confirmed, I will look for ways to have synergistic public/
private partnerships with non-profits, to be a force for good in
developing countries, and to amplify the moral high ground of American
values by bringing the power of entrepreneurship and economic
empowerment of women and the social sector alive.
Diversity
Question. What will you do to promote, mentor and support your
staff that come from diverse backgrounds and underrepresented groups in
the Foreign Service?
Answer. My life's work has been focused on creating innovative
companies and transformative social causes by building high-performance
teams that challenge the status quo. You cannot do that with old ideas
and ways of thinking. I believe the team with the best people wins and
that diversity of thought on any team is the catalyst for genius. You
cannot have diversity of thought without having individuals from
diverse backgrounds, particularly underrepresented groups. I pledge to
you that I will do all that I can to recruit, support, and mentor a
Foreign and Civil Service not only on my staff but throughout the
Department that matches the incredible diversity of this country. The
Foreign Service Act directs the Department to be representative of the
American people and to do that we must encourage varied viewpoints and
thinking at all levels. With that aim in mind, if confirmed, I will be
honored to work side-by-side with our accomplished and committed
diplomatic corps and with you to make this diversity a reality. I would
also prioritize recruitment, training, and acquisition of appropriate
tools and resources for the success of all employees.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors in the Foreign Service are fostering an environment that is
diverse and inclusive?
Answer. As I have sought to do in my private business and
philanthropic work, I believe it is essential for any truly effective
leader to model the inclusive behavior I have outlined above for
supervisors, and, if confirmed, I pledge to do so. In cases where
modeling has not been entirely effective, I will take swift and
effective action to ensure Department employees are supervised by those
who foster a diverse and inclusive workplace free from any form of
discrimination. Additionally, to foster diversity I would support the
utilization of recruitment and development programs such as the
Pickering Fellowship, Rangel Fellowship, and others. I also believe
that training is as essential for supervisors as it is for employees,
and I will make every effort to have supervisors take part in
leadership, diversity, and other training to ensure a workplace free of
discrimination and harassment. I will also encourage mentoring and the
use of career advancement and leadership development courses for
promising employees.
Conflicts of Interest
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the Inspector General of the State Department and Foreign Service) any
change in policy or U.S. actions that you suspect may be influenced by
any of the President's business or financial interests, or the business
or financial interests of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in any country abroad?
Answer. As listed on my financial disclosure form, I am a passive
investor in several foreign-based private investment funds. Pursuant to
the Ethics Agreement I executed, if confirmed I will divest these
interests.
Small Business
Question. Both at home and around the world, small businesses help
drive innovation and economic growth. In developing countries in
particular, they help build state capacity. I am working with
Congressman Joaquin Castro to update and introduce the Global Small
Business Network Act, which supports expanding the existing Small
Business Development Center model-already adopted by Central America,
South America, and the Caribbean-to Southeast Asia.
If confirmed, will you commit to use your role to support economic
security in partner countries through promoting small business
and entrepreneurship?
Answer. To promote American prosperity and jobs, Secretary Pompeo
and the Department of State advance key relationships to secure
commercial opportunities and foster investment and innovation. If
confirmed, I will work to promote U.S. small business and
entrepreneurship opportunities in partner countries.
As you are aware, U.S. embassies and consulates support development
of entrepreneurial values and job creation through small business
development.
We also advocate vigorously for open, fair, and transparent markets
as an essential condition for U.S. and foreign entrepreneurs to create
economic growth and jobs. If confirmed, I will seek to leverage all
efforts in a way that engages U.S. small businesses and boosts
entrepreneurship.
WEEE Act Implementation
Question. In January of this year, the President signed into law
the Women's Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment Act, which aims
to reduce-and eventually eliminate-gender disparities related to
economic participation. The WEEE Act supports women's property rights
and capability to determine life outcomes, among other actions.
If confirmed, will you commit to use your role to promote not only
micro, small, and medium sized enterprises globally, but
especially businesses owned, managed, and controlled by women?
Will you commit to the committee to provide regular updates on the
Bureau's progress in this regard?
Answer. I am fully committed to supporting women's entrepreneurship
and economic empowerment, and to implementing the objectives of the
WEEE Act.
Women's economic empowerment contributes to the overall advancement
of U.S. economic interests, aligns with the National Security Strategy,
and supports the recently launched White House-led Women's Global
Development and Prosperity (W-GDP) Initiative. If confirmed, I would
welcome the opportunity to provide updates to the committee on the
State Department's work in support of the WEEE Act, as well as the W-
GDP Initiative.
Tariffs
Question. What are the risks to the international trading system
of continued unilateral action on tariffs by the United States?
Does the U.S. defense of certain industries, such as steel and
aluminum, on national security grounds set a precedent for
other countries to use similar exemptions to impose trade
barriers against the United States?
Answer. Our goal is to ensure that hard work and innovation are
rewarded and there is a level playing field for U.S. companies, while
unfair trade practices and illegal government subsidies are punished.
For many years after World War II, the United States benefited from a
global trading system that generally encouraged more efficient markets
here and around the world. However, there are significant flaws in that
trading system that are hurting American workers and businesses.
Existing trade agreements have become imbalanced and outdated, and
efforts to negotiate new rules within the multilateral trading system
have failed. In fact, the global trading system has created
unsustainable imbalances that appear to be tilted in favor of non-
market economies like China.
It is critical to take actions to protect our national security and
to obtain fairer and better treatment for U.S. companies and workers.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress, my interagency
counterparts, and private sector and civil society stakeholders to help
open markets for American goods and services while protecting American
workers and businesses from unfair competition.
Paris Agreement
Question. This is a critical time for U.S. climate action. As you
know, in December 2018, we had a successful COP24 summit, due in large
part to continued U.S. participation and input in high level climate
strategy discussions.
Will you commit to maintaining U.S. engagement throughout the
remainder of its membership to the Paris Agreement?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States remains
engaged internationally on the issue of climate change to advance and
protect U.S. interests, working with other countries to help drive
innovation and market-friendly solutions, so that our efforts to
protect the environment and grow our economy are mutually supportive. I
will ensure that the United States is actively engaged in international
climate change negotiations, as appropriate.
Question. How will you continue to advance these efforts after we
withdraw from the Agreement in 2020?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the United States remains
engaged internationally on the issue of climate change to advance and
protect U.S. interests, working with other countries to help drive
innovation and market-friendly solutions, so that our efforts to
protect the environment and grow our economy are mutually supportive.
Question. Will you share with this committee your post-2020
strategy to maintain and/or advance U.S. strategic and economic
interests within the Paris Agreement framework?
Answer. As I am not a government employee, I have not been engaged
in conversations concerning this matter. Regardless of our
participation in the Paris Agreement, we will continue to advance U.S.
strategic and economic interests through active participation in
international climate change negotiations, as appropriate, to protect
U.S. economic and environmental interests.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Keith Krach by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. The Trump administration has emphasized ``great powers''
competition as a pillar of its foreign and national security policy,
and at the same time has focused its economic and trade policies on
withdrawing from multilateral agreements, such as the Trans-Pacific
Partnership, in favor of bilateral negotiations:
In your view, what is the impact on U.S. economic influence in the
world when the United States steps back from its international
partnerships?
Answer. The Administration has revised U.S. trade agreements and
focused on much stricter enforcement of U.S. trade laws to create a
more level playing field for American workers and a more fair and
efficient global economy. President Trump withdrew from the Trans-
Pacific Partnership and is negotiating better trade deals. NAFTA was
renegotiated into the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) to
rebalance America's trade relationships and better serve the interests
of American workers, farmers, ranchers, and businesses.
The administration will continue pursuing new trade deals with
strategic partners, including the launch of new trade negotiations with
Japan, the European Union, and the United Kingdom and to deepen trade
with Kenya through a trade and investment working group. If confirmed,
I look forward to working with Congress, my interagency counterparts,
and our partners around the world to strengthen our international
partnerships and create economic opportunities for all Americans.
Question. On March 22, President Xi was in Rome to sign a
memorandum of understanding with Italy, the first G-7 country to join
the Belt and Road Initiative:
What are the implications for U.S. interests when a member of the
G-7 breaks with its allies on an issue as serious as economic
partnership with China?
Answer. It is important that we underscore the value of enduring
international norms and standards as well as the continued benefits of
cooperation among G7 nations in our mutual interests. The investment
model practiced by the U.S. private sector offers commercially viable
solutions, on transparent and financially sustainable terms, to the
long-term benefit of partner countries.
This approach offers an alternative to state-directed, predatory
investment and lending practices that often leave countries worse off.
If confirmed, I will work with our allies and partners, including the
G7, to promote fair, transparent, and market-based approaches to
economic engagement that are also consistent with our values.
Question. If confirmed, how would you approach countering Chinese
influence among our closest allies and how would you advocate with
partners, as Italy did last week, who have drawn on the
Administration's ``America First'' slogan to pursue their own interests
rather than our mutual interests?
Answer. The United States and our allies and partners, including
Italy, have long-standing and economic and political ties. If
confirmed, I will work closely with our partners to highlight ?areas in
which we believe Chinese actions pose a risk to their economic or
national security interests. Our partners are sovereign nations that
will make their own decisions, but I am confident they will make good
decisions when they understand the risk.
I would also underscore the value of enduring international norms
and cooperation with the United States in advancing our mutual
interests.
Question. China has undergone significant market reform, but the
transition to a fully free-market economy has clearly stalled. China
abuses the rules and norms of the institutions that it has become a
part of, including the World Trade Organization, in order to further
its own strategic interests:
Does the U.S. have a clear strategy to counter Chinese efforts to
degrade the free market norms of these multilateral trade
institutions? If confirmed, what partners would you work with
in order to address China's economic and trade policies,
especially China's delinquent membership in bodies such as the
WTO?
Answer. The trading system is inherently flawed, with problems that
have affected U.S. trade agreements as well as global trade
institutions. That system rewarded countries like China that engaged in
unfair and market-distorting trading practices. China's behavior has
been undermining the global trading system and the WTO for years, using
its protected market to force technology transfers and acquiring
leading technology companies overseas. Import substitution policies,
like China's Made in China 2025 initiative, clearly state that China
seeks to take away domestic and international market share from
foreigners, in defiance of global norms.
The United States and other WTO Members have focused on WTO reform,
with G20 Leaders expressing support for the necessary reform of the WTO
to improve its functioning. The Administration believes that WTO reform
must address the unanticipated challenges of non-market economies, such
as China. The United States is working with the European Union and
Japan under a trilateral process to address these challenges. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress, my interagency
counterparts, and our partners around the world to develop a common
understanding of the harm posed by China's economic and trade policies,
to build support for WTO reform proposals, and to ensure we continue to
defend the interests of American workers, farmers, and businesses.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Keith Krach by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. There are now 350,000 wind and solar jobs in our
country. Compare that to only 50,000 coal jobs. Meanwhile, 50,000 solar
jobs were created in 2016 alone. Do you commit to promoting renewable
energy as a job-creation engine for our economy?
Answer. Advancing clean energy technologies and energy efficiency
are key elements of an overall approach to promote diversified energy
supply for the United States and our partners and allies. Global
renewable energy markets will only grow in importance over the next
decades and are projected to account for almost two-thirds of the
expected $11 trillion global investment in power generation through
2040.
U.S. technology positions U.S. firms to be major exporters,
integrators, and developers of the full range of renewable energy
technologies. This can serve to complement economic growth, lessen
dependence on unstable or nefarious foreign sources, and increase
energy access. Emerging economies like China, India, Indonesia, and
others are poised to see explosive growth in energy consumption.
Promoting U.S. technologies, business models, and financing sources
abroad will be critical to capturing this $7 trillion market. U.S. jobs
in export-oriented sectors can complement the exciting growth in
domestic renewable energy manufacturing, installation, and servicing
employment.
The State Department leads coordinated U.S. government efforts to
encourage the adoption and implementation of policies and programs to
promote U.S. economic interests and improve energy security through
bilateral, multilateral, and regional engagements. If confirmed, I will
advocate strongly for the adoption of U.S. business and finance models
across the globe and open, transparent global energy markets in which
U.S. companies can successfully complete.
Question. Do you think climate change is a problem? Should we be
working with our allies and partners to address climate change? If we
are not party to the Paris Agreement, is the United States truly a
leader when it comes to protecting the environment?
Answer. I believe that climate change is a complex global challenge
and that the United States should maintain its leadership and influence
in multilateral policy forums, including international climate change
negotiations, regardless of our position on the Paris Agreement. If
confirmed, I will seek to maintain U.S. leadership to advance and
protect U.S. economic and environmental interests, including by
participating in ongoing international climate change negotiations. We
will continue to work with other countries to reduce greenhouse gas
emissions and enhance resilience in ways that drive innovation and
market-friendly solutions, while ensuring energy security.
Question. How do you plan to address the United States'
participation in upcoming international meetings on climate change,
including the U.N. Climate Change Conference at the end of this year?
Answer. I believe the United States should maintain its leadership
and influence in these multilateral policy forums regardless of our
position on the Paris Agreement. If confirmed, I will seek to maintain
U.S. leadership to advance and protect U.S. economic and environmental
interests, including by participating in ongoing international climate
change negotiations.
Question. Do you believe it acceptable that religious freedom can
be used, in any case, as a justification for policies that criminalize,
stigmatize or otherwise discriminate against LGBTI people,
relationships, or organizations?
Answer. There is no justification for criminalization of LGBTI
status, nor for violence against LGBTI persons, nor for discrimination
in housing, employment or the provision of government services. Respect
for the inherent dignity of every human person is a universal duty, and
is the foundation of an effective foreign policy. If confirmed, I will
work closely with colleagues across the State Department and beyond to
promote respect for fundamental freedoms, human rights and democratic
governance for all people, including LGBTI persons. governments around
the world must understand they are obligated to provide every citizen
with equal protection under the law, and if confirmed, I would stand
forcefully for that principle.
I see no inherent tension between the U.S. government's
longstanding effort to protect the human rights of LGBTI people
globally and concepts of international religious freedom. In fact, the
U.S. government promotes all these rights for exactly the same reason:
we believe every person has the right to equal protection of the laws.
All have an equal right to be free to live their lives without fear of
persecution.
United States policy is to oppose criminalization, bias-motivated
violence, and serious discrimination targeting LGBTI persons in areas
such as employment, housing, or the provision of government services.
If confirmed, I look forward to the opportunity to advance those
principles.
Question. Following the designations of five individuals and two
units for atrocities against the Rohingya population in 2017, the
United States has refrained from sanctioning other senior Burmese
military officials. Do you believe there should be additional sanctions
against the Burmese military, including on Commander-in-chief Min Aung
Hlaing? What will you do to make sure U.S. policy protects the rights
and dignities of the Rohingya and holds perpetrators of mass atrocities
accountable?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Department of State's
efforts to promote accountability for those responsible for these
abuses and achieving justice for victims. I support continued U.S.
leadership of the international response to the crisis and efforts to
deter further atrocities. In my role, I will work with my Department of
State and interagency colleagues to consider the utility of all policy
tools at our disposal, including sanctions where appropriate.
Question. How you will use your position to make sure the United
States is seen as a leader and partner with the Indo-Pacific,
particularly in maintaining robust economic and commercial ties to the
region?
Answer. Our vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific excludes no
nation. Our approach is centered on private-sector led development,
innovation, and open markets.
No government has enough money to meet the region's economic and
development needs. Countries that rely on state-dominated funding for
development crowd out the private-sector investments their economies
need to promote long-lasting prosperity and stability.
Private companies shun markets that are not transparent, unstable,
and corrupt. If confirmed, I will work to foster private sector-led
growth, address the infrastructure gap and uneven economic development,
and help build welcoming business environments to promote mutual
prosperity.
Question. How would you make sure that our North Korea sanctions
enforcement efforts are communicated clearly and effectively?
Answer. As the Secretary has made clear, pressure is what opened
the door for diplomacy, and pressure will ensure the DPRK's final,
fully verified denuclearization. Sanctions remain in full effect until
North Korea denuclearizes. If confirmed, I plan to engage actively with
the international community, to include outreach on U.S. sanctions
actions, and call on countries to strictly implement all sanctions.
Question. Do you support the appointment of a designated focal
point in the interagency to coordinate our sanctions efforts?
Answer. Sanctions are a fundamental tool of diplomacy and the
timely implementation of sanctions is critical to United States foreign
policy objectives.
Sanctions coordination will be a priority for me, if confirmed. I
believe we have to be thoughtful and deliberative in assessing where we
have been successful and where we may need further resources to ensure
institutional success without creating unnecessary bureaucracy and
inefficiencies. If confirmed, I will carefully evaluate this issue.
Question. What steps would you take to ensure that China, Russia,
and other enablers of the Kim regime are held accountable for
violations of sanctions?
Answer. The United States continues to work with governments around
the world, including China and Russia, to ensure all nations are fully
implementing U.N. sanctions obligations. All U.N. Member States are
required to implement U.N. Security Council sanctions resolutions and
we expect them all to continue doing so.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David Stilwell by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. What will be your top priorities to counter Chinese
influence in the Indo-Pacific region?
Answer. The Indo-Pacific strategy is built on principles that are
widely shared throughout the region: ensuring the freedom of the seas
and skies; insulating sovereign nations from external coercion;
promoting market-based economics, open investment environments, fair
and reciprocal trade; and supporting good governance and respect for
individual rights.
The United States seeks a constructive, results-oriented
relationship with China, wherever possible, but if confirmed I will not
shy away from speaking forthrightly and contesting Chinese policies and
actions that undermine the rules-based international order that has
fostered peace and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific for decades.
Question. How do regional U.S. allies such as Australia, Japan,
the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand fit into the U.S.
vision for a ``free and open Indo-Pacific''?
Answer. Our strong relationships with allies and partners deliver
invaluable benefits. Five of our seven non-NATO treaty allies, plus
Taiwan, are in the Indo-Pacific. Their capabilities, and a shared
vision of the principles that underpin a free and open international
order, provide critical comparative advantage over those who challenge
our presence in the Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I will work with Japan,
Australia, Korea, the Philippines, Thailand, New Zealand, the Compact
States, Singapore, Taiwan, and others to strengthen security and cyber
capabilities, combat transnational crime, foster sound economic growth,
good governance, and transparency and uphold the rules-based
international order.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to reviewing and updating
the 2015 State Department's ``Guidelines on Relations with Taiwan''?
Answer. Yes. I understand that the Department periodically updates
and issues a memorandum detailing executive branch guidelines on
relations with Taiwan, which reflects current U.S. policy related to
Taiwan. If confirmed, I will explore the possibility of potentially
updating these guidelines.
Question. As part of that review, do you commit that you will
evaluate and potentially update the State Department's internal
guidance to allow for more U.S. official engagement with Taiwan?
Answer. Yes. I will seek opportunities for visits to Washington and
Taipei by senior-level officials and authorities that advance our
robust unofficial relationship and enable substantive exchanges on
issues of mutual concern, consistent with the Taiwan Relations Act and
the U.S. One China Policy.
Question. Pursuant to the 2015 Guidelines Memo on U.S. relations
with Taiwan, the Taiwanese flag was removed from the State Department's
website. If confirmed, will you commit to reviewing this and
potentially updating the guidelines?
Answer. I am not familiar with the specific circumstance that led
to the removal of the Taiwan flag. If confirmed, I commit to reviewing
the situation and will explore the possibility of potentially updating
the guidelines.
Question. Do you commit to supporting high-level Taiwanese
officials to enter the United States under conditions that are of
appropriately respectful for the dignity of such high-level officials
pursuant to the Taiwan Travel Act (Public Law 115-135) which encourages
high-level visits between U.S. and Taiwanese officials?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will seek opportunities for visits to
Washington and Taipei by senior-level officials and authorities that
advance our robust unofficial relationship and enable substantive
exchanges on issues of mutual concern, consistent with the Taiwan
Relations Act and the U.S. One China Policy.
Question. In recent years, governments have switched diplomatic
relations from Taiwan to China due to pressure from Beijing. If
confirmed, what will you do to help Taiwan maintain and expand official
relations with friendly nations and warn U.S. allies of the risks
associated with doing business with China?
Answer. Taiwan is a democratic success story, a reliable partner,
and a force for good in the world. The United States must continue to
support Taiwan as it seeks to expand its already significant
contributions to addressing global challenges, and as Taiwan resists
efforts to constrain its appropriate participation on the world stage.
Working with our allies and partners, we are expressing our
concerns that Chinese infrastructure development and financing is often
not coordinated with other donors or development banks. We are raising
awareness that, in many cases, the resulting debt loads are
unsustainable. If confirmed, I pledge to continue this important work.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to supporting Taiwan's
ability to defend itself against Chinese aggression?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to fully implement the
provisions of the Taiwan Relations Act under which the United States
makes available to Taiwan defense articles and services in such
quantity necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-
defense capability.
Answer. Taiwan's defensive capability gives it the confidence to
engage with the mainland in dialogue to improve cross-Strait relations.
In this context, our arms sales to Taiwan support peace and stability--
not only in the Taiwan Strait, but also across the entire Asia Pacific
region.
Question. What is your view on the principle of reciprocity in the
context of U.S.-China relations?
Answer. I view reciprocity as a key aspect of our relationship with
China in order to ensure Americans are not disadvantaged, be it in
trade, visa policy, academic access, or other areas.
The United States National Security Strategy recognizes China as a
strategic competitor. This reflects our increasing concerns about
Chinese actions that undermine American interests.
If confirmed, I will not shy away from speaking forthrightly and
contesting Chinese policies and actions that undermine reciprocity and
the international order that has fostered peace and prosperity in the
Indo-Pacific for decades.
Question. If confirmed, will you support the use of Global
Magnitsky Act sanctions on Chinese officials implicated in gross human
rights abuses, in particular abuses in Xinjiang, where credible
estimates suggest up to a million Uyghurs and other Muslims are
arbitrarily detained and subjected to gross human rights abuses in
``political re-education'' camps?
Answer. I am deeply troubled by the Chinese government's worsening
crackdown on the human rights and fundamental freedoms of Uighurs,
ethnic Kazakhs, and other members of Muslim minority groups in the
Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region and elsewhere in China. China's
detention of more than one million individuals in Xinjiang since April
2017 is illustrative of the worsening human rights situation. If
confirmed, I am committed to supporting the implementation of the
Global Magnitsky sanctions program and promoting the pursuit of targets
that reflect our deep concern for human rights and corruption issues,
including with respect to Xinjiang.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to developing a longer-
term U.S. strategy to address human rights abuses in China?
Answer. I am deeply concerned about the worsening human rights
situation in China. I understand that the United States coordinates
closely with likeminded partners to address China's systemic human
rights abuses and to press individual cases of concern. If confirmed, I
am committed to continuing to take a long-term strategic approach to
addressing China's human rights violations and abuses, and promote
accountability. As part of this approach, I will support the Indo-
Pacific Transparency Initiative's drive for accountable governance and
the Department's global diplomatic campaign to galvanize international
pressure on China to limit or halt its repression of Uighurs, ethnic
Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, and members of other Muslim minority groups in
Xinjiang and elsewhere in China.
Question. If Washington hopes to deter the militarization of the
South China Sea, it has to take a tougher stance now. What can be done
to support this U.S. goal?
Answer. China's efforts to assert its sovereignty claims over
disputed land features and its unlawful maritime claims in the South
China Sea, including through massive land reclamation, construction,
and militarization of outposts, threaten the security and economic
interests of our allies and partners, as well as the broader rules-
based order in the Indo-Pacific that has been vital to American
security and prosperity. If confirmed, I intend to work with
interagency partners to use the range of national security tools that
we have--diplomatic, economic, and military--to ensure the South China
Sea remains free and open.
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to pressing the Chinese
government for a resolution over the Tibet issue and to pressing
Chinese authorities to guarantee unfettered access to Tibet for
American citizens as required by the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act
(Public Law 115-330)?
Answer. If confirmed, I will fully implement the Tibetan Policy Act
and the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act. I will press the Chinese
government to enter into dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his
representatives, without preconditions, to seek a resolution of
longstanding differences. I will also press Chinese authorities for
reciprocity regarding the open access that China and many other
countries enjoy in the United States. I am committed to working closely
with Congress in pursuit of our shared goal of seeing Americans have
full access to China, including to the Tibetan Autonomous Region and
other Tibetan areas.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen the
U.S. government's efforts to push the Burmese government to cooperate
with international investigators over the recent atrocities against the
Rohingya population?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the U.S. Mission to
the United Nations, as well as with like-minded countries and regional
partners, to press the government of Burma to grant unhindered access
for established U.N. mechanisms, including the International
Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on
Myanmar, and the U.N. Special Envoy to Myanmar. The United States has
played a key role in creating and funding these mechanisms and has
supported their efforts to promote accountability for atrocities and
other human rights abuses in Burma.
Question. If confirmed, will you use your position to help enhance
targeted sanctions on Burmese military commanders implicated in human
rights abuses, by directing resources to support efforts to identify
perpetrators and obtain information required to have them sanctioned
under the Global Magnitsky Act?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support vigorous efforts to identify
and hold accountable perpetrators of atrocities in Burma. The Global
Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act is a valuable tool Congress
has provided to promote accountability for gross violations of human
rights around the globe and I will seek to use it along with the full
range of tools available to the U.S. government to advance
accountability in Burma.
Question. Will you pledge to advocate within the State Department
and to the Secretary of State, as requested by many members of
Congress, including myself, to reach a formal determination about
whether the atrocities committed against the Rohingya by Burmese
security forces in Rakhine State amount to crimes against humanity or
genocide?
Answer. I am deeply concerned about and appalled by the Burmese
military's ethnic cleansing of Rohingya and the ongoing humanitarian
crisis. The process for deciding whether and when to make a
determination that certain acts may amount to genocide, crimes against
humanity, or ethnic cleansing, has historically been reserved within
the Executive Branch to the Secretary of State. If confirmed, I will
seek to advise the Secretary on any future determinations as they fit
into the Department's overarching objectives of easing the humanitarian
crisis, seeking accountability for those that committed atrocities,
deterring future such atrocities, and addressing root causes of
violence.
Question. Do you commit to pushing for accountability for the
atrocities committed-not just against the Rohingya in Rakhine State,
but also against other ethnic minority groups in Burma targeted by the
military?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize promoting accountability
for the perpetrators of these gross violations of human rights and
ensuring justice for victims. I will aim to continue the United States'
leadership of the international response to the crisis and efforts to
deter further atrocities. In this regard, I will consider the utility
of all policy tools at our disposal. I also will continue U.S. efforts
to support Burma's transition to a civilian-led democracy and to
address the root causes of the violence in all regions of Burma.
Further, I will seek to ensure the generous humanitarian funding from
Congress is used effectively to relieve suffering and underwrite
reconciliation and development efforts.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David Stilwell by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. If confirmed, you are joining an administration that
has, quite frankly, been very inconsistent on its approach to our
allies and alliances, certainly in Europe but also in Asia. It's a view
and approach I find deeply troubling. But the President's own words and
tweets--which are U.S. policy--have been extremely divisive. Secretary
Pompeo has also been clear that the President deserves a team that
supports him, and that if you can't support the president don't work
for the administration. That's a view I share, by the way. We can and
must vet to make sure that people are capable and computer [sic] and
not corrupt, and that their views are not dangerously out of the
mainstream, but presidents do deserve their own teams.
Do you associate yourself with all of the president's views on our
allies and alliances?
Answer. I recognize the invaluable advantages that our strong
relationships with allies and partners deliver. Five of our treaty
allies are in the Indo-Pacific. Their capabilities, and a shared vision
of the principles that underpin a free and open international order,
provide critical comparative advantage over those who challenge our
presence in the Indo-Pacific. Under the leadership of President Trump
and Secretary Pompeo, this Administration has taken concrete steps to
strengthen our alliances and partnerships in the East Asia and Pacific
region to uphold the rules-based order. The Indo-Pacific Strategy is
about ensuring competition is fair and transparent and bounded by the
commonly shared principles of the rules-based order.
Question. What role do you see for U.S. alliances in the region?
Answer. I recognize the invaluable advantages that our strong
relationships with allies and partners deliver. Five of our treaty
allies are in the Indo-Pacific. Their capabilities, and a shared vision
of the principles that underpin a free and open international order,
provide critical comparative advantage over those who challenge our
presence in the Indo-Pacific. If confirmed, I look forward to finding
ways to strengthen our relations with our allies and partners.
Question. How do you view the role of human rights in U.S.
national security and foreign policy in general, and as an issue in the
bilateral relationship with China?
Answer. Promoting respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms, including freedom of religion or belief, is a key component
of American foreign policy. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring
that advancing respect for the rule of law and human rights and
fundamental freedoms remain key priorities in our bilateral
relationship with China.
Question. Are there particular issues--Xinjiang, Tibet, broader
closure of civil society space under President Xi--that you find
troubling?
Answer. I am deeply concerned about the worsening human rights
situation in China. I am alarmed by the Chinese government's crackdown
on Uighurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other members of Muslim minority groups
in Xinjiang and elsewhere in China. I share Congress's concerns about
the lack of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms in Tibet,
and the lack of regular access to the Tibetan Autonomous Region and
other Tibetan areas for Americans. I am concerned by China's arbitrary
detention of lawyers and human rights defenders. Finally, I am troubled
by the increasing restrictions on Chinese civil society and the
significant obstacles faced by U.S. NGOs in China as a result of the
implementation of the Foreign NGO Management Law.
Question. If confirmed, how will you prioritize these issues in
your portfolio?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to working closely with
Congress to advance the Administration's priorities with regard to
improving respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms in China
and to addressing human rights issues there, including China's systemic
abuses as well as individual cases of concern. Limiting or halting
China's campaign of repression and mass detention of Uighurs, ethnic
Kazakhs, and other members of Muslims minority groups in Xinjiang and
elsewhere in China must be a top priority given the scale and severity
of abuses. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing the Department of
State's efforts to galvanize international pressure on China to end
these counterproductive and repressive policies and to release all
those who are arbitrarily detained.
Question. What diplomatic tools do you think the United States can
effectively use to address these issues with China?
Answer. The United States has a diverse set of policy tools to
address China's human rights abuses. These tools include strengthening
our diplomatic and public diplomacy efforts throughout the world;
imposing economic costs; placing export restrictions on items that can
be misused or on entities that act in a manner inconsistent with U.S.
foreign policy; and imposing visa restrictions on individuals involved
in or responsible for human rights abuse. If confirmed, I am committed
to using all tools available as appropriate to promote the
accountability of Chinese officials responsible for human rights abuses
and to press for greater respect for rule of law and human rights and
fundamental freedoms, including freedom of religion and belief.
Question. Do you believe that climate change is driven by human
activity?
Answer. The United States must support a balanced approach to
promoting economic growth and energy security and access that also
protects the environment. U.S. energy-related CO2 emissions fell by 14
percent between 2005 and 2017, even as our economy grew by 19.4
percent. This has been possible because of innovation and
entrepreneurship that has allowed for the development and large-scale
deployment of new, affordable, and cleaner energy technologies.
Climate change is a complex global challenge. If confirmed, I will
work with other U.S. government agencies to ensure that U.S. policy in
the East Asian and Pacific region is informed by the bt scientific and
intelligence assessments, including on the role of human activities in
influencing the global climate system.
Question. Given the existential threat that rising sea levels from
climate change pose for the Pacific Island nations as well as heavily
urbanized low-lying coastal areas in Southeast Asia--and given the
Trump administration's withdrawal from the Paris Accords and general
denial of climate change--how do you intend to address climate change,
if confirmed?
Answer. I understand that the United States continues to help our
partner countries reduce emissions from forests and other lands, adapt
to the impacts of climate change, and respond to natural disasters.
Regardless of our position on the Paris Agreement, the United States
must continue to lead the world in providing affordable, abundant, and
secure energy to our citizens, while protecting the environment and
reducing emissions through job-creating innovation.
The United States has long been engaged in supporting disaster risk
reduction programs aimed at saving lives and reducing the impact of
disasters worldwide.
If confirmed, I will ensure that U.S. policy in the East Asian and
Pacific region will ultimately enable us to achieve our climate and
energy security goals.
Question. What is your assessment of the current state of the
peace process and ethnic and national reconciliation--including in
Rakhine state--in Burma?
Answer. The government of Burma has said progress on the country's
national peace and reconciliation process is a top priority, though
there has been limited progress since the civilian government came to
office in 2016. Burma has encountered significant obstacles in its
national peace process and ethnic and national reconciliation. One
common denominator is the negative role of the Burmese armed forces--
the Tatmadaw--which continue to commit atrocities and other human
rights abuses, particularly against members of ethnic minorities. While
the government has a right to respond to attacks against it, it is
incumbent on the Burmese military to respect human rights of all people
in Burma and to protect civilians during military operations.
Question. How do you think the United States should engage with
Burma given the Rohingya genocide, given the on-going violence in
Kachin and Shan states, and elsewhere?
Answer. I believe that we should seek to support through engagement
and foreign assistance those elements of civil society, business, and
government that seek reform and to enshrine the institutions of
democracy, good governance, free markets, and respect for human rights.
We should continue to condemn--through diplomacy, public messaging, and
targeted sanctions--those individuals and groups that commit human
rights abuses and benefit from corruption, especially those in uniform.
The scale of atrocities committed by the security forces against
Rohingya and other ethnic minorities is appalling. Our actions to
address these atrocities should not undermine the civilian government's
reform efforts to the detriment of vulnerable communities.
Question. What is your assessment of the situation and the drivers
behind the Filipino request for clarification?
Answer. Philippine policymakers and defense planners value clarity
on U.S. strategic thinking in a contingency situation in the South
China Sea and the Pacific Area. Our Mutual Defense Treaty lays out a
process in Article Three for periodic consultation on the
implementation of the Treaty, so it is expected that our allies seek to
have these kinds of frank, open discussions.
Question. What sort of clarification do you think the United
States can and should provide--and how do we establish a coordinated
process so as to avoid the sort of damaging misstep that Secretary
Pompeo appears to have made?
Answer. The Secretary's March 1 clarification on the applicability
of the Mutual Defense Treaty represented a significant reaffirmation of
U.S. commitment to the Philippines, and I understand that President
Duterte and Philippine cabinet officials have welcomed it. Top
officials from the Office of the President and the Department of
Foreign Affairs have expressed their satisfaction with this
clarification and have publicly stated they do not see the need to
review the Treaty. Other partners in the region took note and responded
positively to the Secretary's clear stance on our alliance commitments
with the Philippines.
To the extent that the Philippines wishes to continue the
conversation on our Treaty, if confirmed I will work with my
interagency partners to engage the Philippine government through our
many established channels for discussion, such as the Bilateral
Strategic Dialogue.
Question. What additional measures for partner capacity building
do you believe that the Philippines needs to undertake as part of this
process?
Answer. We enjoy significant collaboration with the government of
the Philippines including the Armed Forces of the Philippines. I
understand that there is an ongoing process of formulating potential
additional capacity-building measures for discussion at the next
iteration of the Bilateral Strategic Dialogue. If confirmed, I will
continue this process and work to ensure that the U.S.-Philippines
Mutual Defense Treaty continues to be part of the bedrock of the U.S.
regional alliance network.
Question. How do we counter-balance the need to strengthen the
alliance with on-going concerns regarding extra-judicial killings?
Answer. The United States has not shied away from expressing its
concerns with the prosecution of the drug war and, if I am confirmed, I
commit to raising our concerns with the Philippine government. I will
urge the Philippines to ensure that its law enforcement efforts are
consistent with its international human rights obligations and
commitments, and all credible accusations of extrajudicial killing are
investigated and perpetrators are brought to justice. If confirmed, I
will focus on working with the Philippine government to improve respect
for human rights, strengthen the criminal justice system, counter
transnational crime, and reduce drug demand through prevention,
treatment, and recovery programs. I will also work to ensure that the
Leahy Law continues to be rigorously applied.
Question. A few days ago Thailand held its long-awaited elections,
starting the process to return to democracy after far too many years
under military rule. I want to acknowledge this important step by
Thailand and offer the Thai people my congratulations and best wishes.
What are the next steps, now that the elections have been held, to
strengthen U.S.-Thai relations after several years where the
bilateral relationship has ``underperformed'' because of the
coup?
Answer. Foreign assistance to the government of Thailand remains
restricted due to the 2014 military coup until the Secretary is able to
certify and report to Congress that a democratically elected government
has taken office in Thailand. I understand that a newly elected
government may be in place by June. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with Thailand's newly elected government to advance values that
bring our countries closer together, including democracy, security, and
prosperity for all citizens.
Question. Where do you see opportunities for greater U.S.
engagement in working with the region to develop the right sorts of
institutions and structures--supporting international law,
international norms, and consistent with our interests and values--for
the twenty-first century?
Answer. The United States' Strategic Partnership with ASEAN
supports the pursuit of our shared goal: a rules-based order which
underpins peace, stability, and prosperity. ASEAN-centered fora such as
the East Asia Summit and the ASEAN Regional Forum are vital to our
efforts to promote a free and open Indo-Pacific region rooted in clear
and transparent rules. I understand that the United States seeks to
broaden and deepen our engagement in the Mekong region, a strategic
area of engagement in our efforts to strengthen the Indo-Pacific
architecture and continues to work through APEC to support the
development of a rules-based regional trade and investment
architecture, and to remove barriers for U.S. businesses to access
markets in the region. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing to
advance these efforts.
Question. What is your vision of a positive economic, development
and trade agenda for the Asia-Pacific?
Answer. I look forward to working with my colleagues across the
Department to advance sustained and high-quality economic and
commercial engagement in the Indo-Pacific. This includes promoting best
practices for transparency and governance that enable sustainable,
private sector-led development.
If confirmed, I will work with E family bureaus and with the
interagency to build strong, reciprocal, and balanced bilateral trade
and investment relationships in the region. I am committed to
supporting the Administration's efforts to conclude bilateral
agreements that will lead to free, fair, and reciprocal trade and
significantly improve market access for U.S. companies, workers,
farmers, and ranchers.
Question. If confirmed, how do you plan to strengthen our
partnership with Taiwan?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to lead our team to ensure the
United States continues to support Taiwan as it seeks to expand its
already significant contributions to addressing global challenges, and
as Taiwan resists Chinese efforts to constrain its appropriate
participation on the world stage, such as through the Global
Cooperation and Training Framework (GCTF). If confirmed, I commit to
further strengthen our partnership with Taiwan.
Question. How would you update our ``One-China Policy'' in order
to better enhance U.S.-Taiwan relations?
Answer. I understand that the Department periodically updates and
issues a memorandum detailing executive branch guidelines on relations
with Taiwan, which reflects current U.S. policy related to Taiwan. This
memorandum was last revised in October 2015. If confirmed, I will
explore the possibility of potentially updating these guidelines.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to secure Taiwan's
participation in important international organizations?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to support Taiwan as it seeks to
maintain and expand its already significant contributions to addressing
global challenges. I commit to working with like-minded partners to
support Taiwan's meaningful participation in the World Health
Organization and to push for Taiwan's participation in the ICAO
Triennial Assembly and in the INTERPOL General Assembly in late 2019.
I understand that the United States supports Taiwan's membership in
international organizations that do not require statehood, such as
APEC. In organizations that require statehood for membership, the
United States supports Taiwan's meaningful participation.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to help Taiwan
maintaining formal relations with its diplomatic allies?
Answer. China's efforts to unilaterally alter the status quo by
reducing Taiwan's diplomatic relationships are harmful and do not
contribute to regional stability. Rather, they undermine the framework
that has enabled peace, stability, and development for decades.
If confirmed, I pledge to provide leadership to ensure the United
States supports Taiwan as it seeks to expand its already significant
contributions to addressing global challenges and resists Chinese
efforts to squeeze its international space and constrain its
appropriate participation on the world stage.
Question. If confirmed, how would you review the Guidelines in a
way that we can promote instead of discourage a stronger U.S.-Taiwan
relationship?
Answer. I understand that the Department periodically updates and
issues a memorandum detailing executive branch guidelines on relations
with Taiwan, which reflects current U.S. policy related to Taiwan. This
memorandum was last revised in October 2015. If confirmed, I will
explore the possibility of potentially updating these guidelines.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to fully implement the
Taiwan Travel Act to allow regular and high-level exchanges between
U.S. and Taiwanese officials?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek opportunities for visits to
Washington and Taipei by senior-level officials and authorities that
advance our robust unofficial relationship and enable substantive
exchanges on issues of mutual concern, consistent with the Taiwan
Relations Act and the U.S. one China policy.
Question. It has long been the policy of the U.S. government,
provided by the Tibetan Policy Act, to promote dialogue between the
envoys of the Dalai Lama and the Chinese government toward a solution
on the Tibet issue, that guarantees the respect of the ``distinct
identity'' of the Tibetan people, who continue to suffer under China's
oppressive rule. The dialogue is now at a standstill and, as we have
seen, the lack of substantive progress toward a genuine resolution
continues to be a thorny issue in U.S.-China relations.
Would you personally commit to pressing the Chinese leadership for
a resolution of the Tibetan issue through a speedy resumption
of dialogue with the Tibetan side, without preconditions?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to urging Chinese authorities
to engage in meaningful and direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his
representatives, without preconditions, to lower tensions and resolve
differences.
Question. The major rivers of Asia that flow from the Tibetan
Plateau and are subject to current and potential dam and diversion
projects by China. These projects are planned and implemented without
the proper involvement of the Tibetan people, who are the best stewards
for the preservation of the delicate environment of the Tibetan
Plateau. India and other governments in Asia are increasingly worried
about China's plans to dam rivers originating in Tibet which serve over
a billion people downstream.
Would you raise the need to fully involve Tibetans in the
preservation of Tibet's fragile environment with the Chinese
authorities?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage all countries to manage
their water resources soundly and to cooperate on the management of
shared waters. I will urge China to make decisions on dams and other
major water-related infrastructure needs deliberatively, based on the
best science available, and in transparent consultation with all
affected stakeholders, including Tibetans.
Question. Would you call on the Chinese authorities to engage
China's neighbors for the development of a regional framework on water
security?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage all countries, including
China, to manage their water resources soundly and to cooperate on the
management of shared waters. I will urge China to make decisions on
dams and other major water-related infrastructure needs based on the
best available science, deliberatively, and in transparent consultation
with all affected stakeholders, including neighboring countries. I will
also sustain our own cooperation with neighboring countries through the
Lower Mekong Initiative and other U.S.-led mechanisms.
Question. Will you commit to pressing the Chinese authorities to
allow for the opening of a U.S. consulate in Lhasa and to guarantee
unfettered access to Tibet for American citizens as required by the
Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act passed by Congress last year?
Answer. If confirmed, I will press the Chinese government to allow
the opening of a U.S. Consulate in Lhasa, consistent with the Tibetan
Policy Act. I will also fully implement the Reciprocal Access to Tibet
Act and I will press Chinese authorities for reciprocity regarding the
open access that China and many other countries enjoy in the United
States. I am committed to working closely with Congress in pursuit of
our shared goal of seeing Americans have full access to China,
including the Tibetan Autonomous Region and other Tibetan areas.
Question. During the U.S.-China Summits held to date, President
Trump did not publicly raise the issue of Tibet. Since 1997, all U.S.
Presidents have publicly challenged the sitting Chinese President to
negotiate with the Dalai Lama or his representative to find a lasting
solution to the Tibetan issue.
If confirmed, would you recommend and make sure that President
Trump calls publicly on the Chinese President to address the
grievances of the Tibetan people through dialogue with the
Dalai Lama?
Answer. I share your concerns about China's lack of respect for
human rights and rule of law in Tibet. If confirmed, I will recommend
that the United States express publicly, and at the highest levels of
government, that Chinese authorities need to engage in meaningful and
direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his representatives, without
preconditions, to lower tensions and resolve differences.
Administrative
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation
against career employees based on their perceived political beliefs,
prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is
wholly inappropriate and has no place in the federal government?
Answer. Throughout my career of public service, I have had zero
tolerance for any form of workplace harassment or discrimination based
on political beliefs, religion, race, gender, disability, sexual
orientation, or age. I understand that the Department has established
procedures for reporting such incidents, and there are mechanisms to
hold employees accountable. I will support these efforts
wholeheartedly. The Department also has training that encourage
bystanders to report workplace harassment or discrimination when
victims are afraid to do so. At all levels of the organization, the
Department provides mentoring and career counseling to help employees
develop the skills needed to contribute to a respectful and courteous
work culture. In addition, there are measures in place to protect
employees from retaliation. Targeting of any career employees for their
previous work or perceived political affiliation is not acceptable and
I will not tolerate it. I understand the Department's Office of Civil
Rights (S/OCR) and Bureau of Human Resources (HR) manage the
Department's diversity and inclusion initiatives and work to propagate
fairness, equity and inclusion at the Department of State and I will
support their efforts.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all
employees under your leadership understand that any retaliation,
blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices will not be
tolerated?
Answer. I will refer allegations of political reprisal against any
career employees to the Department's Office of the Inspector General. I
will ensure all personnel practices are carried out consistent with all
laws and regulations. I hold our Foreign and Civil Service colleagues,
and all our employees both domestic and overseas, in the highest
regard. If any of my employees feel that prohibited personnel practices
are taking place, I will ensure it is reported to the Office of the
Inspector General. If I am confirmed, the Department's employees can be
assured of the freedom to express their views within the Department's
policy formulation process without fear of reprisal.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting?
If so, please describe the nature of the complaint or allegation,
your response, and any resolution, including any settlements.
Answer. In my personal life and throughout my military service, I
have held myself to the highest standards of integrity and conduct in
my interactions with others. I have never received a formal or informal
complaint or allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination, or
inappropriate conduct in any setting. I commit to continue to uphold
these high standards for conduct at the Department of State and to
comply with all relevant federal ethics laws, regulations, and rules,
and to raise concerns that I may have or that are brought to me through
appropriate channels.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of
sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious,
etc.), or inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you
had supervisory authority?
Answer. I have promptly addressed through appropriate channels any
concerns that were ever brought to me about sexual harassment or
discrimination against employees under my supervisory authority.
Question. If so, please describe the outcome and actions taken.
Answer. I complied with applicable laws, rules, and regulations
pertaining to the protection of employees from workplace discrimination
and harassment.
North Korea
Question. If confirmed, will you commit to brief all Members of
the SFRC, if and as requested, on all aspects of the administration's
policy towards and negotiations with North Korea?
Answer. I understand that the Department believes congressional
oversight of diplomacy is key, and the Department is committed to
keeping you and other members of Congress updated on all relevant
matters. If confirmed, I will work to ensure that EAP continues to
value close coordination with Congress and appreciates its role in
America's foreign relations.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David Stilwell by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Throughout my 35 years of service in the Air Force, and
subsequent work in Asia-Pacific political and military affairs, I have
extensively studied the region and worked to ensure that the promotion
of democracy and the protection of human rights are an integral part of
U.S. policy. The impact of such actions has been increased protection
of the rights of vulnerable and marginalized populations, and more
accountability for violations of those rights. Human rights and
democracy ensure that societies are prosperous and peaceful. If
confirmed, I intend to support fully and ensure the coordinated, whole-
of-government implementation of the Indo-Pacific Strategy's
Transparency Initiative.
Diversity
Question. What will you do to promote, mentor and support your
staff that come from diverse backgrounds and underrepresented groups in
the Foreign Service?
Answer. I believe strongly in the value of diversity. I will
continue to be committed to fostering a diverse and inclusive team, as
I have throughout my career. If confirmed, I will ensure that the EAP
Bureau promotes equal opportunities for all of our personnel, those
from diverse backgrounds or historically underrepresented groups no
less than anyone else. I will encourage my EAP leaders to play an
active role in outreach to the Department of State's 13 Employee
Affinity Groups and 19 Employee Organizations so we can recruit and
retain a workforce that reflects the diversity of American society. I
will foster a work environment which recognizes the contributions of
all employees regardless of their employment status, to include Foreign
Service, civil service, American and foreign staff hired overseas, and
contractors.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors in the Foreign Service are fostering an environment that is
diverse and inclusive?
Answer. I understand that diversity is a core value in EAP's
recruitment at all levels, especially for leadership positions, and I
believe we need to model diversity at the highest levels of government.
If confirmed, I look forward to collaborating with the Director General
of the Foreign Service and Director for Human Resources and my
leadership team to make greater progress in all areas of diversity. I
will make sure that domestic and overseas managers maintain a positive
and productive working environment open to different ideas and
different ways of doing business.
Conflicts of Interest
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the Inspector General of the State Department and Foreign Service) any
change in policy or U.S. actions that you suspect may be influenced by
any of the President's business or financial interests, or the business
or financial interests of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in any country abroad?
Answer. I am committed to ensuring that my official actions will
not give rise to a conflict of interest. I am in compliance and will
continue comply with any guidance received from the Department's ethics
office.
Question. On December 03, 2018, the Holocaust Museum announced for
the first time that it believes there is compelling evidence that the
Burmese military committed ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity,
and genocide against the Rohingya, Muslim minority population. Senator
Young and I plan to re-introduce our Burma Human Rights and Freedom
Act, which promotes democracy and human rights in Burma, and among
other actions, requires a State Department report on crimes against
humanity and other serious human rights abuses committed against the
Rohingya and other ethnic groups in Burma.
Answer. I am deeply concerned about and appalled by the Burmese
military's ethnic cleansing of ethnic Rohingya and the ongoing
humanitarian crisis that has ensued. The process for deciding whether
and when to make a determination that certain acts may amount to
genocide, crimes against humanity, or ethnic cleansing, has
historically been reserved within the Executive Branch to the Secretary
of State. I understand that the Secretary has already determined that
abuses against the Rohingya amount to ethnic cleansing, but, if
confirmed, I will seek to advise the Secretary on future determinations
as they fit into the Department's overarching objectives of easing the
humanitarian crisis, seeking accountability for those that committed
atrocities, deterring future such atrocities, and addressing root
causes of violence.
Question. What additional measures would you recommend the U.S.
take to address allegations of genocide, crimes against humanity, and
war crimes?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize promoting accountability
for the perpetrators of these gross violations of human rights and
justice for victims. I will aim to continue the United States'
leadership of the international response to the crisis and efforts to
deter further atrocities. In this regard, I will consider all policy
tools at our disposal. I also will continue U.S. efforts to support
Burma's transition to a civilian-led democracy and to address the root
causes of the violence in all regions of Burma. Further, I will also
seek to ensure the generous humanitarian funding from Congress is used
effectively to relieve suffering and underwrite reconciliation and
development efforts.
Question. What additional measures would you recommend the
international community take? Would you recommend, for example,
collaboration to establish a multilateral sanctions regime against
Burmese military officials who aided, participated in, or were
otherwise implicated in gross violations of internationally recognized
human rights in Burma?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Department's efforts to
engage, influence, and lead actions of the international community,
including with like-minded nations, non-traditional partners, and
international organizations, with respect to advancing U.S. interests
and values in Burma. I will seek to further the Department's efforts
with allies and partners to support efforts and mechanisms at the
United Nations to foster accountability for human rights abuses in
Rakhine State and other areas of Burma. These include the Independent
Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, along with the U.N. Special Envoy
to Myanmar and the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights
Situation in Myanmar.
Question. China's shares its largest land border with Mongolia,
the only Asian nation to successfully transform from communism to
democracy. As such, Mongolia's success as a democracy, its strategic
location between China and Russia, its sovereignty, territorial
integrity, and ability to pursue an independent foreign policy are
extremely relevant to the national security of the United States. I am
working on a bill with Senator Sullivan to promote U.S.-Mongolia
cashmere trade while simultaneously reducing Mongolia's reliance on
China as its primary trading partner. Currently, 85 percent of
Mongolia's exports go to China.
Do you believe that bilateral trade promotion would help cement
this important strategic alliance? How else can the U.S.
demonstrate its support for this democracy?
Answer. Mongolia is a free and democratic society and an important
Indo-Pacific partner. I understand that the United States and Mongolia
upgraded our bilateral relationship to an ``Expanded Comprehensive
Partnership'' in September 2018 and created a ``Roadmap for Expanded
Economic Partnership,'' in which the United States and Mongolia
expressed a joint intent to seek new opportunities to increase mutually
beneficial bilateral trade that is free, fair, and reciprocal and also
to promote the introduction of new sectors and areas for bilateral
trade.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you on continuing our
support for Mongolia's free and democratic society.
Question. China has arbitrarily detained over one million Uyghur
and Kazakh Muslims in the Xinjiang region as part of an effort to
punish and reform those who have adhered to traditional cultural and
religious practices. Many observers believe that this level of
ideological indoctrination has not been seen in China since the
Cultural Revolution over 40 years ago
Have these events affected the overall U.S. approach toward China?
If not, do you believe they should? How?
Answer. Promoting respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms, including freedom of religion or belief, remains a key
component of American foreign policy. The President has made it clear
that we want a constructive and results-oriented relationship with
China where our prosperity and security grow together, not apart. China
has been moving further away from this vision, including in the areas
of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. I am deeply
troubled by the Chinese government's worsening crackdown on the human
rights and fundamental freedoms of Uighurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other
members of Muslim minority groups in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous
Region and elsewhere in China.
Question. China has arbitrarily detained over one million Uyghur
and Kazakh Muslims in the Xinjiang region as part of an effort to
punish and reform those who have adhered to traditional cultural and
religious practices. Many observers believe that this level of
ideological indoctrination has not been seen in China since the
Cultural Revolution over 40 years ago
Have they affected U.S. policies toward China in other areas of the
relationship, such as diplomacy, trade, security, and cultural
exchange? If not, do you believe they should? How?
Answer. China's detention of more than one million individuals in
Xinjiang since April 2017 is the starkest example of the worsening
human rights situation in China, and makes it harder for democracies
like the United States to engage with Beijing. However, China's leaders
can still change course and return to the spirit of reform and opening.
If confirmed, I am committed to standing up for freedom and human
dignity and will push China to respect universal human rights and
fundamental freedoms, including the freedom of religion. I am committed
to working in close coordination with Congress and our like-minded
partners to speak out against China's human rights abuses and promote
accountability for these abuses.
Question. What do you see as the long-term strategic implications
of China's building artificial islands in the South China Sea and
converting them into military outposts?
What do you see as the long-term impact on international norms of
maritime behavior?
What are your recommendations for U.S. policymakers for addressing
these strategic and legal implications over the long run?
Answer. China's efforts to assert its sovereignty claims over
disputed land features and its unlawful maritime claims in the South
China Sea, including through massive land reclamation, construction,
and militarization of outposts, threaten the security and economic
interests of our allies and partners, as well as the broader rules-
based order in the Indo-Pacific that has been vital to American
security and prosperity. If confirmed, I plan to work with interagency
partners to use the range of national security tools that we have--
diplomatic, economic, and military--to ensure the South China Sea
remains free and open.
Question. On Sunday, February 24, President Trump delayed his
deadline to increase tariffs on $200 billion in Chinese imports, citing
``substantial progress'' resulting from a continued trade talks between
U.S. and Chinese officials in Washington. U.S. Trade Representative
Robert Lighthizer and Secretary of the Treasury Steven Mnuchin are
continuing negotiations this week in China.
How do you see this trade war impacting broader U.S. foreign policy
objectives in the Asia-Pacific region?
Answer. The concerns that the United States is raising with China
are concerns also shared by countries around the world. The President's
trade policies focused on China will set the stage for long-term
economic growth, not only in the United States, but in the Asia-Pacific
region and globally.
Question. How can we be sure that China will not walk back
commitments made in any trade deal?
Answer. For these negotiations to be successful, China must
demonstrate real structural changes across the range of unfair policies
and practices that yield actual, verifiable, and enforceable results.
These changes include stopping forced technology transfers, stronger
protection and enforcement of intellectual property rights, and
elimination of numerous tariff and non-tariff barriers faced by U.S.
companies in China.
Question. What does a ``fair deal'' with China look like under
this administration?
Answer. An effective enforcement mechanism will be essential in any
such deal to address any failure by China to properly implement its
commitments and other related issues that may arise.
Question. What enforcement mechanisms will be in place to ensure
China's compliance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with our State and interagency
colleagues to implement any enforcement mechanism in an agreement that
is reached by U.S. Trade Representative negotiators to ensure China's
compliance.
Question. To what extent is the ``maximum pressure'' strategy
still intact?
Answer. Even as diplomacy with the DPRK proceeds, it is critical
that the international community continue to apply diplomatic and
economic pressure on the DPRK, including through the full
implementation of U.N. sanctions. As the President has made clear
throughout this process, he expects international pressure on the DPRK
to continue until denuclearization is achieved, and we continue to
reinforce this message with countries around the world.
Question. What evidence do you have that China and Russia, in
particular, are continuing to enforce United Nations Security Council
sanctions?
Answer. I understand that the Administration is seeking to improve
the effectiveness of pressure through several lines of effort,
including engaging China and Russia as the DPRK's largest trading
partners.
The United States has made clear to China and Russia that they must
continue to hold the North Korean regime accountable through applying
economic and diplomatic pressure to achieve our shared objective of the
final and fully verified denuclearization of North Korea. This includes
the continued implementation of all relevant U.N. Security Council
resolutions, which remain critical to ensuring progress on the
commitments North Korea made at the 2018 Singapore summit. If
confirmed, I will continue to engage Chinese and Russian officials on
this objective and, where appropriate, ensure that we take action
against entities involved in DPRK sanctions evasion activity.
Question. What about other countries that had taken measures to
reduce even marginal trade with North Korea?
Answer. International solidarity and increased pressure on the DPRK
opened the door for U.S. engagement with North Korea on
denuclearization. Implementation of U.N. Security Council resolutions
by the international community brought us to this moment, and continued
implementation will be necessary to ensure a successful outcome of this
process. President Trump has consistently emphasized to allies,
partners, and the DPRK that the international community cannot let up
on pressure until the DPRK denuclearizes.
Question. What specific steps does North Korea need to take to
warrant some sanctions relief?
Answer. The President has been clear that sanctions relief cannot
occur absent final, fully verified denuclearization. He has made clear
that the United States remains ready to proceed-in parallel with
denuclearization-with concrete steps to transform the U.S.-North Korea
relationship and establish a lasting and stable peace regime on the
Korean Peninsula. The United States looks forward to building a bright
economic future for North Korea, the region, and the world when the
DPRK fulfills its commitments to denuclearize.
The international community must continue to implement U.N.
Security Council resolutions to underscore to North Korea that the only
way to achieve the security and development it seeks is to forsake its
weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David Stilwell by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. Last year, China increased its spending on foreign
affairs by more than 12 percent, and recently Beijing announced that it
would increase its foreign affairs budget by another 7.4 percent for
next year. This comes at a time when the President's budget request
called for a 24% reduction in the budget for the State Department and
other international programs:
How important is ``soft power'' in countering Chinese influence
today and, if confirmed, where would you prioritize investment?
Answer. The promotion of U.S. values is critical to countering
Chinese malign influence activities. China is employing a whole-of-
government approach to advance its interests globally. While Beijing-
friendly programs from China Radio International and China Global
Television Network broadcast freely in the United States, U.S.
officials, scholars, journalists, and internet companies face limited
or no access in China. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring the
State Department continues to use strategic messaging, international
exchanges, and outreach to educational institutions to address Chinese
influence efforts. These measures will complement our Indo-Pacific
vision, which advances market economics, good governance, and
transparency.
Question. If confirmed, how would you advocate not only for U.S.
economic and security interests but also U.S. values in contrast to the
Chinese approach that does not take human rights or democracy promotion
into account in its global investments?
Answer. Promoting respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms, including freedom of religion or belief, is a key component
of American foreign policy. If confirmed, I am committed to upholding
U.S. values and practices as an alternative to China's opaque
investments and commercial activities, and disregard for basic human
rights, by promoting adherence to high international standards of
transparency, anti-corruption, good governance, and labor rights and
taking into consideration of the needs and concerns of local
communities.
Question. Recent negotiations with North Korean leaders have
focused on how best to apply ``maximum pressure'' on Pyongyang.
However, lost in all of these recent discussions has been North Korea's
deplorable record on human rights:
If confirmed, what would you do to ensure that in seeking peace
with North Korea we do not give North Korean leaders a pass for
their barbaric treatment of their people?
Answer. The DPRK is among the most repressive authoritarian states
in the world. North Korea's human rights record is deplorable. If
confirmed, I will work with likeminded governments and civil society to
raise awareness, highlight abuses and violations, increase access to
independent information, and promote respect for human rights in the
DPRK.
Question. If confirmed, could you describe how you plan to
coordinate with the Bureau on Europe and Eurasia to ensure that the
Department has a comprehensive view of Russia's global malign efforts?
Answer. I share your concern about Russia's global malign efforts.
If confirmed, I will confer closely with not only our colleagues in the
Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs but also with the Bureau of
Political Military Affairs, the interagency, countries with traditional
ties with Russia in the Asia-Pacific region, and our close allies,
including Japan and the Republic of Korea, to ensure we have a
comprehensive view of Russia's global malign efforts.
Question. The local population of Okinawa, Japan seems to
understand that the U.S. presence in Okinawa is necessary for the
security of Japan and the United States. However, resistance to the
U.S. presence has been gaining ground, and foreign propaganda outlets
like Sputnik and others have spread disinformation about the U.S.
military to play on the local population's worst fears:
In your view, why is our presence in Okinawa critical and, if
confirmed, what would you do to counter efforts to malign our
forces there? If confirmed, how would you ensure the U.S.
Mission in Japan engages in more public diplomacy to improve
the U.S. image in Okinawa?
Answer. Okinawa plays a crucial role in the defense of Japan and
the preservation of peace and security in the Indo-Pacific region. U.S.
forces in Okinawa are ready to respond to regional contingencies,
including humanitarian crises and natural disasters. If confirmed, I
will work to continue enhancing the U.S.-Japan Alliance and our
operational capabilities while addressing the concerns of local base-
hosting communities. I will support the State Department's ongoing work
with the Department of Defense and the government of Japan to ensure a
positive impact of U.S. forces on local communities. I will also lend
my full support to public diplomacy programs in Okinawa that build
understanding between U.S. forces and local communities and strengthen
people-to-people ties, including English language programs, youth
exchanges with base personnel, and speaker programs highlighting the
threat regional actors' malign activities pose to shared U.S. and
Japanese values.
Question. Will you also commit to ensuring that our own
administration does not engage in self-defeating policies such as
making the Japanese government pay even more to support the U.S. troop
presence or saying that Japan should develop its own nuclear weapons?
Answer. Our commitment to the defense of Japan is ironclad and is
backed by the full range of U.S. military capabilities, including
conventional and nuclear weapons. The United States continues to
maintain a credible nuclear umbrella extended to over 30 allies and
partners, including Japan. Credible U.S. extended nuclear deterrence
will continue to be a cornerstone of U.S. non-proliferation efforts.
Japan's host nation support facilitates our force presence in Japan
and throughout the region. If confirmed I commit to working with Japan
to ensure that the cost of maintaining our alliance's operational
capability is shared fairly.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David Stilwell by Senator Corker A. Booker
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure
perpetrators are held accountable for the atrocities committed not just
against the Rohingya but also against other ethnic minority groups in
Burma, such as the Karen or the Kachin?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize promoting accountability
for those responsible for these abuses and achieving justice for
victims. I will aim to continue U.S. leadership of the international
response to the crisis and efforts to deter further atrocities. In this
regard, I will consider the utility of all policy tools at our
disposal, including targeted sanctions. I will also continue U.S.
support for Burma's transition to a civilian-led democracy. Further, I
will work closely with the U.S. Mission to the U.N. and with like-
minded countries and regional partners, to press the government of
Burma to grant unhindered access to U.N. mechanisms, including the
International Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, the U.N. Special
Rapporteur, and the U.N. Special Envoy.
Question. How do you believe the U.S. should be engaging on the
question of accountability for such atrocities in multilateral fora,
such as the United Nations?
Answer. I believe that the United States should use all appropriate
means to pursue our goal of ensuring accountability for atrocities,
including by engaging in multilateral fora such as the United Nations.
If confirmed, I commit to working with other senior officials in the
Department and the interagency to find ways to pursue this objective
and continue the United States' global leadership in seeking justice
for the victims of atrocities.
Question. Hundreds of thousands of Muslims have reportedly been
detained, tortured, and subjected to massive surveillance in ``re-
education'' camps throughout Xinjiang. At the recent ministerial on
religious freedom, Secretary of State Pompeo expressed grave concerns
about the situation in Xinjiang for Uighur Muslims. Such treatment of
religious and ethnic minorities in China is widespread. And these
actions are part of a broader crackdown on civil society and
independent media.
Do you believe that senior Chinese government officials should be
held accountable for these human rights abuses?
Answer. I am deeply troubled by the Chinese government's worsening
crackdown on the human rights and fundamental freedoms, including
religious freedom, of Uighurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other members of
Muslim minority groups in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region and
elsewhere in China. China's detention of more than one million
individuals in Xinjiang since April 2017 is illustrative of the
deteriorating human rights situation in China. If confirmed, I am
committed to using all tools available as appropriate to promote
accountability of Chinese officials responsible for these human rights
abuses.
__________
Letter Submitted by Organizations Opposing the Nomination of Robert A.
Destro to be Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights,
and Labor
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Letter Sent by Senators Cory Gardner and Edward J. Markey to Secretary
of State Mike Pompeo and Secretary of the Treasury Steven Mnuchin
Regarding Sanctions on North Korea
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
----------
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, APRIL 9, 2019
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:03 p.m. in Room
SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Todd Young
presiding.
Present: Senators Young [presiding], Kaine, and Merkley.
Senator Young. This hearing of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee will come to order.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. TODD YOUNG,
U.S. SENATOR FROM INDIANA
Senator Young. Today the committee will hold a nomination
hearing for three very important positions.
First we have Mr. Jeffrey Eberhardt to be Special
Representative for the President for Nuclear Proliferation,
with the rank of Ambassador.
Second, we have the Honorable James Gilmore to be U.S.
Representative to the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in Europe, with the rank of Ambassador.
And our third nominee is Mr. Alan Swendiman to be the
Deputy Director of the Peace Corps.
We also have one of our distinguished committee members,
Senator Tim Kaine of Virginia, who will be joining us
momentarily. He wishes to introduce one of our nominees, so we
are going to allow him to proceed with his introduction as soon
as he arrives. I will postpone my statement and ask the Ranking
Member to do the same until after the nominees' introductions.
I will go ahead and proceed in light of Senator Kaine's
absence--we have such busy schedules here. Everyone is attuned
to the schedules here on the Hill.
So, welcome to each of the nominees to the committee, and
thank you and your families for having the willingness to
serve.
First, I am pleased to welcome Mr. Jeffrey Eberhardt of
Wisconsin and a career member of the Senior Executive Service
who has been nominated to be Special Representative of the
President for Nuclear Nonproliferation. Mr. Eberhardt is
currently the Director of the Office of Multilateral and
Nuclear Affairs in the Bureau of Arms Control, Verification,
and Compliance at the State Department. Previously, Mr.
Eberhardt served as a Foreign Affairs Officer in the Office of
Nuclear Affairs at the State Department. He has also served as
a Senior Military Adviser at the Pentagon; as a Foreign Area
Officer with assignments in Europe and Asia; and as a Senior
Fellow at the George Marshall Center; and a battery commander
in Germany.
At a time when the pursuit of nuclear weapons remains a
deep ambition for the regimes in Iran and North Korea, as we
face threats through Russia's repeated violations of the INF
Treaty, and as China's nuclear ambitions continue to rise, it
is critically important that we combat the proliferation of
nuclear weapons and examine the future of the Nuclear
Nonproliferation Treaty.
Following the Administration's announcement that the United
States would withdraw from the INF Treaty due to Russian
violations and their refusal to return to compliance, I think
it is critical for this committee to examine your views on the
future of arms control and whether any nonproliferation
agreement can be successful with unreliable partners like
Russia and China.
At this point, I would like to pivot to Senator Kaine, who
has joined us, and I believe he would like to make an
introduction of one of our nominees.
STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Kaine. Absolutely. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Welcome to all. We were all just coming from a classified
briefing of the committee, but it is my pleasure to introduce
before the committee the 68th Governor of Virginia, a personal
friend, the Honorable Jim Gilmore, just to share a few words
about Jim with the committee.
He is a nominee who I strongly support to be the Ambassador
to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe,
OSCE.
Governor Gilmore began his public service in the military,
where he was posted in Western Europe and became fluent in
German. He has served as a local elected official,
Commonwealth's Attorney, our elected prosecutor, and then the
Attorney General of Virginia, then the Governor of Virginia,
68th Governor of Virginia.
He has also had additional service past his time as
governor. From 1999 to 2003, he was Chairman of the
congressional panel assessing America's capabilities to respond
to terrorist attack, the Congressional Advisory Panel to Assess
Domestic Response Capabilities. That panel was known as the
Gilmore Commission.
As governor, he did extensive work to build ties between
Virginia and partners around the world, economic missions to
nations all over Europe, all over the world, and he currently
works in Alexandria at the American Opportunity Foundation as
the President and CEO. This is a foundation--and its
predecessor is the Free Congress Foundation that works to shape
public dialogue about Congress and American society, with a
special focus on national security issues.
Governor Gilmore is a member of the Council on Foreign
Relations, somebody who is well qualified for this position. I
have had the opportunity as a member of this committee to visit
the OSCE and dialogue about the important work, and as we have
known from committee hearings about NATO and other important
issues, there are a lot of equities on the table right now with
respect to security cooperation between the United States and
Europe, and not just the NATO members but all of Europe, and
Governor Gilmore is very uniquely qualified to be in this
position, and I am happy to be here to introduce him.
Senator Young. Well, thanks so much, Senator Kaine, and
congratulations to Governor Gilmore and to yourself on the big
win last night at UVA's basketball game.
You have an impressive record, sir. I will not recapitulate
all that was just said, blessedly. But the role, again, that
you have been nominated for is Ambassador to the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
With 57 participating states and North America, Europe, and
Central Asia, OSCE is the world's largest regional security
organization. Headquartered in Vienna, Austria, OSCE sets
standards in fields including military security, economic and
environmental cooperation, and human rights and humanitarian
concerns.
In addition, OSCE undertakes a variety of preventive
diplomacy initiatives designed to prevent, manage, and resolve
conflict within and among the participating states.
Mr. Gilmore, with the many challenges facing our world, I
look forward to hearing more about how you envision using your
post to advance American security interests.
Finally, I am pleased to welcome Mr. Alan Swendiman of
North Carolina, nominated to be Deputy Director of the Peace
Corps.
Mr. Swendiman currently serves as Founding Principal of the
Capital Connection, a consulting strategy and business
development firm. Previously, Mr. Swendiman served as a legal
advisor and senior executive for a broad range of Federal
agencies, including serving as Deputy Principal Legal Adviser
and Chief of Staff for U.S. Immigration and Customs
Enforcement, General Counsel of USAID, General Counsel and
Acting Chief of Staff of the GSA, and General Counsel of the
Federal Labor Relations Authority.
Mr. Swendiman has held positions within the Executive
Office of the President and the State of North Carolina,
overseeing administrative services and information technology.
In addition, he has more than 30 years of experience in private
law practice, where he focused on corporate counseling and
government contracting.
Perhaps most notable, it is my understanding that Mr.
Swendiman's daughter Shelly has served as a Peace Corps
volunteer in Ukraine. Since President Kennedy established the
Peace Corps in 1961, more than 230,000 Americans of all ages
have served in 141 countries worldwide. The Peace Corps sends
Americans with a passion for service abroad on behalf of the
United States to work with communities and create lasting
change. Volunteers help develop sustainable solutions to
address challenges in education, health, community economic
development, agriculture, environment, and youth development,
and through their Peace Corps experience volunteers gain a
unique cultural understanding and a lifelong commitment to
service that positions them to succeed in today's global
economy.
I look forward to hearing how Mr. Swendiman will work to
ensure that the Peace Corps remains an organization known
around the world for their commitment to service and helping
those in desperate need of assistance.
With that, I would like to recognize my distinguished
Ranking Member for his comments, Senator Merkley.
STATEMENT OF HON. JEFF MERKLEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OREGON
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I am
pleased to be working with you to launch the work of this
subcommittee in this cycle.
Many of the most pressing challenges facing the United
States, from climate change to nuclear proliferation, are
transnational threats that require collective solutions.
International organizations are critical to addressing these
challenges. The positions today's nominees will fill, if
confirmed, are examples of this essential work.
I join you in welcoming our three nominees, and I
appreciate your willingness to serve, and welcome to your
family members who might be attending with you today.
Mr. Eberhardt and Governor Gilmore, if confirmed, you will
have the difficult task of reasserting U.S. leadership in
tackling key regional and international security challenges.
At the center of much international mischief is Russia.
Your jobs, as the President's Special Representative for
Nonproliferation and U.S. Representative to the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe, would require leading a
unified front with allies to push back on Russia's flouting of
international norms and attempts to redraw boundaries.
U.S. leadership in the arms category does not mean taking a
trip back to the wild, wild west that we had before
international agreements that helped control limits on both our
regional and strategic forces. The collapse of the Intermediate
Range Nuclear Forces Treaty in August and the lack of action to
prepare for extending the new Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty,
new START, past 2021 risks returning us to the instability of
the time we had before we had such bilateral agreements.
It is because of, not in spite of, Russia's misbehavior
that we need to double down on diplomacy and partnership with
our alliances around the world.
Mr. Swendiman, it is a special joy to be able to
participate in running the Peace Corps. This morning I met with
the student leaders from Oregon State University in Corvallis,
and one of them who is graduating is headed off to the Peace
Corps in Rwanda. I was able to go to Rwanda with Chris Coons
and several of our other senators a few years ago, and it is a
nation that has many challenges following the intense, intense
battles of a few years ago. And having our folks on the ground
helping with fundamentals--clean water, education, all kinds of
agricultural strategies--is something very important in their
lives and important in the relationship between our two
countries, and important in the development of the economy for
the people there.
Of course, this is multiplied by all the volunteers all
over the world, so I wish you the best in that setting.
I look forward to hearing from our nominees.
Senator Young. Well, thank you, Senator Merkley.
We will now turn to our first nominee, Mr. Jeffrey
Eberhardt. Thank you for your willingness again to take on this
critical role. Your full statement will be included in the
record, without objection, so if you could please keep your
remarks to no more than 5 minutes or so, we would appreciate it
so that members of the committee can engage with you with their
questions, sir.
Mr. Eberhardt?
STATEMENT OF JEFFREY L. EBERHARDT, OF WISCONSIN, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR EXECUTIVE SERVICE, TO BE SPECIAL
REPRESENTATIVE OF THE PRESIDENT FOR NUCLEAR NON-PROLIFERATION,
WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR
Mr. Eberhardt. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Merkley.
It is an honor to appear before this committee as President
Trump's nominee to be the Special Representative of the
President for Nuclear Nonproliferation. I am grateful to the
President and Secretary Pompeo for the confidence they have
placed in me, and for the opportunity, with your approval, to
continue to serve this country in a new and challenging
position of responsibility.
I am proud to be joined today by two of my sons, Todd and
Joshua, both of whom have the distinction of being born in what
was then known as West Germany, during my first overseas tour.
I joined the State Department following 23 years in the
Army, and have worked on nuclear-related issues across three
successive administrations. I participated in the Six-Party
Talks beginning when I was still on active duty in the Office
of the Secretary of Defense, and continuing when I joined the
Department. I worked on the Iran and North Korea files for many
years.
Closer to our subject today, I have been involved in the
review cycles of the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear
Weapons since 2005, participating in preparations for and
working on the U.S. delegations to multiple NPT preparatory
committees and review conferences. I was part of the State team
contributing to both the 2010 and 2018 Nuclear Posture Reviews.
I also contributed to numerous policy reviews over the past
years on issues such as the proposed Fissile Material Cutoff
Treaty, the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and the NPT
itself.
What has struck me from these years of serving different
administrations, Mr. Chairman, is the strong element of
bipartisan continuity in U.S. nuclear policy. There have been a
few guiding principles that date back decades: for instance,
that the United States will work to reduce the numbers and
salience of nuclear weapons, with the ultimate goal of someday
eliminating them, but that for so long as nuclear deterrence
remains necessary, we will maintain an effective nuclear force.
The United States has also remained steadfast in its
commitment to maintaining the global nonproliferation regime,
recognizing the enormous dangers that would arise from allowing
the spread of nuclear weapons to additional countries. This
remarkable continuity is a credit to the many thoughtful and
dedicated professionals that this nation has been fortunate to
have serving in positions of responsibility for these matters.
I have learned a great deal from them. They have left big shoes
to fill, but if confirmed, I will strive to do so.
It is no secret that this NPT review cycle, which will
culminate with the Review Conference in May 2020, is a
challenging one. The United States has been engaged in wide-
ranging diplomatic efforts to prepare for that conference,
stressing the importance of shoring up the nonproliferation
regime against the challenges it faces from North Korea and
Iran, stressing the importance to human prosperity and
development of sharing the benefits of peaceful nuclear
technology, and stressing the degree to which these benefits
depend upon the solid foundation provided by adherence to best
practices in the realm of nuclear safeguards, safety, and
security. If confirmed, I will work to support, and to help
lead, U.S. diplomatic efforts to protect and advance the
important principles and objectives of the NPT.
This may not be an easy road. There are those who believe,
for example, that despite having reduced our nuclear arsenal by
approximately 88 percent from its Cold War high, that the
United States has not reduced far enough or fast enough. There
is also the longstanding problem of how to advance toward a
Middle East weapons of mass destruction free zone, an issue
that dates to the Treaty's indefinite extension in 1995.
These challenges are daunting, Mr. Chairman, but what is
clear is that without strong U.S. leadership, achieving success
will not be possible, and we are seeking to meet these
challenges. Success, I believe, should begin by ensuring that
when nations meet in 2020 to mark the 50th anniversary of the
Treaty's entry into force, we all recommit ourselves to the NPT
in all its aspects. The NPT has been extraordinarily successful
in stemming what was, decades ago, expected to be rampant
proliferation of nuclear weapons. Thankfully, that has not
happened. There have been setbacks, most notably with North
Korea, but we live in a much safer world thanks to the NPT. And
the expansion of the many benefits of the peaceful uses of
nuclear energy have been made possible by the strong
nonproliferation norms established by the Treaty.
The United States is also exercising leadership in the
discussion of disarmament. Even as the obstacles to further
progress have increased thanks to a deteriorating security
environment, we are engaging a broad range of international
partners in beginning to build a serious, multilateral
discussion of what must be done to improve the security
environment to allow further progress in reducing nuclear
arsenals.
If confirmed, I will work to advance these important
objectives, striving to help ensure that the NPT, and the
broader nonproliferation regime that has been built around that
Treaty over the last 50 years, is positioned for continued
success for another half century.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Eberhardt follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jeffrey L. Eberhardt
Thank you Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an honor
to appear before this committee as President Trump's nominee to be the
Special Representative of the President for Nuclear Nonproliferation. I
am grateful to the President and Secretary Pompeo for the confidence
they have placed in me, and for the opportunity--with your approval--to
continue to serve this country in a new and challenging position of
responsibility. I am proud to be joined today by two of my sons, Todd
and Joshua, both of whom have the distinction of being born in what was
then known as West Germany, during my first overseas tour.
I joined the State Department following my 23 years in the Army,
and have worked on nuclearrelated issues across three successive
administrations. I participated in the Six-Party Talks beginning when I
was still on active duty in the Office of the Secretary of Defense, and
continuing when I joined the Department. I worked on the Iran and North
Korea files for many years. Closer to our subject today, I have been
involved in the review cycles of the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of
Nuclear Weapons (NPT) since 2005, participating in preparations for and
working on the U.S. delegations to multiple NPT Preparatory Committees
and Review Conferences. I was part of the State team contributing to
both the 2010 and 2018 Nuclear Posture Reviews. I also contributed to
numerous policy reviews over the past years on issues such as the
proposed Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty, the Comprehensive Nuclear-
Test-Ban Treaty, and the NPT itself.
What has struck me from these years of serving different
administrations, Mr. Chairman, is the strong element of bipartisan
continuity in U.S. nuclear policy. There have been a few guiding
principles that date back decades--for instance, that the United States
will work to reduce the numbers and salience of nuclear weapons with
the ultimate goal of someday eliminating them, but that for so long as
nuclear deterrence remains necessary, we will maintain an effective
nuclear force. The United States has also remained steadfast in its
commitment to maintaining the global nonproliferation regime,
recognizing the enormous dangers that would arise from allowing the
spread of nuclear weapons to additional countries. This remarkable
continuity is a credit to the many thoughtful and dedicated
professionals that this nation has been fortunate to have serving in
positions of responsibility for these matters. I have learned a great
deal from them. They have left big shoes to fill, but if confirmed, I
will strive to do so.
It is no secret that this NPT review cycle, which will culminate
with the Review Conference in May 2020, is a challenging one. The
United States has been engaged in wide-ranging diplomatic efforts to
prepare for that conference, stressing the importance of shoring up the
nonproliferation regime against the challenges it faces from North
Korea and Iran, stressing the importance to human prosperity and
development of sharing the benefits of peaceful nuclear technology, and
stressing the degree to which these benefits depend upon the solid
foundation provided by adherence to "best practices" in the realm of
nuclear safeguards, safety, and security. If confirmed, I will work to
support--and to help lead--U.S. diplomatic efforts to protect and
advance the important principles and objectives of the NPT.
This may not be an easy road. There are those who believe, for
example, that--despite having reduced our nuclear arsenal by
approximately 88 percent from its Cold War high--the United States has
not reduced far enough or fast enough. There is also the long-standing
problem of how to advance toward a Middle East weapons of mass
destruction free zone, an issue that dates to the Treaty's indefinite
extension in 1995.
These challenges are daunting, Mr. Chairman, but what is clear is
that without strong U.S. leadership, achieving success will not be
possible. And we are seeking to meet these challenges. Success, I
believe, should begin by ensuring that when nations meet in 2020 to
mark the 50th anniversary of the Treaty's entry into force, we all
recommit ourselves to the NPT in all its aspects. The NPT has been
extraordinarily successful in stemming what was, decades ago, expected
to be rampant proliferation of nuclear weapons. Thankfully, that has
not happened. There have been setbacks, most notably with North Korea,
but we live in a much safer world thanks to the NPT. And the expansion
of the many benefits of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy have been
made possible by the strong nonproliferation norms established by the
Treaty.
The United States is also exercising leadership in the discussion
of disarmament. Even as the obstacles to further progress have
increased thanks to a deteriorating security environment, we are
engaging a broad range of international partners in beginning to build
a serious, multilateral discussion of what must be done to improve the
security environment to allow further progress in reducing nuclear
arsenals.
If confirmed, I will work to advance these important objectives,
striving to help ensure that the NPT--and the broader nonproliferation
regime that has been built around that Treaty over the last 50 years--
is positioned for continued success for another half century.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Young. Well, thank you, Mr. Eberhardt.
Mr. Gilmore, you may proceed with your statement, sir.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES S. GILMORE, OF VIRGINIA, TO BE U.S.
REPRESENTATIVE TO THE ORGANIZATION FOR SECURITY AND COOPERATION
IN EUROPE, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR
Mr. Gilmore. Thank you very much, Senator Young and Senator
Merkley. I am delighted to have an opportunity to appear before
this committee.
I also want to thank Senator Kaine for coming here today to
introduce me to the committee. Senator Kaine and I share a
common background as former Governors of Virginia, and I am
grateful for your support, Senator.
If confirmed, it would be my pleasure to serve as the
United States' Permanent Representative to the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe and to lead that mission
together with allies and partners to address the comprehensive
challenges facing Europe, Eurasia, and North America. I am
grateful to President Trump for the opportunity to serve my
country again, and I am grateful for his confidence in my
ability to advance American interests and values.
I am pleased to introduce my family members who are here
with me today. First, my wife Roxane, my wife of 42 years, the
former First Lady of Virginia. She holds two degrees in ancient
history from the University of Virginia and has taught for more
than three decades. She taught me, too. I have learned a great
deal from her knowledge about all of this and Western
civilization.
I have two sons. One is able to be here with me today, my
son Jay, who is here also. He works here in national security
in Washington. My younger son Ashton is likewise not here
today, but he also works in national security in
Charlottesville.
I have been a committed student of foreign policy since
attending the University of Virginia. I served in the U.S.
Army, as the Senator said, in military intelligence as a non-
commissioned officer. I have been a prosecutor, Attorney
General, and Governor. I traveled to 18 countries on three
continents on trade issues. I will draw on these experiences,
if confirmed, in order to work to stand up to those who seek to
undermine our values and the rules of the institution of the
OSCE.
The OSCE is an indispensable pillar of the security
architecture that has served the United States well for
generations. I am proud that the United States helped to
establish this organization at the height of the Cold War in
the `70s. If confirmed, I would strive to maintain strong
leadership in the OSCE and defend the principles on which the
organization was founded.
Its unique value stems from its broad-based membership, 57
participating states and nations across the Atlantic and
Eurasia, its comprehensive approach to security, which
acknowledges the relationship between security and respect for
human rights, and the rule of law and democracy. It is the
premier platform in Europe and Eurasia for advancing human
rights and fundamental freedoms. It is a rich body of human
rights that is represented in the OSCE.
The Helsinki Final Act principles speak of respect for the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, as well as for
human rights and fundamental freedoms. These tenets are
enduring. The contempt that Russia has shown for these
principles and commitments, through repression at home and
aggression abroad, should concern us all.
Of all the challenges confronting the OSCE today, none is
more consequential or vexing than the conflict in Ukraine.
Russia has armed, trained, led, and fought alongside its proxy
forces in eastern Ukraine since 2014, leading to approximately
13,000 deaths. Russia's fueling of the conflict, its purported
annexation of Crimea, and its provocative actions in the Kerch
Strait and the Black Sea undermine regional stability and
directly contravene all 10 of the foundational Helsinki
principles. The Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine of the
OSCE serves as the world's eyes and ears in eastern Ukraine's
conflict zone. If confirmed, I will call on Russia to respect
Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity within its
internationally recognized borders.
The unresolved conflicts in Europe weaken regional
stability. If confirmed, I would promote progress within the
OSCE to resolve these protracted conflicts that have undermined
peace in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus.
We have to press for full implementation of existing
agreements and arrangements to rebuild military transparency.
If confirmed, I will work with allies and partners to restore
transparency and predictability on the European continent among
conventional forces.
Respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms is an
essential aspect of security. If confirmed, I would ensure that
the U.S. Mission to the OSCE remains a strong voice on behalf
of human rights defenders targeted for repression, and I would
continue to champion the role of civil society. I am committed
to defending religious freedom and combating anti-Semitism and
other manifestations of intolerance, including hate crimes. I
would draw on my personal experience in that regard.
Congress' active, bipartisan engagement in the OSCE has
been a tremendous strength. I commend the members of Congress
who serve on the Helsinki Commission and participate in the
OSCE Parliamentary Assembly. They hold leadership positions in
each. I am pleased to see so much active participation.
If confirmed, I will follow the path set out by the
President and Secretary Pompeo to provide U.S. leadership to
uphold OSCE principles and commitments. Staying true to these
principles is now the work with allies and partners to leverage
the capabilities and address our conventional and emerging
threats.
Senator, Mr. Chairman, today I am very grateful for the
opportunity to lead the outstanding team at OSCE in Vienna. If
confirmed, I commit to providing my best analysis and advice to
the U.S. government and to work with the committee of the
Helsinki Commission and Congress to advance the policies that
promote democracy, advance human rights, and enhance the
prosperity and security of our country.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Gilmore follows:]
Prepared Statement of James S. Gilmore
Thank you, Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez, and members of
the committee for the opportunity to appear before you. I thank Senator
Kaine for introducing me to the committee. Senator Kaine and I share a
common background as former Governors of Virginia, and I am grateful
for his support. If confirmed, it would be my honor to serve as the
United States' Permanent Representative to the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and to lead the U.S. mission
as it works with Allies and partners to address the comprehensive range
of challenges facing Europe, Eurasia, and North America. I am grateful
to President Trump for this opportunity to serve my country again and
his confidence in my ability to advance U.S. interests and values.
I am pleased to introduce my family who are here with me today.
First, Roxane, my wife of forty-two years, the former First Lady of
Virginia. Roxane holds two degrees in ancient history from the
University of Virginia and has taught for more than three decades. I
have learned a great deal from her knowledge of the beginnings of
Western civilization. My two sons are here with me as well. Jay and
Ashton are also University of Virginia graduates who work to defend our
national security--Jay does so for the U.S. government, and Ashton
works in the private sector.
I have been a committed student of foreign policy since attending
the University of Virginia. I also served as a U.S. Army intelligence
officer in West Germany, practiced trial law, was elected prosecutor
for my home county, then Attorney General of Virginia, and then
Governor. As Governor, I traveled to eighteen countries on three
continents on trade missions. If confirmed, I would draw on these
experiences to serve U.S. interests, collaborate with our Allies and
partners, and stand up to those who seek to undermine the values,
rules, and institutions that underpin freedom, prosperity, and peace in
the OSCE region.
The OSCE is an indispensable pillar of the security architecture
that has served the United States well for generations. I am proud the
United States helped establish the organization at the height of the
Cold War in the 1970s. If confirmed, I would strive to maintain strong
U.S. leadership at the OSCE, defending the principles on which the
organization was founded and strengthening it to face future
challenges.
The OSCE's unique value stems from its broad membership--57
participating States across the Atlantic and Eurasia--and its
comprehensive approach to security, which acknowledges the relationship
between security and respect for human rights, rule of law, and
democracy. It is the premier platform in Europe and Eurasia for
advancing human rights and fundamental freedoms and defending civil
society. Its rich body of human rights and security commitments, its
network of field missions, and its independent institutions are
strengths not replicated in any other security or regional
organization.
The Helsinki Final Act principles speak of respect for the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of States as well as for human
rights and fundamental freedoms. These tenets are enduring. The
contempt that Russia has shown for these principles and commitments--
through repression at home and aggression abroad--should concern us
all.
Of all the challenges confronting the OSCE today, none is more
consequential or vexing than the conflict in Ukraine. Russia has armed,
trained, led, and fought alongside its proxy forces in eastern Ukraine
since 2014, leading to approximately 13,000 deaths.
Russia's fueling of the conflict, its purported annexation of
Crimea, and its provocative actions in the Kerch Strait and the Black
Sea undermine regional stability and directly contravene all ten of the
foundational Helsinki principles. The OSCE's highly effective Special
Monitoring Mission to Ukraine serves as the world's eyes and ears in
eastern Ukraine's conflict zone. If confirmed, I will call on Russia to
respect Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity within its
internationally recognized borders, extending to its territorial
waters.
More broadly, unresolved conflicts in Europe weaken regional
stability. If confirmed, I would promote progress within the OSCE to
resolve the protracted conflicts that have undermined peace and
stability for too long, particularly in Eastern Europe and the South
Caucasus.
We must also press for full implementation of existing agreements
and arrangements to rebuild military transparency. If confirmed, I will
work with Allies and partners at the OSCE to begin to restore
predictability, transparency, and confidence in military security
relations.
Respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms is an essential
aspect of security. If confirmed, I would ensure that the U.S. Mission
to the OSCE remains a strong voice on behalf of human rights defenders
targeted for repression and I would continue to champion the role of
civil society. I am committed to defending religious freedom and
combating anti-Semitism and other manifestations of intolerance,
including hate crimes. I would also draw on my personal experience to
support OSCE election observation missions. Democracy can only prevail
when the citizens of OSCE countries know they can change their
government peacefully through genuinely free and fair elections. If
confirmed, I also plan to support OSCE efforts to combat human
trafficking and violence against women.
Congress's active, bipartisan engagement in the OSCE has been a
tremendous strength to U.S. diplomatic efforts. I commend the Members
of Congress who serve on the Helsinki Commission, participate in the
OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, and hold leadership positions in both. I
am pleased to see that so many members of this committee serve on the
Helsinki Commission. I know you recognize the value that the OSCE
brings to U.S. foreign policy.
If confirmed, I will follow the path set out by the President and
Secretary Pompeo to provide U.S. leadership to uphold OSCE principles
and commitments. Staying true to these principles and values, now is
the time to work with Allies and partners to leverage the OSCE's
capabilities to address both conventional and emerging threats in
innovative and comprehensive ways.
Mr. Chairman, I am grateful for this opportunity to lead the
outstanding team at USOSCE in Vienna. If confirmed, I commit to
providing my best analysis and advice to the U.S. government and to
work with this committee, the Helsinki Commission, and Congress to
advance policies that promote democracy, advance human rights, and
enhance the prosperity and security of our country.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I welcome your questions.
Senator Young. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Swendiman, please make your opening statement, sir.
STATEMENT OF ALAN R. SWENDIMAN, OF NORTH CAROLINA, TO BE DEPUTY
DIRECTOR OF THE PEACE CORPS
Mr. Swendiman. Mr. Chairman, first, with your indulgence, I
would like to congratulate Governor Gilmore and you, Senator
Kaine, on UVA's winning the NCAA basketball championship. I
told the Governor I was a little surprised he was here and you
are here, Senator Kaine. I thought you would still be
celebrating. Truth be told, as a graduate of the University of
North Carolina, I had hoped that the Tar Heels would be there,
and I suspect, Senator Young, you would have liked to see
Indiana; and you, Senator Merkley, would have liked to have
seen Oregon or Oregon State. Obviously, this was not our year.
Needless to say, Virginia is an ACC school. So, Senator Kaine
and Governor Gilmore, you have my support.
Senator Young. I am trying to forget about that Purdue-
Virginia game. So, all right.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Swendiman. I am sorry----
Senator Kaine. And Oregon-Virginia.
[Laughter.]
Senator Young. All right, all right.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Swendiman. I am sorry, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Young. This is not going in the right direction.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Swendiman. I am sorry, Mr. Chairman, I left Purdue out.
Senator Young. You can proceed with your opening statement,
sir.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Swendiman. Chairman Young, Ranking Member Merkley, it
is an honor to appear before you today as the President's
nominee to serve as Deputy Director of the Peace Corps.
I appreciate the President's confidence in me, and Director
Olsen's support to join her team of dedicated individuals
working toward building stronger partnerships around the world.
In addition, I would like to recognize my family. I am well
aware that my public service career has been made possible
because of the unconditional support my wife Kathy, daughter
Shelley, and son Robert have provided over the years.
My wife, by way of note, served for 40 years in the
Congressional Research Service, American Law Division,
specializing in health care, Social Security, Medicare and
Medicaid. You may or your staff may be familiar with her work.
My daughter regretfully could not attend today. Her 1-year-
old son is quite sick, and now she has come down with it as
well. She would have loved to be here, Senator Merkley.
The Peace Corps is as important and relevant as ever. It
represents the face of this nation. Volunteers build positive
perceptions of this country in the minds and hearts of the
people served throughout the world. And the impact of Peace
Corps volunteers goes far beyond their time in service.
I have witnessed this when I visited my daughter, Shelley,
who was a Peace Corps Volunteer in Ukraine. She worked
alongside her Ukrainian teacher counterparts to inspire the
next generation of students to build and improve their English
proficiency. Some of her former students still reach out to her
today. After she returned to the United States, she continued
her public service. She currently works at the Department of
Labor Office of Child Labor, Forced Labor & Human Trafficking,
overseeing grants made by this nation to foreign countries to
stem the tide of child labor and forced labor, and in fact just
recently came back from the Philippines on such official
business.
Public service is as important to me and as meaningful to
me as it is to her.
I wholeheartedly believe in the idea of service above self;
that is, to serve my country and be part of something far
greater than me. With that sense of mission, I am here today to
share with you my commitment to advance agency priorities,
focusing on ensuring that the Peace Corps remains the premiere
volunteer program in the United States, while at the same time
continuing to improve the application experience and mechanisms
to promote the health, safety, and security of Americans
representing our country in the communities throughout the
world where Peace Corps volunteers are serving.
I am confident my years of experience with other Federal
agencies, including USAID, will transfer to Peace Corps'
environment and, if confirmed, those experiences will inform
and guide my recommendations to complement Director Olsen's
priorities, including strengthening the country portfolio
review process. If implemented properly, this process can
ensure that the Peace Corps is preparing volunteers to serve in
partner countries who share the same vision of maximizing the
impact of projects that can be completed with finite resources.
Coupled with the passion of volunteers, Peace Corps
programs are designed to assist communities who are working
hard to improve their economic opportunities. As you know, this
approach has been a core mission of Peace Corps since its
inception and it ensures that taxpayer dollars are used wisely
in countries that have solidified their commitment by entering
into a bilateral country agreement with the agency to guide
expectations of our cooperation.
Equally important, I am committed to advancing procedures
that have been established by subject-matter experts to
continue assessing the training and service delivery systems
that are responsible for the health, safety, and security of
all volunteers. As a parent of a return Peace Corps volunteer,
I have experienced firsthand the inspiring work a healthy and
safe volunteer can accomplish when he or she is properly
trained and supported.
If confirmed, I look forward to supporting current and
future Peace Corps volunteers in the same manner Peace Corps
professionals supported my daughter during her pre-departure
and field service over 10 years ago. This includes working
closely with experts and country directors to reduce risks
volunteers face every day, including a professional and
compassionate response to sexual assaults and other crimes when
they occur.
I want families to know that, if confirmed, I will work
diligently to ensure Peace Corps provides the best response and
assistance in case their loved ones experience a crime during
their service. That I have a vested interest in.
In closing, I want to thank your staff, who have been very
courteous to me, as well as Peace Corps staffers who have
helped me prepare for today's hearing.
Chairman Young, Ranking Member Merkley, thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you today. I look forward to your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Swendiman follows:]
Prepared Statement of Alan Robert Swendiman
Chairman Young and other distinguished members of the committee, it
is an honor to appear before you today as the President's nominee to
serve as Deputy Director of the Peace Corps.
I appreciate the President's confidence in me, and Director Olsen's
support to join her team of dedicated individuals working toward
building stronger partnerships around the world.
In addition, I would like to recognize my family. I am well aware
that my public service career has been possible because of the
unconditional support my wife Kathy, daughter Shelley, and son Robert,
have provided over the years.
The Peace Corps is as important and relevant as ever. It represents
the face of this nation. Volunteers build positive perceptions of this
country in the minds and hearts of the people served throughout the
world. And the impact of Peace Corps volunteers goes far beyond their
time in service.
I have witnessed this when I visited my daughter, Shelley, who was
a Peace Corps Volunteer in Ukraine. She worked alongside her Ukrainian
teacher counterparts to inspire the next generation of students to
build and improve their English proficiency. Some of her now former
students still reach out to her today. After she returned to the United
States, Shelley continued her public service. She currently works at
the Department of Labor--Office of Child Labor, Forced Labor & Human
Trafficking--overseeing grants made by this nation to foreign countries
to stem the tide of child and forced labor.
Public service is important and meaningful to me, as it is to her.
I wholeheartedly believe in the idea of service above self, that
is, to serve my country and be part of something far greater than
myself. With that sense of mission, I am here today to share with you
my commitment to advance agency priorities focusing on ensuring that
the Peace Corps remains the premiere Volunteer program in the United
States, while at the same time continuing to improve the application
experience and mechanisms to promote the health, safety and security of
Americans representing our country in the communities throughout the
world where Peace Corps Volunteers are serving.
I am confident my years of experience with other federal agencies,
including USAID, will transfer to Peace Corps' environment and, if
confirmed, those experiences will guide my recommendations to
complement Director's Olsen priorities, including strengthening the
country portfolio review process.
If implemented properly, this process can ensure that the Peace
Corps is preparing Volunteers to serve in partner countries who share
the same vision of maximizing the impact of projects that can be
completed with finite resources.
Coupled with the passion of Volunteers, Peace Corps programs are
designed to assist communities who are working hard to improve their
economic opportunities. As you know, this approach has been a core
mission of Peace Corps since its inception and it ensures that taxpayer
dollars are used wisely in countries that have solidified their
commitment by entering into a bilateral country agreement with the
agency to guide expectations of our cooperation.
Equally important, I am committed to advancing procedures that have
been established by subject matter experts to continue assessing the
training and service delivery systems that are responsible for the
health, safety, and security of all Volunteers. As a parent of a Return
Peace Corps Volunteer, I have experienced first-hand the inspiring work
a healthy and safe Volunteer can accomplish when he or she is properly
trained and supported.
If confirmed, I look forward to supporting current and future Peace
Corps Volunteers in the same manner Peace Corps professionals supported
my daughter during her pre-departure and field service ten years ago.
This includes working closely with experts and country directors to
reduce risks Volunteers face every day, including a professional and
compassionate response to sexual assaults and crimes when they occur.
I want families to know that, if confirmed, I will work diligently
to ensure Peace Corps provides the best response and assistance in case
their loved ones experience a crime during their service. I have a
vested interest.
In closing, I also want to thank your staff and Peace Corps
staffers who helped me prepare for today's hearing.
Chairman Young and other distinguished Members of the committee;
again, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
I look forward to your questions.
Senator Young. Well, gentlemen, thank you for your
thoughtful opening statements. Since I spent a lot of time in
the Marine Corps when I was in Virginia, I am infused with the
spirit of allowing my troops to eat first, which is an ethic of
the Marines. So I will defer my questioning to a bit later. I
am going to allow Senator Merkley to proceed with his
questioning, Senator Kaine, and we may have some other members
come in and out in the meanwhile. Thank you.
Senator Merkley. Mr. Swendiman, the Peace Corps strategic
plan does not set out currently a vision for how many Peace
Corps volunteers there will be. Will you advocate for an
expansion of the Peace Corps programs? And if so, what do you
see it possibly expanding into?
Mr. Swendiman. The agency, Senator, has this country
portfolio review process, and in utilizing that process, which
is data driven, it seeks to determine where best to place Peace
Corps volunteers. As we know, Congress authorizes and
appropriates funds for the agency. And so with those funds it
will utilize that process as to where Peace Corps volunteers
should serve.
As you know, I am not on staff currently, so I have not
been briefed specifically on where the Peace Corps is looking
at expanding. I do know and am aware that Sri Lanka is a
country that is on the list and on the table.
Senator Merkley. Thank you. After you are on board, you can
whisper and----
Mr. Swendiman. And I will be glad, Senator, to get back to
you or your staff.
Senator Merkley. Thank you.
Mr. Eberhardt, Saudi Arabia is seeking to acquire more
nuclear reactors, and the U.S. is engaged in a conversation
about the 123 standard, the gold standard. Do you feel we
should not do any sales if Saudi Arabia will not agree to the
gold standard?
Mr. Eberhardt. Thank you, Senator. I know those
negotiations have been going on for several years now. Those
negotiations are not an issue that falls within my normal day-
to-day work. I do believe the standard, the so-called gold
standard, is something that we should always strive to achieve.
I know that the Under Secretary shares that view, that we
should always strive toward the highest nonproliferation
standards possible in the negotiation of 123 agreements. How
the negotiation with Saudi Arabia eventually comes out remains
to be seen, but I absolutely agree that we should strive for
that standard in a 123 agreement.
Senator Merkley. But I think we should do more than strive,
because if we make the sales without the gold standard, it is a
whole lot of trouble ahead. And also, in terms of the
additional protocol of the NPT, if Saudi Arabia is not willing
to sign on to it, especially in the context of our dialogue to
restrain and/or eliminate nuclear programs in Iran, if we give
a bigger leash to Saudi Arabia, it is going to be very, very
hard to maintain some higher standard for Iran.
Do you support the development of the low-yield sea-
launched cruise missile, and is that consistent with Article 6
of the NPT?
Mr. Eberhardt. Senator, I know that the Department of
Defense is looking at several options coming out of the Nuclear
Posture Review and where we are with the INF treaty with
Russia. Regardless of how that comes out, I think even with the
decision to move forward in that program, we are still in good
stead with Article 6 of the NPT. Article 6 requires good-faith
negotiations towards cessation of the nuclear arms race,
eventually a nuclear free world, and of course general and
complete disarmament. The United States record on Article 6 is
extraordinarily strong. As I mentioned in my opening remarks,
we reduced our arsenal by 88 percent from our Cold War high. We
continue to reduce the number----
Senator Merkley. My time is real short, so I am going to
cut you off there, but thank you.
How about the new START Treaty, if we fail to extend it? Or
do you have an opinion, a strong opinion at this point on
whether we should extend it or not?
Mr. Eberhardt. Senator, I know that there is an ongoing
review of whether or not we should extend the new START Treaty.
There are a lot of factors that are being looked at, both the
gains that we get from the inspection regime to the issue of
dealing with Russia when they are cheating on treaties. So
there are a lot of competing factors on both sides that I think
all need to be weighed carefully before we make a final
decision on extension of the new START Treaty.
Senator Merkley. Governor Gilmore, I have been somewhat
frustrated by the U.S. leadership on human rights the last
couple of years. Burma conducted a massive, massive ethnic
cleansing campaign against a Muslim minority, and our President
has not ever said one word of condemnation. We have had other
members of the Administration who have said a few words
occasionally in a few places.
The Philippines engaged in very, very significant
extrajudicial slaughter of thousands of young men. We have not
taken a clear stand.
These things are not under your purview perhaps in the
position you would take, but they are very related. Is it not
important for the U.S. to take a strong stand on human rights
throughout the world?
Mr. Gilmore. It is, Senator. I can assure you that as the
permanent representative to the OSCE, I will be taking a strong
stand on human rights. We are observing the abuse of people in
Crimea, occupied Crimea. One fellow has already been arrested
and sent to an Arctic gulag. He should be returned immediately.
He should be released immediately.
We are seeing an opportunity to inject human rights and
calm down some of the ethnic tensions that we see in the
Balkans, particularly the Balkan countries and the challenges
that they are facing there. The Russians have not only been
imposing violations of human rights through Europe and within
their areas but even within their own country.
The OSCE is the premier organization that casts a standard
on human rights. As the permanent representative, you can be
sure I will be vigorous in these matters.
Senator Merkley. Thank you, I appreciate that, and I do
feel that our voice will be much more influential if we pay
attention to human rights in places we have not been paying
attention to it in the last couple of years. Thank you.
Senator Young. Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thanks for the
indulgence to allow us to go.
Mr. Swendiman, you were giving congratulations about UVA.
There are four UVA grads in the United States Senate, but
neither of the Virginia senators had the talent and/or judgment
to get a degree from the University of Virginia. So Governor
Gilmore can accept congratulations, and Roxanne can, who has a
UVA degree, and Jay also has a UVA degree and can take
congratulations, but the Virginia senators sadly were lacking,
at least at that point in their life. We have tried to
compensate for it in years since.
Governor Gilmore, I want to ask you, OSCE plays an
important role in a fairly challenging time in Europe. There
are 29 nations in the EU right now, but the EU challenges,
especially with Brexit still being so much up in the air, have
sort of paralyzed some European politics for the last few
years.
There are 29 nations in NATO in the North Atlantic. The
OSCE is much larger, as your testimony points out, 57 nations.
So, many that are not members of the EU or that are not members
of NATO nevertheless have come together under the OSCE banner.
Talk a little bit about how you would attempt, should you
be confirmed, to use the breadth of the coalition to promote
some stability and unity in what seems, at least from this side
of the Atlantic, to be a pretty difficult time right now.
Mr. Gilmore. Senator Kaine, the advantage of OSCE is its
size, and it contains not just merely our allies and
traditional friends but also people that are just emerging out
of authoritarian regimes and people who are still developing.
It not only handles Europe, but it also goes into Central Asia,
many of the former Soviet republics that are independent now
but somewhat authoritarian that benefit from OSCE and are
asking for help from the OSCE.
In addition to that, the organization has offices
throughout many of its member countries, particularly in the
Balkans, but in other places. There is American leadership
heading those offices in Serbia, Kosovo, Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
There are systems that have been put into place to deal
with some of the thornier problems. Chechnya, for example,
there is a Moscow mission mechanism to send OSCE people to
investigate into the human rights violations there.
There are problems with Georgia and the other countries
that are there.
The point is this, that even with Moldavia, there is a 5.2
process where America plays a significant role. The reason I am
saying these things is because the OSCE is working very hard to
have processes in place to advance the interests of human
rights but also national security, mostly in Europe and beyond,
and that favors, of course, the United States.
Maybe the most important thing is the special monitoring
mission to Ukraine. As an ongoing conflict, an American was
killed there last year. As a matter of fact, his name is Joseph
Stone. The anniversary of his death is coming up. There are
over a thousand people in place at the special monitoring
mission in the Ukraine. So this is a serious opportunity to
have eyes and ears on the ground. OSCE gives the opportunity to
cast a light on what is going on throughout Europe and
throughout these conflicts, and in that way to advance the
interests of peace and security.
Senator Kaine. I appreciate that answer.
I want to ask you, Mr. Eberhardt, to follow up on something
that Senator Merkley was asking you about. He was talking about
nuclear proliferation issues in the Middle East, and you
addressed those in your testimony as well. Just a quote from
your written testimony, which you did also present orally here.
``There is also the longstanding problem of how to advance
toward a Middle East weapons of mass destruction freeze zone,''
an issue that dates to the Treaty's indefinite extension in
1995.
Some of the issues that we might deal with in terms of
weapons of mass distraction in the Middle East will be in your
portfolio. Some might not, but I gather what you would want us
to do as members of the Foreign Relations Committee--I am also
on the Armed Services Committee--is to be very focused on this
issue. Anything dealing with nuclear proliferation or
proliferation of missile programs in the Middle East are things
that we need to take very seriously because, obviously, if we
can have that part of the world be weapons of mass destruction
free, that would be a huge weight off not only our shoulders
but the shoulders of the entire world from a security
standpoint. Would you not agree?
Mr. Eberhardt. Thank you, Senator. I would. In NPT circles,
this issue has been around for many years, and all too often it
has tried to be cast in terms of Israel needs to join the NPT.
There are a range of issues that are in the way of a Middle
East weapons of mass destruction free zone, Syria's joining and
then violating the CWC, its use of chemical weapons against its
own people, what Iran is doing with its missile program, what
Iran is--potentially with its breakout capability, what it can
do with its nuclear program.
Now, the President made a decision that the JCPOA was
defective in that it did not take a complete approach to the
problem of Iran and the Middle East, and that is what we are
about now. We need to look at the full range of problems that
are in the Middle East today, and only then, by addressing
these problems, can you actually start to have a conversation
about a weapons of mass destruction free zone. But that is
going to take the participation of all states in the region
taking a clear-eyed look at all the problems in the region and
then working collectively to solve them.
Senator Kaine. You would agree with me, though, as I
conclude, you mentioned Iran, Syria, Israel just by name, but
we ought to be concerned about any nation in the Middle East
that is expanding a missile program or any nation that is
expanding a nuclear program. All of those things need to be
carefully, carefully monitored by Congress; would you not
agree?
Mr. Eberhardt. Yes, Senator, I would.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Senator Young. Mr. Eberhardt, in my opening statement, I
referenced some of the significant headwinds to our
nonproliferation efforts around the globe. If you just look at
a map--I mean, Iran, North Korea, Russia, Pakistan, India,
there are questions about China from many. So with respect to
nonproliferation, is there a particular country or region that
we should really be most focused on right now? I know the
recent news has certainly had a number of us on tenterhooks
with respect to India and Pakistan. But what do you consider
the region of greatest concern to you as you consider stepping
into this position that you have been nominated for?
Mr. Eberhardt. Thank you, Senator. That is a difficult
question. Judging between the problem of North Korea's nuclear
program and the path that Iran is potentially on, both are
extremely difficult challenges that need to be addressed, and
they require different tools to address them.
But if there is one thing in common, it is going to require
collective activity on the part of the broader international
community. I do not believe the United States can solve the
North Korean problem alone. I do not think we can solve the
Iran problem alone. We can lead in the solution to those
problems by bringing pressure to bear on both of those regimes
to end the nuclear program in North Korea and ensure that Iran
never acquires a nuclear weapon.
Senator Young. So by way of follow-up, what do you consider
the most effective international organization or multilateral
organization to deal with the threat of nonproliferation? We
have had challenges in the Security Council, of course. So how
do we combat proliferation?
Mr. Eberhardt. Senator, I think we need to use all the
tools in the toolbox. There are times when the U.N. can be of
use. There are times when agencies such as the International
Atomic Energy Agency can be useful. There are times when a
group of nations working with the leadership of the United
States can be the most effective tool. So I would not point to
any one tool that is sort of the key to the solution of the
problem. I think you need to look at each problem on its own
basis and then craft a strategy to deal with it.
Senator Young. Some have expressed concerns about a
continuing qualitative and quantitative improvement in Chinese,
Indian, and Pakistani nuclear arsenals that might destabilize
the strategic relationship among those three countries, and in
recent days we have had this standoff between India and
Pakistan continue even though it seems the risk of conflict has
diminished. It is obviously a significant concern if tensions
were to again rise between nuclear powers. So if confirmed,
what policies would you continue or would you initiate to
increase strategic stability among these three countries?
Mr. Eberhardt. Thank you, Senator. So, within the realm of
the responsibility of the office that I would have, if
confirmed, I think focusing on the nuclear issues is going to
be key. I think one of the initiatives that we have tried to
press is to expand the group of countries that have declared a
moratorium on the production of fissile material. Four of the
five of the P5 have done so. China, notably amongst the P5, has
not, and of course neither have India and Pakistan. There have
been efforts over the years to negotiate a treaty that would
ban the production of fissile material for use in nuclear
weapons. Those efforts have failed largely due to the
opposition of both China and Pakistan, but there may be an
interim step where you can get them to at least join the
broader community in halting the production of fissile
material.
I do think we also need to look at how we have a
conversation that includes India and Pakistan. Too often in NPT
circles, they look at the world through only NPT states'
parties and talk about a world free of nuclear weapons as if
you could do so only with NPT state parties. Well, of course,
one does need to deal with India and Pakistan if one imagines
the achievement of such a world, so we do need to find a way to
engage with them in appropriate fora to bring them into the
conversation to talk about how responsible nuclear powers act,
most notably by halting arms racing and beginning to look at
how you can bring your numbers down.
Senator Young. Thank you.
Mr. Gilmore, I want to note something that my colleague,
Senator Kaine, also mentioned. There is some overlapping
membership between different entities, the NATO and EU, United
Nations I would add, and OSCE. You mentioned as I think a
unique value proposition of OSCE as you have dozens more
members. Sixty-seven, I believe, is the number. Fifty-seven.
All right. And then you also mentioned security and rule of law
being points of emphasis, and then human rights really looms
largest.
How would you characterize the future of the OSCE? Will
that really be the distinguishing factor and the defining facet
of its mission as compared to these other entities, human
rights?
Mr. Gilmore. Senator, I think that the OSCE, because it is
so broad-based and it has everybody in it, really transatlantic
and all the way into central Asia, it is a wonderful
opportunity to communicate and to advocate and to pursue
American national interests, as well as the interests of our
allies in a broad-based way.
If you look at the higher profile of the multilateral
organizations, the European Union is a basic economic type of
organization seeking to try to emerge as some kind of nation,
but it does not include a lot of people that are in the OSCE,
all the way into Asia.
NATO is our allies, and they are, of course, on a potential
confrontation mode militarily. The OSCE is an opportunity to
get out here and talk about all these other issues, issues of
anti-Semitism, the ideas of religious freedom, which, by the
way, members of Congress have been very forthright in leading
on those kinds of issues, as well as security issues. It is the
OSCE that deals with the Vienna document that talks about the
transparency of the conventional forces in Europe and the
challenges that are being faced with that right now.
But Open Skies, which is ongoing right now, these
confidence-building measures to prevent war. And then, of
course, the third basket is the economic basket, as well.
So there are a lot of different--it is a broader-based
agenda than you see in most of the other multilateral
organizations, and the American mission there punches above its
weight. Considering the contributions financially that are
given to OSCE from the United States, and especially to the
American mission, it does an awful lot and deals with an awful
lot of issues that are matters of war and peace. And that is
why, if confirmed, I will try to pursue all these multi-areas,
together with the mission at my command.
Senator Young. You mentioned the multifaceted missions--
anti-Semitism, religious freedom, Open Skies, conflict
prevention--being some of the current issues. Do you foresee
challenges for the organization moving forward? And if so, how
would you characterize those challenges?
Mr. Gilmore. I think that the countries that are in this
organization perceive the value of it, and they understand how
valuable it is to be a part of this. Even the Russians are
trying to use the organization to their advantage. It is up to
us to make sure that they cannot misuse the OSCE.
The other countries--for example, Uzbekistan has now said
that they want to work with the OSCE to begin to promote
democratic values. You are not going to see that in conjunction
with the other organizations to which you are referring.
You have asked me a direct question, what is the future of
the OSCE. I believe with senatorial and congressional support
in support of the Secretary and the President, that this
organization can be a central organization for the advancement
not only of American interests but of multilateral interests,
and will be, I believe. I believe there is confidence of the
members in the organization going forward.
Senator Young. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Swendiman, as you know, in the 1961 Peace Corps Act,
the Peace Corps was established as both a development
organization to help meet the needs for trained manpower in the
poorest areas of countries, and as a public diplomacy
organization to help promote a better understanding of the
American people.
How would you assess the job the Peace Corps is doing as a
development organization today?
Mr. Swendiman. Senator, that is a very good question. I
think the fact that Peace Corps has continued these many
years--we are now 57 years, 58 years in existence--demonstrates
its effectiveness. I think the fact that Peace Corps has sought
to, in its country portfolio review process, to demonstrate and
to assess its effectiveness using evidence-based data has shown
that they have been effective. The personal stories that are
received that come back to the agency about what the volunteers
have done, the fact that a number of the projects that were
started by volunteers still continue in existence when very
easily they could have terminated, I think demonstrates the
effectiveness of Peace Corps.
And the fact that, although I cannot tell you specifically
because I have not been briefed on everything, but that there
are some countries that made a request to Peace Corps and, as
you know, Senator, that is what starts a process--in other
words, the country has to request that Peace Corps has the
first step before the following process goes, the Peace Corps
does not simply impose the fact that they want to be there, the
country wants to have them there, I think demonstrates the
effectiveness of the Peace Corps and the desire to have the
Peace Corps present.
Senator Young. Very good. I appreciate the response. And
with respect to the evidence-based policies that they attempt
to implement and iteratively improve, should you be confirmed,
I look forward to working with you on seeing how we might
enhance those moving forward.
I thought you quite appropriately, Mr. Swendiman, discussed
at some length the safety of volunteers, your concern about the
safety of volunteers. I know there are a number of Hoosiers who
I encounter who were either former Peace Corps volunteers or
are looking to join the Peace Corps. We had a number of them
that joined from Indiana University. We want our volunteers to
be safe.
In your view, what are some of the most important and
effective steps taken by the Peace Corps in recent years to
enhance the safety of volunteers?
Mr. Swendiman. I think, Senator, there have been a number
of steps with regard to that. First of all, as you pointed out,
the health, safety, and security of the volunteers is the
number-one priority of the agency. Through the Kate Puzey Act,
which the agency implemented, policies in terms of sexual
assault, for example, have been implemented. Training of the
volunteers has been implemented. There is an Office of Victim
Advocacy that has been established. There has been the sexual
assault risk reduction liaisons that have been provided with
regard to those that are subject to sexual assault.
So the agency has done this, and what is interesting that
has come back to me is that the Peace Corps is now becoming the
gold standard with regard to the issue of sexual assault. There
are other agencies that are looking to Peace Corps in terms of
what they do.
Now, the key thing for Peace Corps will be continuing to
monitor and evaluate its policies, its training, its programs
in that regard. It is much like our first responders or our men
and women who serve in uniform, our diplomats abroad. It is
constantly looking at what we are doing and vowing to make sure
that we are effective and efficient.
Senator Young. Thank you for that fulsome response. I am
impressed by the many successes ongoing in the Peace Corps on
that front.
Currently, the Peace Corps has a presence in 65 countries.
In the last decade, more than 20 countries have asked for a
Peace Corps program to be established. You did indicate early
on that you did not have eyeballs on that list of requested
countries, if I recall, sir. Sri Lanka is one that you think
may be on the list, you speculated.
But can you give me some sense--and I think you also
indicated you do not have committed to memory or access to the
specific criteria for establishing a new program; is that
correct? Or can you speak to that?
Mr. Swendiman. Well, I think I can give you, Mr. Chairman,
generally.
Senator Young. Please.
Mr. Swendiman. I mentioned, first of all, that the country,
as you pointed out, has to request. After that, the Peace Corps
has to assess a number of factors, approximately six, with
regard to the feasibility of Peace Corps volunteers. They look
at safety. They look at health. They look at effectiveness in
terms of what is the need that the country is expressing. So,
there are factors.
Now, in the country portfolio review process, as I
understand it, the process involves about 133 or so indicators.
And the reason why they have gone to, as I understand it, have
gone to evidence-based, first of all, people are looking, such
as yourself, members of Congress are looking for evidence-based
decisions. But they are looking at--the reason why it was
implemented, among other things, was consistency, transparency,
maintaining that there is no favoritism with regard to that.
And by looking at a number of factors, Peace Corps is able
to look at where is the best place for Peace Corps volunteers
to be, and what country, if requested, can they work with in
terms of the resources that are provided to Peace Corps.
Senator Young. Relatedly and lastly, perhaps you could
explain what the process is to close an existing program, if
any.
Mr. Swendiman. Well, I think, again, I am going to have to
pause a moment, Mr. Chairman, because, as mentioned previously,
I am not on staff, so I do not work intimately with the agency
and with the people who make those decisions, and cannot be
briefed.
Senator Young. I understand. If confirmed----
Mr. Swendiman. But if confirmed, I certainly would get back
to you as to that. But I believe that the country review
process, the portfolio review process is part of that.
Certainly, there are external factors that are going to come
into play with anything. For example, in terms of threats and
the like, and under the law, current statute, the agency has to
notify Congress in terms of opening, closing, suspending
programs in a particular country.
Senator Young. But I imagine there would be guideposts or
different factors we follow.
Mr. Swendiman. Correct.
Senator Young. But, of course, this is an instrument of
diplomacy, so we do need to consider external factors.
Mr. Swendiman. Correct.
Senator Young. Yes, sir.
Well, that is all I have in terms of questioning, and I do
not see any other members around waiting to ask questions, so
congratulations to each of you for surviving this part of the
process.
Thank you again to all of our nominees for providing us
with the benefit of your testimony earlier, your presence here
today, and for bringing your family members along, as well.
For the information of members who may be watching these
proceedings, the record will remain open until the close of
business on Thursday, including for members to submit questions
for the record.
Thanks again to members of this committee, our nominees and
their families.
This hearing is now adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 4:05 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
----------
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Jeffrey L. Eberhardt by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights?
Answer. I believe my greatest contribution to promoting human
rights and democracy was my twenty-three years of service in the United
States Army. That service included postings in West Germany from 1983
to 1990, witnessing the fall of the Soviet Union from my post on what
was the Inner-German Border. Later, I deployed to the Persian Gulf for
Operations Desert Thunder II and Desert Fox.
Question. What has been the impact of your actions?
Answer. I had the privilege of leading and mentoring the finest men
and women of our nation, and many of them continue to serve our nation
in positions of leadership today.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations, to the
extent the issues they raise have a bearing on your duties?
Answer. Yes. In the course of my current duties, including dealing
with issues related to the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear
Weapons, two Nuclear Posture Reviews, and other issues of concern to
Civil Society, I have frequently met with such groups to hear their
concerns and explain U.S. policies. If confirmed, I will continue to do
so.
Question. Will you advocate for access and inclusivity for women
and minorities?
Answer. Yes. Throughout my career, both military and civil, I have
supported access and inclusivity for women and minorities. If
confirmed, I will continue to do so.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people, no matter their
sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will continue to defend the human
rights and dignity of all people, no matter their sexual orientation or
gender identity.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government?
Answer. Yes. As both a career military officer and career civil
servant, I fully believe that any targeting of, or retaliation against,
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all
employees under your leadership understand that any retaliation,
blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices will not be
tolerated?
Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or allegation
of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious,
etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace or any
other setting?
Answer. If confirmed, I will strive to set the example in fostering
an environment that is diverse and inclusive. That will of course
include making clear that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other
prohibited personnel practices will not be tolerated. In doing so, I
will apply the leadership lessons I learned in my twenty-three years in
the Army.I have not received any formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against me, in a workplace
or any other setting. I take issues of sexual harassment,
discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), and
inappropriate conduct very seriously. I do not tolerate any types of
behavior that could be considered discriminatory. I would be happy to
meet with you to discuss these important issues further and my belief
that everyone should be treated with respect and fairness.
Question. If so, please describe the nature of the complaint or
allegation, your response, and any resolution, including any
settlements.
Answer. Not applicable.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority?
Answer. I am committed to ensuring that harassment, discrimination,
and inappropriate conduct are not tolerated and any allegations are
handled appropriately. I have, over the course of both my military
career and my service in the State Department, had to deal with issues
of inappropriate conduct by individuals under my command/supervision.
Question. If so, please describe the outcome and actions taken.
Answer. In every case, I took the appropriate counseling and/or
disciplinary steps in accordance with Army/Department policies.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. I believe my greatest contribution to promoting human
rights and democracy was my twenty-three years of service in the United
States Army. That service included postings in West Germany from 1983
to 1990, witnessing the fall of the Soviet Union from my post on what
was the Inner-German Border. Later, I deployed to the Persian Gulf for
Operations Desert Thunder II and Desert Fox.
I had the privilege of leading the finest men and women of our
nation, and many of them continue to serve our nation in positions of
leadership today.
Question. What will you do to promote, mentor and support your
staff that come from diverse backgrounds and underrepresented groups in
the Foreign Service?
Answer. While the position to which I've been nominated does not
include a staff, if confirmed, I will seek to have diverse
representation on all delegations I am assigned to lead. As Head of
Delegation, I will strive to mentor all with whom I work in order to
build the next generation of arms control specialists.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jeffrey L. Eberhardt by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors in the Foreign Service are fostering an environment that is
diverse and inclusive?
Answer. While the position to which I've been nominated does not
include a staff, if confirmed, I will strive to set the example for
other senior leaders in fostering an environment that is diverse and
inclusive for all delegations I lead. In doing so, I will apply the
leadership lessons I learned in my twenty-three years in the Army, one
of the most diverse organizations in the country.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the Inspector General of the State Department and Foreign Service) any
change in policy or U.S. actions that you suspect may be influenced by
any of the President's business or financial interests, or the business
or financial interests of any senior White House staff?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in any country abroad?
Answer. No.
Question. Is the bargain of the NPT still relevant over fifty years
later? How do you assess the effectiveness of the treaty for U.S.
nonproliferation policy?
Answer. Yes, the NPT is just as relevant now as it was fifty years
ago. The NPT has provided the essential foundation for international
efforts to stem the looming threat--then and now--that nuclear weapons
would spread across the planet. It remains the accepted international
basis for responses to efforts by specific countries to acquire nuclear
weapons. The success of the NPT has been a boon to U.S. national
security and to the security of all nations.
Question. What is your interpretation of the United States' nuclear
disarmament obligations under the NPT, according to which, each of the
states-parties ``undertakes to pursue negotiations in good faith on
effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an
early date and to nuclear disarmament, and on a treaty on general and
complete disarmament under strict and effective international
control''?
Answer. Of the three obligations in NPT Article VI, the first--``to
pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to the
cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date''--has essentially
been achieved through the end and reversal of the Cold War nuclear arms
race. The second--``to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective
measures relating to nuclear disarmament''--has seen significant
progress, including an 88 percent reduction in the U.S. nuclear
stockpile since its Cold War peak. This, and the obligation--``to
pursue negotiations . on a treaty on general and complete disarmament
under strict and effective international control''--can only feasibly
be addressed in the context of the overall security environment.
Question. Describing the Trump administration's ``conditions-
based'' approach to nuclear disarmament in a March 2018 speech,
Christopher Ford, Assistant Secretary for International Security and
Nonproliferation, argued that ``[w]e should thus not expect that any
given articulation of `practical steps' needed for progress toward
disarmament will necessarily remain valid over time.'' However, the NPT
states-parties have adopted and reaffirmed practical steps toward
nuclear disarmament in the past. What are the U.S. goals for the 2020
Review Conference and the 2019 NPT Preparatory Committee meeting?
Answer. We seek a positive outcome at the 2020 Review Conference
that reflects broad-based consensus. We will emphasize that preventing
the proliferation of nuclear weapons is a direct and fundamental
benefit of the NPT to all its Parties, which also facilitates progress
on nuclear disarmament and cooperation on peaceful uses of nuclear
energy. The central provisions of the NPT--nonproliferation,
disarmament, and peaceful uses of nuclear energy--are shared interests
of all NPT Parties, not competing priorities. The NPT's 50th
anniversary provides an opportunity for all NPT Parties to reaffirm
their commitment to the NPT, reflect on how much has been accomplished
to achieve its goals, and rededicate ourselves to those shared goals.
Question. How might the dynamics of the Review Conference change in
light of a potential slow-down in U.S.-Russian strategic arms control?
Should the New START Treaty be extended?
Answer. During the 50-year history of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
(NPT) Treaty there have been highs and lows in U.S.-Soviet and then
U.S.-Russian bilateral strategic arms control, but that has not
prevented our two governments from working with others toward common
interests at prior NPT Review Conferences. If confirmed, I will work
toward keeping that dynamic as much as possible for the 2020 Review
Conference.
The New START Treaty is scheduled to expire February 5, 2021, and
the administration is reviewing whether to seek an extension of the
Treaty with the Russian Federation. Central to that review is
evaluating whether extension is in the U.S. national interest and how
the Treaty's expiration would impact U.S. national security in the
evolving security environment, including Russia's ongoing development
of new strategic offensive arms and serial noncompliance with its arms
control obligations, as well as China's continuing nuclear
modernization.
Question. How does the signing of the 2017 Treaty on the
Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (the ``nuclear ban'' treaty) by 69
states impact the NPT?
Answer. The United States opposes the Treaty on the Prohibition of
Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) and argues against its ratification. No state
possessing nuclear weapons supports the TPNW, and the treaty will not
result in the elimination of a single nuclear weapon, nor will it
enhance the security of any state. The TPNW risks reinforcing divisions
in the existing nonproliferation and disarmament bodies that could
hinder the ability of the United States to work with others to address
the pressing proliferation and security challenges faced today.
The United States understands and appreciates states' desires to
make more and faster progress on nuclear disarmament. However, the TPNW
does not take into account the international security challenges that
continue to make nuclear deterrence necessary to preserve U.S. national
security and to ensure the security of our allies and partners.
Question. How should the United States ensure that current NPT non-
nuclear weapon states will not pursue these weapons in the future?
Answer. The NPT has been successful, and will continue to be
successful, because NPT Parties recognize that it is in their mutual
self-interest not to acquire nuclear weapons. The nuclear
nonproliferation regime must adapt in response to past and emerging
proliferation challenges. This includes strengthening IAEA safeguards
through universal adherence to the Additional Protocol, which gives the
IAEA additional tools to respond to clandestine nuclear programs.
Beyond that, the international community needs to make clear that
states must comply with their nonproliferation obligations, including
their obligations under relevant U.N. Security Council resolutions.
Question. Several prominent commissions have recently argued that
the IAEA lacks adequate resources to execute its missions. How would
you work to support the mission of the IAEA, particularly in the realm
of verification and nuclear security?
Answer. Although the IAEA would not be one of my direct
responsibilities, it does play a critical role in implementation of the
Non-Proliferation Treaty, which would be my primary responsibility if
confirmed. The IAEA's regular budget has not kept pace with the
steadily growing demands placed upon the Agency by Member States,
leading to a growing gap between its activities and its limited
resources. As Director General Amano said during his April 2 briefing
to the U.N. ``The steady increase in the amount of nuclear material and
the number of nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards, and continuing
pressure on our regular budget, are among the key challenges facing the
Agency today.'' We continue to encourage the IAEA to make a strong case
for itself in describing what activities may be omitted if the budget
does not keep pace with the Agency's growing responsibilities. Because
of constraints on the IAEA regular budget, the annual U.S. Voluntary
Contribution provides us the necessary resources to support the
critical missions of the IAEA across the board. The IAEA's nuclear
security program is particularly reliant on voluntary contributions,
and we will continue to press for greater funding through the regular
budget within existing budget constraints. A strong IAEA is in U.S.
national security interests, not only for its important verification
role in safeguards, but also its work in nuclear safety and security,
and in promoting peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
Question. What should the IAEA's role be in global efforts to
secure nuclear and radiological materials? How should the United States
support this?
Answer. The IAEA is well-positioned to serve its unique role as a
central coordinator for strengthening nuclear and radiological security
globally. The IAEA develops guidance on nuclear security and provides
advice, training, and other assistance to Member States to prevent,
detect, and respond to nuclear security incidents. The IAEA can also
play a direct role in funding or facilitating projects to secure high-
risk nuclear and radiological materials and in promoting alternatives
to those materials. The IAEA's nuclear security programs are a vital
component in advancing U.S. goals and objectives in nuclear security,
and we will continue to support these efforts through political,
technical, and financial assistance.
Question. How should the United States balance the goals of
increasing non-nuclear weapon states' access to the peaceful use of
nuclear energy with the nonproliferation goals of preventing the
further spread of weapons technology?
Answer. The United States supports and commits to high
nonproliferation standards in the export of nuclear material,
equipment, and technology and encourages other supplier states to do
the same. Exercising responsible supply policy through the application
of export controls--and the insistence upon high nuclear safeguards
standards in nuclear cooperation agreements, including the recipient
state's conclusion of an IAEA Additional Protocol--facilitates
legitimate trade and gives confidence that items and technologies
transferred will be used as intended in peaceful applications.
Question. Should the United States be promoting nuclear energy in
new countries?
Answer. The United States encourages all countries that are
considering pursing a nuclear energy program to do so under the highest
standards for safeguards, nuclear security, and nuclear safety.
Question. As Special Representative, how would you advance efforts
to develop multilateral efforts to prevent the spread of enrichment and
reprocessing technologies?
Answer. Within the context of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty
Review Conference process, if confirmed, I would work to complement our
efforts in the Nuclear Suppliers Group and elsewhere to maintain and
strengthen international norms that limit the spread of enrichment and
reprocessing technologies and international mechanisms that reduce the
need for such capabilities.
Question. The State Department leads negotiations on new (and
renewed) civilian nuclear cooperation agreements (section 123
agreements) with other countries. Will the Trump administration
continue the past U.S. policy of encouraging states to pledge to
refrain from building enrichment or reprocessing facilities as part of
123 agreement negotiations?
Answer. Negotiating 123 Agreements would not be one of my
responsibilities, however, all 123 agreements include, at a minimum,
the requirements listed in Section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act, as
amended. Beyond these requirements, the United States has a
longstanding policy of limiting the spread of enrichment and
reprocessing capabilities around the world and will continue to seek
the highest nonproliferation standards possible in all future 123
agreements, including restrictions on enrichment and reprocessing.
Question. Should the United States conclude a nuclear cooperation
agreement with Saudi Arabia?
Answer. Although negotiating 123 Agreements would not be one of my
responsibilities, I note that the United States has significant
strategic, commercial, and nonproliferation incentives to conclude a
123 agreement with Saudi Arabia. Bringing into force such an agreement
would provide substantial economic opportunities for U.S. firms and
ensure the Saudi nuclear power program is subject to the highest
nonproliferation, safety, and security standards required by any
nuclear supplier in the world. In the absence of a 123 agreement, U.S.
firms will lose the opportunity to compete and will likely be replaced
by state-owned enterprises from other countries with lower
nonproliferation standards.
Question. What conditions, if any, should apply to a 123 agreement
with Saudi Arabia?
Answer. Negotiating 123 Agreements would not be one of my
responsibilities, however, all 123 agreements include, at a minimum,
the legal requirements listed in Section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act,
as amended. On their own, these requirements represent the strongest
nonproliferation, safety, and security standards required by any
nuclear supplier in the world. As Secretary Pompeo has reaffirmed, the
administration will pursue the strongest nonproliferation standards
that are achievable in all 123 agreement negotiations, including
negotiations with Saudi Arabia. Additionally, United States policy is
to encourage all states, particularly those with civil nuclear
programs, to bring into force an Additional Protocol to their
safeguards agreements with the International Atomic Energy Agency.
Question. Assistant Secretary Christopher Ford stated in April 2018
that the United States ``will continue to support the commencement of
negotiations'' on a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty (FMCT). How would
you propose to include the non-NPT nuclear weapons states (i.e., India,
Pakistan, Israel) in such a treaty?Could such a treaty help address
North Korean fissile material production?
Answer. The United States supports the commencement of negotiations
on a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty in the Conference on Disarmament
(CD). The CD's membership includes all states relevant to an FMCT,
including India, Pakistan, and Israel.
The United States seeks the final, fully verified denuclearization
of the DPRK and its return to the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of
Nuclear Weapons and IAEA safeguards. Simply obtaining the DPRK's
adherence to an FMCT would fall short of this goal.
Question. Should an FMCT verification regime apply to pre-existing
fissile material stocks or just to the future production of weapons-
applicable nuclear material?
Answer. The United States supports the commencement of negotiations
on a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty (FMCT) that bans the production of
fissile material for use in nuclear weapons. The verification regime
should therefore be focused on this basic obligation, which is future
production. The long-standing U.S. position is that we do not support
including legal obligations on pre-existing stocks of fissile material
in an FMCT.
Question. Following its May 2018 decision to cease implementing
U.S. commitments under the 2015 JCPOA, the administration has
consistently attempted to build international support for U.S. efforts
to pressure Iran. The other powers that negotiated the accord with
Iran-Russia, China, France, Britain, and Germany-assert that the JCPOA
is succeeding in its core objectives and that its implementation should
not be jeopardized. On February 14, at an international conference in
Warsaw, Poland, Secretary of State Pompeo denounced the EU's creation
of a Special-Purpose Vehicle (SPV), designated to facilitate trade with
Iran, calling it ``an effort to break American sanctions against Iran's
murderous revolutionary regime. It's an ill-advised step that will only
strengthen Iran, weaken the EU, and create still more distance between
Europe and the United States.'' What are the prospects for Iran and the
other parties to succeed in implementing the JCPOA without U.S.
participation?
Answer. President Trump ended U.S. participation in the JCPOA
because it failed to permanently deny Iran a pathway to a nuclear
weapon and did not address the full range of threats posed by Iran's
destabilizing activities. The President did not believe it was in our
national security interests to continue to provide sanctions relief to
the Iranian regime while its threats continued to grow. The
administration is now working with our international partners to bring
maximum pressure on Iran to achieve a new deal that comprehensively
addresses the full range of threats posed by Iran--including its
support to terrorism, destabilizing regional activities, its
development and proliferation of ballistic missiles, and its nuclear
program.
Question. How likely is it that the United States will be able to
compel other parties to the JCPOA to re-impose all sanctions that were
lifted?
Answer. The Trump administration has imposed the toughest sanctions
ever on the Iranian regime, including designating over 970 Iranian
entities and individuals. While we differ with our European allies on
the nuclear deal, we share a common assessment of the threat posed by
Iran and have been successful in convincing other partners to join the
pressure campaign.
All U.N. Member States continue to be bound by the provisions of
UNSCR 2231 that place restrictions on transfers of certain nuclear,
missile, and conventional arms-related items to/from Iran. The United
States is working to strictly implement these provisions, as well as
the asset freeze and travel ban provisions on the entities and
individuals that continue to be subject to U.N. sanctions.
Question. How do you recommend the Trump administration proceed
moving forward?
Answer. As President Trump and Secretary Pompeo have made clear,
the United States is committed to working with our partners to bring
maximum pressure on Iran to achieve a new deal that addresses the full
range of threats posed by Iran--including its destabilizing regional
activities, its development and proliferation of ballistic missiles,
and its nuclear program. We are offering Iran the possibility of full
normalization of relations with the international community. However,
to achieve that goal, Iran must be willing to operate like a normal
country, change its malign behavior, and take lasting steps to
demonstrate that its nuclear program will forever remain exclusively
peaceful.
Question. How do you view the importance of the NPT, Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and IAEA verification in any
denuclearization agreement with North Korea?
Answer. Ideally, a fully denuclearized North Korea will eventually
return to the NPT as a non-nuclear weapons state. A robust IAEA
verification regime would almost certainly be a part of this process.
The International Monitoring System of the CTBT Organization
Preparatory Commission's Provisional Technical Secretariat has proven
its value in monitoring North Korean nuclear testing and its current
moratorium.
Question. Would you have an advisory role in these negotiations and
how would you advocate bringing North Korea into compliance with the
international nonproliferation regime?
Answer. Special Representative for North Korea Steve Biegun leads
our negotiations. I am prepared to play whatever constructive role the
administration sees fit for me to play, including advising in these
negotiations when appropriate and helpful to the denuclearization
process. In such a role, bringing North Korea into compliance with the
international nonproliferation regime would be my top priority in order
to ensure that through this process the international nonproliferation
regime is strengthened and that in the future the denuclearization of
North Korea can provide a useful example should another country be in a
similar position.
Question. What are the best options for the U.S. and our partners
to bring these programs to an end and create a nuclear weapons free
Korean Peninsula?
Answer. We continue to work towards a comprehensive agreement with
the DPRK, and towards its final, fully verified denuclearization. The
President remains confident that, despite challenges, Chairman Kim
understands that only an agreement to fully denuclearize will bring
true security for the North Korean People. We are committed to pursuing
this path.
Question. How would you support the administration's efforts to
address the possibility of nuclear conflict between India and Pakistan?
Answer. The administration is deeply concerned about the
possibility that conflict between India and Pakistan could escalate to
include the use of nuclear weapons. As such, the administration reached
out to both sides during the rise in tensions following the February 14
terrorist attack in Kashmir that killed 40 Indian members of the
Central Reserve Police Force. We were in regular contact with both
sides during the situation, urging restraint from both sides and
calling on Pakistan to take immediate, irreversible actions to crack
down on terrorist groups. The administration encourages dialogue
between both sides to keep lines of communication open and tensions as
low as possible. Furthermore, we hold regular discussions with India
and Pakistan on matters concerning regional stability and
nonproliferation.
Question. What steps, if any, would you take to persuade India and
Pakistan to accede to the NPT or to reduce and /or constrain their
nuclear arsenals?
Answer. The United States continues to support the long-term goal
of NPT universality, and we remain committed to efforts to strengthen
and uphold the Treaty. We continue to encourage all states that have
not yet done so to declare and maintain moratoria on the production of
fissile material for use in nuclear weapons.
We remain concerned by the growth of nuclear stockpiles and
capabilities in Asia, and continue to encourage all states with nuclear
weapons to exercise restraint regarding nuclear and missile
capabilities. We welcome the steps that states have taken to bolster
global nonproliferation efforts, including by harmonizing with,
adhering to, and joining export control regimes and supporting efforts
to prevent the acquisition and use of weapons of mass destruction by
non-state actors.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jeffrey L. Eberhardt by Senator Ted Cruz
Question. Do you consider Iran's past possession of the Nuclear
Archive seized by Israel last year, including the materials in the
Archive relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute
non-compliance by Iran of its obligations under the Treaty on the Non-
Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). If yes, please explain why. If
no, please explain why.
Answer. The intelligence community currently assesses that Iran is
not currently undertaking the key nuclear weapons-related development
activities judged necessary to produce a nuclear device. However,
Iran's retention of documents and files from its pre-2004 nuclear
weapons program raises serious questions regarding whether it intended
to preserve the option to resume elements of a nuclear weapons program
in the future. The legal question of Iran's compliance with its
obligations under the NPT will be addressed in this year's Compliance
Report, which is forthcoming.
Question. Do you consider Iran's past concealment of the Nuclear
Archive seized by Israel last year, including the materials in the
Archive relevant to the development of nuclear weapons, to constitute
non-compliance by Iran of its obligations under the NPT. f yes, please
explain why. If no, please explain why.
Answer. The intelligence community currently assesses that Iran is
not currently undertaking the key nuclear weapons-related development
activities judged necessary to produce a nuclear device. However,
Iran's retention of documents and files from its pre-2004 nuclear
weapons program raises serious questions regarding whether it intended
to preserve the option to resume elements of a nuclear weapons program
in the future. The legal question of Iran's compliance with its
obligations under the NPT will be addressed in this year's Compliance
Report, which is forthcoming.
Question. Do you consider Iran a member in good standing of the
NPT? If yes, please explain why. If no, please explain why.
Answer. The legal question of Iran's compliance with its
obligations under the NPT will be addressed in this year's Compliance
Report, which is forthcoming.
Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from
nuclear technology pursuant to Article IV the NPT? If yes, please
explain why. If no, please explain why.
Answer. Article IV of the NPT recognizes the right of all the
Parties to the Treaty to develop research, production and use of
nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination and in
conformity with Articles I and II of the Treaty. While Secretary Pompeo
stated in his May 21, 2018 speech that Iran must stop uranium
enrichment and never pursue plutonium reprocessing, the administration
has not stated that Iran cannot enjoy the benefits of other peaceful
applications of nuclear technology, for example, nuclear medicine.
Question. Do you consider Iran to be entitled to benefit from
nuclear technology for any reason? If yes, please explain why. If no,
please explain why.
Answer. In his speech on May 21, 2018, Secretary Pompeo stated that
Iran must stop uranium enrichment and never pursue plutonium
reprocessing. However, the administration has not stated that Iran
cannot enjoy the benefits of other peaceful applications of nuclear
technology, for example, nuclear medicine.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to James S. Gilmore by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. The OSCE does a lot of good work, but it does not receive
much attention in part because its deliberations in Vienna are not open
to public observation, either physically or by being live-streamed on
the internet. Will you continue, if not strengthen, U.S. advocacy of a
more visible OSCE by seeking to make Permanent Council sessions open to
public observation?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support opening more OSCE meetings to
the public and to the media in order to increase transparency and
accountability and help counter disinformation and malign influence.
The United States publicly releases its statements--in English and
Russian--at the Permanent Council and many other OSCE fora, and I would
continue this practice.
I agree the OSCE's excellent work is not as widely known or
appreciated as it should be. If confirmed, I would make it a priority
to find and create opportunities to make the OSCE's contributions to
human rights, prosperity, and security better known and understood at
home and abroad. By improving public awareness of the OSCE's work, we
can better hold all participating States accountable for meeting their
commitments under the Helsinki Final Act.
Question. Turkey has been at the forefront of efforts to restrict
civil society participation in the Human Dimension Implementation
Meeting organized by the OSCE- with Russia and several other countries
encouraging a more restrictive approach.Will you ensure that civil
society participation in Human Dimension Implementation Meeting is
protected and maintained?
Answer. If confirmed, I would oppose any attempts to restrict
unduly NGO access and participation at OSCE events. The OSCE benefits
from civil society's contributions to its discussions. I believe it
would send the wrong signal to restrict NGO access and participation at
a time when civil society is under increasing pressure in many
countries in the OSCE region. Such restrictions would send the wrong
signal to civil society, whose role we strongly support, and to
repressive governments, which seek to obstruct their activities.
Question. While the OSCE must remain focused on Russian aggression
against its neighbors, particularly Ukraine, and growing restrictions
on human rights and democratic development in the region, the OSCE has
the bandwidth to focus on the whole scope of issues confronting Europe
today. We hope the United States will support continued work to address
xenophobia, anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, racism and intolerance in
Europe. We also hope the OSCE will maintain an active presence in the
Western Balkans and keep some attention focused on potential
instabilities in the region, in particularly between Serbia and Kosovo
but also within Bosnia and Herzegovina.How will you maintain focus on
these issues?
Answer. The OSCE provides a venue where the United States can
address a broad range of issues throughout the OSCE region. If
confirmed, I will continue to support U.S. officials speaking out
publicly in OSCE fora to condemn and combat all forms of intolerance,
including hate crimes, against members of ethnic, racial, and religious
groups, LGBTI individuals, persons with disabilities, and members of
other vulnerable populations. I will also support a strong OSCE
presence in the Western Balkans, including through budgetary support
and the secondment of U.S. personnel to these missions.
Question. The United States can only be credible in raising human
rights concerns in other countries if it is honest about the
shortcomings it has at home. Rather than take a defensive approach to
this issues, it is to our advantage to be proactive in raising them and
acknowledging that current U.S. policies and practices are heavily
debated. This includes our policy on immigration, the use of the death
penalty, the continued operations of the detention center at Guantanamo
Bay and, the conduct of elections. The U.S. Mission has also regularly
reported on investigations of incidents involving law enforcement when
civilians, particularly minorities, have been shot or injured.What will
your approach be with respect to these concerns in the United States?
Will you continue to share U.S. insights with OSCE Participating States
via U.S. experts on these policy and social justice issues?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to highlighting the United
States' proud support of human rights, democracy, and rule of law at
home and abroad, including our OSCE commitments. This includes
promoting freedom of expression, including for members of the media,
and encouraging public debate, even on sometimes controversial issues.
I will support the continued participation of U.S. experts in OSCE
events related to these policy and social justice issues.
Question. For several years, Hungary has actively used the OSCE as
forum for attacking Ukraine: reinforcing Moscow's misrepresentations of
Ukraine's education law, complaining that Ukrainian troop movements are
a threat to Hungary, parroting Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov's
ministerial statements, and holding unprecedented public ``side
events'' where Lavrov and the Hungarian foreign minister (Szijjarto)
jointly hold court for the press.
Will you work closely with Amb. Cornstein in Budapest, Amb.
Yovanovitch in Kyiv, and Amb. Hutchison at NATO to ensure that
the U.S. is speaking with one voice on these issues and
managing, to the extent possible, this dynamic with Hungary?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with our Ambassadors
throughout the OSCE space. The United States values our relationship
with Hungary and has attempted to set a new, positive tone for the
U.S.-Hungary relationship. If confirmed, I will not be shy, however,
about raising concerns with our Allies, including about Russian malign
influence. U.S. officials regularly speak with their Hungarian
counterparts about the importance of upholding democracy and promoting
human rights and fundamental freedoms. At the OSCE, the United States
has raised these issues, including at the annual Human Dimension
Implementation Meeting.
The United States encourages all Allies, including Hungary, to
refrain from bringing bilateral disputes into multilateral fora. If
confirmed, I will work closely with Ambassadors Cornstein, Yovanovitch,
and Hutchison to encourage Hungary to remove its block of Ukraine's
participation at high-level events at NATO and underscore to Hungarian
authorities the strategic importance of the NATO-Ukraine relationship
as well as the important role that the OSCE plays in Ukraine. At the
same time, I would encourage Ukraine to take into account the concerns
of the Hungarian minority community.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Throughout my career in public service, I have promoted
human rights and democracy. After a series of heinous bombings of
African American churches swept the United States in the early 1990s, I
convened a summit of eight Southern Attorneys General, held at Howard
University on July 2, 1996. I recruited L. Douglas Wilder, Virginia's
first African American governor, and Elaine Jones, president of the
NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, to deliver the keynote
speeches. During the summit, we heard from pastors and church members
about their experiences and suggestions for solving the crimes. After
the summit, the attacks stopped. In 1999, I proposed and signed into
law Virginia's first stand-alone Martin Luther King Holiday. Until that
date, Virginia had observed a combined Lee-Jackson-King Day that
recognized Robert E. Lee, Stonewall Jackson, and Martin Luther King on
the same day each year. But there was no doubt in my mind that Martin
Luther King merited his own holiday to recognize his leadership as one
of the United States' most important and influential advocates for
civil rights. Later, my wife Roxane and I hosted a historic reception
(2001) in the Governor's Mansion for Coretta Scott King and announced a
technology partnership between Virginia and the King Center for
Nonviolence. As governor, I also increased funding for two of
Virginia's historically black universities, Norfolk State University
and Virginia State University. I also proposed and funded a new
African-American History Trail in Virginia and called upon the State
Board of Education to include a more diverse range of historical
figures in Virginia's Social Studies curriculum.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with my colleagues across
the administration, as well as Members of Congress, the Helsinki
Commission, likeminded governments, and civil society, to advance human
rights, fundamental freedoms, and democratic principles of government
throughout the OSCE region.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations?
Answer. Absolutely. U.S. officials meet regularly with members of
civil society, human rights organizations, and other non-governmental
organizations at OSCE events. If confirmed, I would continue this
practice.
Question. Will you advocate for access and inclusivity for women
and minorities?
Answer. The United States advocates for access and inclusivity for
women and minorities within the OSCE organization and OSCE
participating States. This commitment is reflected in U.S. statements
at OSCE events, including the Ministerial Council, Permanent Council,
and Human Dimension Implementation Meetings. If confirmed, I will
continue this practice.
Question. Will you actively engage with governments on freedom of
the press and address any government efforts designed to control or
undermine press freedom through legal, regulatory or other measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support OSCE efforts on media freedom
and safety of journalists. The United States regularly promotes these
goals publicly and privately at the OSCE and through support for the
OSCE's Representative on Freedom of the Media. The United States
championed the adoption of the 2018 OSCE Ministerial Council Decision
on Safety of Journalists, which calls on participating States to ``take
effective measures to end impunity for crimes committed against
journalists.'' I also recognize that violence is often targeted at
women journalists.
If confirmed, I will press participating States to implement their
international legal obligations and OSCE commitments to uphold freedom
of expression, whether it is exercised online or offline, including
those relating to media freedom. I will call out governments for
imposing undue restrictions on media freedom and for failing to hold
accountable those responsible for crimes against journalists.
Question. Will you actively engage with civil society and
government counterparts on countering disinformation and propaganda
disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support OSCE efforts to help expose
and counter disinformation and malign propaganda from foreign state or
non-state actors, including Russian malign influence efforts. The OSCE
works with participating States to develop rule of law, independent
media, democratic institutions, civil society, respect for human
rights, energy security, and accountable governance. This work
contributes to more secure, stable, and resilient societies that are
better able to recognize and resist malign external influence and
violent extremist voices.
The OSCE is a forum for participating States to have a frank
dialogue on the full range of security issues, including malign
influence efforts they are experiencing. Exposure and frank discussion
can help counter these campaigns that thrive on secrecy and
disinformation. USOSCE regularly cooperates with U.S. embassies
throughout the OSCE region and with Allies and partners to identify
Russia's and others' malign influence efforts, counter disinformation,
and refute Russian attempts to undermine democratic governments and
transatlantic unity.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people, no matter their
sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. If confirmed, I will defend the human rights and dignity of
all individuals, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity.
This includes having U.S. officials speaking out publicly in OSCE fora
to condemn and combat intolerance, including intolerance against LGBTI
individuals.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government?
Answer. Yes, I agree with that statement. As Virginia's Attorney
General and then Governor, I worked with people from both parties and
all walks of life. My record reflects that. When I became Virginia's
first Republican Attorney General in twelve years, I met with all
employees to emphasize that they should continue serving the
Commonwealth of Virginia. I valued their institutional knowledge, and I
told them so. As Governor, I recruited a diverse group of people to
serve in my Cabinet and as my advisors. Their diverse perspectives and
backgrounds enhanced our effectiveness as we worked together to govern
Virginia.If confirmed, I will work to prevent any attempts to target or
retaliate against career employees on the basis of their perceived
political beliefs, prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous
administration. I will also take allegations of such practices
seriously and ensure they are referred to the Department's Inspector
General. As a leader, I value the unique perspectives and ideas that
people from diverse backgrounds contribute, and I commit to promoting
inclusion at the U.S. Mission to the OSCE.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all
employees under your leadership understand that any retaliation,
blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices will not be
tolerated?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels. If confirmed, I will make it clear to the entire
team at the U.S. Mission to the OSCE that I am committed to promoting a
diverse and inclusive work environment. I will emphasize that
retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices will
not be tolerated. I value the depth of knowledge and experience within
the Foreign Service, the Department of State, and the U.S. government.
I know that we will be most successful if people from diverse
backgrounds are represented throughout the ranks of the mission. I will
encourage supervisors to recruit, mentor, and support employees that
reflect these values.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting?
If so, please describe the nature of the complaint or allegation,
your response, and any resolution, including any settlements.
Answer. I have never been subject to a formal or informal complaint
or allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination, or inappropriate
conduct in a workplace or any other setting. I commit to comply with
all relevant federal laws, regulations, and rules, and to raise
concerns that I may have through appropriate channels.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to James S. Gilmore by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. I have never had to address concerns or allegations of
sexual harassment, discrimination, or inappropriate conduct made
against any employee over whom I had supervisory authority. I commit to
comply with all relevant federal laws, regulations, and rules, and to
raise concerns that I may have through appropriate channels.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Throughout my career in public service, I have promoted
human rights and democratic principles. After a series of heinous
bombings of African-American churches swept the United States in the
early 1990s, I convened a summit of eight Southern Attorneys General,
held at Howard University on July 2, 1996. I recruited L. Douglas
Wilder, Virginia's first African-American governor, and Elaine Jones,
president of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, to deliver
the keynote speeches. During the summit, we heard from pastors and
church members about their experiences and suggestions for solving the
crimes. After the summit, the attacks stopped. In 1999, I proposed and
signed into law Virginia's first stand-alone Martin Luther King
Holiday. Until that date, Virginia had observed a combined Lee-Jackson-
King Day that recognized Robert E. Lee, Stonewall Jackson, and Martin
Luther King on the same day each year. But there was no doubt in my
mind that Martin Luther King merited his own holiday to recognize his
leadership as one of the United States' most important and influential
advocates for civil rights. Later, my wife Roxane and I hosted a
historic reception (2001) in the Governor's Mansion for Coretta Scott
King and announced a technology partnership between Virginia and the
King Center for Nonviolence. As governor, I also increased funding for
two of Virginia's historically black universities, Norfolk State
University and Virginia State University. I also proposed and funded a
new African-American History Trail in Virginia and called upon the
State Board of Education to include a more diverse range of historical
figures in Virginia's Social Studies curriculum.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with my colleagues across
the administration, as well as Members of Congress, the Helsinki
Commission, like-minded governments, and civil society, to advance
human rights, fundamental freedoms, and democratic principles of
government throughout the OSCE region.
Question. To counter the perception that this administration does
not actively and consistently consider human rights and rarely speaks
of democracy in its foreign policy, will you maintain the long-held
U.S. view that human rights in other countries is a legitimate concern
of our country and that we consider human rights and democracy part of
a comprehensive definition of security?
Answer. The promotion and defense of human rights and democracy
overseas are key elements of U.S. foreign policy. As the U.S.
representative to the OSCE, I would maintain this long-held position
and would support the organization's comprehensive approach to
security, which includes respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms as an essential component.
Question. What will you do to promote, mentor and support your
staff that come from diverse backgrounds and underrepresented groups in
the Foreign Service?
Answer. As Virginia's Attorney General and then Governor, I worked
with people from both parties and all walks of life. If confirmed, I
commit to recruit, promote, mentor, and support staff that come from
diverse backgrounds in the Foreign Service. As a leader, I value the
unique perspectives and ideas that people from diverse backgrounds
contribute, and I commit to promoting inclusion at the U.S. Mission to
the OSCE.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors in the Foreign Service are fostering an environment that is
diverse and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make it clear to the entire team at
the U.S. Mission to the OSCE that I am committed to promoting a diverse
and inclusive work environment. I value the depth of knowledge and
experience within the Foreign Service, and I know that we will be most
successful if people from diverse backgrounds are represented
throughout the ranks of the mission. I will encourage Foreign Service
supervisors to recruit, mentor, and support employees that reflect
these values.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the Inspector General of the State Department and Foreign Service) any
change in policy or U.S. actions that you suspect may be influenced by
any of the President's business or financial interests, or the business
or financial interests of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in any country abroad?
Answer. My investment portfolio includes diversified exchange-
traded funds and diversified mutual funds, which may hold interests in
companies with a presence abroad, but which are exempt from the
conflict of interest laws. My investment portfolio also includes sector
funds, which hold interests in companies with a presence abroad, as
well as financial interests in companies that maintain a presence
abroad. I am committed to ensuring that my official actions will not
give rise to a conflict of interest. I will divest all investments the
State Department Ethics Office deems necessary to avoid a conflict of
interest, and I have committed to seek a waiver under the conflict-of-
interest statute with respect to an investment fund that I am unable to
divest. I will remain vigilant with regard to my ethics obligations.
Question. Can you commit to working with me on supporting the
United States' continued work at the OSCE to address anti-Semitism,
racism, and intolerance, including supporting extra-budgetary projects
for Jewish, Muslim, Roma, Afro-Europeans, migrants, refugees, and other
vulnerable communities and women?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you
and other members of Congress to continue the United States' efforts to
address anti-Semitism, racism, and other forms of intolerance through
the OSCE. This includes, resource permitting, support of extra-
budgetary projects in these areas as well as our participation in OSCE
events such as the Ministerial Council, Permanent Council, and Human
Dimension Implementation Meetings.
Question. Would you work with me on a joint event in the U.S. that
focuses on all forms of intolerance in my capacity as OSCE PA Special
Representative on Antisemitism, Racism, and Intolerance?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support U.S. efforts to address anti-
Semitism, racism, and intolerance through the OSCE and would welcome
the opportunity to work with you on a joint event in the United States
on these issues.
Question. If confirmed, will you be proactive regarding questions
of the U.S. record of compliance with OSCE norms, by noting not only
the administration position on these matters, but also issues heavily
debated by Americans, such as official investigations and judicial
proceedings regarding disproportionate police shootings of African-
Americans, Guantanamo bay, the death penalty, etc?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to highlighting the United
States' proud support of human rights, democracy, and rule of law at
home and abroad, including our OSCE commitments. This includes
promoting freedom of expression, including for members of the media,
and encouraging public debate, even on sometimes controversial issues.
Question. The OSCE does a lot of good work, but it does not receive
much attention in part because its deliberations in Vienna are not open
to public observation, either physically or by being live-streamed on
the internet. Will you continue, if not strengthen, U.S. advocacy of a
more visible OSCE by seeking to make Permanent Council sessions open to
public observation?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support opening more OSCE meetings to
the public and to the media in order to increase transparency and
accountability and help counter disinformation and malign influence.
The United States publicly releases its statements--in English and
Russian--at the Permanent Council and many other OSCE fora, and I would
continue this practice.
I agree the OSCE's excellent work is not as widely known or
appreciated as it should be. If confirmed, I would make it a priority
to find and create opportunities to make the OSCE's contributions to
human rights, prosperity, and security better known and understood at
home and abroad. By improving public awareness of the OSCE's work, we
can better hold all participating States accountable for meeting their
commitments under the Helsinki Final Act.
Question. For several years, Hungary has actively used the OSCE as
forum for attacking Ukraine: reinforcing Moscow's misrepresentations of
Ukraine's education law, complaining that Ukrainian troop movements are
a threat to Hungary, parroting Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov's
ministerial statements, and holding unprecedented public ``side
events'' where Lavrov and the Hungarian foreign minister (Szijjarto)
jointly hold court for the press. Will you work closely with Ambassador
Cornstein in Budapest, Ambassador Yovanovitch in Kyiv, and Ambassador
Hutchison at NATO to ensure that the United States manages, to the
extent possible, the Hungarian Trojan Horse within the alliance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with our Ambassadors
throughout the OSCE space. The United States values our relationship
with Hungary and has attempted to set a new, positive tone for the
U.S.-Hungary relationship. If confirmed, I will not be shy, however,
about raising concerns with our Allies, including about Russian malign
influence. U.S. officials regularly speak with their Hungarian
counterparts about the importance of upholding democracy and promoting
human rights and fundamental freedoms. At the OSCE, the United States
has raised these issues, including at the annual Human Dimension
Implementation Meeting.
The United States encourages all Allies, including Hungary, to
refrain from bringing bilateral disputes into multilateral fora. If
confirmed, I will work closely with Ambassadors Cornstein, Yovanovitch,
and Hutchison to encourage Hungary to remove its block of Ukraine's
participation in high-level events at NATO and underscore to Hungarian
authorities the strategic importance of the NATO-Ukraine relationship
as well as the important role that the OSCE plays in Ukraine. At the
same time, I would encourage Ukraine to take into account the concerns
of the Hungarian minority community.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Alan R. Swendiman by Senator Robert Menendez
Sexual Assault
Question. What additional work is necessary to advance Peace
Corps' Sexual Assault Risk-Reduction and Response Program?
Answer. As the dynamics of sexual assault prevention and response
continues to evolve, the Peace Corps remains committed to staying aware
of developments and leading the field in developing and incorporating
best practices wherever possible. The agency appreciates the ongoing
guidance received from the Sexual Assault Advisory Council as well as
the Peace Corps' own internal subject matter experts and other
partners. The Peace Corps is committed to the continuous evaluation of
Volunteer- and staff-facing trainings, an on-going review of policies
and response protocols, and the continued strengthening of risk
reduction strategies.
Question. How will you approach redefining the Peace Corps culture
to be a trauma-informed organization, specifically as it relates to
sexual assault?
Answer. All Peace Corps staff, both domestic and overseas, receive
training on sexual assault response, including a focus on trauma
informed care. Additionally, all staff who work directly with
Volunteers who report sexual assault receive ongoing specialized
training on trauma informed support. This fall, the Peace Corps will
formally train select staff in Forensic Experiential Trauma Interview
(FETI) methodologies. In addition, Peace Corps actively networks with
other federal and non-government agencies to discuss best practices in
applying trauma informed principles to the organizational and systems
levels. The agency will continue to review and refine its policies,
trainings, and protocols to ensure incorporation of these principles.
Question. Understanding that you are committed to establishing a
culture of safety within the Peace Corps, how should the Peace Corps
respond to Peace Corps Volunteer reports of living or working in
hostile environments where they are experiencing physical, mental, or
sexual abuse or harassment?
Answer. First, and foremost, the Peace Corps treats all incidents
reported by Volunteers as serious, by providing robust responses to
such incidents. Responding to incidents, however, is only part of the
agency's efforts. The Peace Corps begins with thorough risk assessments
of proposed operational areas where Volunteers are placed, screens and
reviews host families and counterparts, selects Volunteer housing and
work sites based on established safety and security standards, and
regularly reaches out to Volunteers with regard to their well-being.
When incidents do occur, the Peace Corps responds immediately to
reported incidents, prioritizing the immediate safety of Volunteers,
invoking all necessary safety, security and medical protocols.
Immediate responses are followed up with site specific security
assessments to identify any residual risks to the well-being of
Volunteers. When the Peace Corps identifies risks to a Volunteer's well
being that cannot be mitigated, it will remove them from a site and
seek a more suitable location for them to continue their service. And,
finally, problematic sites are documented through the agency's site-
history files, to prevent future placements in unsafe environments.
Throughout this process, the Volunteer's voice is a significant driver
in how the agency responds.
Diversity
Question. While the Peace Corps has done an admirable job to
improve the diversity of its recruits, including increasing recruitment
at Historically Black Colleges and Universities, what steps do you
think the Peace Corps must take to reduce attrition among the recruits
who are accepted who ultimately decide not to take their Peace Corps
assignment?
Answer. The Peace Corps' Diversity Recruitment team understands the
value and need of engaging and supporting candidates from Historically
Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) throughout the application
process. Peace Corps Office of Volunteer Recruitment and Selection
(VRS) regularly connects with candidates on HBCU campuses, and notes
opportunities to combat attrition. Most HBCU candidates, after being
invited to serve in the Peace Corps, begin to inquire about the
experiences they may encounter in service related to their identity.
This is an important part of the evaluation process for students of
color. A continued investment in Peace Corps' University Programs at
HBCUs and additional recruitment resources could enable the agency to
better support candidates as they move through the application process.
VRS in collaboration with the Office of Third Goal, may also seek to
create more formal networks or systems to connect with and support the
inquiries of diverse applicants/invitees. However, it should be noted
that a recent analysis of our latest survey data did not show a
measurable increase in the dropout rate for diverse recruits.
Question. What do you believe are the barriers most accepted
volunteers who opt out of accepting a volunteer assignment, or drop out
somewhere along the application and acceptance process, and what should
the Peace Corps do to alleviate these barriers of entry into the Peace
Corps?
Answer. In many communities in America, the Peace Corps' brand and
value are still being established. While the messaging of altruism
resonates, the landscape for local and global service opportunities
have changed. Churches, multicultural fraternities and sororities, and
campus groups now offer short-term global service experiences. These
short term, low opportunity cost options can seem more attainable in
comparison to the approximate two-year Peace Corps commitment.
Uncertainty surrounding the value of service as it relates to career
development or job placement is also a barrier. VRS could work closer
with other Peace Corps entities to determine how best to address these
and other barriers to Peace Corps service.
Healthcare
Question. Will you commit to working with the Department of Labor
to improve the handling and dispensation of healthcare benefits to
return volunteers, especially to those return volunteers who become
disabled as a result of their service?
Answer. Yes. The Peace Corps has increased its collaboration with
the Department of Labor (DOL), Office of Workers' Compensation Programs
(OWCP) to improve access to and delivery of Federal Employees'
Compensation Act (FECA) benefits to Returned Peace Corps Volunteers
(RPCV). In addition, the Farr-Castle Peace Corps Reform Act of 2018
states that the Department of Labor (DOL) shall authorize the Director
of the Peace Corps to furnish medical benefits to a Volunteer, who is
injured during the Volunteer's period of service, for a period of 120
days following the termination of such service if the Director
certifies that the Volunteer's injury probably meets the requirements
listed in the Act. The agency's Post Service Unit in the Office of
Health Services has been proactively working with DOL to ensure this
requirement is met and to put in place a smoother transition to FECA
for Volunteers who have left service.
Question. Many returned Volunteers with service-related illnesses
or injuries that are not caused by violence or criminal activity have
stated that they don't have an advocate or network from the agency to
speak on their behalf and ensure they get the health care and support
they deserve. How can the Peace Corps improve this situation?
Answer. The Peace Corps has conducted extensive analysis of post-
service Volunteer healthcare issues, and collaborated with DOL to
create solutions to address concerns of RPCVs' claims under FECA. The
Peace Corps has established a strong working relationship with DOL to
improve FECA communication and streamline processes. The Peace Corps
Office of Health Services, Manager, Post-Service Unit has been provided
a specific DOL liaison to contact for unresolved medical issues
impacting returned Volunteers.
Question. What do you envision to be the next key steps to
ensuring Peace Corps' commitment to volunteer, and return volunteer,
health and safety?
Answer. Key steps include continued collaboration with DOL to
develop and fine tune processes for the implementation of the Sam Farr
and Nick Castle Peace Corps Reform Act of 2018.
Human Rights
Question. What would you do to strengthen Peace Corps' influence
and ability to advance Human Rights?
Answer. The mission of the Peace Corps is to promote world peace
and friendship through its statutorily mandated three goals:
To help peoples of countries where Volunteers serve in meeting
their needs for trained manpower, particularly the basic needs
of those living in the poorest areas of such countries;
To promote a better understanding of the American people on the
part of the peoples served; and
To promote a better understanding of other peoples on the part of
the American people.
Peace Corps pursues its mission and goals through a wide variety of
programs across various sectors including education, health, youth,
environment, agriculture, and community economic development. In the
context of these sector focuses, the Peace Corps Act further directs
the administration of its programs to give particular attention to
integrating women and persons with disabilities into the economies of
developing countries.
As Deputy Director, I will work vigorously to advance the agency's
mission and goals, thereby contributing to human dignity and the rights
of peoples served.
Question. What will you do to expand basic human rights for LGBT
people?
Answer. The Peace Corps assigns LGBT Volunteers overseas and
assigns same-sex couples where legal, security and other relevant
factors permit. As Deputy Director, I will support and advance these
efforts. In addition, the Peace Corps has strong non-discrimination
policies in place for LGBT staff in the workforce. LGBT employees also
have an Employee Resource Group at the agency. As Deputy Director, I
will ensure that the rights of LGBT staff at the Peace Corps continue
to be enjoyed and protected.
Question. As a possible official of the Trump administration, will
you condemn and oppose policies and practices that are derogatory and
discriminatory on the basis of race, religion, nationality, gender,
sexual orientation, or gender identity?
Answer. As Deputy Director, I will work to ensure that all laws and
policies affording protections to protected classes of individuals are
upheld and enforced, and I will work to condemn and oppose any policies
or practices that are discriminatory.
Question. What will you do to ensure that statements by the Trump
campaign and transition teams that are racist, xenophobic,
misogynistic, or otherwise denigrate human rights and support abuses,
will not become government policy?
Answer. As Deputy Director, I will be committed to carrying out and
enforcing all applicable laws and policies extending protections to
protected classes of persons. I will work to ensure that diversity at
the Peace Corps continues to advance and is protected.
Question. Will you uphold the rights of all persons to equality
and freedom from discrimination, and call on Americans to refrain from
discrimination of any sort?
Answer. As Deputy Director, I will uphold and seek to enforce all
applicable laws and policies promoting equality and protecting persons
from discrimination and, in carrying out the mission and authorities of
the Peace Corps, I will voice support for such laws and policies.
Five-Year Rule
Question. The Peace Corps' five-year rule has its positive and
negative aspects. One negative is the cost attributed to high turnover.
According to the 2017 CRS' ``The Peace Corps: Current Issues,''
``Negative features of the five-year rule largely derive from the
higher turnover and short tenure of staff. Instead of a turnover of 20
percent each year, implied by the five-year rule, the actual rate is
much higher-25 percent to 33 percent each year since 2004 according to
the OIG, quadruple that of the rest of the federal government. The
average length of service is three years.'' A 2012 report by the
agency's OIG noted that ``costs strictly attributable to five-year rule
turnover estimated by the OIG to be between $12.6 million and $15.5
million in the period 2005 through 2009.''
Considering the steep costs attributed to the five-year rule, do
you think the Peace Corps should pursue eliminating it, or
extending to other personnel those exempt from it, in order to
save costs, especially in the face of level or decreased
funding?
Answer. I am aware that the Sam Farr and Nick Castle Peace Corps
Reform Act of 2018 authorizes the Director to designate positions as
critical management or management support positions that require
specialized technical and professional skills and knowledge of Peace
Corps operations. Positions so designated would be eligible for
renewable five year term appointments beyond standard time limits
imposed by the Peace Corps Act. As Deputy Director, I would work
closely with the Director, the Chief Human Capital Officer, the Chief
of Staff, and other relevant offices and stakeholders to assess the
impact of the five-year rule and possible options under this new
authority.
The 2017 CRS link referenced above was updated on October 12, 2018,
just three days after the Sam Farr and Nick Castle Peace Corps Reform
Act of 2018 was signed into law. This Act gives the Director authority
to designate positions as critical management or management support
positions that require specialized technical or professional skills and
knowledge of Peace Corps operations. Once designated, these positions
are eligible for renewable five year appointments. Due to this
language, I do not think the Peace Corps should pursue eliminating the
five-year rule, rather it should take a thoughtful approach to
implementing this new authority.
Question. How might the Peace Corps mitigate the negative impacts
of the five-year rule?
Answer. As Deputy Director, I would work closely with the Director,
the Chief Human Capital Officer, Chief of Staff, and other relevant
officers and stakeholders to assess and understand the impacts of the
five-year rule and possible options under available authorities to
mitigate any such impacts.
Let Girls Learn
Question. There is a lack of clarity as to the administration's
stance on Let Girls Learn. Last year the Peace Corps stated: ``We have
not received any guidance from the administration about the future of
the [Let Girls Learn] program. We continue our focus on girls'
education and empowerment, as we always have.''
Can you describe the work you believe Peace Corps can and should be
doing to promote girls' education in host countries where Peace
Corps has missions?
Answer. Since 1961, the Peace Corps has had a strong focus on
girls' education and empowerment and will continue to do so going
forward. The agency's work across six sectors, Agriculture, Community
Economic Development, Education, Environment, Health, and Youth
Development integrates and embeds considerations aimed at maximizing
opportunities for girls and young women that includes meaningful
participation and leadership in the classroom as well as in the broader
community. It is through this approach that the agency will continue to
build on its historic commitment to girls' empowerment and leverage the
work done during LGL.
Question. Will you commit to making girls' education a priority
among Peace Corps' youth and child education missions?
Answer. Girls' and youth education have been and will remain a
priority for the Peace Corps. As Deputy Director, I will support the
agency's exceptional work in this space, including the agency's
participation in the READ Act passed by Congress in 2017
Democracy
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. As General Counsel of the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID), I was engaged in matters of civil society in
Ukraine which included working with groups such as the American Bar
Association on issues of rule of law, judicial ethics and accreditation
of law institutions. I was a member of the U.S. delegation to a world
HIV/AIDS conference in Kampala, Uganda assessing the effectiveness of
the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). This work
continues to have an impact.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society?
Answer. As a continuation of the work I undertook at USAID, I will
meet with civil society members, human rights and other non-
governmental organizations (NGOs).
Question. Will you advocate for access and inclusivity for women
and minorities?
Answer. The Peace Corps supports a culture of inclusion that builds
on the strengths of the diversity of this country and of the countries
where Volunteers serve. In support of the Director's priorities, I will
work to ensure that the Peace Corps continues to reflect the diverse
population of the United States.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people, no matter their
sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. I am committed to upholding and supporting all anti-
discrimination laws, regulations and policies.
Administrative
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation
against career employees based on their perceived political beliefs,
prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is
wholly inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If
confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all employees under your
leadership understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other
prohibited personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. I am committed to upholding and enforcing in the workplace
all of the laws to prevent prohibited personnel practices set forth in
5 USC Sec. 2302. The Peace Corps Office of General Counsel works
annually with the U.S. Office of Special Counsel (OSC) to provide all
employee notifications and training required by law including annual
supervisory training on prohibited personnel practices and how to
respond to complaints involving whistleblowers consistent with 5 U.S.C.
Sec. 2302(c), the Dr. Chris Kirkpatrick Whistleblower Protection Act,
and the Office of Special Counsel Reauthorization Act of 2017. The OSC
provided its annual supervisory training to the agency on April 1.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. During my tenure as a career employee at the Department of
Homeland Security/Immigration and Customs Enforcement, I submitted
witness affidavits in three EEO cases that were filed against the
agency. I do not know the disposition of the claims.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of
sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious,
etc.), or inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you
had supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and
actions taken.
Answer. During my tenure as a career employee at the Department of
Homeland Security/Immigration and Customs Enforcement, I submitted
witness affidavits in three EEO cases that were filed against the
agency. I do not know the disposition of the claims.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Alan R. Swendiman by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Human Rights
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. As General Counsel of the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID), I was engaged in matters of civil society in
Ukraine, which included working with groups such as the American Bar
Association on issues of rule of law, judicial ethics and accreditation
of law institutions. I was also a member of the U.S. delegation to a
global HIV/AIDS implementers' conference in Kampala, Uganda, assessing
the effectiveness of the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief
(PEPFAR). This work has had a lasting impact.
Diversity
Question. What will you do to promote, mentor and support your
staff that come from diverse backgrounds and underrepresented groups in
the Foreign Service?
Answer. As the Peace Corps' Deputy Director, I will work closely
with the Director and the Office of Human Resources to assist the
agency in recruiting the best and brightest U.S. citizens from all
walks of life to serve as Peace Corps employees. I previously served as
Chief Human Capital Officer with the Department of Homeland Security
and understand the importance of recruiting and retaining a diverse
workforce that represents the American public. I will also work closely
with the agency's more than 10 individual Employee Resource Groups
(ERGs), which include African Americans, Asian Americans, Hispanic
Americans, Women, and LGBTQ employees.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors in the Foreign Service are fostering an environment that is
diverse and inclusive?
Answer. I plan to work with the Director to continue the work she
started this year to elevate among supervisors and staff the importance
of diversity and inclusion in the workplace and will support all
efforts to expand training and professional development activities,
such as Unconscious Bias training for Hiring Managers and enhanced
training for supervisors, to ensure the managers of the agency
understand the responsibility of creating a fair and equitable
workplace for all employees.
Conflicts of Interest
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the Inspector General of the State Department and Foreign Service) any
change in policy or U.S. actions that you suspect may be influenced by
any of the President's business or financial interests, or the business
or financial interests of any senior White House staff?
Answer. The Peace Corps is an independent agency within the federal
government with its own Office of Inspector General. If confirmed as
Deputy Director of the Peace Corps, I commit to reporting to
appropriate authorities any possible violations of law or policy
falling within the jurisdiction of the Deputy Director's office and
authority and to upholding the statutory oath of the office.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. If confirmed as Deputy Director of the Peace Corps, I
commit to reporting to appropriate authorities any possible violations
of law or policy falling within the jurisdiction of the Deputy
Director's office and authority and to upholding the statutory oath of
the office.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in any country abroad?
Answer. I own some publicly traded mutual funds that have a small
holding in foreign companies. They have been reported, as required, on
the nominee public financial disclosure report.
Comprehensive Assessment and Peace Corps Reform
Question. The 2010 Comprehensive Assessment Report provided the
blueprint for a series of reforms that were implemented over the
following six years. How would you judge the success of those reforms?
Answer. As a result of the 2010 Comprehensive Agency Assessment,
the Peace Corps established systems and processes that have become
institutionalized. The reforms and changes have been a success. The
agency continues to build on the recommendations from the 2010
assessment, and many of them formed the foundation for new business
processes in both domestic and overseas operations.
Examples include:
The Country Portfolio Review process that has become the
cornerstone of the assessment and review process for overseas
posts.
A streamlined application portal that provides prospective
Volunteers with more information, a shorter application
process, and more choice in assignments. This has resulted in
record application numbers and an applicant pool that reflects
the diversity of the American public.
Question. Would you support the undertaking of a new comprehensive
assessment of Peace Corps operations?
Answer. The Peace Corps undertakes a strategic planning process
every four years to lay out long-term goals and objectives designed to
advance the Peace Corps mission. The annual performance plan identifies
the strategies to accomplish these goals and objectives, as well as the
specific results the agency expects to achieve. I fully support this
process.
Health and Safety
Question. In the past decade, the safety of volunteers has become
an issue of significant congressional concern. What are the most
important and effective steps taken by the Peace Corps in recent years
to enhance the safety of volunteers?
Answer. The effort of the Peace Corps to improve its ability to
identify and mitigate risk to its Volunteers and general operations are
ongoing. The agency can point to three distinct developments in the
last five years that it believes have significantly improved Volunteer
safety and security:
The agency has recalibrated its approach to training Volunteers in
safety and security. Through guided development of individual,
personal safety plans, maintained throughout their service, the
Peace Corps prepares and empowers its Volunteers to identify
and mitigate risks.
The agency has prioritized the training of its safety and security
professionals. Over the past three years, the agency has
invested in high-quality training in areas such as risk
assessment and management and conducting investigations. The
next series of security trainings for security personnel will
occur this fall.
The Peace Corps has developed new and more sophisticated tools that
have enhanced its ability to identify and manage risk at the
country level. In 2018, the agency overhauled its country
assessment tool and associated procedures, which provide
country teams with a more nuanced view of potential risk.
Question. Are the provisions in the 2018 Peace Corps Reform Act
aimed at improving volunteer access to health care sufficient?
Answer. Yes. The provisions of the 2018 Peace Corps Reform Act are
aimed at improving access to Volunteer health care through recruitment
and retention of well-qualified medical staff, routine clinical
oversight to ensure and maintain compliance with all relevant Peace
Corps policies, practices and guidelines, and to expedite eligibility
for coverage following service. These statutory requirements are now in
the process of being implemented.
Question. How does Peace Corps respond to criminal acts
perpetrated on volunteers?
Answer. The Peace Corps' response to criminal acts perpetrated
against Volunteers has three distinct phases: notification, response,
and follow-up support. Through in-country staff emergency contact
lists, duty officer systems, emergency numbers for local authorities
and members of their communities, Volunteers have multiple ways to
reach out for help. Once notified, Peace Corps country team members
mobilize the necessary resources to attend to any immediate threats to
the safety or health of a Volunteer--from deployment of Peace Corps
safety and security managers and medical officers to local police and
U.S. Embassy Regional Security Officers, the country team mobilizes all
necessary personnel. With guidance and support from Peace Corps
security experts in investigations and legal counsel, country teams
will also work with Volunteers to navigate the local legal system
should they wish to pursue charges against their alleged assailants.
Country Presence
Question. Currently, the Peace Corps has a presence in 65
countries. In the last decade, more than 20 countries have asked for a
Peace Corps program to be established. Do you believe that the Peace
Corps should open programs in all of these countries?
Answer. The Peace Corps conducts an annual Country Portfolio Review
process that includes a comprehensive review of potential new country
entries or reentries. I fully support this process.
Question. What would be your criteria for establishing new
programs?
Answer. Through the annual Country Portfolio Review process the
Peace Corps undertakes a comprehensive review of internal and external
data points in six major priority areas to determine whether or not to
open new programs in countries that invite the agency:
Safety and security,
Medical care,
Host country need and U.S. strategic interest,
Host country commitment and engagement,
Programmatic impact, and
Post management and costs.
Answer. I fully support the review process, which is evidence-
based, rigorous, and transparent.
Question. What should be the principal criteria for a decision to
close existing programs?
Answer. The agency reviews the criteria mentioned above for non-
emergency closures of programs, which are very rare. In other cases,
circumstances beyond the Peace Corps' control, such as political
unrest, natural disasters, or an insecure work environment, warrant the
closing of a country program.
Returned Peace Corps Volunteers
Question. Do you believe that returned volunteers receive
sufficient post-service benefits, such as student loan forgiveness,
career assistance, and educational support?
Answer. Yes. The Peace Corps Office of Third Goal initiates a
program a few months prior to the end of Peace Corps Volunteer's
service, which begins to increase awareness about the types of
assistance available and what steps a Volunteer can take in preparation
for leaving service. This includes a series of email notifications that
the Peace Corps sends to each Volunteer, which is complemented and
reinforced at a Close of Service (COS) Conference. The COS Conference
is provided for each Volunteer approximately three months prior to
finishing service. Some of the topics covered include non-competitive
eligibility within the federal government and the Paul D. Coverdell
Fellows program-a graduate degree program available at more than 100
colleges or universities across the United States offering professional
internships and some financial assistance.
Question. Are returned volunteers well-utilized by the Peace Corps
for promoting its third goal programs?
Answer. The Peace Corps has numerous Returned Peace Corps
Volunteers (RPCVs) working as staff at all levels of the agency. In
addition, the Peace Corps Office of Third Goal and other Peace Corps
offices work in conjunction with the National Peace Corps Association
(NPCA) and many of their 200 affiliate groups around the country. The
Peace Corps Director has also made a priority of collecting and
publicly amplifying examples of RPCV engagement in the U.S. and abroad.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, APRIL 11, 2019
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:33 p.m. in Room
SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Ron Johnson,
presiding.
Present: Senators Johnson [presiding], Gardner, Portman,
Young, Menendez, Shaheen, and Kaine.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. RON JOHNSON,
U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN
Senator Johnson. Good afternoon. This hearing will come to
order.
I want to welcome the nominees. Thank you for your past
service, for your willingness to serve in the future
representing our nation to North Macedonia, Ireland, and to
Turkey, three, from my standpoint, pretty important posts at
this point in time.
I know you have family and friends. I want to encourage you
all in your opening statement to recognize and introduce your
family and friends.
We have two distinguished Senators from Ohio that are here
to introduce Mr. Crawford. So I think without any further ado,
why do we not do that so you can move on with your day as well.
So I will start with Senator Portman.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROB PORTMAN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OHIO
Senator Portman. Well, thank you, Chairman Johnson and
Ranking Member Shaheen, and Senator Menendez, for holding the
hearing today. And as you say, we have got some vitally
important roles to be filled, and one is Ireland.
Along with my colleague, Senator Brown, it is my honor to
introduce Ed Crawford as the nominee to serve as Ambassador to
Ireland. I am happy to see that Mary is with us today too, his
wife and his son and daughter-in-law and grandchildren.
I know Ed from his business work and civic participation
from many years of interacting with him, but when I really got
to know him well was in 2014 when I was asked to introduce him
at a Mayo Society event. Every year, they choose a person of
the year, and it is always somebody from the County of Mayo. In
this case, they made a slight exception because of Ed
Crawford's incredible commitment to Ireland, and that was
special.
And at that event, which was well attended by the Irish
American community in Cleveland, I had the honor of co-
introducing Ed Crawford along with a young man named Colin, who
is his grandson who is with us today. He was about 3 feet
shorter then, but he was the same Colin. So I am glad that
Colin Crawford is with us here today too.
Mr. Chairman, you look at Ed's biography. He has been
President, CEO, or Director of so many successful companies,
philanthropic organizations. He has worked tirelessly to
improve his community not just by building his business from
the ground up, but also being very involved in the community
and again providing great jobs for the people of Cleveland.
He is very proud of his Irish American heritage, as you
might imagine, having gotten the Mayo Society award. He has
been involved with that. It was said in 2016 that there were
about 32 million Americans who claimed Irish heritage. I think
half of them are in Cleveland, Ohio, and I think Ed knows most
of them. He is really active in Irish American civic groups,
was the driving force behind the Irish Garden Club of
Cleveland, which is dedicated to preserving the magnificent
Irish Cultural Garden, which some of you may have seen when you
visited Cleveland. Ed was a founding member and served as its
President. These affiliations represent just a small portion of
his charitable work. So he has been so involved in the
betterment of Cleveland and the people of Ohio and has a track
record to prove it.
He is highly qualified. I am confident he is the right
person to serve as our Ambassador to Ireland. But even more
importantly, the Irish want him and they are eager to get him
there.
In addition to his deep love of the country, he has got a
keen business background I think that will be helpful in
maintaining and deepening our economic relationships with
Ireland in what could be some challenging times ahead. Brexit
or no Brexit, it is going to be challenging, but if there is
Brexit, Ireland will play a bigger and bigger role for the
United States in so many respects, including in our economic
relationship with Europe. It has got a dynamic, diverse economy
already. We are their number one source of foreign direct
investment, the United States of America. We are second in
terms of our export goods. So Ireland and the United States
have so many close economic ties, and as we navigate the
challenges again associated with the future, I am glad that
someone of his acumen and relationship with the President has
the opportunity to be in that ambassadorial role, should he be
confirmed.
There is a great deal to be said about the role of personal
relationships in international diplomacy. I have certainly seen
that in my experience, and I will tell you Ed Crawford also has
the natural Irish gift of gab, maybe I should say. He gets
along with people, having kissed the Blarney Stone a time or
two in his travels. He will be instantly respected by the Irish
both for his background and intellect but also his love of the
country and embracing the Irish, as he does.
So, again, I urge my colleagues to support this nomination
here in the committee and on the Senate floor. And I am pleased
that he is willing to step up and serve his country.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Senator Portman.
Senator Brown?
STATEMENT OF HON. SHERROD BROWN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OHIO
Senator Brown. Thank you, Chairman Johnson, Ranking Member
Shaheen, and Senator Menendez. Thank you. It is my pleasure to
join my friend Rob Portman today to introduce a fellow
Clevelander, Ed Crawford, and also Mary and Matt at today's
hearing to discuss his nomination to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Ireland.
For 200 years, Irish Americans have been an integral part
of the fabric of my home city of Cleveland. Ed's grandparents
came from County Cork to the United States. Like so many
immigrants, the Irish came for freedom, for safety from
political oppression and from hunger. They came for opportunity
for themselves, for their children, for their children's
children. We should remember that some resented and opposed the
arrival of Irish immigrants. Some politicians proclaimed that
our country was full. Those naysayers were wrong then. Those
naysayers are wrong today.
Cleveland and the State of Ohio and our nation benefited
and prospered because of the industry, the initiative, and the
faith brought by Irish immigrants. Mr. Crawford's life makes
clear the Irish in Cleveland often succeeded beyond their
wildest dreams. The first Irish immigrants who came to the city
were mostly men who worked on the Erie Canal. They found work
on the city's docks and on the canals traveling between
Cleveland and Akron. They built families and prosperous lives
on the east and west sides of Cleveland. They established civic
organizations that fostered a sense of civic purpose and of
community.
Ed carried on that proud tradition. He has been an integral
part of Cleveland's Irish American community in founding the
Irish Garden Club and devoting time and energy towards the
Irish Cultural Garden, one of the great places to visit in our
great city.
It is fitting we are holding Ed's hearing today, the day
after the 20th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement.
Everyone in this room knows how important that agreement was
and is to the peace and prosperity of everyone in Northern
Ireland and Ireland. Today it is more important than ever that
we have a thoughtful, skilled Ambassador in Dublin to negotiate
the intricacies of our two countries' relationship, especially
with the UK poised to leave the European Union.
We appreciate, Ed, your willingness to serve. Thank you. I
am always glad when a Clevelander steps up and answers the call
to service.
Thank you.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Senator Brown and Senator
Portman.
As our former chairman used to say, you are welcome to stay
but just not sitting there.
[Laughter.]
Senator Johnson. With that, I will turn it over to Ranking
Member Senator Shaheen.
STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
In the interest of time, I will also submit my opening
statement for the record.
But I would like to echo your comments about the importance
of the three countries that these ambassadorial nominees have
been asked to serve, not just Ireland and Turkey, which have
been allies of the United States, but certainly North
Macedonia, given the recent agreement with Greece, is on a
trajectory which we hope will bring an end to both NATO and the
European Union.
So thank you all very much. Welcome to you and your
families. And I look forward to hearing your statements.
[Senator Shaheen's prepared statement follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Jeanne Shaheen
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to the nominees before us
today.
Ms. Byrnes, Mr. Crawford, Mr. Satterfield, each of the respective
countries you have been nominated to serve in are at the helm of
crucial U.S. foreign policy priorities.
Ms. Byrnes, given your previous experience in Greece, you are well
aware of the strategic relevance of incorporating North Macedonia into
NATO and the EU and the hard-fought path that both Greece and now,
North Macedonia, have traveled to get to where we are today.
In addition to my role as the Ranking Member of this subcommittee,
I am also the Senate NATO Observer Group Co-Chair. In that capacity, I
am pleased that Greece and North Macedonia were able to overcome their
name dispute and that North Macedonia continues to make the right moves
on defense reforms to ensure its membership in NATO and to help better
integrate the Balkans region.
Mr. Crawford, Ireland has also traveled a hard-fought road,
particularly with the UK, to ensure Europe's integration.
Unfortunately, tensions long-buried by close economic ties and the
peace process in Northern Ireland have the potential to rise to the
surface, once again, with the Brexit negotiations. I look forward to
hearing more from you on this matter.
And, Mr. Satterfield, Turkey seems to lie at the center of a host
of political, economic and security issues-all with the potential to
spill over into NATO, Syria, the Balkans and even, Venezuela.
As we discussed, I am worried that President Erdogan has played
directly into Vladimir Putin's hands as well as his own worst demons. I
look forward to discussing how the U.S. can work with the remaining
democratic elements of Turkish society to ensure that Turkey's once-
western, rules-based trajectory is not gone for good.
Again, welcome and congratulations to all of the nominees today.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
I think we will start with Mr. Crawford. I do not think any
further introduction is really necessary. I think Senator Brown
and Senator Portman did a pretty good job.
I am glad to see--I think when we met, you were wearing an
orange tie, and I was a little disappointed. I see you have got
the Irish green on there. So you look good in it.
But Mr. Crawford.
STATEMENT OF EDWARD F. CRAWFORD, OF OHIO, TO BE AMBASSADOR
EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA TO IRELAND
Mr. Crawford. Well, good afternoon, Senator Johnson,
Senator Shaheen, Senator Menendez. Good afternoon members of
the Foreign Relations Committee.
I am honored to appear here before you today as President
Trump's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic
of Ireland. I am grateful to the President for his nomination
and Secretary Pompeo for his trust and confidence. If confirmed
by the Senate, I will pledge to work closely with the members
of the Foreign Relations Committee to advance U.S. interests
and values in Ireland.
At this time, I would like to take an opportunity to thank
my wife Mary from high school, as well as my son Matthew, my
daughter Debbie, my grandchildren Colin, Catherine, and Claire,
better known in the family as the three bears.
A few thoughts on Ireland.
The connection between the people of the United States and
the people of Ireland is undeniable. Over 30 million Americans
identify themselves as having Irish heritage, more than 10
percent of the U.S. population.
The United States has built on hard work and sacrifice of
immigrants, like the Irish who made significant contributions
to the country and continue to serve as an example for all of
us today. From the time of the nation's founding, thousands of
Irish men and women had come to America and have had a lasting
impact on the history and development of our country.
Ireland is also one of our most reliable trading partners.
More than $138 billion and growing in two-way trade in goods
and services pass between the United States and Ireland each
year.
While adhering to a longstanding policy of military
neutrality, Ireland continues to be a valuable partner in
maintaining global security and protecting American interests
abroad. I applaud our cooperation with the Irish government on
strengthening Ireland's cybersecurity capacity to help
safeguard U.S. companies and citizens located in Ireland. If
confirmed, I will do everything I can to continue making
progress in this area.
The United States and Ireland have worked together through
history to resolve conflicts and peace accord and prosperity.
The United States views proudly its role in the events leading
up to the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, ending years of strife
and bloodshed in Northern Ireland. If confirmed, I would
maintain the United States' firm commitment to the Northern
Ireland peace process.
A few thoughts or comments on Ed Crawford.
In 1960, while I was attending John Carroll University
night school, I started my first commercial effort, a company
called Cleveland Steel Container, which manufactured 5-gallon
steel pails. The continuation of that enterprise today has
grown the revenues to approximately $9 billion.
Park-Ohio currently operates manufacturing facilities in
North America, Canada, Mexico, the Euro Zone, China, India, and
other countries.
We employ over 7,500 individuals. This is not a high-tech
business we are talking about. We manufacture products for
trucks, autos, washing machines, aerospace, and many other
production line components. We are very proud of our
relationships with our factory employees.
For example, in City of Conneaut, Ohio, we employ 300
factory workers. Conneaut has one McDonald's, no movie, just a
race track, but there are 8,200 people living in Conneaut,
Ohio. And the average time in service in those employees--we
employ 300 people and the average time of service in that
facility is 15 years. We are very, very, very positive and feel
great about the partnership we have as owners of the company
and our employees. It is very important to us. It has been in
the past and will be in the future. The mere fact that they
leave work each day--I can only say this with my heart. These
300 people come every single day and punch a time clock at 6:30
in the morning. They leave at 3:30 in the afternoon. And they
have families, and they need those jobs. They depend on those
jobs. So they go home to their families.
What we are as a family--our family loves feeling
commitment on both sides. It is important to us, and I think we
did a great job with it. And why? Because they need us and we
need them. It is a good thing. I employed a lot of hourly
employees for a very long time. I enjoy it. I like the
factories. I am an operating guy. I am in the buildings.
During my 58 years of building this company, I learned a
great deal about people, problems, and opportunities. If I am
confirmed, I will bring this experience, knowledge, and
enthusiasm to the post of the U.S. Ambassador to Ireland to
strengthen the Irish relationship.
Senators, my mother left Ireland in 1927, my father in
1925. Both came through Ellis Island as Irish immigrants. They
would be very proud of what we have accomplished as a family
and our need to serve America.
Thank you.
[Mr. Crawford's prepared statement follows:]
Prepared Statement of Edward F. Crawford
Good morning Senator Johnson, Good morning Senator Shaheen and
other Members of the Foreign Relations Committee:
I am honored to appear before you today as President Trump's
nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Ireland. I am
grateful to the President for his nomination and to Secretary Pompeo
for his trust and confidence. If confirmed by the Senate, I pledge to
work closely with the members of the Foreign Relations Committee to
advance U.S. interests and values in Ireland.
At this time, I would like to take this opportunity to thank my
wife, Mary (from high school), as well as my son, Matthew, my daughter,
Debbie, and my grandchildren, Colin, Catherine, and Claire (better
known as the three bears) for their love and support.
A few thoughts on Ireland.
The connection between the people of the United States and the
people of Ireland is undeniable. Over 30 million Americans identify
themselves as having Irish heritage, more than 10 percent of the U.S.
population.
The United States was built on the hard work and sacrifice of
immigrants, like the Irish, who have made significant contributions to
this country and continue to serve as an example for all of us today.
From the time of our nation's founding, thousands of Irish men and
women have come to America, and have had a lasting impact on the
history and development of our country.
Ireland is also one of our most reliable trading partners. More
than $138 Billion (and growing) in two-way trade in goods and services
passes between the United States and Ireland each year.
While adhering to its long-standing policy of military neutrality,
Ireland continues to be a valuable partner in maintaining global
security and protecting American interests abroad. I applaud our
cooperation with the Irish government on strengthening Ireland's
cybersecurity capacity to help safeguard U.S. companies and citizens
located in Ireland. If confirmed, I will do everything I can to
continue making progress in this area.
The United States and Ireland have worked together throughout our
histories to resolve conflicts and promote peace and prosperity. The
United States views proudly its role in the events leading to the Good
Friday Agreement of 1998, ending years of strife and bloodshed in
Northern Ireland. If confirmed, I would maintain the United States'
firm commitment to the Northern Ireland Peace Process.
In the 1960's while attending John Carroll University night school,
I started my first commercial effort, a company called Cleveland Steel
Container which manufactured five-gallon steel pails. The continuation
of that enterprise today has grown in revenues to approximately $1.9
billion annually.
Park-Ohio currently operates manufacturing facilities in North
America, Canada, Mexico, the Euro Zone, China, India and other
countries.
We employ over 7,500 individuals. This is not a high-tech business.
We manufacture products for trucks, autos, washing machines, aero-space
and many other production line components. We are very proud of our
relationships with our factory employees.
For example, in Conneaut, Ohio, we employ 300 factory workers.
Conneaut has one McDonald's, no movie theater and a dirt track for auto
racing. The population of Conneaut is approximately 8,200. The average
time in service for our production line employees is over 15 years.
This is a partnership with families. They come to the plant each day
and punch a time clock. They leave work each day and go home to their
families. Our family loves the feeling of commitment on both sides.
During the 58 years of building the company I learned a great deal
about people, problems and opportunities. If I am confirmed, I will
bring this experience, knowledge and enthusiasm to the Post of the U.S.
Ambassador to Ireland to strengthen the U.S.-Irish relationship.
Senators, my mother left Ireland for America in 1927 and my father
in 1925. Both came through Ellis Island as Irish immigrants. They would
be very proud of what we have accomplished as a family and our need to
serve America.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Crawford. As a fellow
manufacturer and entrepreneur, I have nothing but respect for
what you have accomplished in your life. And, again, thank you
for your willingness to serve.
Our next nominee is Ms. Kate Marie Byrnes. Ms. Byrnes is
the President's nominee to be Ambassador to North Macedonia.
Ms. Byrnes is a career member of the State Department's Senior
Foreign Service and currently serves as the Deputy Chief of
Mission at the U.S. embassy in Athens.
Her previous service includes Deputy Permanent
Representative to the U.S. Mission to the OSCE, as well as
postings in Madrid, Afghanistan, and to NATO headquarters in
Belgium.
Ms. Byrnes is the recipient of the Secretary's
Expeditionary Service Award and the United States Army
Meritorious Civilian Service Award.
She speaks Spanish, Hungarian, and Turkish.
Ms. Byrnes?
STATEMENT OF KATE MARIE BYRNES, OF FLORIDA, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA
Ms. Byrnes. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Shaheen, and
distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today as President Trump's nominee for U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of North Macedonia. I deeply
appreciate the trust and confidence the President and the
Secretary of State have placed in me to represent the American
people, and I hope to earn your trust as well. If confirmed, I
pledge to work closely with you to advance our nation's
interests in North Macedonia.
Thank you for the opportunity to introduce my husband,
retired U.S. Navy Captain Scott Gage, who is here with me
today, and to thank him for his love and partnership. I would
also like to thank all my family, beginning with my parents,
Paul and Hope Byrnes. My father, a retired Foreign Service
officer, with my mother's support, introduced my brothers, Paul
Jr., Sean, and me to the rewards and challenges of this path of
service. And their support continues to inspire my commitment.
Over my 26-year career, I have worked in Washington and in
Europe to build strong partners for the United States. As the
Deputy Chief of Mission in Athens, I supported U.S.-Greece
efforts to deepen regional stability and cooperation and
encouraged Greece's leadership in its engagement with the
Western Balkans, including North Macedonia.
North Macedonia is on its chosen path to NATO and the
European Union. Through the Prespa Agreement, the political
leaders of North Macedonia and Greece overcame difficult
historical issues by focusing on a future of progress. The
United States supported the leaders on both sides who drove
this process. Full implementation of the agreement is crucial
to the region. External actors with malign intent are working
against this progress in an effort to undermine the country and
the confidence the people of North Macedonia have in their
future.
If confirmed, I will focus the work of the embassy on three
priorities.
First, we will promote stability through strong
institutions. North Macedonia has made significant progress on
updating its laws to advance reforms, including in the areas of
judicial independence, rule of law, and accountability. Its
political leaders need to ensure these laws are thoroughly
implemented, making real change to meet the standards of
membership in both NATO and the EU, as well as the expectations
of its citizens.
Congress has made a lasting impact on North Macedonia's
democratic reforms and economic development. If confirmed, I
will ensure that this U.S. government collaboration continues
and that U.S. resources are spent effectively in support of
U.S. goals and priorities.
Second, we will enhance security through partnership. As a
future NATO ally, North Macedonia must meet its commitments. If
confirmed, I will work with members of this committee to ensure
that North Macedonia continues to be a strong and steadfast
contributor to the security of the North Atlantic area.
North Macedonia has contributed to international operations
since 2002, deploying almost 4,000 soldiers. As our strong
partner in the Coalition to Defeat ISIS, it set an important
example for all members of the coalition in repatriating,
prosecuting, and sentencing foreign terrorist fighters. Our
soldiers also courageously fought alongside each other in Iraq
and still do so today in Afghanistan. This year, over 1,000
U.S. troops will participate in exercises alongside North
Macedonia's troops at the Krivolak Training Area. If confirmed,
I will look to expand our partnership efforts in order to
counter threats from terrorism, as well as malign actors who
seek to disrupt and destabilize democratic systems.
Third, we will foster prosperity through positive
influence. North Macedonia will prosper by advancing human
rights, diversity, inclusion, free media, and open markets. The
United States will partner in building new opportunities for
future generations through our Peace Corps, USAID, and other
assistance programs, and through robust public diplomacy and
people-to-people exchanges. There are prospects for U.S. firms
to partner with North Macedonia. If confirmed, I will commit
the U.S. embassy in Skopje to help make these deals happen.
Expanding ties between the United States and North
Macedonia will foster a positive vision of a more prosperous
and secure future and is our strongest weapon against global
competitors.
The outstanding embassy team in Skopje is dedicated to
helping North Macedonia secure a positive future. I am eager to
join them, if confirmed, to lead their efforts moving forward.
I pledge to the committee that I will protect American
interests, ensure the fair treatment of American citizens, and
promote American values with every engagement I have with the
government of North Macedonia and its people.
Thank you for your time. I welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Byrnes follows:]
Prepared Statement of Kate Marie Byrnes
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Shaheen, and distinguished members of
the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President
Trump's nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of North Macedonia.
I deeply appreciate the trust and confidence the President and the
Secretary of State have placed in me to represent the American people,
and I hope to earn your trust as well. If confirmed, I pledge to work
closely with you to advance our nation's interests in North Macedonia.
Thank you for the opportunity to introduce my husband, retired U.S.
Navy Captain Scott Gage, who is here today, and to recognize him for
his love and partnership. I would also like to thank all my family
beginning with my parents, Paul and Hope Byrnes. My father, a retired
Foreign Service officer, with my mother's support, introduced my
brothers Paul Jr., Sean and me to the challenges and rewards of this
path of service. Their support continues to inspire my commitment.
Over my 26-year career, I have worked in Washington and in Europe
to build strong partners for the United States. As the Deputy Chief of
Mission in Athens, I supported U.S.Greece efforts to deepen regional
stability and cooperation, and encouraged Greece's leadership in its
engagement with the Western Balkans, including North Macedonia.
North Macedonia is on its chosen path to NATO and the European
Union. Through the Prespa Agreement, the political leaders of North
Macedonia and Greece overcame difficult historical issues by focusing
on a future of progress. The United States supported the leaders on
both sides who drove this process. Full implementation of the agreement
is crucial to the region. External actors with malign intent are
working against this progress in an effort to undermine the country and
the confidence the people of North Macedonia have in their future.
If confirmed, I will focus the work of the Embassy on three
priorities:
First, we will promote stability through strong institutions.
North Macedonia has made significant progress on updating its laws
to advance reforms, including in the areas of judicial independence,
rule of law, and accountability. Its political leaders need to ensure
these laws are thoroughly implemented, making real change to meet the
standards of membership in both NATO and the EU, as well as the
expectations of its citizens.
Congress has made a lasting impact on North Macedonia's democratic
reforms and economic development. If confirmed, I will ensure this U.S.
government collaboration continues and that U.S. resources are spent
effectively in support of U.S. goals and priorities.
Second, we will enhance security through partnership.
As a future NATO ally, North Macedonia must meet its commitments.
If confirmed, I will work with members of this committee to ensure that
North Macedonia continues to be a strong and steadfast contributor to
the security of the North Atlantic area.
North Macedonia has contributed to international operations since
2002, deploying almost 4,000 soldiers. As our strong partner in the
Coalition to Defeat ISIS, it set an important example for all members
of the Coalition in repatriating, prosecuting and sentencing Foreign
Terrorist Fighters. Our soldiers also courageously fought alongside
each other in Iraq, and still do so today in Afghanistan. This year,
over 1,000 U.S. troops will participate in exercises alongside North
Macedonia's troops at the Krivolak Training Area. If confirmed, I will
look to expand our partnership efforts in order to counter threats from
terrorism as well as malign actors who seek to disrupt and destabilize
democratic systems.
Third, we will foster prosperity through positive influence.
North Macedonia will prosper by advancing human rights, diversity,
inclusion, free media, and open markets. The United States will partner
in building new opportunities for future generations through our Peace
Corps, USAID and other assistance programs, and through robust public
diplomacy and people-to-people exchanges. There are prospects for U.S.
firms to partner with North Macedonia. If confirmed, I will commit the
U.S. Embassy in Skopje to help make these deals happen.
Expanding ties between the United States and North Macedonia will
foster a positive vision of a more prosperous and secure future and is
our strongest weapon against global competitors.
The outstanding Embassy team in Skopje is dedicated to helping
North Macedonia secure a positive future. I am eager to join them, if
confirmed, to lead their efforts moving forward.
I pledge to the committee that I will protect American interests,
ensure the fair treatment of American citizens, and promote American
values with every engagement I have with the government of North
Macedonia and its people.
Thank you for your time today. I would be pleased to take your
questions.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Ms. Byrnes.
Our final nominee is the Honorable David Michael
Satterfield. Mr. Satterfield is the President's nominee to be
Ambassador to Turkey.
Ambassador Satterfield is a career member of the State
Department's Senior Foreign Service who has been the Acting
Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs since
2017.
Previously he served as Director-General of the
Multinational Force and Observers in Rome, as Special Advisor
to the Secretary of State for Libya, as Deputy Chief of Mission
in Baghdad, as Ambassador to Lebanon.
Ambassador Satterfield is the recipient of the Presidential
Distinguished Executive Rank Award, the Secretary of State's
Distinguished Service Award, and the United States Department
of the Army Outstanding Civilian Service Award.
He speaks Arabic, French, and Italian.
Ambassador Satterfield?
STATEMENT OF HON. DAVID MICHAEL SATTERFIELD, OF MISSOURI, A
CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF CAREER
MINISTER, TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY
Ambassador Satterfield. Chairman Johnson, Ranking Member
Shaheen, Senators Menendez and Portman, thank you for the
opportunity to come before you today as the President's nominee
for Turkey. I am grateful to the President, to Secretary Pompeo
for the confidence they have placed in me. If confirmed, I look
forward to continuing the close consultative relationship I
have had for many years with this committee.
With your permission, I will submit my full testimony for
the record.
Next month will mark 40 years of service for me with the
U.S. government, almost entirely as a career Foreign Service
officer. My focus has been the Middle East. That has meant my
overseas assignments have largely been in unaccompanied
critical threat posts, Beirut, Baghdad, Tripoli, Libya, the
Sinai. I am profoundly aware of the importance of family in
today's Foreign Service and separations that the requirements
of that service entail for most of my colleagues. In this
regard, I want to thank my spouse, Foreign Service Officer
Elizabeth Fritschle, for her love, understanding and support
through many separated assignments. She and our daughter, Mary
Parker, are at post in Tel Aviv today, but they are with me
always in spirit.
If confirmed, I will be going to Ankara at a complex and
challenging moment. Today, Turkey fulfills key NATO rolls in
Afghanistan and Iraq, stands firm in support of Ukraine's
territorial integrity, and its critical efforts to bring about
a political solution to the Syrian conflict and the enduring
defeat of ISIS.
The Turkish people also merit recognition for their hosting
of nearly 4 million Syrian refugees.
Our interests extend beyond U.S. national security
priorities. Turkey hosts more than 1,700 American companies,
particularly in the aerospace, pharmaceutical, financial, and
insurance services industry. Bilateral trade topped $20 billion
in 2018, and Presidents Trump and Erdogan have pledged to
significantly increase that trade relationship.
Nevertheless, as this committee knows very well, the
relationship faces profound challenges. By moving ahead with
its purchase of the Russian S-400 missile defense system and as
Secretary Pompeo told this committee yesterday, Turkey puts its
participation in the F-35 program at profound risk and faces
sanctions under CAATSA. As Vice President Pence said on the
occasion of NATO's 70th anniversary, Turkey must choose. Does
it want to remain a critical partner in the most successful
military alliance in history, or does it want to risk the
security of that partnership by making such reckless decisions
that undermine our Alliance? If confirmed, I will press Turkey
to make the right strategic choice.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, if
confirmed, my highest priority, of course, will be the safety
and security of American citizens in Turkey.
Let me express in that regard the administration's
appreciation to Congress and to this committee for your
sustained efforts to help us achieve the release of Pastor
Andrew Brunson. If confirmed, I will not rest until all of our
people, including NASA physicist Dr. Serkan Golge, and Mission
Turkey local employees are at home with their families and
free.
More broadly, the United States is troubled by the state of
Turkish democracy and respect for individual freedoms in
Turkey. Rebuilding confidence in the rule of law would go far
towards expanding the potential, which Turkey very much has,
for economic investment and partnership. If confirmed, I will
work to challenge Turkey to uphold its domestic and
international human rights commitments while pushing Turkey to
live up in full to its status as a NATO ally.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee,
thank you again for the opportunity to testify today. I look
forward to taking your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Satterfield follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. David M. Satterfield
Chairman Johnson, Ranking Member, members of the committee, thank
you for the opportunity to come before you today as the President's
nominee to Turkey. I am grateful to President Trump and Secretary
Pompeo for the confidence they have placed in me. If confirmed I look
forward to continuing a close, consultative relationship with the
committee.
Next month will mark forty years of my service with the U.S.
government, almost entirely as a career Foreign Service Officer with
focus upon the Middle East. My overseas assignments have been largely
in unaccompanied critical threat assignments--Beirut, Baghdad, Tripoli,
the Sinai--and I am profoundly aware of the importance of family as
such service and the separations it entails have become routine for all
in the Foreign Service. In this regard, I want to thank my spouse,
Elizabeth Fritschle, also a career Foreign Service Officer with her own
three decades of service, including in those same posts I noted, for
her love, understanding and support in what has been a rewarding but
very challenging life. She and our daughter Mary Parker are at post in
Tel Aviv today, but they are with me always in spirit.
If confirmed, I will be going to Ankara at a particularly complex
and challenging moment in U.S.-Turkey relations. As this committee is
aware, in the 66 years since Turkey became a NATO Ally, we have worked
closely with the Turks to advance key national security interests, from
Korea to Kosovo and beyond. Our partnership with Turkey--which has the
second largest standing military in NATO and is a G-20 economy--enables
us to defend NATO's eastern flank and project U.S. power in the region.
Today, Turkey hosts the NATO Land Component Command in Izmir,
serves as one of four Framework Nations for Operation Resolute Support
in Afghanistan, and fills the deputy commander position in NATO's new
training mission in Iraq. Turkey has stood firm in support of Ukraine's
sovereignty and territorial integrity, refusing to recognize Russia's
attempted annexation of Crimea. We have worked together to counter
terrorism. Turkey has been integral to our efforts to bring about a
political solution to the Syrian conflict and achieve the lasting
defeat of ISIS, not least because of our access to Turkish air bases.
Meanwhile, the Turkish people merit recognition for their generosity in
hosting nearly four million Syrian refugees. As the President has made
clear, as we draw down U.S. forces in Syria, we are determined to
ensure that those who fought with us will not come to harm. At the same
time, we will continue to work with Turkey to address its legitimate
security concerns.
Our interests extend beyond U.S. security priorities. Turkey is an
important economic partner hosting more than 1,700 U.S. companies,
particularly in the aerospace, pharmaceutical, and financial and
insurance services industries. Bilateral trade topped $20 billion in
2018. Presidents Trump and Erdogan have pledged to significantly
increase our trade.
As this committee is all too aware, the relationship faces profound
challenges.The administration has worked tirelessly with Congress to
address Turkey's legitimate security needs. However, by moving ahead
with its purchase of the Russian S-400 missile defense system, Turkey
puts its participation in the F-35 program at risk and faces potential
sanctions under CAATSA. As Vice President Pence said April 4 on the
occasion of NATO's 70th anniversary, ``Turkey must choose. Does it want
to remain a critical partner in the most successful military alliance
in history, or does it want to risk the security of that partnership by
making such reckless decisions that undermine our Alliance?'' If
confirmed, I will ensure we continue to press Turkey to make the right
strategic choice by procuring NATO interoperable military equipment.
Chairman Johnson, Ranking Member, if confirmed my highest priority
will be the safety and security of American citizens in Turkey.
The Trump administration has worked tirelessly to achieve the
release of our staff and U.S. citizens. Let me express our appreciation
to Congress and to this committee for your sustained efforts. While we
are grateful that Pastor Andrew Brunson and one local employee are out
of jail and reunited with their families, the United States cannot
accept Turkey's continued detention and prosecution of other U.S.
citizens--including NASA physicist Dr. Serkan Golge--and Mission Turkey
local employees. If confirmed, you have my assurance that I will be
clear that this is unacceptable and will urge a swift and fair
resolution to these cases.
The United States, along with many others in the international
community, is troubled by the negative trajectory of democracy and
respect for freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly
in Turkey. Turkey currently incarcerates more journalists than any
other country in the world. No democracy can flourish without a
vibrant, diversely-owned, and free press. Accountable and responsive
government, an independent judiciary, and respect for individual rights
are pillars of established democracies. Turkey should protect freedom
of expression, especially for those voices that are critical of the
government, and release journalists imprisoned for their work.
Rebuilding confidence in the rule of law in Turkey would go far
towards expanding the potential for economic investment and
partnership. The U.S.-Turkish partnership is strongest when Turkish
democracy is thriving. If confirmed, I will work to challenge Turkey to
uphold its domestic and international human rights commitments while
pushing Turkey to live up to its status as a NATO Ally and EU aspirant.
Despite the very real challenges in U.S.-Turkish relations, Turkey
remains an essential partner in a complicated geostrategic position,
presenting both opportunities and challenges. There is no alternative
to an 80-million strong Ally on the edge of a region in constant flux.
The United States and Turkey must work together to confront the very
real threats to global peace and security that emanate from Russia,
Iran, and elsewhere in the region. If confirmed, I am committed to
working to advance our national security interests.
Chairman Johnson, Ranking Member, members of the committee, thank
you again for the opportunity to testify before you. I look forward to
taking your questions.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Ambassador Satterfield.
I am going to be here for the duration of the hearing. So
out of respect for my colleagues' time--and I do appreciate
people showing up for the hearings--I will defer to Senator
Shaheen.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I want to begin with you, Mr. Crawford, because as I am
sure all of us have been following, the outcome of Brexit will
have a direct impact on what happens with Ireland and whether
there needs to be a hardened border between Ireland and
Northern Ireland. I visited there when I was Governor, and we
visited both Ireland and Northern Ireland. And I can remember
going across that border at the time. And there were actually
checkpoints. So you knew that you were going across.
So can you talk about how we should engage in the cross-
border efforts to ensure continued peace and trade relations
between Ireland and whatever happens with the outcome of
Brexit?
Mr. Crawford. Senator, it is unfortunate we have two of our
closest allies, EU and UK, in this situation. It has been going
on well over a year, results that were not anticipated. What is
very important about this is also it has affected Ireland in
very strange ways.
But this is something I believe has to be settled by the
two parties most concerned, and that is the EU and the UK.
Westminster--they have to work to solve this problem. I think
our involvement in it is, from my viewpoint, steadfast that we
should let them work this problem out themselves.
Senator Shaheen. Do you not think we should weigh in
publicly in a way that suggests that we hope they will work it
out and urge them to do that so that they understand clearly
that we think that is in everyone's best interest?
Mr. Crawford. Well, I think they realize it is in their
best interests because we have made it very clear that we are
behind the agreement. We have said that is where we stand. I
think that is representative. I am not a diplomat. I am only a
person that has limited information.
Senator Shaheen. You are about to be a diplomat if you get
confirmed. So it will be very important to----
Mr. Crawford. Yes. But have I answered your question?
Senator Shaheen. I think I would say I hope that if you are
confirmed, that you will make it very clear that we support the
Good Friday Agreements and that that should be maintained as
part of any Brexit deal.
Mr. Crawford. Yes, I will do that.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Ms. Byrnes, you mentioned in your opening statement forces
that are trying to continue to sow dissent within the Republic
of North Macedonia in its efforts to look West towards the EU
and NATO.
One of those countries that we have heard from, of course,
is Russia. They tried to engineer a coup in Montenegro before
it joined NATO. They have continued to sow dissent in other
parts of the Western Balkans.
So can you talk about what efforts you could encourage as
Ambassador that could help address those concerns?
Ms. Byrnes. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
As you note, Russia does not share the same vision of
Western integration that we hold and is one held by the people
of North Macedonia. They do seek to create divisions and
distrust. They were actively opposing the Prespa Agreement.
They have been vocal in their opposition to North Macedonia's
accession to NATO, often misrepresenting the facts. The embassy
in Skopje worked very hard to present the truth, to present
those facts, to work closely with the media, that it would be
free and fair in reporting on that.
If confirmed, I would like to continue those efforts to
make sure that we speak the truth, that we support independent
media and civil society voices that speak the truth, and also
that we make very clear that our aspirations match those of the
people of North Macedonia, that we are in alignment in that
respect, and that what we are seeking is not only in U.S.
strategic interests but in the strategic interests of the
country and the region.
Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you.
And I would like to applaud Prime Minister Zaev and Prime
Minister Tsipras for their willingness to take stands that were
difficult for them to reach an agreement. I think in the long
term, it is going to be in the best interests of both
countries.
Mr. Satterfield, obviously, Turkey has been an important
ally but one where we have seen backsliding with respect to
democracy. As we discussed when you were in my office, they
have the highest number of reporters imprisoned of any country
in the world. They have just had recent elections that are now
being contested by President Erdogan's party.
So what should be the response of the United States and the
embassy if President Erdogan is allowed to manipulate
Istanbul's election results and is able to get an entirely new
election? How do you think we should respond?
Ambassador Satterfield. Senator, I will not comment, of
course, on the hypothetical. But I will tell you what our
position is right now and will continue be.
Senator Shaheen. Good.
Ambassador Satterfield. A free, fair, and transparent
electoral process is a fundamental pillar of any democracy.
Turkey is a democracy. We look to that pillar. We look to that
transparent process to be fully respected by all involved so
that the will of those who went to the polls is acknowledged in
terms of the results. We will be watching this as it unfolds
over the days ahead very closely.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
I was pleased to hear in your opening statement that you
mentioned not just Pastor Brunson, who I think was released
because of the whole-of-government approach, the bipartisan
effort that involved both Congress and the administration to
try and pressure and urge Turkey to release him. And I was
pleased to hear you talk about the other American citizens and
the diplomatic officials who are currently in jail.
Can you talk about what more you might be able to do as
Ambassador to urge Turkey to release those citizens and also
any Turkish citizens that are being improperly jailed?
Ambassador Satterfield. Senator, we made very clear by our
physical presence in the court proceedings for those who are
part of our mission in Turkey and for our public engagement--
indeed, the public engagement, not just the administration,
executive branch, but also of this body and of the House--in
registering that this is an important relationship for us with
Turkey. But it is a relationship that can only flourish as it
might if there is full respect, not just for democratic
principles and practices in Turkey with respect to Turkish
citizens, but also, of course, with respect to American
citizens.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Johnson. Senator Portman?
Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
So, Mr. Crawford, sometimes we have nominees come before us
and they have not had much opportunity to visit the countries
they are being selected for and, therefore, do not have
familiarity with the people and the customs of those countries.
Can you just talk briefly about any trips you have made to
Ireland and any familiarity you have with Ireland?
Mr. Crawford. I have been to Ireland many, many times.
Again, my mother and father were both born there, and I have
lots of first cousins.
I have been active there in the past in a small business
down in Cork City. It employs 17 people. It is a distribution
business. So I have had some contact with the working persons
or people. Again, my experience in building our company has
given me the tools I believe to understand really the Irish,
and if there is any change in this Brexit situation, I think I
am able and will be able to contact and get along with the
Irish leadership, as well as the Irish people. And I think I
can be a very positive, positive force for the goal, which is
to make the relationship stronger between Ireland and America.
I have an industrial background and a manufacturing
background, but I also have a business background. And it is
very important to Ireland and to America that we increase the
trade to make this thing a better relationship between the two
countries. And I think some of the background I have--but I
love Ireland. It is a great place, and I think I can play an
important role there because of my background but my ability to
bring some things to the table that will help enhance the
relationship between America and Ireland.
Senator Portman. Excellent. Well, thank you. I think you
are right. I said earlier the Irish want you too. I mean, the
Irish were looking for an ambassador, and they have been very
pleased to have you step up.
So, Ms. Byrnes, first of all, thank you to you and to your
husband, a Navy fighter pilot, who is hanging out behind you
there, for your service to our country.
And you have had some really interesting roles. You are
going to a fascinating country at a time when it is, although a
small country, really a microcosm of what is happening all
throughout Eastern and Central Europe with regard to Russia.
And specifically the two issues that I want to talk to about
briefly are the dependency that they have on natural gas from
Russia, and second is the referendum and what might happen with
regard to the NATO ascendancy.
With regard to the first question, it seems to me you have
an opportunity while you are there to be sure that Russia does
not do to Northern Macedonia what they have done to other
countries in Eastern and Central Europe, which is to use their
leverage by withholding access to natural gas unless certain
other priorities of Russia were met and therefore enhancing
their opportunity to receive other supplies.
Have you thought about that, and specifically what would
you do as Ambassador to encourage them to look to the West and
maybe even to the United States for LNG?
Ms. Byrnes. Thank you, Senator.
As you note, North Macedonia does need to diversify its
energy sources and routes. It also needs to develop a
competitive, efficient, and transparent energy market and then
to integrate its energy market into the region.
Right now, there is only one pipeline for gas, and the gas
comes from Russia, as you note. There is a projected project to
build an interconnector with Greece that would allow North
Macedonia not only to diversify its supplies but also to
perhaps gasify other parts of the country that do not have that
situation right now.
Another opportunity is in the energy sector as a result of
a new energy law. With USAID assistance, the government passed
a new energy law that will bring it in line with EU directives,
including the common third energy package.
We are also looking to support efforts to reform the energy
market through an incentive scheme, and if confirmed, I would
like to continue that work not only to create opportunities for
the private sector to fully engage there but, in fact, to
engage some U.S. companies hopefully in bidding on some of
those renewable energy projects.
Senator Portman. That is terrific. And I think that is an
appropriate role for an ambassador to try to encourage them to
look to the West.
On the Prespa Agreement and the referendum on it last year,
the Russians did what they have done in so many elections,
including our own, and that is attempt, through disinformation
and propaganda, to try to change the result. They were not
successful. But it was certainly an eye-opener for a lot of
smaller countries in the region.
Are you aware of the Global Engagement Center at the State
Department?
Ms. Byrnes. Yes, Senator, I am aware of the Global
Engagement Center. And in my current capacity in Greece, we
have worked on some proposals with them.
Senator Portman. Excellent. I am glad to hear that. We have
been promoting this for the last several years, and we think it
is part of the answer to provide a pushback and have the U.S.
government help countries like North Macedonia be able to
respond. So I assume you would be looking to them for some
guidance as to how you could push back against that
disinformation coming from Russia.
Ms. Byrnes. Senator, yes. Thank you.
I have already looked into possibilities for North
Macedonia so that, if I were confirmed, I would be able to
continue those projects, as well as projects that would help
the broader region, so have the countries in the Western
Balkans, including in Southeast Europe, working together to
combat Russian misinformation and develop media that can
provide an alternative source of information.
Senator Portman. Thank you.
Mr. Satterfield, you are going into also a very interesting
situation. Turkey persists in acquiring this Russian S-400
system. I think it is impossible for us to continue with the F-
35 contract. I hate to see us begin to distance ourselves
further from Turkey because it is such a critical country and
in the past it has been such a critical ally.
How do you approach that issue? How would you effectively
try to get the Turks to see that it is in their interests to
align not just with us, with NATO and with NATO compatibility?
Ambassador Satterfield. Senator, what we do is what the
President, the Vice President, the Secretary of State Acting
Secretary Shanahan, what all of you here in the Congress have
done, which is to message the Turkish government at the highest
levels in public and privately in the clearest possible terms
that if they proceed with the acquisition of the S-400, then
they will not be able to participate in the F-35 program, the
program itself or receipt of the F-35 platforms, that there
will be no Patriot sale if they acquire the S-400. That message
has been reinforced as clearly as it can be. It needs to
continue to be reinforced. This would be a very unwise step
from the immediate and a long-term perspective were the Turks,
indeed, to go ahead with this decision. But we are doing
everything in our power at every level available to us to make
quite clear what the consequences are but also what the
alternative is, which is an extraordinarily attractive proposal
for the Patriot sale.
Senator Portman. And broader compatibility with NATO.
Correct?
Ambassador Satterfield. And, of course, absolute
compatibility with NATO.
Senator Portman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Johnson. Senator Menendez?
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Congratulations to all of the nominees and your families.
Ambassador Satterfield, I was disappointed that you had to
cancel your meeting with me, which I would have looked forward
to going through a series of things. So I came to the hearing
to ask you them.
Let me start off with do you acknowledge that from 1915 to
1923, nearly 1.5 million Armenian men, women, and children were
killed by the Ottoman Empire?
Ambassador Satterfield. We are certainly aware, Senator, of
the facts of that atrocity.
Senator Menendez. So you acknowledge it. Is that correct?
Ambassador Satterfield. Yes, sir.
Senator Menendez. And do you acknowledge it as a genocide?
Ambassador Satterfield. Senator, the President has stated
this is one of the most horrific atrocities in the 20th
century, and I will abide by those remarks.
Senator Menendez. It undoubtedly is an atrocity. The
question is, is it a genocide?
Ambassador Satterfield. Those remarks stand as a reflection
of the U.S. government's position, sir.
Senator Menendez. All right. So you will not tell me it is
a genocide.
Let me ask you this. Do you acknowledge that in 1915, the
allied powers of England, France, and Russia jointly issued a
statement explicitly charging for the first time ever another
government of committing crimes against humanity and
civilization?
Ambassador Satterfield. I am a historian, sir, and well
aware of the events at that time.
Senator Menendez. So you acknowledge that fact.
Do you acknowledge that Henry Morgenthau, the United States
Ambassador to the Ottoman Empire at the time, said that the
Turkish government's deportation order for the Armenians was,
quote, a death warrant to a whole race and in a way in which
they made no particular attempt to conceal their discussions
with him?
Ambassador Satterfield. I am aware of that quote, sir.
Senator Menendez. So this is an inartful dance that we do
as a nation in which we do not recognize the historical fact
that even the U.S. Holocaust Museum, which is a quasi-
governmental entity, acknowledges the facts of the Armenian
genocide, but we are incapable of mouthing the comments of an
Armenian genocide. And we cannot ultimately move to the future
if we cannot recognize the past as a simple reality.
And so I just bring to your attention that Senator Cruz, a
member of this committee, and I, along with others, have
introduced a resolution to ensure the foreign policy of the
United States reflects appropriately the understanding and
sensitivity and the reality of what was an Armenian genocide.
And I commend it to your attention.
Let me turn to the S-400. You spoke about this quite a bit.
I appreciate your comments, but it is my hope--and, Mr.
Chairman, I would like to include in the record an op-ed that
the chair and ranking member of this committee, myself, and
Senator Risch, along with the chair and the ranking member of
the Senate Armed Services Committee wrote together, Senator
Inhofe and Senator Reed, in which basically we say Turkey must
choose. I would like it to be included in the record at this
time.
Senator Johnson. Without objection.
[The material referred to above follows:]
The New York Times--April 9, 2019
A U.S. FIGHTER JET OR A RUSSIAN MISSLE SYSTEM, NOT BOTH
by Jim Inhofe, Jack Reed, Jim Risch, and Bob Menendez\1\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\1\ Mr. Inhofe and Mr. Reed are the chairman and ranking member of
the Senate Armed Services Committee. Mr. Risch and Mr. Menendez are the
chairman and ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
If Turkey accepts delivery of a Russian S-400 missle system,
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
sanctions will be required by American Law.
By the end of the year, Turkey will have either F-35 advanced
fighter aircraft on its soil or a Russian S-400 surface-to-air
missile defense system. It will not have both.
The choice made by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey
will have profound consequences for his country's place in the
world, its relationship with the United States and its standing
in NATO.
The F-35 program is the world's largest fifth-generation
fighter aircraft program, with more than a trillion dollars in
investment from a dozen international partners, including
Turkey, and customers. In large part, the ability of the United
States and its allies to maintain a military advantage in the
skies is riding on the program.
In July 2017, Turkey announced that it would purchase the S-
400 surface-to-air missile defense system from Russia. The S-
400 is the most advanced system produced to date in Russia's
quest to defeat stealth technology--the system Russia built to
shoot down the F-35 fighters.
Turkey's purchase of the S-400 would be incompatible with its
commitments to NATO and reduce its interoperability with
allies. Purchasing the S-400 would create an unacceptable risk
because its radar system could enable the Russian military to
figure out how the F-35 operates. That threat compelled the
Pentagon to suspend some activities associated with Turkey's F-
35s last week.
Turkey has legitimate air defense needs. The United States,
since 2012, has offered the Patriot air defense system as an
alternative to the S-400, but Turkey has rejected that offer.
With the S-400 scheduled to arrive in Turkey in July and the F-
35s scheduled to arrive in November, it is time for President
Erdogan to choose. It is our hope he will choose to abandon the
S-400, defend Turkish skies with the Patriot system and save
the F-35 arrangement.
If President Erdogan fails to make this choice and accepts
delivery of the S-400, sanctions will be imposed as required by
United States law under the Countering America's Adversaries
Through Sanctions Act. Sanctions will hit Turkey's economy
hard--rattling international markets, scaring away foreign
direct investment and crippling Turkey's aerospace and defense
industry.
Further, no F-35s will ever reach Turkish soil. And Turkish
participation in the F-35 program, including manufacturing
parts, repairing and servicing the fighters, will be
terminated, taking Turkish companies out of the manufacturing
and supply chain for the program.
We are committed to taking all necessary legislative action
to ensure this is the case. Turkey is an important partner in
the F-35 program, but it is not irreplaceable.
Abandoning the F-35 will have severe consequences for Ankara.
Turkey has already invested more than $1.25 billion in the F-35
program, and that will be squandered. It will not receive the
more than 100 F-35s it planned to purchase, and it will be
forced to settle for a less-capable fighter aircraft that will
not arrive for many years.
Turkish companies that produce parts for the F-35 will see
their orders dry up completely. The country's F-35 engine
maintenance, repair, overhaul and upgrade facility will see all
its work go to other facilities in Europe. President Erdogan's
hope to make the Turkish defense industry a pillar of economic
growth for the future will be dashed.
We do not seek to harm our Turkish friends. Indeed, we hope
it will be possible to enhance American-Turkish cooperation on
Syria, the Black Sea, counterterrorism and other issues of
mutual concern. We seek only to protect the F-35 program and
the capabilities of the NATO alliance, including allies like
Turkey.
We understand that Turkey has a relationship of necessity
with Russia--on Syria, energy, agriculture, tourism and more.
If President Erdogan walks away from the S-400, Mr. Putin may
retaliate in one or more of these areas. In that unfortunate
event, we commit to do all we can to assist Turkey as it
weathers the storm.
Paying tribute to the Kremlin with the purchase of the S-400
is not in Turkey's interests. Mr. Putin is not an ally of
Turkey any more than the Soviets or the czars. His aggression
in Georgia, Ukraine and Syria has made Turkey less safe. Now
Mr. Putin is trying to divide Turkey from the West with the S-
400s.
If he succeeds, what little regard he has for Turkey's
interests will shrink further. The more isolated Turkey is from
its allies, the more power Mr. Putin will have in the
relationship: Russia does what it can, Turkey suffers what it
must.
Mr. Putin fears and respects a Turkey strategically anchored
in the West and committed to NATO. We hope President Erdogan
will choose that future for Turkey by rejecting Mr. Putin's
divisive S-400 ploy, meeting its air defense requirement with
the Patriot system and moving forward as a critical partner in
the F-35 program.
Senator Menendez. I hope that President Erdogan clearly
understands that the U.S. is not bluffing. I helped write
CAATSA. It is not a question of if. It is a question that it
will face sanctions. And if it does, which I do not seek, it is
going to hit the Turkish economy hard. It is going to rattle
international markets. It is going to scare away foreign direct
investment. It is going to cripple Turkey's aerospace and
defense industry. So I expect that I can rely upon you, if you
are confirmed, to make it very sure to President Erdogan that
he understands the risks and the implication of this deal in an
unvarnished way.
Ambassador Satterfield. Without question, sir.
Senator Menendez. Let me turn to the question of democratic
backsliding in Turkey. I am alarmed by the rapid and sharp
decline of human rights in Turkey. It is leading the world in
the most jailed journalists. Recently Human Rights Watch
reported Turkey is arbitrarily jailing hundreds of lawyers. Now
that is something that I expect from oppressive regimes like
Tajikistan. I do not expect it from a NATO ally.
Your written testimony makes note of this trajectory, which
is a good starting point. But what will you do specifically to
engage the government of Turkey to reverse this trend, if
confirmed?
Ambassador Satterfield. Senator, the U.S. mission in
Turkey--all of our posts--have, in their average in their
contacts and their physical presence at certain proceedings,
registered very clearly the United States supports a very
different vision of how rights and liberties should be
practiced in any democracy, including in Turkey. We have not
hesitated to speak directly about our concerns to the most
senior members of the Turkish government, and I assure you, if
confirmed, I will continue to do so, as will the mission in
Turkey.
Senator Menendez. This is a less of a question but more of
a rejoinder to something you said that I agree with. Turkey
continues to detain a U.S. citizen and embassy employees. And I
appreciate in your written testimony that you underlined, if
confirmed, you will be clear with the government of Turkey this
is unacceptable and to urge swift and fair resolution. Bogus
charges against an essentially hostage taking of a U.S. citizen
and mission employs is not what we expect of a NATO ally. And
they should be very clear in understanding that this is another
irritant in our relationship. You do not take our people and
arbitrarily and capriciously jail them at the end of the day
and use them as hostages. It is just not acceptable anywhere in
the world, and it is certainly not acceptable of a NATO ally.
Let me turn to Mr. Crawford. Mr. Crawford, Tom Quinn is a
pain in the neck.
Mr. Crawford. I agree.
Senator Menendez. There we go.
[Laughter.]
Senator Menendez. So we can agree on a little Irish humor
there.
So if he came to me one more time about your nomination,
you might have never had a hearing at the rate he was going.
But I am glad you are here today.
And I just want to say I have been involved in Irish issues
for a long time in the 27 years I have been in Congress. I was
one of the leaders or the ad hoc Irish Caucus in the House of
Representatives. We got Bill Clinton to give Gerry Adams his
first visa to the United States to move away from the gun and
the bomb and to follow a path of peace that ultimately led to
the Good Friday Accords.
And so there is a lot at stake here beyond the economic
realities that we have with Ireland. There is a lot at stake if
in fact we do not have a resolution, a good resolution as it
relates to Brexit. So I hope that you will be committed to
making sure that we solidify, whatever happens, the resolution
of the Good Friday Accords, the commitment to our efforts for
peace and justice in Northern Ireland. Do I have that
commitment from you?
Mr. Crawford. Yes, I will.
Senator Menendez. And I hope that you will commit to me
that you will, in fact, meet before you leave to Ireland, if
confirmed, with American civil society leadership here.
Mr. Crawford. Yes, I will.
Senator Menendez. And finally, I ask you to maintain a
direct line with me as Ireland moves through this potentially
tumultuous period of time. Do I have that commitment from you?
Mr. Crawford. Yes. I would appreciate that opportunity.
Senator Menendez. Thank you very much.
Ms. Byrnes, I have questions for you, but since I am going
to see you in Greece, I will ask you there. But I will submit
them for the record. But primarily I want to know how you will
be involved in following up on the accords that were reached in
order to perform what we hope for Macedonia. I appreciate your
career service.
Senator Johnson. Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
And thanks to the witnesses. Congratulations to Ambassador
Satterfield and you, Ms. Byrnes, for a good longstanding
careers of service in the State Department. And to you, Mr.
Crawford, congratulations on the nomination. With your family
background, I know your family is particularly proud of this
and they ought to be.
My questions, Ambassador Satterfield, are mostly going to
be for you. Other questions have been asked that I was going
to. I really want to talk to you about the Kurds.
So I sort of want to understand--and you have such
expertise--sort of the set of equities and issues between the
Turkish government and the Kurds. So in Turkey, there is a
sizable Kurdish population. Turkey has dealt with terrorist
incidents by some Kurds, but there are massive amounts of the
Kurdish population that is peaceful. There are Kurdish
representatives in the Turkish national legislature. I worry
that sometimes in the effort to go after terrorist activities,
Kurds more generally have been targeted who are peaceful, who
are exercising their right in a democracy to form their own
political parties and have representation.
Then we get to the situation of the Kurds in northern
Syria. The U.S. has partnered well with the Kurds to defeat
ISIS. That has been incredibly important. That partnership has
been a real flashpoint of tension between the United States and
Turkey. I am on the Armed Services Committee as well. Every
time we have hearings with either CENTCOM or EUCOM regional
commands and we talk about Turkey and we talk about Syria, we
are always told this is one of the toughest issues that they
are trying to resolve, how to maintain a military alliance with
Turkey, that NATO membership, the use of the air base in Adana
that has been helpful to us in campaigning against ISIS. But
the Turks have been very, very distraught over the
relationships that we have had with the Kurds in northern
Syria.
So I was wondering if you could talk a little bit about
domestic Turkish politics and the Kurds and the way we should
understand what Turkey's legitimate concerns are and then
possibly illegitimate, and then what you might do on the
diplomatic front to work with our military leadership over the
issue of the U.S. alliance with Kurds in northern Syria.
Ambassador Satterfield. Senator, with respect to the
domestic Kurdish issue, Turkey does, indeed, have a legitimate
concern over terror from the PKK. Like Turkey, we regard the
PKK as a foreign terrorist organization. And we have partnered
with Turkey. We continue to partner with Turkey at many
different levels and in an operational sense against that
terrorist organization and their targeting of innocent Turks
throughout the country.
We have welcomed Turkish efforts to integrate their Kurdish
community as a whole into Turkish society, to respect and
regard Turkish culture as part of Turkey in a broad sense, and
positive steps have, indeed, been taken in that regard.
But when it comes to the PKK and terror, we are in exactly
the same position. There are quite legitimate Turkish concerns.
To pivot to the Syrian issue, the mission of Jim Jeffrey
that has gone on now for the past several months is to try to
achieve several objectives in northeast Syria, along the
Turkish border, and in partnership with both the Turkish
government and also in consultation with Syrian Democratic
Forces, which are largely but not entirely Kurdish in their
makeup.
The objectives of that mission are several, but one of them
is the protection of those partners who fought and died with
and for us in the campaign against the caliphate and continue
to engage in what we might call the enduring campaign for the
enduring defeat of ISIS in northeast Syria. Now, that is a
critical objective, and it can only be established in
conjunction with negotiations with the Turks over how their
legitimate security needs along that border, that long fraught
border can best be done.
And I would praise the Turkish government, its national
security leadership because they have given the time and the
space to Ambassador Jeffrey to proceed with these negotiations.
And I will not in this forum go into greater detail, but I
certainly think the ability to achieve a success, which meets
all of the U.S. goals, protection of our partners in the SDF,
the avoidance of a vacuum in northeast Syria into which, with
certainty, Russia, Iran, and the Syrian regime would promptly
move, the continuation of stabilization efforts and the
enduring campaign against ISIS--all of those goals can be
achieved. We hope they will be achieved in the near future.
Senator Kaine. Thank you for that. And I think that will be
a significant part of your work because it is certainly a
military effort, but it is probably more diplomatic than it is
defense or military. And I think that will be an important part
of your work.
One other question about Turkey. There has been reporting
in the last few years that the administration has contemplated,
possibly in connection with the return of Pastor Brunson or
another instance just independently, the return of the cleric,
Gulen, who is a U.S. resident to Turkey pursuant to the
requests of the Turkish government. I am sure I know the answer
to this question, the way you are going to answer.
My sense is we are a nation of laws not men. There are laws
about extradition that if evidence is presented to the United
States about anyone that is sufficient for them to be
extradited somewhere because they need to face responsibility
in a lawful manner for their actions, that we will follow
extradition laws. But we are not in the business of handing
people over if there has not been a demonstration that is
sufficient for extradition. And that has been my understanding
of the sort of legal position of this matter, the controversy
with Cleric Gulen. And I just want to understand if you agree
with it as I have stated it.
Ambassador Satterfield. Senator, you have quite accurately
stated our position. We have requirements to meet judicial
sufficiency standards under U.S. law. We welcome the provision
from the government of Turkey, as we would with any government
with whom we have an extradition treaty, material that can
contribute to a finding of that sufficiency. And we are
continuing to engage the Turks and to ask for any additional
information they may have.
Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you.
I have no further questions, Mr. Chair. Thanks.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
Ambassador Satterfield, I want to kind of follow up again
the situation in Syria. Again, I do not really want to ask a
hypothetical, but what is your assessment in terms of the long-
term commitment of some type of coalition force in that buffer
zone in order to protect the PDF to provide the kind of
stability? Is that going to require, I mean, years and years
and years?
Ambassador Satterfield. Senator, your question really
breaks into two different parts. The first is the ability to
have a coalition. We do have a coalition. There are other boots
on the ground apart from U.S. boots. There are today and we
very much believe there will be looking through the rest of
this year and into the future. That coalition, that ability to
sustain those other boots on the ground, is very much dependent
on there being U.S. boots on the ground, not in large numbers.
That is not a requirement. But a U.S. presence is an essential
component as we hear from our coalition partners.
How long does this campaign go on? I spoke with Senator
Kaine on the enduring character of the efforts to achieve the
lasting defeat, the permanent defeat of ISIS. I would speak
that way in terms of Iraq. I certainly would speak that way in
terms of northeast Syria. And I cannot give you a time limit, a
terminus ad quem, to that campaign. ISIS is powerful. Its
physical caliphate has been defeated. I cannot color a map
anymore and show you towns held by ISIS, but I assure you in
northeast Syria, as well as in northern Iraq. ISIS as a brand,
as a coherent entity with funding and with arms, continues to
be a challenge and a threat, and that will require coherent
strategically patient sustained engagement to defeat.
Senator Johnson. Those of us that were over at the Munich
conference--we heard that loud and clear from coalition
partners that it required a U.S. presence. And a bunch of us
were rather vocal publicly in terms of supporting that U.S.
presence.
Do you envision a point in time, though, where things
stabilize to the point where other coalition partners can take
that up and not necessarily have U.S. presence? Or do you
really think it is going to require that long-term?
Ambassador Satterfield. We would very much like to see
exactly the goal you just described, Mr. Chairman, achieved.
That is a situation where stabilization efforts could have
proceeded to the point where it is not necessary to have U.S.
boots on the ground, at least in a dwell status, and that
others can take on this burden. That has been the whole thrust
of our policy for the past year and a half.
Senator Johnson. It is good to hear that would be the goal.
Ms. Byrnes, because you are serving in Athens, you have
seen--and now you are going over to North Macedonia. You have
seen both sides of that really--you know, the Prespa
Agreement--to those of us in America, if you take a look at
that, and you go this is a dispute over a name? Can you talk
about really how deep-seated that problem was and the political
courage it took on the leaders on both sides of those to reach
that agreement?
Ms. Byrnes. Thank you, Senator.
As you note, this was an extremely difficult process on
both sides of the border for both countries. North Macedonia
has been unable to pursue its path towards Euro-Atlantic
integration for years because of the failure to reach an
agreement on the name issue.
What the leaders in both Skopje and Athens did, in terms of
coming together and working over a long period of time to come
to an agreement, to show that kind of political courage and
vision, and to focus on the future rather than on the past, was
a tremendous diplomatic achievement. We encouraged that effort.
We supported the leaders. Obviously, it was a U.N.-facilitated
process, but it was really the leaders in both capitals that
made that commitment and then were able to deliver on what has
been the historic agreement and we think one that will bring
great stability to the broader region.
Senator Johnson. It is my hope that success will breed
success. We saw Kosovo and Montenegro resolve their border
dispute, and now we have seen Greece and North Macedonia
resolve that. Next up, Serbia, Kosovo, a far more difficult
problem.
One of my concerns is we take a look at Brexit and the EU,
the EU probably not anytime soon looking at adding membership.
But as you are well aware, in North Macedonia, the ascension
to, the aspiring to, be it NATO or be it EU, leads to all kinds
of positive reforms. It is actually the desire of their
population that actually provides the political support to do
the tough reforms that otherwise would not be possible.
Can you just talk a little bit about another path?
Obviously, I will do everything I can to make sure that North
Macedonia--you know, we confirm that ascension here in the
United States Senate. But just talk about other nations that
aspire for this type of membership, what those paths could be.
Ms. Byrnes. Thank you.
What I would say--and I thank you, first of all, for your
support in this process because North Macedonia will need our
support as it moves forward in both processes.
With NATO accession, there are clear standards of
membership that relate not only to the security contributions
that North Macedonia would make as a future NATO ally, but the
way that it organizes its security sector and its intelligence
reform. So this has been a major focus not only of North
Macedonia's government for some time, but of our U.S.
assistance and support and coordination of that.
We look forward to, hopefully, a very positive decision in
June from the EU to begin the accession negotiations with North
Macedonia. That begins a process of opening and closing
chapters that will help with the reform process both by
providing the framework, but also the impetus for moving some
of those reforms not just to passing the laws, but then to
actually implementing them and seeing real change on the
ground.
And it is important for the people in the country, to see
positive benefits of that cooperation soon. So the sooner that
they can get started on that process--and again, our assistance
is intended to coordinate not only with the efforts of the
government of North Macedonia but our EU allies and NATO
partners to make sure that we are all coordinating towards that
effort.
Senator Johnson. Mr. Crawford, as a business person, you
understand the importance of tax rates. And from my
standpoint--I am sure this could be disputed, but I think one
of the successes of the Ireland economy is they have recognized
the fact that you want to keep business tax rates quite low. As
a result, that has attracted an awful lot of investment. But
that has also been an irritant to Ireland's trading partners.
Can you just comment on that a little bit?
Mr. Crawford. Ireland's lower tax rate that is in place
today--I do not really believe I have enough information
available to me of quality to be able to give you an opinion on
the currencies in that particular issue because it is very,
very complicated. The currencies keep changing all around
Europe. Brexit has put pressure on this whole situation. But
clearly, if I am confirmed, I am going to support the current
laws around it and support the business as it stands. And then
people with more responsibility and more authority and more
information will change the rules, and I will play by those
rules.
Senator Johnson. Fair enough.
Any other member have further questions?
[No response.]
Senator Johnson. Well, then with that, again I want to
congratulate the nominees for being nominated. Thank you for
your past service. Thank you for your willingness to serve. I
want to thank the families as well.
Ambassador Satterfield, Ms. Byrnes, I certainly recognize
you have already experienced that sacrifice. Mr. Crawford, you
might as well. These are important positions and it is a family
level of service and sacrifice. So, again, thank you all very
much for your service and for appearing before our committee
today.
The hearing record will remain open for statements or
questions until the close of business on Friday, April 12th.
The hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:36 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
----------
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Edward Crawford by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Do I have your commitment, if confirmed, to maintain a
direct line with me as Ireland moves through this potentially
tumultuous period?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I look forward to engaging with you and
other members of the Senate and the House.
Question. If confirmed, do I have your commitment to meet with
Irish American civil society leadership here before you leave for
Dublin?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to meet with Irish American civil
society leadership.
Question. What are the top U.S. policy interests as it relates to
Brexit?
Answer. The United States supports a Brexit outcome that maintains
global economic and financial stability, minimizes disruption to
Transatlantic commercial and security ties, preserves the gains of the
Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland, and allows sufficient
British autonomy to negotiate an ambitious U.S.-UK trade agreement.
Question. In the event that the UK crashes out of the EU, what will
your priorities be as Ambassador to Ireland, if confirmed, with respect
to the fallout from Brexit?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with the Irish government, as
one of the co-guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement, to ensure 21
years of gains in the peace process are safeguarded and to ensure that
Transatlantic security, stability, and prosperity are maintained.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. A cornerstone of my business philosophy is building
companies that are part of communities. Whether that company is in
Cleveland or Japan, the companies I build create jobs and opportunities
for communities. Employees of my companies are always treated with
respect and dignity. I am proud of the relationships we have with our
employees and their families and grateful to serve the communities
where we operate.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Ireland? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. Ireland has strong democratic institutions. However, the
2018 U.S. Country Report on Human Rights Practices in Ireland noted
societal discrimination and violence against immigrants and racial and
ethnic minorities remained a problem. If confirmed, I will engage with
Irish authorities and civil society to promote tolerance and
nondiscrimination.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Ireland? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, my team at the Embassy in Dublin would
continue to engage Irish officials at all levels of government in
support of tolerance and nondiscrimination. Through the International
Visitors Leadership Program and other exchange programs, Irish citizens
with aspirations to serve in government and other elements of civil
society travel to the United States and meet with Americans engaging in
similar work to share best practices and develop relationships that
will last throughout their careers. If confirmed, I would further these
efforts with the goal of addressing the issues raised in the 2018 U.S.
Country Report on Human Rights Practices in Ireland. This effort will
need to involve engagement with both the Irish government as well as
members of civil society.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would ensure my employees abide by
U.S. law, as well as the Department's rules and regulations.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. I have never had a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination, or inappropriate
conduct raised against me.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. I am not aware of any formal or informal concerns or
allegations of sexual harassment, discrimination, or inappropriate
conduct made against any employee over whom I have had supervisory
authority. Park-Ohio Holdings and its operating subsidiaries are
engaged in heavy manufacturing around the world, employing over 6,000
people. The companies are involved in routine civil litigation and
administrative proceedings involving employment matters. These routine
matters are handled by other senior executives without my involvement.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Edward Crawford by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. A cornerstone of my business philosophy is building
companies that are part of communities. Whether that company is in
Cleveland or Japan, the companies I build create jobs and opportunities
for communities. Employees of my companies are always treated with
respect and dignity. I am proud of the relationships we have with our
employees and their families and grateful to serve the communities
where we operate.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in
Ireland? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in Ireland? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Ireland has a strong human rights record. However, the 2018
U.S. Country Report on Human Rights Practices in Ireland noted societal
discrimination and violence against immigrants and racial and ethnic
minorities remained a problem. If confirmed, I will engage with Irish
authorities and civil society and encourage cooperation to promote
tolerance and nondiscrimination.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Ireland in
advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. If confirmed, I and my team at the Embassy in Dublin would
continue to engage Irish officials at all levels of government, as well
as civil society to promote tolerance and nondiscrimination. Through
the International Visitors Leadership Program and other exchange
programs, Irish citizens with aspirations to serve in government and
other elements of civil society travel to the United States and meet
with Americans engaging in similar work to share best practices and
develop relationships that will last throughout their careers. If
confirmed, I would further these efforts with the goal of addressing
the issues raised in the 2018 U.S. Country Report on Human Rights
Practices in Ireland. This effort will need to involve engagement with
both the Irish government as well as members of civil society.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Ireland? If confirmed, what steps will you
take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will engage with civil society and
non-governmental organizations both in the United States and in Ireland
on a range of human rights and other issues of mutual interest. I will
also ensure all the required vetting is carried out for any security
assistance and security cooperation activities.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Ireland to address cases of key political prisoners or persons
otherwise unjustly targeted by Ireland?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Will you engage with Ireland on matters of human rights,
civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise any concerns that I may have
through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise any concerns that I may have
through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Ireland?
Answer. My and my spouse's investment portfolio includes interests
in entities that have a presence in the Republic of Ireland. This
includes a financial interest in Park-Ohio Holdings Corp, an entity I
currently serve as President and Director. Through its subsidiaries,
Park-Ohio Holdings Corporation conducts activities throughout the
world, including in the Republic of Ireland. I am committed to ensuring
that my official actions will not give rise to a conflict of interest.
I will divest all investments the State Department Ethics Office deems
necessary to avoid a conflict of interest, and I will remain vigilant
with regard to my ethics obligations.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. If confirmed, one of my first actions as ambassador will be
to meet the entire team at our Embassy in Dublin. People are the
foundation of my businesses. Diversity and inclusion on teams is very
important to me. Diversity not only enhances our effectiveness but also
promotes a workplace culture that values the efforts of all members and
enhances the professional experience of our valued public servants. At
my companies we employ a diverse worldwide workforce, and if confirmed,
I commit to promoting the Department's goal of ensuring its workforce
reflects the rich composition of the American people all over the world
of different races, ethnicities, genders, and religions.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I would lead by example and promote the
highest standards from our management team. Any behavior that hinders
an inclusive environment will not be tolerated.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in Ireland
specifically?
Answer. Corruption erodes public trust and institutions. Ireland
has strong democratic institutions, established rule of law, and a free
press. The law provides criminal penalties for corruption, and the
government generally implements the laws effectively.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Ireland
and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. Ireland has a strong record of combating corruption.
Ireland enacted legislation in 2018 that overhauled Ireland's
anticorruption laws. According to the 2018 Investment Climate Statement
for Ireland, corruption is not a serious problem for foreign investors
operating in Ireland.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in Ireland?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my team at the Embassy in
Dublin to engage Irish officials at all levels of government in support
of good governance and anticorruption. Through the International
Visitors Leadership Program and other exchange programs, Irish citizens
with aspirations to serve in government and other elements of civil
society travel to the United States and meet with Americans engaging in
similar work to share best practices and develop relationships that
will last throughout their careers. If confirmed, I would further these
efforts.
Question. To what extent is the United States concerned about
Brexit's potential political and economic repercussions on Ireland and
Northern Ireland?
Answer. The United States is concerned with the impact Brexit will
have on Ireland, and how in turn it could impact the broad and deep
trade and investment ties the United States presently enjoys with the
Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland, the United Kingdom, and of
course the EU writ large. The U.S. government has urged both the UK and
EU to pursue a path that will result in as minimal disruption as
possible to the free flow of goods and services between the UK and
Ireland. If confirmed, I will work with the government of Ireland in
support of a Brexit outcome that maintains global economic and
financial stability, minimizes disruption to Transatlantic commercial
and security ties, and preserves the gains of the Good Friday Agreement
in Northern Ireland.
Question. In your view, could a ``hard'' border on the island of
Ireland inflame sectarian tensions and pose a security concern?
Answer. Brexit will impact Ireland, as well as Northern Ireland,
and opportunistic extreme groups could take advantage of uncertainty to
attempt to advance what they perceive as political agendas. If
confirmed, I will work with the Irish government, as one of the co-
guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement, to ensure 21 years of gains in
the peace process are not jeopardized by the exit of the UK from the
EU.
Question. Even if the UK parliament were to agree to the negotiated
withdrawal agreement or other arrangements with the EU to help ensure
the border remains invisible, to what extent might Brexit affect the
economies of Northern Ireland and Ireland?
Answer. Brexit will have an impact on the economies of Ireland and
Northern Ireland. While it is difficult to calculate the exact impact
any disruption to trade will have following the UK's exit from the EU,
it is in the UK and Ireland's interest that their economic ties remain
strong. The U.S. government has urged both the UK and EU to pursue a
path that will result in as minimal disruption as possible to the free
flow of goods and services between the UK and Ireland. If confirmed, I
will work with the government of Ireland in support of a Brexit outcome
that maintains global economic and financial stability, minimizes
disruption to Transatlantic commercial and security ties, and preserves
the gains of the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland.
Question. Some analysts suggest that Brexit has increased momentum
and support for a united Ireland in Northern Ireland. How do you assess
the degree of support for a united Ireland in the Republic of Ireland?
Answer. I think it will be important to first understand the impact
Brexit will have on Northern Ireland. The immediate challenge that
exists for Northern Ireland is returning devolved government to
Stormont. It is important for people in Northern Ireland to be
represented in this critical time.
Question. Some in the UK, especially those in favor of a ``hard
Brexit'' or a ``no deal Brexit,'' claim that the Good Friday Agreement
and concerns about Northern Ireland are being exploited by Ireland and
the EU to impede Brexit. Some of this view have suggested that it also
might be time to reexamine the Good Friday Agreement. How do you
respond to such suggestions?
Answer. The United States supports the Good Friday Agreement, and
if confirmed, I will continue to work with the Irish government, as a
co-guarantor of the Agreement to safeguard and build on the 21 years of
stability, reconciliation, and economic development that the Good
Friday Agreement facilitated.
Question. How might the United States and Ireland work together to
minimize any possible future negative impacts of Brexit on Ireland and
Northern Ireland?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work with Irish officials to support
a Brexit that maintains global economic and financial stability,
minimizes disruption to Transatlantic commercial and security ties, and
preserves the gains of the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Edward Crawford by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. Brexit is expected to impact Ireland more than any other
EU member state due in large part to the land border shared with the
UK. Given your experience as a businessman, what consequences could be
expected from a sudden inability of goods and services to move freely
between two communities and countries so reliant on the free-flow of
trade?
Answer. I am concerned with the impact Brexit will have on Ireland,
and how in turn it could impact the broad and deep trade and investment
ties the United States presently enjoys with the Republic of Ireland,
Northern Ireland, the United Kingdom, and of course the EU writ large.
The U.S. government has urged both the UK and EU to pursue a path that
will result in as minimal disruption as possible to the free flow of
goods and services between the UK and Ireland. While it is difficult to
calculate the exact impact any disruption to trade will have on Ireland
following the UK's exit from the EU, it is in the UK and Ireland's
interest that their economic ties remain strong. If confirmed, I will
work with the government of Ireland in support of a Brexit outcome that
maintains global economic and financial stability, minimizes disruption
to Transatlantic commercial and security ties, and preserves the gains
of the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland.
Question. The Irish government has expressed concern over trade
tensions with the U.S. resulting from retaliatory sanctions and subsidy
practices. If confirmed, how would you address Irish concerns about the
impact of the Trump Administration's trade policies?
Answer. The United States and Ireland have a strong trading
relationship, and it is in both countries' interest to maintain this.
The Administration is committed to the ongoing U.S-EU trade discussions
with the goal of concluding a comprehensive U.S.-EU trade agreement. If
confirmed, I would listen to the Irish government's concerns, and
convey the Administration's policy to promote free, fair, and
reciprocal trade.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Kate Marie Byrnes by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. As a future NATO ally, North Macedonia must meet its
commitments. North Macedonia has not yet met its 2% of GDP goal, and of
course the 20% threshold is as important, if not more:
If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure the government
meets its commitments?
Answer. North Macedonia is a steadfast security partner of the
United States. It sent troops to fight alongside ours in Iraq and
Afghanistan. It plans to spend approximately 1.2 percent of its GDP on
defense in 2019, has a clear and credible plan to reach 2 percent by
2024 in line with NATO's Wales Pledge, and is on track to meet its 20
percent commitment on capabilities spending even earlier. North
Macedonia permits NATO Allies and Partners to use the Krivolak Training
Area, which provides terrain for maneuver exercises not available
elsewhere in Europe. In 2019, North Macedonia will host its largest
joint multinational exercise (``Decisive Strike'') since the breakup of
Yugoslavia; over 1,000 U.S. troops will participate over the course of
the exercise.
If confirmed, I will ensure that this remains at the top of our
bilateral agenda. I will urge North Macedonia to meet all its
commitments to the Alliance and contribute to our collective security.
This will advance stability and security in the region.
Question. The Prespa Agreement signifies a historic moment in which
the political leaders of North Macedonia and Greece overcame difficult
historical issues by focusing on the future-including opening the door
to NATO. This agreement is fragile, and steps need to be taken to
implement provisions of the agreement: What do you envision your role,
if confirmed, in ensuring this agreement is fully implemented?
Answer. The Prespa Agreement lays out a timeline for full
implementation of the agreement and mechanisms for expanding bilateral
cooperation, covering the technical and political phase-in of the name.
A bilateral joint commission on historic and educational matters is
already meeting. A group of experts will be established, within the
context of the EU, to advise on commercial and trademark use.
North Macedonia and Greece are building on the Prespa Agreement to
expand bilateral cooperation across a range of areas, both officially
and between private businesses and organizations. If confirmed, I will
remain committed to working with North Macedonia to guarantee the
success and full implementation of the Prespa Agreement, including the
implementation of continuing reforms, and to see that North Macedonia
integrates fully into the Western community of nations.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Promoting human rights and democracy has been central to
every one of my Foreign Service assignments. In Turkey, Bolivia,
Hungary and Spain, I engaged actively as a Public Diplomacy Officer to
ensure that our Embassy programs, working with host country
institutions and non-governmental organizations, strengthened rule of
law and democratic processes and promoted freedom, democracy,
individual liberty, and human dignity. I set guidelines to ensure our
exchange programs emphasized diversity. In all my assignments, I
engaged civil society representatives, the public and media to bring
attention to minority groups, including Muslim and Roma minorities,
refugees and migrants, LGBTQ, and disabled persons. Through outreach
and joint programming, we amplified their voices and supported their
inclusion, contributing to our partner countries' democracies.
At the OSCE, I led team efforts to underscore U.S. policy concerns
and urge human rights violations and abuses that threaten stability in
Europe were addressed. In the context of North Macedonia, as well as
other OSCE participating states, I coordinated with EU counterparts to
craft OSCE policy statements reiterating the importance of reform
implementation to North Macedonia's future. I worked with the
Department of State's Office of the Coordinator for U.S. Assistance to
Europe and Eurasia to direct U.S. government resources to rule of law,
electoral reform, and other programs at OSCE field missions that
strengthened democratic institutions and advanced U.S. security
interests. Our efforts protected the access to, and representation of,
human rights organizations and other civil society groups at the OSCE/
ODIHR Human Dimension Implementation Meeting and other OSCE meetings,
in the face of opposition from some OSCE participating states. I helped
establish the Democracy Defender Award in 2016 with a small group of
like-minded OSCE delegations, which is now in its fourth year with 36
co-sponsors. Our delegation's strong voice brought international
attention to abuses and human rights violations in Crimea and Chechnya
and supported new efforts to combat trafficking in human beings, anti-
Semitism, and discrimination across the OSCE region. We also worked to
protect the OSCE's independent institutions, maintain focus on
preserving and advancing the Helsinki principles, and ensure that U.S.
resources, and to the greatest extent possible those of the OSCE,
addressed U.S. national priorities.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in North Macedonia? These challenges might
include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as
possible.
Answer. A lack of judicial independence and corruption are among
the most pressing challenges facing North Macedonia. The State
Department's 2018 Human Rights Report also noted other significant
human rights concerns in North Macedonia included the Council of
Europe's Committee for Prevention of Torture's assessment that prison
conditions could be described as constituting cruel, inhuman, or
degrading treatment, and allegations of discrimination against some
minorities and LGBTQ persons. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen
adherence to our shared values, and provide appropriate support to the
government of North Macedonia's ongoing reform efforts, especially in
rule of law, anti-corruption, and public administration. To this end, I
will engage not only government officials and political parties, but
also civil society and citizens in North Macedonia, utilizing the full
range of our diplomatic, foreign assistance, and public diplomacy
tools.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in North Macedonia? What do you hope to accomplish through
these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the
specific obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support North Macedonia on its Western
trajectory. The Administration strongly supports the historic Prespa
Agreement with Greece, which unblocks the path for North Macedonia's
integration into NATO and the European Union. Over the past year, the
government of North Macedonia made significant progress in implementing
reforms needed for the country to align with NATO and EU values. This
included strengthening rule of law and judicial independence, media
freedom, transparency, and government accountability. At the
government's request, we are supporting these important reform efforts.
If confirmed, I will encourage the government of North Macedonia to
increase accountability at all levels, break the cycle of corruption,
and unleash the country's economic potential, thus advancing the
country's strategic goals.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. I agree with that statement. If confirmed, I will work to
prevent any attempts to target or retaliate against career employees
based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work on policy, or
affiliation with a previous administration. If confirmed, I will ensure
that each of the supervisors at the Embassy in North Macedonia fosters
an environment that is diverse and inclusive, including by making my
own commitment and my expectations clear from the very first country
team and town hall meeting. I will not tolerate retaliation,
blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices. I take
allegations of such practices seriously and will ensure their referral
to the Department's Inspector General, as appropriate.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. I have never been subject to a formal or informal complaint
or allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination, or inappropriate
conduct in a workplace or any other setting. I commit to comply with
all relevant federal laws, regulations, and rules, and to raise
concerns that I may have through appropriate channels.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. As a Deputy Chief of Mission, I have had a role in
supporting the Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO) process for employees
under my overall supervision and have worked with the Department's
Office of Civil Rights per its guidance to address those situations
appropriately. If confirmed, I commit to continue complying with all
relevant federal laws, regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns
that I may have through appropriate channels.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Kate Marie Byrnes by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. Promoting human rights and democracy has been central to
every one of my Foreign Service assignments. In Turkey, Bolivia,
Hungary and Spain, I engaged actively as a Public Diplomacy Officer to
ensure that our Embassy programs, working with host country
institutions and non-governmental organizations, strengthened rule of
law, democratic processes, and promoted freedom, democracy, individual
liberty, and human dignity. I set guidelines to ensure our exchange
programs emphasized diversity. In all my assignments, I engaged civil
society representatives, the public, and media to bring attention to
minority groups, including Muslim and Roma minorities, refugees and
migrants, LGBTQ and disabled persons. Through outreach and joint
programming, we amplified their voices and supported their inclusion,
contributing to our partner countries' democracies.
At the OSCE, I led team efforts to underscore U.S. policy concerns
and urge human rights violations and abuses that threaten stability in
Europe were addressed. In the context of North Macedonia, as well as
other OSCE participating states, I coordinated with EU counterparts to
craft OSCE policy statements reiterating the importance of reform
implementation to North Macedonia's future. I worked with the
Department of State's Office of the Coordinator for U.S. Assistance to
Europe and Eurasia to direct U.S. government resources to rule of law,
electoral reform, and other programs at OSCE field missions that
strengthened democratic institutions and advanced U.S. security
interests. Our efforts protected the access to and representation of
human rights organizations and other civil society groups at the OSCE/
ODIHR Human Dimension Implementation Meeting and other OSCE meetings,
in the face of opposition from other OSCE participating states. I
helped establish the Democracy Defender Award in 2016 with a small
group of like-minded OSCE delegations, which is now in its fourth year
with 36 co-sponsors. Our delegation's strong voice brought
international attention to abuses and human rights violations in Crimea
and Chechnya, and supported new efforts to combat trafficking in human
beings, anti-Semitism, and discrimination across the OSCE region. We
also worked diligently to protect the OSCE's independent institutions,
maintain their focus on preserving and advancing the Helsinki
principles, and ensure that U.S. resources, and to the greatest extent
possible those of the OSCE, addressed U.S. national priorities.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in North
Macedonia? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in North Macedonia?
What do you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. The State Department's 2018 Human Rights Report noted that
the most significant human rights concerns in North Macedonia included
the Council of Europe's Committee for Prevention of Torture's
assessment that prison conditions could be described as constituting
cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment; high-level corruption; and
allegations of discrimination against some minorities and LGBTQ
persons. If confirmed, I will support efforts to strengthen the rule of
law in North Macedonia and combat intolerance and promote inclusivity
for all, regardless of ethnicity, religion, or sexual orientation. I
will utilize the full range of our diplomatic, assistance, and public
diplomacy tools to continue supporting the office of the independent
human rights ombudsman and advancing implementation of democratic
reforms by the government, including those that strengthen the
judiciary and rule of law, bolster media freedom, and increase the
competence and accountability of the public administration. The United
States has been vocal about increasing transparency and public
involvement in governance in North Macedonia. If confirmed, I will
continue my engagement with government, political parties, civil
society, and ordinary citizens to raise awareness of, and promote
adherence to, our shared values of democracy, human rights, and the
rule of law.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in North Macedonia in
advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. Since emerging in 2017 from a protracted political crisis,
North Macedonia has made significant progress in implementing
democratic reforms and increasing transparency and accountability. This
progress was made by the government of North Macedonia, in close
cooperation with the United States, the European Union, and other
members of the international community. More work remains. The
government must keep its focus on implementing reforms that deliver
sustainable and concrete results in combating high-level corruption and
impunity, restoring public trust in state institutions, and bolstering
the fairness and integrity of the judiciary.
Challenges remain to address the causes of negative public
perception of, and widespread societal discrimination against,
minorities, LGBTQ persons, and persons with disabilities. It will
require time and effort to overcome deep-seated biases common
throughout the region. However, our encouragement and the support of
civil society organizations, the government of North Macedonia is
taking necessary steps to increase alignment with international human
rights standards. This includes the March 11 adoption of an updated Law
on Prevention and Protection Against Discrimination.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in North Macedonia? If confirmed, what steps
will you take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar
efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and
security cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. Civil society plays an indispensable role in free and
democratic societies by promoting respect for human rights, rule of
law, and transparency. If confirmed, I am committed to deepening the
Embassy's long-standing relationships with civil society and continuing
to work with the non-governmental sector to promote support for
democracy in North Macedonia. The Leahy law plays a pivotal role in
ensuring that respect for human rights remains a core precept in our
promotion of global security. If confirmed, I will reinforce this
commitment to human rights by ensuring the Embassy continues to follow
the Leahy law, including by thoroughly vetting all individuals and
units nominated to receive U.S. security assistance and participate in
U.S.-funded security cooperation activities.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with North
Macedonia to address cases of key political prisoners or persons
otherwise unjustly targeted by North Macedonia?
Answer. The U.S. Embassy in North Macedonia takes very seriously
any allegation or instance where individuals may be prosecuted for the
exercise of their human rights, such as freedom of opinion or belief
and freedom of expression, and regularly engages to demand independent,
accountable judicial action. In the event there were credible reports
of prisoners of conscience, or indications that the government or its
agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings or caused
``disappearances,'' if confirmed, I would utilize every resource at my
disposal to engage with government and other officials to remedy the
situation, as appropriate.
Question. Will you engage with North Macedonia on matters of human
rights, civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the work of the Embassy to
work with the government of North Macedonia, political parties, ethnic
and religious groups, members of civil society, and domestic and
international organizations to advance North Macedonia's aspirations of
joining the European Union and NATO as a country that upholds its
obligations and commitments regarding human rights, including civil
rights, and governance.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise any concerns that I may have
through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise any concerns that I may have
through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in North Macedonia?
Answer. My investment portfolio includes funds that may have or
acquire investments in companies in North Macedonia; however, these
funds are exempt from the conflicts of interest rules and have been
reviewed by the State Department Ethics Office. I am committed to
ensuring that my official actions will not give rise to a conflict of
interest. I will divest my interests in any investments the State
Department Ethics Office deems necessary in the future to avoid a
conflict of interest, and I will remain vigilant with regard to my
ethics obligations.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. Today's Foreign Service is more diverse, more creative, and
more effective than my father's Foreign Service, and I consider it a
personal responsibility to ensure that it continues to grow in that
direction, even more expeditiously, to better represent today's diverse
America. The strongest message our overseas Missions or delegations to
multilateral institutions can send to foreign counterparts is that we
represent the full strength of the United States and the diversity of
all its citizens. The Department's formal programs are a first step in
recruiting talented, diverse individuals into the system; it is up to
managers to ensure that diversity and inclusion become a part of their
daily decision making and thought processes in the workplace.
In my formal and informal mentoring of officers and specialists I
seek first to understand the perspectives of my colleagues. I ask about
their background, why they chose this path of service, and what they
hope to contribute, in order to support their career aspirations. There
is no single path of success in the Foreign Service; there are many. I
work with individuals under my supervision to ensure that in their
current assignments they have opportunities to express their views,
test their initiatives, and receive constructive feedback. I believe in
the value of after-action discussions to ensure that team members
understand how and why decisions are ultimately made, particularly when
a diversity of views are expressed, to ensure transparency and promote
professional learning.
If confirmed, I will ensure that staff members in my Mission rotate
leadership responsibilities as control officers, project coordinators,
reporting officers, and public outreach officers, to strengthen their
tradecraft and expose them to different aspects of our diplomatic
world. I will continue to encourage the officers and specialists who
work in my Mission, or who reach out to me from other assignments, to
consider bidding strategies that open up new opportunities to expand
their skill sets as well as their professional networks. Additionally,
I will ensure that my Mission's professional development programs
provide opportunities to personnel at every stage of their career as
they move beyond the entry level.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that each of the supervisors at
the Embassy in North Macedonia fosters an environment that is diverse
and inclusive by making my own commitment and my expectations clear
from the very first country team and town hall meeting. I will set a
leadership example by seeking input from all members of the country
team. I will encourage challenging questions and reflection and
analysis among staff members. I will establish a ``no-fault'' policy
for good ideas, tabling all issues and inviting collaboration.
I will demonstrate interest in how my country team members interact
with their own teams and encourage my Deputy Chief of Mission to do the
same, by encouraging them and their subordinates to structure meetings
and other Mission processes to create an environment in which all staff
members can express their views. I will ensure all supervisors are held
to the same standards, working with them to broaden input into our
policies and programs. During the Open Season and other assignment and
hiring periods, I will work with them on their recruitment strategies
and position choices. My commitment is to building a team that is
diverse and representative of all of America and to fostering an
environment that is inclusive, collaborative and an engine for the best
ideas to further U.S. interests in North Macedonia.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in North
Macedonia specifically?
Answer. As noted by the global anti-corruption watchdog
organization Transparency International, when corruption seeps into the
democratic system, corrupt leaders will seek to bypass democratic
checks and balances to remain in power and thwart the public will. Weak
anti-corruption mechanisms and an atmosphere of impunity lead to weak
public institutions and weak rule of law, eroding public trust and
confidence in their democratic institutions and the state. To fight
corruption and strengthen democratic institutions and governance, we
must champion democratic checks and balances, strong laws but also
their strong implementation, judicial independence and integrity, and
public accountability and media freedom.
With respect to North Macedonia, numerous international reports
cite the country's failures to uphold the rule of law over the last
decade. Political interference, inefficiency, favoritism, prolonged
processes, and corruption weakened the country's judicial system and
led to state capture under the previous government. The current
government is taking steps to address these weaknesses. The United
States is supporting these efforts as well as civil society initiatives
that hold the government accountable for progress.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in North
Macedonia and efforts to address and reduce them by the government of
North Macedonia?
Answer. Following a prolonged political crisis caused by a
wiretapping scandal that revealed widespread corruption and abuses by
the previous government, the current government took power in June
2017. It has worked to combat corruption and restore accountability.
One key step was the enactment of a new Law on Prevention of Corruption
and Conflict of Interest in January 2019 that provided for the re-
constitution of the State Commission for Prevention of Corruption and
Conflict of Interest with greater independence and strengthened
competencies. It can now examine public officials' bank records,
political party and election campaign finances, and all political
appointments, as well as request prosecutions. As a result of efforts
such as these by the government of North Macedonia, the country moved
up 14 places between 2017 and 2018 in Transparency International's
Public Perception of Corruption Index, to rank 93rd out of 180
countries surveyed. More is necessary, and the government of North
Macedonia has committed to intensifying anti-corruption efforts and is
cooperating with the State Commission for Prevention of Corruption and
Conflict of Interest's inquiry into alleged nepotism cases involving
the employment of current and former government officials or their
relatives.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in North Macedonia?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to lead the Embassy in
supporting programming that will help North Macedonia implement reforms
that strengthen its democracy, the rule of law, and government
accountability. U.S. assistance will focus on helping North Macedonia
develop an effective and transparent justice sector that reduces
corruption and impunity and restores citizens' trust in public
institutions. Embassy Skopje will advise, assist, and deliver projects
to augment the separation of powers with functional checks and
balances, strengthen and build an effective criminal justice system,
and fight public corruption, tied directly to the strategic interests
of the United States. To avoid duplication of effort, we will
coordinate our assistance with other donors.
Question. As you know, the Helsinki Commission has taken a leading
role in advocating greater respect for the rights of Roma throughout
Europe. Commission co-chairman Senator Roger Wicker and I have recently
introduced Senate Resolution 141, celebrating the heritage of Roma in
this country. North Macedonia has a large and relatively vibrant Romani
community, even though its members may face discrimination in
employment, education, housing and other areas similar to Roma in other
countries.
If confirmed as Ambassador, will you ensure the U.S. embassy
continues its active engagement of the Romani community in North
Macedonia and speak out when human rights violations or other problems
reflecting prejudice occur?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue longstanding efforts to
ensure the rights of all people--including the Romani community as well
as other members of ethnic and religious minority communities--are
protected. If confirmed, I will continue to promote the values of
freedom, democracy, individual liberty, and human dignity. U.S.
assistance includes grants to local groups that promote the protection
of human rights and fundamental freedoms of members of targeted
populations, including minority groups.
Question. While progress will hopefully convince a broad majority
of Macedonian citizens of the wisdom of the name-change, in the short-
term there is considerable opposition. How might this affect the
Macedonian presidential elections in April or obtaining sufficient
support for still-needed internal reforms?
Answer. The Prespa Agreement represents the committed efforts of
leaders of both North Macedonia and Greece to find a solution to a
longstanding problem that advances stability and prosperity in both
countries. It involves compromises that were difficult for both sides.
While many citizens support the Prespa Agreement and what it will
achieve for the country, some citizens are still disappointed with
those compromises. We believe the Prespa Agreement advances stability,
security, and prosperity throughout the region, as it opens a door for
North Macedonia's full Western integration.
The Prespa Agreement is an issue of national interest in North
Macedonia and is therefore a topic of discussion among the presidential
candidates. All three candidates support a NATO and EU future for North
Macedonia.
If confirmed, I will remain committed to working with North
Macedonia to guarantee the Prespa Agreement's full implementation and
the implementation of continuing reforms, to see that North Macedonia
is fully integrated into the Western community of nations.
Question. Now that the Greek and Macedonian parliaments have
ratified the Prespa Agreement, what are the next steps for the
Macedonian government to formalize the name change and join NATO? Do
you anticipate any potential complications?
Answer. The Prespa Agreement sets out a timeline for full
implementation of the Agreement and mechanisms for expanding bilateral
cooperation, covering the technical and political phase-in of the name.
A joint commission on historic and educational matters is already
meeting. A group of experts will be established, within the context of
the EU, to advise on commercial and trademark use.
NATO Allies signed the Accession Protocol for North Macedonia in
Brussels on February 6. Allies are proceeding with their domestic
processes necessary to ratify North Macedonia's NATO accession
protocol. To date, eleven countries have ratified the Accession
Protocol. On March 27, the White House submitted to Congress the report
on the Republic of North Macedonia's Accession to NATO for Senate
review.
Importantly, North Macedonia and Greece are building on the Prespa
Agreement with expanded bilateral cooperation in a range of areas, both
officially and between private businesses and organizations. The United
States is supporting both North Macedonia and Greece as they move
forward with implementation to ensure the success of the Prespa
Agreement and to strengthen their bilateral ties.
Question. Do you see opposition to North Macedonia's integration
from countries other than Russia, such as Hungary or Turkey?
Answer. Both Hungary and Turkey have been supportive of the Prespa
Agreement. North Macedonia deserves these countries' continued support
as it moves along its chosen path of Western integration.
Question. What role should the United States play in North
Macedonia, and in the Western Balkans as a whole, especially to counter
Russian and other destabilizing influences?
Answer. Russia does not accept the post-Cold War settlement in
Europe and is pushing back with a variety of tools, both overt and
covert, to forestall the region's Western integration. It seeks to
incite divisions. In contrast, the United States supports EU membership
for all countries of the Western Balkans and NATO membership for those
who want it.
In the case of North Macedonia, Russia has been vocal in speaking
out against the country's democratically chosen NATO path and attempted
to undermine effort to reach an agreement on the name issue. We are
supporting North Macedonia's further steps towards Western integration
and pushing back on Russia's attempts to hinder these efforts. The
United States firmly believes that North Macedonia's interests and
those of its Western Balkans neighbors--as well as ours--are best
served by their cementing democratic norms, rule of law, and
cooperation, based on common values and a shared future.
Question. North Macedonia was directly impacted by the mass
migration into Europe from Africa and the Middle East in recent years.
What have been the effects of the migrants and refugees who have
transited through North Macedonia? What challenges does the country
continue to face regarding migration?
Answer. During the 2015-2016 European migration crisis, the U.S.
government worked with the United Nations and other international
organizations, as well as EU institutions and member states, to provide
a comprehensive, coordinated response that protected lives, upheld
respect of human rights, and ensured proper screening and registration
procedures. The number of new migrants and asylum seekers in North
Macedonia has significantly fallen since 2016. The United States has
contributed equipment and training on border management in response to
Western Balkan requests, and we will work to support the government of
North Macedonia as it continues to respond to the effects of migration.
Question. The Helsinki Commission is also active in efforts to
combat human trafficking. North Macedonia has been a Tier 2 country
since 2016 for not meeting the minimum standards for the elimination of
trafficking in persons, even if it is making significant efforts to do
so. Prior to that, and despite its other problems, it had been the only
country in the Western Balkans to have Tier 1 status:
As North Macedonia seeks to join the NATO Alliance, are we pressing
that country--as frankly we should all NATO members who are not
in the Tier 1 category--to devote more resources to the
prevention of tracking, the protection of victims and the
prosecution of the culprits? What will it take for North
Macedonia to again warrant Tier 1 status? What can the U.S.
Embassy in Skopje do to help?
Answer. The government of North Macedonia does not fully meet the
minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is
making significant efforts to do so. The government demonstrated
increased efforts in 2018 compared to the previous year; therefore,
North Macedonia remained a Tier 2 country in our annual Trafficking in
Persons report.
If confirmed, I will work with our Embassy to encourage the
government to vigorously investigate, prosecute, and convict
traffickers and impose strong sentences, as well as improve victim
identification, protection, and compensation. We will continue to
encourage the government to work closely with non-government
organizations to achieve these goals.
Question. What is your assessment of the extent to which North
Macedonia has implemented the Ohrid Agreement (the agreement that ended
Macedonia's armed conflict between Albanian rebels and Macedonian
security forces in August 2001) and taken steps to integrate ethnic
Albanians in government and respect their rights regarding language?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to support full
implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement. Our Embassy in Skopje
regularly engages to advocate for the advancement of interethnic
cooperation. There are continuing efforts to build a functional multi-
ethnic society based on full implementation of the Ohrid Framework
Agreement, and we encourage further efforts in this area.
Question. Similarly, how would you assess the commitment of those
belonging to the large Albanian community in North Macedonia to the
unity and integration of the country?
Answer. Citizens need to be able to interact easily with their
government and with each other. Multi-ethnic democracies around the
world have chosen to address this issue in different ways. If
confirmed, the Embassy and I will support the ongoing efforts of the
ethnic communities and the government of North Macedonia to work
towards a stronger, functional, multi-ethnic society.
Question. Are there concerns about the influence of Albania and
Kosovo in North Macedonia's Albanian community?
Answer. There are strong, historic, cultural, and linguistic ties
among ethnic Albanians, and this is natural. However, calls for
political unification across borders, and other language insinuating
the pursuit of such unification, narrow opportunities for a European
path. Full integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions coupled with
strong rule of law and unfettered commerce throughout the region
remains our vision of a future in which all the people of the region
thrive.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Kate Marie Byrnes by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. The foreign aid budget for North Macedonia has declined
steadily in recent years from $21.6 million in FY 2017 to a budget
request this year for FY 2020 of only $5.7 million. In your view where
has U.S. foreign aid been effective in North Macedonia and why has aid
declined so dramatically in the past few years?
Answer. North Macedonia, on the threshold of joining NATO, is
committed to a path that aligns with Western principles and is focused
on partnering with the Western alliance, including the United States,
to advance regional prosperity and stability. Bilateral U.S. assistance
programs have facilitated North Macedonia's progress by supporting the
government's efforts to improve governance and strengthen the rule of
law, fostering electoral reforms and political party capacity,
bolstering civil society's role in advocating for reforms, and
supporting access to objective media content. Regional U.S. assistance
programs have advanced private sector-led economic development,
including through support to improve North Macedonia's business
environment, and strengthened independent media's business viability
through improved digital strategies.
The FY 2020 Request for North Macedonia is $5.7 million, which is
$640,000 (10 percent) below the FY 2019 Request. U.S. assistance will
facilitate citizen-responsive governance; strengthen the rule of law,
governance, and democratic institutions; stimulate economic growth,
trade, and investment; promote reconciliation; increase energy
independence; and increase the resilience of civil society and media to
disinformation and malign external influence.
While the Administration views the State Department and USAID's
roles in diplomacy and development as critical to national security,
the Administration remains committed to restraining overall non-defense
discretionary spending, including for the State Department and USAID.
If confirmed, I look forward to continuing discussions with Congress on
funding for our diplomacy and assistance programs, including for FY
2020.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David Satterfield by Senator Robert Menendez
Cyprus
Question. Jane Holl Lute was recently in Cyprus meeting with
President Anastasiades regarding the peace process, and the ``terms of
reference'' document is slated to be delivered to the U.N. Secretary
General on April 15. If it were not for Turkey's obstructive role in
the peace process, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots would have
likely reached a settlement.
If confirmed, how will you engage with the government of Turkey to
mitigate its adverse role in the peace process in Cyprus?
Answer. This Administration continues to support a Cypriot-led,
U.N.-facilitated process to reunify the island as a bizonal, bicommunal
federation.
We hope the leaders of the two communities will demonstrate their
full resolve to a comprehensive settlement not only through their
engagement with U.N. Senior Official Jane Holl Lute, but also by
meeting again in the near future in order to make progress towards
other confidence-building measures (CBMs) which they agreed to in 2015.
If confirmed, I will encourage Turkey to engage in the
international effort to reach a negotiated settlement.
Question. Cyprus Peace Process: My position on this is very clear.
I oppose Turkey's ongoing occupation of Northern Cyprus, and I believe
that if it were not for Turkey obstructive role in the peace process,
Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots would have found its way to a
settlement:
If confirmed, what do you envision your role in this peace process?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Turkey to play a productive
role in a Cypriot-led, U.N.-facilitated process to reunify the island
as a bizonal, bicommunal federation.
Syria--Safe Zone
Question. I am concerned about the potential ``safe zone'' in
northeast Syria being discussed with the Turkish government, which
Ambassador Jeffrey recently said would exclude the YPG. The Turks have
reportedly planned to repopulate the border areas, potentially pushing
Syrian Kurds out of their ancestral homes. Moreover, the Kurds are very
concerned about their wellbeing and lasting safety if such a zone were
to be created under Turkey's administration:
What commitments can we make to the Kurdish communities who have
fought alongside the United States?
Answer. Turkey is a NATO ally and a key partner in the Global
Coalition to Defeat ISIS. We are fully committed to its security. We
also want to ensure that our partners who continue to fight with us to
ensure the enduring defeat of ISIS are protected. The President has
been clear that Turkish forces should not militarily engage against the
Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), including the Kurdish component of the
SDF.
Question. What guarantees would we seek to ensure that Kurdish
rights, property, and security are protected?
Answer. The President, the Secretary of State, and Ambassador
Jeffrey have engaged extensively with their Turkish counterparts on how
to ensure a stabilized northeast Syria. Stability requires that people
are able to stay in their homes if they choose and that any return of
refugees or internally displaced persons is safe, voluntary, and
dignified.
Syria--Turkish Incursions
Question. Turkish incursions into Syria, such as in Afrin, have
reportedly occurred jointly with jihadist militias and other groups
opposed to the Syrian Kurds. Support for and facilitation of these
groups are counterproductive for regional stability and exacerbate the
human suffering in Syria:
What is your assessment of these reports?
Answer. Turkey has worked with a number of different Syrian
opposition groups over the course of the conflict. We are aware of
reports that certain groups have engaged in actions that undermine
stability and share your concerns about the consequences of such
actions.
We have raised these concerns with Turkish counterparts while
emphasizing that it is the responsibility of Turkish authorities to
ensure the protection of civilians and property in its operations,
including safeguarding civilians from unlawful activities.
Question. Do you think the Turkish military, the military of a
NATO-allied country, would have any reason to associate with these
kinds of militias?
Answer. Turkey is a NATO ally and a key partner in the Global
Coalition to Defeat ISIS. Turkey has legitimate security concerns along
its border, which this Administration remains committed to addressing.
The Administration has emphasized that stability and security
throughout opposition-controlled areas of Syria depend on security and
governance structures being acceptable to residents of these areas.
Question. What steps can the United States take to deter this
behavior?
Answer. We have made clear to Turkey that it is the responsibility
of Turkish authorities to ensure the protection of civilians and
property in the areas in which it operates, including safeguarding
civilians from unlawful activities. In our Syria-focused discussions
with Turkey, we have and will continue to assert that stability and
security throughout opposition-controlled areas of Syria depend on
security and governance structures being acceptable to residents of
these areas.
Syria--Humanitarian Corridor
Question. I am pleased to see that Turkey has played a critical
role in maintaining the ceasefire in Idlib. While the fighting may be
temporarily on hold, there remains a humanitarian crisis there.
government and nongovernment organizations have had significant
difficulty opening and maintaining a safe humanitarian corridor to
facilitate assistance to the people there. With the United States
withdrawing our own START teams from providing direct assistance, we
are increasingly reliant on others to carry out this vital work that
provides relief and advances stability:
Can you describe Turkey's role in providing assistance or in
cooperating with operating partners on providing assistance?
Answer. Turkey hosts over four million refugees, 3.6 million of
whom are Syrian, opening their schools, hospitals, and other public
services and allowing refugees the right to work. Over 60% of school-
age refugee children are back in school, given the language barrier
this is particularly notable. The government of Turkey estimates that
it has spent over $30 billion hosting refugees.
In northwest Syria, Turkey plays a critical role in authorizing and
facilitating assistance for much of the population of nearly three
million, over half of whom were previously displaced from other parts
of Syria and depend on cross border humanitarian assistance. In
Turkish-controlled areas of northern Syria, the Turkish government
along with international, Syrian and Turkish NGOs provide assistance on
the ground. We continue to work with Turkish authorities to advocate
for better access for increased humanitarian actors in those areas and
for more visibility on the full picture of whether the most urgent
needs are being met in those areas.
Question. Do you believe it is in our interest to stop the direct
delivery of aid?
Answer. Our goals in Syria remain the enduring defeat of ISIS, a
lasting political solution in accordance with U.N. Security Council
Resolution 2254, and the removal of Iran and its proxies from Syria.
Our ongoing assistance, supported by the START and the Southern Syria
Assistance Program platforms, along with contributions from our
partners in the International Coalition, provides us with the tools
necessary to achieve those goals.
The more than $9.5 billion of humanitarian assistance provided by
the United States to the people of Syria has undoubtedly saved hundreds
of thousands, if not millions of lives. Last month, the United States
announced more than $397 million in additional humanitarian assistance
for the people of Syria, reflecting the steadfast commitment of the
United States to providing lifesaving support to the people of Syria
impacted by conflict, both inside Syria and throughout the region. The
U.N. and partner NGOs reach over four million people inside Syria each
month with aid that we provide.
Throughout northeast Syria, the United States continues to provide
critical humanitarian assistance and stabilization work, such as
restoring electricity grids, providing psychosocial support for
children, supporting justice and accountability, removing rubble,
restoring water delivery, and other essential services. Additional aid
has rehabilitated damaged schools and allowed hundreds of thousands of
children to get back to school, while providing livelihood and
agricultural support. Our assistance has removed thousands of acres of
territory of the left-behind explosive remnants of war (ERW) and the
clearance of corpses and rubble from streets.
Question. Can you talk more about the ways in which we can leverage
our assets?
Answer. One of the ways we have leveraged our assets in Syria is
through the programs managed by our regional platforms, the Turkey-
based Syria Transition Assistance Response Team (START) and the
Southern Syria Assistance Platform based in Amman. The networks and on-
the-ground connections forged by our stabilization programs have
provided insight into the ever changing conditions in northern Syria
while forging connections with the Syrian people.
Ensuring the enduring defeat of ISIS will require continued
stabilization assistance in the region to alleviate human suffering and
to make progress in the political process outlined in UNSCR 2254.
PKK
Question. Turkey indeed faces legitimate and serious security
threats from the PKK, a terrorist group designated by the United States
as such since 1997. However, Turkey's recent ground incursions into and
attacks in Iraqi Kurdistan have been particularly destabilizing in
recent months, especially considering the fragile state of the joint
KDP-PUK Kurdish Regional government that faces a tough economic
recovery from the war against ISIS and ongoing counter-ISIS operations.
A stable and secure Kurdish Regional government with a stable Iraqi
border is in Turkey's best interests:
What levers do we have to reduce the PKK threat to Turkey while
working to strengthen Iraqi territorial integrity against
foreign attack?
Answer. Over the last two years, the Administration has increased
our assistance in support of Turkey's national defense against the PKK,
in addition to the assistance we have consistently provided to the
Turkish government since 2007.
In November 2018, the Department announced the listing of three
senior PKK members under the Rewards for Justice program, offering up
to $12 million for identification or information leading to their
capture. In March 2019, the Department renewed the designation of the
PKK as a foreign terrorist organization.
We have encouraged the Turkish and Iraqi governments--including
those in the Kurdistan Regional government--to increase their
communication and coordination in order to address the destabilizing
presence of the PKK in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region. We have seen
increased bilateral Iraqi-Turkish engagement on this topic, and will
continue to advocate for further cooperation.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. In all of my previous posts, I have engaged with human
rights activists, representatives of civil society, and foreign
government leaders to promote human rights and democracy. The promotion
of democracy and human rights is central to our national interests and
an essential element of our foreign policy. Societies that respect and
defend human rights, fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law are more
stable, secure, and prosperous and make stronger allies.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Turkey? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. The Department's 2018 Human Rights Report for Turkey
includes reports of arbitrary killing; suspicious deaths in custody;
forced disappearances; torture; arbitrary arrests and detentions;
political prisoners; closure of media outlets and criminal prosecution
of individuals for criticizing government policies or officials;
blocking websites and content; severe restrictions on freedoms of
expression, peaceful assembly, association and movement; and violence
against women and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex
(LGBTI) persons, and members of other minorities.
If confirmed, I intend to speak out privately and publicly on
issues of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Turkey, including
those listed above.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Turkey? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. We should press other governments, despite obstacles and
challenges, to adhere to their human rights obligations. If confirmed,
I will urge the Turkish government in public and in private to respect
and ensure freedom of expression and the media, fair trial guarantees,
judicial independence, and other human rights and fundamentals of
democratic rule. Accountable and responsive government, rule of law,
and respect for fundamental freedoms are bulwarks of sovereignty and
internal and international stability. Protecting these rights and
institutions expands the potential for investment and partnership.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Department's engagement
with the government of Turkey and its ongoing work with Turkish civil
society groups on strengthening rule of law. democracy, and good
governance, such as ensuring protections for journalists and civil
society leaders, academics, and anti-corruption NGOs, as well as
growing the space for freedom of expression. If confirmed, I will use
all available resources at my disposal to pursue these objectives.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Turkey? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work with groups that are
supporting democratic governance, rule of law, human rights, and
fundamental freedoms in Turkey. I would continue the U.S. Mission's
important ongoing work of tracking the human rights situation in
Turkey, monitoring trials, engaging with civil society leaders, and
working with like-minded partners to underscore the importance of
respect for rule of law and fundamental freedoms.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I will meet with peaceful opposition groups
and political figures committed to promoting democracy and the rule of
law in Turkey. The United States values engaging with groups and
individuals that voice diverse opinions and has a long history of
engaging leaders both inside and outside the government, a tradition I
will continue. I will also be clear with the Turkish government in
public and in private that the United States views transparency, a free
press, freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and association, and
rule of law as essential elements to the health of Turkish democracy. I
will also continue our support for access and inclusivity for women,
minorities and youth within political parties.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with the
government of Turkey on freedom of the press and address any government
efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Turkey?
Answer. I share your concern about Turkey's negative trajectory on
media freedom. Respect for the rule of law, human rights, and
fundamental freedoms, such as freedom of expression, as well as media
freedom, are pillars of established democracies. Freedom of
expression--especially for speech which many may find controversial or
uncomfortable--should and must be protected for everyone. If confirmed,
I will promote these universal values, and I am committed to meeting
regularly with independent, local press in Turkey. I would continue
Mission Turkey's work to engage the government of Turkey to address
specific cases of violations and laws that unduly restrict freedom of
expression. I would regularly emphasize to the Turkish government that
freedom of expression strengthens democracy and needs to be protected.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Combatting disinformation and propaganda is a priority for
the Department. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with
the Department's Global Engagement Center and other U.S. government
programs to help stop disinformation and enable larger audiences to
gain greater access to accurate information about U.S. culture and
policy. In doing so, I hope to build upon Mission Turkey's support for
international public broadcasters such as the Voice of America to
bolster diverse and independent sources of programming in the absence
of a strong, independent media in Turkey, and the use of social media
platforms to amplify this content.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with the
government of Turkey on the right of labor groups to organize,
including for independent trade unions?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will continue Mission Turkey's active
engagement with the government of Turkey on the right of labor groups
to organize, including for independent trade unions. Protecting labor
rights are a key component of the Department's efforts to promote
democracy and human rights around the world. Mission Turkey and the
Department closely track labor rights, including the freedom of
association and the right to collective bargaining, in the Department's
annual Human Rights Report and elsewhere.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Turkey, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do the
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in
Turkey? What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ people in
Turkey?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to using my position to defend
the human rights and dignity of all people in Turkey, no matter their
sexual orientation or gender identity. The 2018 Human Rights Report
documents violence and other acts of discrimination and abuse against
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) persons, and
members of other minorities. If confirmed, I look forward to advancing
respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all, including
LGBTI persons. I would use the full range of tools at my disposal--
including bilateral and multilateral diplomatic engagement--to protect
the rights of LGBTI persons in Turkey.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. Yes. By setting a personal example, communicating the
relevant laws and rules directly to my staff, and taking appropriate
action when necessary, I will ensure that all employees under my
leadership understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other
prohibited personnel practices will not be tolerated. I will also take
allegations of such practices seriously and ensure they are referred to
the Department's Inspector General.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. No.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. I have handled such cases as a supervisor over the past
three decades. All such cases were dealt with in accordance with the
relevant laws and Department policies and in as prompt a manner as
possible. Harassment, discrimination and misconduct are unacceptable
and allegations of such must be addressed--and I have done so in all
such cases throughout my career--in a thorough and effective manner. I
will continue to do so if confirmed.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David Satterfield by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. In all of my previous posts, I have engaged with human
rights activists, representatives of civil society, and foreign
government leaders to promote human rights and democracy. The promotion
of democracy and human rights is central to our national interests and
an essential element of our foreign policy. Societies that respect and
defend human rights, fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law are more
stable, secure, and prosperous and make stronger allies.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in the
Republic of Turkey? What are the most important steps you expect to
take--if confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in the
Republic of Turkey? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions?
Answer. The Department's 2018 Human Rights Report for Turkey
includes reports of arbitrary killing; suspicious deaths in custody;
forced disappearances; torture; arbitrary arrests and detentions;
political prisoners; closure of media outlets and criminal prosecution
of individuals for criticizing government policies or officials;
blocking websites and content; severe restrictions on freedoms of
expression, peaceful assembly, association and movement; and violence
against women and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex
(LGBTI) persons, and members of other minorities.
If confirmed, I intend to speak out privately and publicly on
issues of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Turkey, including
those listed above.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in the Republic of
Turkey in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in
general?
Answer. It is always challenging to balance the promotion of human
rights, civil society and democracy while advancing our other bilateral
objectives, such as security and economic cooperation, with our
partners. This is particularly true in Turkey, which is a NATO Ally
facing numerous challenges related to human rights and the rule of law.
That said, I believe that we should press other governments, despite
obstacles and challenges, to adhere to their human rights obligations.
If confirmed, I will urge the Turkish government in public and in
private to respect and ensure freedom of expression and the media, fair
trial guarantees, judicial independence, and other human rights and
fundamentals of democratic rule. Accountable and responsive government,
rule of law, and respect for fundamental freedoms are bulwarks of
sovereignty and internal and international stability. Protecting these
rights and institutions expands the potential for investment and
partnership.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in the Republic of Turkey? If confirmed, what
steps will you take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar
efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and
security cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with groups that are helping to
move Turkey forward on a path towards democratic governance and rule of
law, and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. I would
continue the U.S. Mission's important ongoing work of closely following
the human rights situation in Turkey, monitoring trials, engaging with
civil society leaders, and working with like-minded partners to
underscore the importance of respect for rule of law and fundamental
freedoms. If confirmed, I will ensure the U.S. Mission continues to
enforce the Leahy Law and ensures provision of U.S. security assistance
and security cooperation activities reinforces human rights.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with the
Republic of Turkey to address cases of key political prisoners or
persons otherwise unjustly targeted by the Republic of Turkey?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will urge Turkey to respect and uphold
human rights and fundamental freedoms, maintain judicial independence,
and to release those held for their political beliefs and those
unjustly detained including civil society activists, opposition
leaders, and journalists.
I would make it a particular priority to secure the release of Dr.
Serkan Golge, a U.S. citizen and NASA physicist, and locally employed
staff of the U.S. Mission--all of whom we believe have been detained
unjustly.
Question. Will you engage with the Republic of Turkey on matters of
human rights, civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral
mission?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I intend to speak out privately and
publicly on matters of human rights, civil rights and governance.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to comply with all relevant federal
ethics laws, regulations, and rules, and to raise any concerns that I
may have through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to comply with all relevant federal
ethics laws, regulations, and rules, and to raise any concerns that I
may have through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in the Republic of Turkey?
Answer. My investment portfolio includes diversified mutual funds,
which may hold interests in companies with a presence in Turkey, but
which are exempt from the conflict of interest laws. My investment
portfolio also includes a sector fund, which may hold interests in
companies with a presence in Turkey. Finally, my investment portfolio
includes financial interests in companies with a presence in Turkey. I
am committed to ensuring that my official actions will not give rise to
a conflict of interest. I will divest all investments the State
Department Ethics Office deems necessary to avoid a conflict of
interest. I will remain vigilant with regard to my ethics obligations.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. In my current position as Acting Assistant Secretary for
the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, I have made clear that the U.S.
government's commitment to equal employment opportunity should be
respected and promoted. I have encouraged and supported the Equal
Employment Opportunity Counselor program and I will continue this
approach if confirmed as Chief of Mission for Turkey.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I will convey to all supervisors at Mission
Turkey my expectation that they will promote and respect an inclusive
climate that fosters diversity, including the commitment to equal
employment opportunity, and will reinforce this message through my
example.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in the
Republic of Turkey specifically?
Answer. Political corruption has a deleterious effect upon the rule
of law, and fighting against corruption helps to strengthen democratic
institutions.
Corruption remains a serious concern in Turkey, a reality reflected
in Turkey's falling score in recent years in Transparency
International's annual Corruption Perceptions Index, where it ranked 78
of 180 countries and territories around the world in 2018. government
mechanisms to investigate and punish alleged abuse and corruption by
state officials remained inadequate, and impunity remained a problem.
Though independent in principle, the judiciary remained prone to
government interference, including with respect to the investigation
and prosecution of major corruption cases. In some cases, the 2016-2018
state of emergency amplified pre-existing concerns about judicial
independence.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in the
Republic of Turkey and efforts to address and reduce it by that
government?
Answer. Turkey's score in Transparency International's Perceptions
of Corruption Index has dropped from 50 in 2013 to 41 in 2018, ranking
it 78 of 180 countries. We have seen no pattern or mechanism for
investigating, indicting, and convicting individuals accused of
corruption, and there are concerns regarding the impartiality of the
judiciary in the handling of corruption cases. There are no reports
that senior government officials faced official investigations for
alleged corruption, and journalists accused of publicizing corruption
allegations have at times faced criminal charges.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in the Republic of Turkey?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Department's engagement
with the government of Turkey as well as work with Turkish civil
society groups on issues of importance to Turkish citizens, including
those related to good governance and anti-corruption, such as
increasing legal protections for journalists, particularly
investigative journalists, civil society members, anti-corruption NGOs,
and growing the space for freedom of expression.
Democracy/Human Rights/Rule of Law
Question. According to the most recent State Department Human
Rights Report, since 2016 Turkey has purged more than 130,000
government employees, jailed more than 80,000 individuals, closed more
than 1,500 NGOs, shuttered more than 200 media outlets, and imprisoned
scores of journalists. The Committee to Protect Journalists ranks
Turkey as the world's worst jailer of journalists, with at least 68
reporters behind bars at the end of last year. Particularly over the
past two years, we have seen a steady stream of farcical indictments
alleging involvement in terrorism, espionage, coup attempts, and
``insulting the president'' levied against every manner of peaceful
activist, reporter, politician, and even innocent Americans and the
local staff of our consulates in the country.
Given this state of affairs, in your opinion, is Turkey a
democracy? What effective checks remain on Erdogan's
presidency?
Answer. As described in the Department's 2018 Human Rights Report,
Turkey is a constitutional republic with an executive presidential
system and a 600-seat legislature. Although the constitution and law
provide citizens the ability to change their government through free
and fair elections, the government restricted equal competition and
placed restrictions on the fundamental freedoms of assembly and
expression.
Question. What do you believe the United States should do to
preserve and strengthen the remaining elements of Turkish civil society
that defend democracy and human rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I will show support to civil society members,
human rights groups, and other non-governmental organizations in
Turkey. The United States values the voice and opinions of civil
society and has a long history of engaging leaders both inside and
outside the government, a tradition I will continue. I will also be
clear with the Turkish government in public and in private that the
United States views transparency, a free press, freedom of expression,
and rule of law as important elements to the health of Turkish
democracy.
Question. Will you raise the issue of politically motivated
prosecutions of democratically elected officials with Turkey in your
capacity as ambassador?
Answer. Yes. The Department has repeatedly expressed serious
concern about the pattern of actions by Turkish officials, which appear
to target those whose views differ from the government's, including
opposition politicians, public intellectuals, civil society actors,
lawyers, and journalists. If confirmed, I will underscore the
importance of transparency and respect for rule of law.
Question. What role do you see for the U.S. Mission to Turkey in
advocating for respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of
Turkish citizens and in raising specific cases of violations? How would
you balance the use of private engagement with public messaging?
Answer. If confirmed, I will urge Turkey, publicly and privately at
the highest levels, to respect and uphold human rights and fundamental
freedoms, and support judicial independence. I will use whatever form
of messaging and engagement that is most effective at achieving results
under the particular circumstances of each case.
Detentions
Question. As you know, Turkish authorities continue to interfere
with the work of the U.S. Mission to Turkey by holding two veteran
local employees--Metin Topuz and Mete Canturk--of the U.S. Consulate
General in Istanbul in jail and under house arrest. U.S. citizen and
NASA scientist Serkan Golge is one of several American citizens caught
up in the sweeping government-led purge that followed the 2016 coup
attempt in Turkey. Senator Wicker and I introduced legislation last
week that would impose visa denials and asset freezes on the officials
responsible for this ongoing injustice.
Bearing in mind that justice delayed is justice denied, what do you
plan to do to secure the prompt release of these local staff
and a timely, fair, and transparent adjudication of their
cases?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue Mission Turkey's ongoing
engagement to ensure fair, timely treatment of all detainees and the
release of all those held arbitrarily. I am committed to taking
whatever steps are necessary to ensure the fair resolution of these
cases. I will also continue to raise the cases of wrongfully detained
U.S. citizens and local employees of the U.S. Mission in Turkey at the
highest levels.
Question. How will you protect your other locally employed staff
and their families from similar legal jeopardy?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage the Turkish government at the
highest levels to make it clear that arbitrarily detaining our local
staff or their families is unacceptable and undermines our ability to
cooperate on other elements of the bilateral relationship.
Question. Can Congress play a role in giving you the tools you need
to let the Turkish government know this kind of behavior will not be
tolerated?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to utilize all resources at my
disposal. I am looking forward to working with Congress and hope to
utilize any resources or tools that Congress provides to the Department
of State to help strengthen rule of law and respect for human rights in
Turkey. If confirmed, I would also welcome Congressional delegations to
help reinforce the United States' position that accountable and
responsive government, rule of law, and respect for fundamental
freedoms are bulwarks of sovereignty and internal and international
stability.
Demographic Change/North Syria Intentions
Question. Turkish leadership has repeatedly threatened unilateral
military action in northern Syria to create a buffer zone or otherwise
seize strategically important territory from Kurdish militias in
northern Syria. It has threatened to use force against the Syrian
Democratic Forces--U.S. partners in the fight against ISIS--and has
often preferred force to negotiations in handling its own Kurdish
question:
What do you think the consequences of a unilateral Turkish military
incursion into northern Syria would be on the local populations
in Syria and on the broader dynamics within Syria's Civil War?
Answer. We are fully committed to Turkey's security. As we have
said before, however, unilateral military strikes into northeast Syria
by any party, particularly as U.S. personnel may be present or in the
vicinity, are of great concern to us. We have made clear that any
actions that could destabilize areas liberated from ISIS could bring
about a resurgence of ISIS, which remains a threat in northern Syria.
Question. How can the United States encourage Turkey to seek
diplomatic, rather than military, solutions in this regard?
Answer. The President, the Secretary of State, and Ambassador
Jeffrey have engaged extensively with their Turkish counterparts on how
to ensure a stabilized northeast Syria. At every opportunity, the
Administration has emphasized that we believe it is possible to reach
an arrangement that meets Turkish national security priorities while
allowing for ongoing Coalition efforts to defeat ISIS. We are engaged
in ongoing military-to-military and diplomatic consultations with our
Turkish counterparts to achieve these objectives.
Question. Do you believe Turkey intends to take delivery of an S-
400 air defense system from Russia? What can the Administration do to
prevent this from happening?
Answer. The Administration has made it clear that procurement of S-
400 will put Turkey's continued participation in the F-35 program and
other potential future arms transfers to Turkey at risk, as well as
lead to potential actions under the Countering America's Adversaries
through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) upon any individuals or entities
involved in such a transaction.
As Vice President Pence said at the NATO 70th Anniversary event,
``Turkey must choose. Does it want to remain a critical partner in the
most successful military alliance in history, or does it want to risk
the security of that partnership by making such reckless decisions that
undermine our alliance?''
Question. Is the Administration's decision to end Turkey's
preferential trade status in March 2019 at all related to the S-400
issue?
Answer. The General System of Preferences (GSP) is a unilateral
trade benefit program intended to help the world's poorest countries
grow economically. USTR's review found that Turkey is sufficiently
economically developed and should no longer benefit from preferential
market access to the United States market. Turkey's increase in Gross
National Income per capita, declining poverty rates, and export
diversification are evidence of Turkey's higher level of economic
development since the United States designated Turkey as a GSP
beneficiary country in 1975.
Question. According to the State Department's annual human rights
report, at the end of 2018, 6,000 lawmakers, executives, and party
members from the pro-Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) were in
prison on politicized charges. Will you raise the issue of politically
motivated prosecutions of democratically elected officials with Turkey
in your capacity as ambassador?
Answer. The Administration is seriously concerned by the pattern of
actions by Turkish officials, which appear to target those whose views
differ from the government, including opposition politicians. If
confirmed, I will underscore the importance of transparency and respect
for due process. Fair and non-politicized judicial process will
reinforce confidence in the Turkish judicial system among citizens.
Question. According to the text of the North Atlantic Treaty, NATO
states commit to safeguard the freedom, common heritage and
civilization of their peoples, founded on the principles of democracy,
individual liberty and the rule of law." The government of Turkey has
fallen short of this standard in its treatment of ethnic minority
populations, like Kurds and Armenians, and of its political opposition:
As Ambassador to Turkey, how would you encourage the current
government to better uphold principles of pluralism and
democracy?"
Answer. Turkey has long been a multi-ethnic, multi-religious state
and we welcome the government's recognition of the richness these
communities provide.
The Administration is concerned about Turkey's negative trajectory
on democracy, rule of law, and respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms. Transparency, respect for the rule of law, and freedom of the
press, expression, association, and of peaceful assembly are pillars of
established democracies. If confirmed, I will continue to promote these
values.
Question. According to the text of the North Atlantic Treaty, NATO
states commit to ``settle any international dispute in which they may
be involved by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace
and security and justice are not endangered, and to refrain in their
international relations from the threat or use of force in any manner
inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.'' Turkey has
repeatedly threatened to use force against the Syrian Democratic
Forces--U.S. partners in the fight against ISIS--and has often
preferred force to negotiations in handling its own Kurdish question:
Is this in line with Turkey's NATO commitments and values?
Answer. Turkey is a NATO ally and a key partner in the Global
Coalition to Defeat ISIS. We are fully committed to its security. We
also want to ensure that our partners who continue to fight with us are
not attacked, and that forces acting in Syria are not able to attack
Turkey, all while protecting the safety of civilians.
Question. How can the United States encourage Turkey to seek
diplomatic, rather than military, solutions in this regard?
Answer. The President, the Secretary of State, and Ambassador
Jeffrey have engaged extensively with their Turkish counterparts on how
to ensure a stabilized northeast Syria. At every opportunity, this
administration has emphasized that we believe it is possible to reach
an arrangement that meets Turkish national security priorities while
allowing for ongoing Coalition efforts to defeat ISIS. We are engaged
in ongoing military-to-military and diplomatic consultations with our
Turkish counterparts to achieve these objectives.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to David Satterfield by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. Should the United States be prepared to counter the
expansion of Gazprom's TurkStream pipeline as well as the nuclear
reactors being financed by Russia in Turkey's southeast?
Answer. Turkstream does not advance Europe's need for greater
energy diversification. When complete, the first line of TurkStream
will transit gas exclusively to Turkey's large and relatively
diversified domestic market, replacing volumes that are currently
shipped by Gazprom to Turkey via the Trans Balkan Pipeline. However,
the second line would increase Europe's reliance on Russian gas.
Rosatom's construction of the Akkuyu nuclear power plant in Turkey's
southeast may also deepen Turkey's dependence on Russian energy
sources, as Russian suppliers would provide all of the nuclear fuel for
the reactors. If confirmed, I will engage with government of Turkey on
the need for energy diversification and security, including through the
importation of more U.S. liquefied natural gas.
The Department of State takes the implementation and enforcement of
the Countering America's Adversaries through Sanctions Act (CAATSA)
seriously. If confirmed, it will be the highest priority for me and the
mission to closely monitor Gazprom's TurkStream pipeline projects as
well as other projects by Russia that may deepen Turkey and Europe's
reliance on Russian energy.
Question. According to the NGO We Will Stop Femicides (Kadin
Cinayetlerini Durduracagiz Platformu), a total of 440 women lost their
lives through violence (mostly committed by male relatives or spouses)
in Turkey in 2018. The organization said that in 88 percent of these
cases, it was ``not clear'' whether the state protected the woman under
threat. What do you think is driving this increasing trend of violence
against women in Turkey, and if confirmed, what are your plans to
address this matter? How will you work with the government of Turkey to
ensure that they are addressing this growing problem in Turkey? Are
there particular organizations that you plan to work with?
Answer. Mission Turkey closely tracks the issue of violence against
women. The Mission publicly and vocally engages on this issue, from
speaking directly with the government to partnering with NGOs that
empower and educate young women and girls, as well as engaging with the
public via social and traditional media.
NGOs have reported that the annual rate of women who lost their
lives through violence in the country has steadily increased since
2002. Some assess that the increase may be the result of greater
awareness and reporting. Some activists have also raised concerns about
social trends that advocate more traditional roles for women and
restrictive conditions on independent women's organizations.
Mission Turkey actively engages with a range of women's rights and
advocacy groups. If confirmed, I will continue to work with
organizations committed to addressing the problem of violence against
women in Turkey. I will also encourage the Turkish government to
improve services for victims of violence, including improving
psychosocial services for victims of such forms of violence.
Question. I was pleased by your testimony and statements regarding
Sekan Golge, Hamza Ulucay, Metin Topuz, and Mete Canturk. If confirmed,
do you pledge to visit this American citizen and these Mission Turkey
employees? As you know, they are either in jail or under house arrest.
If you feel like you cannot commit to a visit to each, please explain
why.
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue Mission Turkey's ongoing
engagement to ensure the fair, timely, and transparent treatment of
Serkan Golge and the remaining two detained Mission Turkey employees. I
am committed to taking whatever steps are necessary to ensure the fair
resolution of these cases, including attending trials and visiting
wrongfully detained persons when legally appropriate and helpful for
securing their just treatment and release. I will also continue to
raise the cases of wrongfully detained U.S. citizens and local
employees of the U.S. Mission in Turkey at the highest levels.
Question. The 2018 State Department Human Rights Report highlighted
that Turkish authorities had dismissed or suspended more than 130,000
civil servants from their jobs, arrested or imprisoned more than 80,000
citizens and closed more than 1,500 non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) on terrorism-related grounds since the coup attempt in 2016.
However, the human rights issues were not limited to the purge but also
included arbitrary killings; suspicious deaths of persons in custody;
forced disappearances; torture; arbitrary arrest and detention of tens
of thousands of persons, including opposition members of parliament,
lawyers, journalists, foreign citizens, and three Turkish-national
employees of the U.S. Mission to Turkey for purported ties to
``terrorist'' groups or peaceful legitimate speech; political
prisoners, including numerous elected officials and academics; closure
of media outlets and criminal prosecution of individuals for
criticizing government policies or officials; blocking websites and
content; severe restriction of freedoms of assembly and association;
restrictions on freedom of movement; and violence against women, and
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) persons, and
members of other minorities. The detailed country report also provided
many concrete examples of human rights abuses such as 28 disappearance
cases across the country.
Despite these damning statistics, last year, I had to step in when
the State Department canceled a very small funding stream meant
to go to Turkish civil society organizations (to help them
engage with other civil society actors outside of Turkey). I
understand that the space for civil society engagement in
Turkey is narrowing by the day, but what can we do to continue
working with those elements of Turkish society that share our
values and are willing to risk their lives to build a more
democratic Turkey?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Department's engagement
with the government of Turkey as well as its work with Turkish civil
society groups on the respect for fundamental freedoms and rule of law,
improving protections for journalists and civil society members,
workers' rights, and growing the space for freedom of expression.
Question. Will you advocate for Osman Kavala's release, who is
being held in solitary confinement, and the release of other civil
society actors, including those in Amnesty International, who have been
jailed without adequate evidence and largely bogus charges?
Answer. The Department has expressed grave concern about the case
of Osman Kavala and the 15 other civil society and media leaders that
prosecutors in Turkey indicted earlier this year, as well as other
similar cases. If confirmed, I will continue to advocate for the rights
to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. These
rights are fundamental to any healthy democracy, and I will continue to
urge Turkey to respect these freedoms and to release all those held
arbitrarily.
Question. Do you plan to prioritize cultural programming to help
represent American culture in a positive light in Turkey? I am
concerned that average Turks only have the perception of the U.S. that
is portrayed on largely Erdogan-owned media which depicts the U.S. in a
very negative light?
Answer. There is considerable misinformation circulating in Turkish
media concerning U.S. policy and American culture. Cultural programming
and exchange programs are effective means of correcting misconceptions
and misinformation. If confirmed, I will use every resource at my
disposal to help represent the United States and American culture in an
accurate light.
Question. Studies by the DFRLab and Rand have pointed to the rise
of Sputnik Turkiye as an ``independent news source'' in Turkey. How
will you bolster Voice of America and other truly independent sources
of news in Turkey? Will you incorporate Voice of America, etc. in the
Embassy's social media platforms, etc.?
Answer. I am aware of Sputnik Turkiye's role in the Turkish media
space, as well as others like it. If confirmed, I look forward to
working closely with the Department's Global Engagement Center and
other U.S. government programs to help stop disinformation and enable
larger audiences to gain greater access to accurate information about
U.S. culture and policy. In doing so, I hope to build upon Mission
Turkey's support for international public broadcasters such as the
Voice of America to bolster diverse and independent sources of
programming in the absence of a strong, independent media in Turkey,
and the use of social media platforms to amplify this content.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, MAY 16, 2019
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:00 p.m. in Room
SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Mitt Romney,
presiding.
Present: Senators Romney [presiding], Cardin, Shaheen,
Udall, and Kaine.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. MITT ROMNEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM UTAH
Senator Romney. This hearing of the Senate Foreign
Relations will come to order.
Today the committee will hold a nominations hearing for
four ambassadorial positions. I appreciate that each of you has
answered a call to serve our country.
First, we are going to hear from Ms. Bridget A. Brink, to
be Ambassador to the Slovak Republic. Ms. Brink previously
served as Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of European
and Eurasian Affairs and as Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S.
Embassy in Uzbekistan. Her career has been devoted to European
affairs, and I hope to hear how this experience could shape her
time in Slovakia and will help her meet the challenges that
Russia is posing in the region.
Second, we have Mr. Kenneth A. Howery, to be Ambassador to
the Kingdom of Sweden. As the co-founder of PayPal, as well as
an early investor in major Silicon Valley companies such as
Facebook and SpaceX, Mr. Howery has helped shape Silicon
Valley, and I am interested to hear how he plans to approach
this new challenge. I am especially interested in Mr. Howery's
views on the challenges Russia poses to Sweden today and how we
can continue to strengthen the relationship with that great
country.
Our third nominee is Colonel Matthew S. Klimow, to be
Ambassador to Turkmenistan. Colonel Klimow, thank you for your
service to our country, first for your career in the Army and
also for your time as Deputy Assistant Secretary for NATO and
the Senior Advisor for the Under Secretary of Management at the
State Department. Turkmenistan lies bordering both Iran and
Afghanistan and, of course, has a long history with Russia
given that it was formerly part of the Soviet Union. It also
has deep ties to China. I look forward to hearing from you on
how you might preserve U.S. strategic interests in the area
given the many adversaries at its doorstep.
Our fourth nominee is Mr. John Jefferson Daigle, to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Cabo Verde. Mr. Daigle is a
Foreign Service officer who currently serves as the Designated
Federal Official for the United States Advisory Commission on
Public Diplomacy. Previously, Mr. Daigle has served in places
like Cambodia and Iraq. Cabo Verde is a prime example of how an
island chain small in size can still have strategic value. I
look forward to hearing your thoughts on how we can strengthen
our relationship with this nation.
With that, I would like to recommend that we recognize the
distinguished ranking member for her comments. Senator Shaheen?
STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And congratulations to each of you, and thank you for your
willingness to be considered for these nominations to these
very important posts.
I am going to submit my opening statement for the record
and look forward to hearing your comments as nominees and the
discussion that follows. Thank you.
[Senator Shaheen's prepared statememt follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Jeanne Shaheen
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to the nominees before us
today and their families. Ms. Brink, Mr. Howery, Colonel Klimow and Mr.
Daigle, each of the respective countries you have been nominated to
serve in are at the helm of critical U.S. foreign policy priorities.
Ms. Brink, given your extensive experience in the European Bureau
and in Georgia, you are well aware of the strategic relevance of
Central Europe and of the U.S. and EU's energy diversification goals in
that region. Further, I was particularly pleased to see the Slovak
Republic elect its first woman and youngest-ever president last March.
I am looking forward to hearing your input on these matters today.
Mr. Howry, Sweden is not only a critical counterterrorism partner
in Iraq, but it is on the frontlines of the fight against Russian
malign influence. I will be interested to hear your thoughts on how we
can better support Sweden in its dealings with Russian flyovers,
disinformation and other hostile actions and ensure that the
administration's rhetoric is not amplifying the false narratives that
the Kremlin is circulating.
Colonel Klimkow, Turkmenistan's strategic location is undoubtedly
important for U.S. security interests, particularly as they relate to
Afghanistan and Iran, but Turkmenistan's record on human rights and
reliance on China is of extreme concern. I am interested to hear how
the U.S. can best balance its priorities in that country.
And, Mr. Daigle, as you know well, the State Department considers
Cabo Verde to be ``one of Africa's success stories.'' Given the
strategic location of Cabo Verde, the U.S. investment made in that
country and the sizable Cabo Verdean diaspora in the United States, it
is definitely in our interest to continue Cabo Verde's progress. I look
forward to your thoughts on that matter.
Again, welcome and congratulations to all of the nominees today. I
look forward to hearing your testimony and answers to our questions.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
We are now going to turn to our first nominee, Ms. Bridget
Brink. Thank you for your willingness to take on this important
role. Your full statement will be included in the record,
without objection. So if you could please keep your remarks to
no more than 5 minutes, we would appreciate it so that members
of the committee can engage you with their questions. Ms.
Brink?
STATEMENT OF BRIDGET A. BRINK, OF MICHIGAN, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC
Ms. Brink. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Shaheen,
distinguished members of the Foreign Relations Committee, for
the opportunity to appear before you today.
I am honored to be President Trump's nominee for the
position of U.S. Ambassador to the Slovak Republic. I am
grateful for the trust and confidence the President and
Secretary Pompeo have placed in me. If confirmed, I pledge to
work with you to advance our nation's interests in the Slovak
Republic.
I first want to introduce and thank my husband, Nicholas
Higgins, for his love and support for over 26 years. A fellow
Foreign Service officer, Nick has served in Afghanistan, India,
and Georgia, and has traveled from Armenia to be here today. We
are so proud of our children, Jack and Cole, who are also here
today. As part of a diplomatic family that has moved every few
years for their entire lives, I want to thank them for their
own service to our country.
Coming from Michigan, I know these careers have taken us
far from those who gave us so much. I want to acknowledge and
thank my mother, Gwen Brink; father and stepmother, John and
Judy Brink; sister, Joanna Brink; nephews, Andrew and Andre
Brink; aunt and uncle, Mary and Patrick Sayne, as well as my
in-laws, Adrienne and Kingsley Foster; and my brothers and
sisters-in-law, all of whom have been bedrocks of support every
step of the way.
I have worked closely with our NATO allies and EU partners
to advance U.S. interests in Europe throughout my nearly 23-
year career.
If confirmed, my number one priority would be to ensure the
security and safety of my embassy team, as well as any and all
U.S. citizens living and traveling in the Slovak Republic. I
would also focus the work of the embassy on three main
priorities.
First, I would reinforce our defense partnership with
Slovakia. As a member of NATO, Slovakia contributes to NATO
missions in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Latvia. Slovakia also plans
to meet the NATO Wales Pledge of spending 2 percent of GDP
ahead of schedule. If confirmed, I will work to deepen our
defense cooperation, which shores up security on NATO's eastern
flank. I will also encourage increased energy security as a key
part of any nation's national security.
Second, I would promote increased trade and investment
opportunities. If confirmed, I will prioritize the continued
health of Slovakia's business climate for U.S. investors and
work to improve transparency and accountability.
Third, I would underscore and promote our shared values.
Since the end of the Cold War, Slovakia has anchored itself
solidly within the democratic family of nations. If confirmed,
I will support the strengthening of democratic institutions and
the rule of law that underpin our transatlantic bond.
With Secretary Pompeo's visit to Bratislava in February and
President Trump's Oval Office meeting with Prime Minister
Pellegrini earlier this month, the United States is deepening
our partnership with Slovakia. If confirmed, it would be my
highest honor to lead our talented team in Slovakia to build on
this diplomatic investment and advance our country's interests
there and across the region.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Shaheen, and members of the
committee, thank you again for the opportunity to appear before
you today. I welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Brink follows:]
Prepared Statement of Bridget A. Brink
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Shaheen, distinguished members of the
Foreign Relations Committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear
before you today. I am honored to be President Trump's nominee for the
position of U.S. Ambassador to the Slovak Republic. I am grateful for
the trust and confidence the President and Secretary Pompeo have placed
in me. If confirmed, I pledge to work with you to advance our nation's
interests in the Slovak Republic.
I first want to introduce and thank my husband Nicholas Higgins for
his love and support for over 26 years. A fellow Foreign Service
officer, Nick has served in Afghanistan, India, and Georgia, and has
traveled from Armenia to be here today. We are so proud of our
children, Jack and Cole, who are also here today. As part of a
diplomatic family that has moved every few years for their entire
lives, I want to thank them for their own service to our country.
Coming from Michigan, I know these careers have taken us far from
those who gave us so much. I want to acknowledge and thank my mother
Gwen Brink, father and stepmother, John and Judy Brink, sister Joanna
Brink, nephews Andrew and Andre Brink, aunt and uncle Mary and Patrick
Sayne as well as my in-laws Adrienne and Kingsley Foster and my
brothers and sisters-in-law, all of whom have been bedrocks of support
every step of the way.
As a new officer serving in Belgrade during the Balkan wars, a
political officer supporting historic reform in Georgia, and a
policymaker in Washington during Russia's attempts to redraw the
borders of Europe, I have worked closely with our NATO Allies and EU
partners to advance U.S. interests in Europe throughout my nearly 23-
year career. As a student in London in 1989, I remember clearly that
November day when the Berlin Wall fell. Eight days later, the Velvet
Revolution began. In the three decades since, the United States has
been proud to support Slovakia's transition to democracy and its NATO
accession.
If confirmed, my number one priority would be to ensure the safety
and security of my Embassy team as well as any and all U.S. citizens in
the Slovak Republic. I would also focus the work of the Embassy on
three priorities:
First, I would reinforce our defense partnership with Slovakia. As
a member of NATO, Slovakia contributes to NATO missions in Afghanistan,
Iraq, and Latvia. Slovakia is also modernizing its military with NATO-
interoperable equipment. Last year's purchase of 14 U.S.-made F-16s was
the largest defense procurement in Slovakia's history and signaled
Slovakia's commitment to strengthening its relationship with the United
States. Slovakia plans to meet the NATO Wales Pledge of spending two
percent of its GDP on defense ahead of schedule. If confirmed, I will
prioritize this cooperation, which shores up security on NATO's Eastern
Flank.
I will also encourage increased energy security, a key part of any
nation's national security.
Second, I would promote increased trade and investment
opportunities. Since joining the EU in 2004, Slovakia's economy has
become one of the fastest growing in Europe. If confirmed, I will
pursue U.S. investment and export promotion efforts to maximize the
many commercial opportunities in the Slovak market. I will also
prioritize the continued health of Slovakia's business climate for U.S.
investors, and work to improve its transparency and predictability. I
will promote opportunities for Slovak firms seeking to invest in the
United States.
Third, I would prioritize our shared values. Since the end of the
Cold War, Slovakia has anchored itself solidly within the democratic
family of nations. I understand that the people of Slovakia care deeply
about safeguarding their hard-won freedoms. I am proud of the support
that America has offered to Slovakia at critical moments in its
history. If confirmed, I would support the strengthening of democratic
institutions and rule of law with the knowledge that accountability and
transparency are essential to modern democracies and economic
prosperity.
With Secretary Pompeo's visit to Bratislava in February--the first
such visit in almost 20 years--and President Trump's Oval Office
meeting with Prime Minister Pellegrini earlier this month, the United
States is deepening our partnership with Slovakia. If confirmed, it
would be my highest honor to lead our talented team in Slovakia to
build on this diplomatic investment and advance our country's interests
there and across the region.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Shaheen, and members of the committee,
thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
welcome your questions.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Ms. Brink.
Mr. Howery?
STATEMENT OF KENNETH A. HOWERY, OF TEXAS, TO BE AMBASSADOR
EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA TO THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN
Mr. Howery. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished
members of the committee, thank you for the honor and privilege
of addressing the committee as the President's nominee to be
the United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of Sweden.
I thank President Trump and Secretary Pompeo for their
trust in me for this important nomination. I also thank the
professionals at the White House, State Department, and the
U.S. embassy in Sweden.
My mother, Karen Howery, is here, and my father, Ken
Howery, is watching from overseas. I owe them my thanks as
well. They embody integrity, hard work, and giving back, and
instilled those values in their children, as my sister
Christina can attest. She is here today, and her husband John
and their daughters, Emma and Eden, are watching in Austin.
Family taught me the importance of public service. My
grandfathers are no longer with us, but their legacies remain.
Both served in World War II: Fred Howery in the Navy in the
Pacific theater and Hubert Jurek in the Army in Europe and
North Africa. Without the encouragement of my family and the
examples they set, I would not be here today. I am grateful to
them all, and I believe my grandfathers would be pleased that I
might also serve, in a different way, the nation they loved.
A visit to the Capitol is a reminder that ideas and
determination can shape the world. I hope my own experience
reflects those principles. When I graduated from Stanford, I
co-founded PayPal. Our idea was simple: to make online
transactions easy.
PayPal started small. We drafted our first business plan in
a windowless broom closet. Today, PayPal is one of the world's
large e-payments systems, operating in over 200 regions and
countries with over 18,000 employees. But what is extraordinary
about that story is how ordinary it is. America's tremendous
talent pool and business climate encourage constant innovation.
That is true for Sweden too.
After PayPal, I co-founded a venture capital firm that has
supported hundreds of new companies, helping create tens of
thousands of jobs and fostering innovation in space
exploration, quantum computing, biotechnology, virtual reality,
alternative energy, and consumer technologies. One of them is
Spotify, which was born in Sweden, has operations in the U.S.,
and trades on the New York Stock Exchange.
International issues have always been important to me in
business and more broadly. I have participated in the World
Economic Forum and am a member of the Explorers Club, which
promotes scientific exploration. I also advise Kiva, a
nonprofit that helps individuals make micro-loans to fight
poverty in over 80 nations.
I have had the good fortune to travel to 99 countries,
including trips to Sweden, a country for which, like many
Americans, I have great affinity. Our two nations share long
ties of kinship and common values. The formal American-Swedish
relationship dates to 1783 when Sweden became one of the first
nations to recognize the United States in the Treaty of Amity
and Commerce, cosigned by Benjamin Franklin, our first envoy to
Sweden.
If confirmed, I will devote myself to deepening that
legacy, emphasizing economic and security partnerships.
American-Swedish trade already encompasses everything from
medicines and machine parts to clothing and furniture. We can
expand established trade while creating entirely new
opportunities. Our nations are leaders in technological
innovation and transnational investment, providing ample
opportunities for mutual benefit, which I will vigorously
promote.
Another priority I will work to advance, if confirmed, is
our nation's mutual commitment to security, exemplified by our
cooperation on everything from counterterrorism to Arctic
concerns.
Security and the prosperity it permits are pillars of the
American-Swedish relationship. Strengthening those pillars
allows us to build great things upon them, including expansion
of our artistic, scientific, and cultural exchanges.
While there is no perfect preparation to serve as an
ambassador, I believe my experience and outlook would prove
particularly useful in Sweden. I have spent my career thinking
about technology, which is increasingly central to growth. I
also firmly believe that many goals, even those that seem
impossible, can be achieved through cooperation, always being
mindful that the preconditions for success are, as Franklin
showed, friendship and shared priorities.
An ambassadorship is a position of honor and trust. I take
those ideals seriously. If confirmed, I will strive to do
credit to the office, always faithful to the values of decency,
progress, and freedom that are responsible for the successes of
the United States of America, the Kingdom of Sweden, and our
236 prosperous years as global partners.
Thank you for allowing me to appear before the committee
today. I welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Howery follows:]
Prepared Statement of Kenneth A. Howery
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
committee, thank you for the honor and privilege of addressing the
committee as the President's nominee to be the United States Ambassador
to the Kingdom of Sweden.
I thank President Trump and Secretary Pompeo for their trust in me
for this important nomination. I also thank the professionals at the
White House, State Department, and the U.S. Embassy in Sweden for
sharing their expertise and guidance.
My mother, Karen Howery, is here, and my father, Ken Howery, is
watching from overseas. I owe them my thanks as well. They embody
integrity, hard work, and giving back, and instilled those values in
their children--as my sister, Christina, can attest. She's here today,
and her husband, John, and their daughters, Emma and Eden, are watching
in Austin.
Family taught me the importance of public service. My grandfathers
are no longer with us, but their legacies remain. Both served in World
War II: Fred Howery in the Navy in the Pacific Theater and Hubert Jurek
in the Army in Europe and North Africa. Without the encouragement of my
family, and the examples they set, I would not be here today. I'm
grateful to them all--and I believe my grandfathers would be pleased
that I might also serve, in a different way, the nation that they
loved.
A visit to the Capitol is a reminder that ideas and determination
can and have shaped our country and the world for the better. I hope
that my own experience reflects those inspirational principles. When I
graduated from Stanford, I co-founded PayPal. Our idea was simple: to
make on-line payments convenient and secure.
PayPal started small: we drafted our first business plan in a
windowless broom closet. Today, PayPal is one of the world's largest e-
payments systems, operating in over 200 regions and countries, with
over 18,000 employees. But what's extraordinary about that story is how
ordinary it is. America's tremendous talent pool and business climate
encourage constant innovation; new ideas, companies, and jobs emerge
daily. That's true for Sweden, too.
After PayPal, I co-founded a venture capital firm that has and
continues to support hundreds of new companies, helping create tens of
thousands of jobs, and fostering innovation in space exploration,
quantum computing, biotechnology, virtual reality, alternative energy,
and consumer technologies. One of those companies is Spotify, the
popular music streaming platform, which was born in Sweden, has
operations in the U.S., and trades on the New York Stock Exchange.
International issues have always been important to me, in business
and more broadly. I've participated in the World Economic Forum and am
a member of the Explorers Club, which promotes scientific exploration.
I also advise Kiva, a non-profit that helps individuals to fight
poverty by making micro-loans to people in over 80 countries. Kiva has
helped more than 3 million people, over three-quarters of whom are
women, to build better lives.
I've had the good fortune to travel to 99 countries, including
trips to Sweden, a country for which, like many Americans, I have great
affinity. Our two nations share long ties of kinship and common values.
Swedish settlers first arrived in North America in 1638, settling along
the Delaware River and today, over four million Americans claim Swedish
ancestry. In addition to family, Sweden provided our young nation with
one of its earliest friends. In 1783, Sweden became one of the first
nations to formally recognize the United States, in the Treaty of Amity
and Commerce co-signed by Benjamin Franklin, our first envoy to Sweden.
If confirmed, I will devote myself to deepening that legacy,
emphasizing economic and security partnerships. American-Swedish trade
already encompasses everything from medicines and machine parts to
clothing and furniture; you can find iPhones in H&M pockets, and IKEA
desks in American homes. The depth of our nations' commerce affirms the
strength of our shared values and our commitments to free and fair
trade. The United States is Sweden's largest trading partner outside of
Europe, and some 1,300 American companies operate in Sweden, the
largest foreign contingent that Sweden hosts. Our ties are reciprocal:
Sweden is a major investor in the United States, supporting over
200,000 jobs here. Indeed, on a per capita basis, Sweden is one of the
biggest investors in America, a testimony to the Swedes' enduring faith
in the American endeavor. We can expand on those relationships,
furthering existing trade, while paving new avenues to promote growth
and employment.
In particular, American and Swedish leadership in science,
technology and entrepreneurship offers considerable opportunities for
mutual benefit, which I will vigorously pursue. Stockholm is already
home to the second-highest number of billion-dollar technology
companies per capita after Silicon Valley, creating tremendous
potential for further cooperation. Our two nations also partner on
everything from polar science to cancer research. And, of course, the
Nobel Prize famously attests to Sweden's essential role in fostering an
international climate that rewards scientific and artistic excellence,
as America's many Nobel Laureates can confirm.
Another priority I will work to advance, if confirmed, is our
nations' mutual commitment to security. Our countries are committed to
a safe Arctic, and partner on regional security in the Baltic Sea.
Sweden is also a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner, and has
participated in international security operations in Afghanistan,
Libya, and the Balkans. Our nations are close partners in the fight
against terrorism, and are both members of the Global Coalition to
Defeat ISIS. Sweden has long served as the United States' protecting
power in North Korea, and continues to play an important role in
helping to bring detained Americans home.
Security, and the prosperity it permits, are pillars of the
American-Swedish relationship. Strengthening those pillars allows us to
build great things upon them, including the expansion of our artistic,
scientific, and cultural exchanges.
While there is no perfect preparation to serve as an ambassador, I
believe that my experience and outlook would prove particularly useful
in Sweden. I've spent my career thinking about technology, which is
increasingly central to growth and a priority for both nations. I also
firmly believe that many goals, even those that seem impossible, can be
achieved through cooperation-always being mindful that the pre-
conditions for success are, as Franklin showed, friendship and shared
priorities.
An ambassadorship is a position of honor and trust. I take those
ideals seriously. If confirmed, I will strive to do credit to the
office, always faithful to the values of decency, progress, and freedom
that are responsible for the successes of the United States of America,
the Kingdom of Sweden, and our 236 prosperous years as global partners.
Thank you for allowing me to appear before the committee today. I
welcome your questions.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Howery.
Colonel Klimow?
STATEMENT OF COLONEL MATTHEW S. KLIMOW, USA, RETIRED, OF NEW
YORK, A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR EXECUTIVE SERVICE, TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO TURKMENISTAN
Mr. Klimow. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Shaheen, and
distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today as President Trump's nominee to be the next
United States Ambassador to Turkmenistan.
If confirmed, I pledge to work with this committee to
advance our nation's interests in Turkmenistan and in the vital
region of Central Asia.
Before I proceed, I would like to recognize my wife Edie.
Edie is here today. She is a retired Army nurse, and in the
course of serving our nation together, we have had 18 household
moves and we hope to have the privilege to do so again.
Our son Daniel is with us. He is an attorney at the State
Department, and he is here with his wife Beth, who is also
serving at the State Department. I am just incredibly proud of
both of them. So, as you can see, diplomacy is all in the
family for us.
Mr. Chairman, the United States has long-term interests in
Central Asia, and Turkmenistan presents both opportunities and
challenges in furthering our policy objectives.
Turkmenistan's geopolitical significance is obvious. It has
long borders with Afghanistan and Iran. It possesses some of
the world's largest natural gas reserves, and it serves as a
bridge between the Caucasus, Central Asia, and the regions
beyond.
The reality is that Turkmenistan is situated in a tough
neighborhood. Porous borders, terrorism, drug trafficking are
all potential threats to Turkmenistan.
Both China and Russia exert enormous economic and political
pressure on the government in Ashgabat.
Since its independence, Turkmenistan has embraced a policy
of positive neutrality to ensure its sovereignty and
territorial integrity.
Within those parameters, Turkmenistan has supported efforts
by the United States to increase regional stability, especially
in regard to Afghanistan. If confirmed, I will work to support
Turkmenistan's contributions to a stable Afghanistan and ensure
that our partnership in this area continues.
I will also work diligently to bolster America's influence
with the government of Turkmenistan. We have an opportunity to
act as a counterweight and a positive alternative to Russia and
China's unrelenting push to further their economic and
political objectives at the expense of the Turkmen people.
If confirmed, I will also encourage Turkmenistan's
increased integration in regional and global markets, which
promotes greater stability and creates opportunities for U.S.
trade and investment. I will make every opportunity to promote
diversification of Turkmenistan's gas export markets across the
Caspian Sea, as well as to South Asia.
Economic development, however, is a challenge in
Turkmenistan given its weak regulatory environment and
excessive bureaucracy. Also troubling are concerted attempts to
control access to information, to include the Internet and
independent news sources.
If confirmed, I will work toward making steady progress in
those areas, and that effort would include encouraging access
to uncensored information and taking advantage of U.S. cultural
exchanges and educational opportunities.
If confirmed, I will also engage the government of
Turkmenistan assertively and constructively across the full
spectrum of human rights issues, to include the use of forced
labor in cotton harvesting and undue restrictions on religious
practices. I believe that progress in those areas is possible
through forthright, consistent, pragmatic dialogue.
Mr. Chairman, in 1948, tens of thousands of people died in
an earthquake that devastated the capital of Ashgabat, and that
seismic fault line is still active.
I have spent a great deal of my life living and working
overseas, often in dangerous places.
If confirmed, I will make the safety of our embassy a top
priority, incorporating situational awareness and meticulous
crisis response planning in all aspects of embassy life.
I am not a stranger to Central Asia. In the crucial months
following the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, I
traveled throughout South and Central Asia with the Chairman of
the Joint Chiefs of Staff, meeting with heads of state, chiefs
of defense to solidify basing rights, gain political support,
and to articulate U.S. national interests. And although much
has changed in the following years, those national interests
endure.
I can imagine no greater honor than returning to Central
Asia and representing our nation at this critical time.
But the greatest privilege that any person can ask for is
to simply be entrusted to lead others. If confirmed, I will
work tirelessly to make a difference in the lives of our staff,
to forge a cohesive team that strengthens the institutions we
deeply care about, and to do so in an atmosphere of mutual
respect with dignity as our byword. That is a leader's sacred
trust instilled in me at West Point, at the heart of my service
as a soldier, and at the core of what we do every day as
diplomats and professionals at the United States Department of
State.
Thank you, Senator, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Colonel Klimow follows:]
Prepared Statement by Matthew S. Klimow
Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee. I am
honored to appear before you today as President Trump's nominee, to be
the next United States Ambassador to Turkmenistan.
If confirmed, I pledge to work with this committee to advance our
nation's interests in Turkmenistan and in the vital Central Asia
region.
I'd like to recognize my wife, Edie, a retired Army nurse who is
with me today. In the course of serving our nation, we have had 18
household moves, and we hope to have the privilege to do so again.
Our son, Daniel, is with us--he is an attorney at the State
Department--also his wife Beth, who serves at the State Department as
well. So, as you can see, diplomacy is a family affair for us.
The United States has long-term interests in Central Asia, and
Turkmenistan presents opportunities and challenges in furthering U.S.
policy objectives.
Turkmenistan's geo-political importance is clear:
it has long borders with Afghanistan and Iran;
it possesses some of the world's largest natural gas reserves; and
it serves as a bridge between the Caucasus, Central Asia, and the
regions beyond.
The reality is that Turkmenistan is situated in a tough
neighborhood. Porous borders, terrorism, and drug trafficking are all
potential threats to Turkmenistan.
Both China and Russia exert enormous economic and political
pressure on the government in Ashgabat.Since its independence,
Turkmenistan has embraced a policy of ``positive neutrality'' to ensure
its sovereignty and territorial integrity.
With those parameters, Turkmenistan has supported efforts by the
United States to increase regional stability, especially in regard to
Afghanistan.
If confirmed, I will work to support Turkmenistan's contributions
to a stable Afghanistan and ensure that our partnership in this area
continues.
I will also work diligently to bolster America's influence with the
government of Turkmenistan.
We have an opportunity to act as a counterweight and positive
alternative to Russia and China's unrelenting push to further their
economic and political objectives at the expense of the Turkmen people.
If confirmed, I will also encourage Turkmenistan's increased
integration in regional and global markets, which promotes greater
stability and creates opportunities for U.S. trade and investment.
I will make every effort to promote diversification of
Turkmenistan's gas export markets-across the Caspian Sea as well as to
South Asia.
Economic development, however, is a challenge in Turkmenistan given
its weak regulatory environment and excessive bureaucracy.
Also troubling are concerted attempts to control access to
information, to include the internet and independent news sources.
If confirmed, I will work toward making steady progress in those
areas. That effort would include encouraging access to uncensored
information and taking advantage of U.S. cultural exchanges and
educational opportunities.
If confirmed, I will also engage the government of Turkmenistan
assertively and constructively across the full spectrum of human rights
issues, to include the use of forced labor in cotton harvesting and
undue restrictions on religious practices.
I believe progress in those areas is possible through consistent,
pragmatic dialogue.
In 1948, tens of thousands of people died in an earthquake that
devastated the capital of Ashgabat. That seismic fault line is still
active.
I have spent a great deal of my life living and working overseas,
often in dangerous places.
If confirmed, I will make the safety of our embassy staff a top
priority, incorporating situational awareness and meticulous crisis
response planning into all aspects of embassy life.
I am not a stranger to Central Asia. In the crucial months after
the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, I traveled throughout
South and Central Asia with the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
meeting with heads of state and chiefs of defense to solidify basing
rights, gain political support, and articulate U.S. national interests.
Although much has changed in the following years, those interests
endure.
I can imagine no greater honor than returning to Central Asia and
representing our nation at this critical time.
But, the greatest privilege that any person can ask for is to
simply be entrusted to lead others.
If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to:
make a difference in the lives of our staff;
forge a cohesive team that strengthens the institutions we deeply
care about; and
do so in an atmosphere of mutual respect with dignity as our
byword.
That is a leader's sacred trust,instilled in me:
at West Point;
at the heart of my service as a soldier; and
at the core of what we do every day as diplomats and professionals
at the United States Department of State.
Thank you, Senator. I look forward to your questions.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Colonel Klimow.
Mr. Daigle?
STATEMENT OF JOHN JEFFERSON DAIGLE, OF LOUISIANA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
COUNSELOR, TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY
OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF CABO VERDE
Mr. Daigle. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, Ranking
Member Shaheen, and members of the committee.
It is my honor to appear here today as the President's
nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Cabo
Verde. I am grateful for the confidence that the President and
Secretary of State have placed in me with this nomination. If
confirmed by the Senate, I pledge to do my utmost to uphold
this trust and to advance U.S. national interests.
Over the past 2 decades, I have been privileged to
represent the United States at U.S. missions on four
continents. Any measure of success that I have achieved during
those postings would not have been possible without the love
and support of my family. So I would like to start by
expressing my sincerest gratitude to them. I come from a very
large Louisiana family. I have 10 sisters, one brother, and
more than 70 nieces and nephews, so I will not name them all
here. But I do want to single out my wonderful mother, Carole
Daigle; my father, World War II naval hero, Warren Daigle; and
of course, my partner and spouse of 18 years, Matthew Cuenca-
Daigle, who is here with me today, as he has been for almost
all of my Foreign Service postings except the very first one.
Over the course of my career, I have worked with
governments that are allies of the United States and with those
that have had strained ties with our country. I have worked in
developing nations and in rich ones. Irrespective of the host
country environment, the one constant I have witnessed
throughout my service is the positive impact the United States
has on people around the world by staying true to our values as
we further our national interests. As a public diplomacy
officer, I am keenly aware of the direct relationship that
exists between advancing U.S. national interests and
strengthening our ties with foreign peoples and supporting them
in their aspirations for a better life for themselves and their
children.
Cabo Verde is a true success story in lifting up the lives
of its people, having transitioned to a lower middle-income
economy in recent years. The country enjoys a vibrant, multi-
party democracy, and has had an unbroken history of civilian
rule since its independence in 1975. This year, we are
celebrating 200 years of relations between our two countries,
which stretch back to December 1818 when the United States
established in Cabo Verde the first U.S. consulate in sub-
Saharan Africa. Since then, many people of Cabo Verdean descent
have settled in the United States, with New England now home to
a large and vibrant Cabo Verdean diaspora.
Increasing economic growth and development is the top U.S.
priority in Cabo Verde, which has the distinction of being the
first country to complete two Millennium Challenge Corporation
compacts. Both compacts focused on improving Cabo Verde's
openness to investment and the private sector, which are
playing vital roles in the country's development. Cabo Verde
now aspires to have a bilateral trade agreement with the United
States and, if confirmed, I will vigorously support efforts to
increase trade and investment between our two countries. A key
focus will be continuing to support Cabo Verde in strengthening
its business environment in support of the administration's
Africa Strategy and Prosper Africa objectives.
Cabo Verde has set an ambitious target to produce 100
percent of its energy using renewable resources by 2040. And in
December 2018, Cabo Verde also announced new plans to
capitalize on its geostrategic location to attract private
sector investment in such areas as tourism, air transport, and
maritime activity to advance the country's strategic plan for
sustainable development. Both of these initiatives present
exciting opportunities for U.S. companies and entrepreneurs to
partner with Cabo Verde and help the country reach its goals.
In February, Boston's mayor led a delegation to Cabo Verde,
and I look forward to welcoming other U.S. delegations and
business people to the country wishing to explore trade and
investment opportunities. U.S. investors will soon be able to
take advantage of the new support and opportunities presented
by the BUILD Act and the new Development Finance Corporation. I
will promote these new tools as a means of attracting U.S.
investment to Cabo Verde, and I will champion the country's
continued efforts to improve its business climate and achieve
self-reliance.
Our other top objective in Cabo Verde is strengthening
security cooperation between our countries, which is reflected
in our strong maritime security and law enforcement
partnerships. Cabo Verde has hosted U.S. military exercises
such as Epic Guardian 2016 and Africa Endeavor 2018, and the
Boston police are providing training on community policing
practices. AFRICOM and the U.S. Coast Guard also conduct
training and exercises and share best practices with their Cabo
Verdean counterparts to enhance the country's capacity to
interdict illicit maritime vessels and carry out search and
rescue operations. The success of this training was
dramatically illustrated by Cabo Verde's interception in late
January of 9 tons of cocaine bound for Europe.
Cabo Verde has also made excellent advances in recent years
in combating sexual and gender-based violence and violence
against children, as well as improving prison conditions. If
confirmed, I pledge to sustain U.S. support and encouragement
for Cabo Verde's admirable efforts to continue making progress
on these and other civil and human rights issues.
Finally, if confirmed, no responsibility will be more
important to me than that of protecting the lives, interests,
and welfare of the thousands of American citizens who live in
Cabo Verde and the thousands more who visit the country each
year.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Shaheen, if confirmed, I look
forward to working with you and the honorable members of this
committee to advance U.S. interests in Cabo Verde and to
sustain and expand the progress we have achieved in our long
and positive relationship.
Again, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today. I would be pleased to answer any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Daigle follows:]
Prepared Statement of John Jefferson Daigle
Thank you very much Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of
the committee. It is my honor to appear here today as the President's
nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Cabo Verde. I
am grateful for the confidence that President Trump and Secretary of
State Pompeo have placed in me with this nomination. If confirmed by
the Senate, I pledge to do my utmost to uphold this trust and to
advance U.S. national interests.
Over the past two decades, I have been privileged to represent the
United States at U.S. missions on four continents. Any measure of
success that I achieved during these postings would not have been
possible without the support of my family, so I would like to start by
expressing my sincerest gratitude to them. I come from a very large
Louisiana family--I have 10 sisters, one brother, and more than 70
nieces and nephews--so I won't name them all, but I do want to single
out my mother, Carole Daigle; my father, World War II naval hero Warren
Daigle; and of course my partner and spouse of 18 years, Matthew
Cuenca-Daigle, who has been with me through every posting but one.
Over the course of my career, I have worked with governments that
are allies of the United States and with those that have had strained
ties with our country. I have worked in developing nations and in rich
ones. Irrespective of the host country environment, the one constant I
have witnessed throughout my service is the positive impact the United
States has on people around the world by staying true to our values as
we further our national interests. As a Public Diplomacy officer, I am
keenly aware of the direct relationship that exists between advancing
U.S. national interests and strengthening our ties with foreign peoples
and supporting them in their aspirations for a better life for
themselves and their children.
Cabo Verde is a true success story in lifting up the lives of its
citizens, having transitioned to a lower middle-income economy in
recent years. The country enjoys a vibrant, multi-party democracy and
has had an unbroken history of civilian rule since its independence in
1975. This year we are celebrating 200 years of relations between our
two countries, which stretch back to December 1818 when the United
States established in Cabo Verde the first U.S. consulate in subSaharan
Africa. Since then, many people of Cabo Verdean descent have settled in
the United States, with New England now home to a large and vibrant
Cabo Verdean diaspora.
Increasing economic growth and development is the top U.S. priority
in Cabo Verde, which has the distinction of being the first country to
complete two Millennium Challenge Corporation compacts. Both compacts
focused on improving Cabo Verde's openness to investment and the
private sector, which are playing vital roles in the country's
development. Cabo Verde now aspires to have a bilateral free trade
agreement with the United States, and, if confirmed, I will vigorously
support efforts to increase trade and investment between our two
countries. A key focus will be continuing to support Cabo Verde in
strengthening its business environment in support of the
administration's Africa Strategy and Prosper Africa objectives.
Cabo Verde has set an ambitious target to produce 100 percent of
its energy using renewable resources by 2040. And in December 2018,
Cabo Verde also announced new plans to capitalize on its geo-strategic
location to attract privatesector investment in such areas as tourism,
air transport, and maritime activity to advance the country's Strategic
Plan for Sustainable Development. Both of these initiatives present
exciting opportunities for U.S. companies and entrepreneurs to partner
with Cabo Verde and help the country reach its goals.
In February, Boston's mayor led a delegation to Cabo Verde, and I
look forward to welcoming other U.S. delegations and businesspeople to
the country wishing to explore trade and investment opportunities.
Investors will soon be able to take advantage of the new support and
advantages presented by the BUILD Act and the new Development Finance
Corporation. I will promote these new tools as a means of attracting
U.S. investment to Cabo Verde, and I will champion the country's
continued efforts to improve its business climate and achieve
selfreliance.
Our other top objective in Cabo Verde is strengthening security
cooperation between our countries, which is reflected in our strong
maritime security and law enforcement partnerships. Cabo Verde has
hosted U.S. military exercises such as Epic Guardian 2016 and Africa
Endeavor 2018, and the Boston Police are providing training on
community policing practices. AFRICOM and the U.S. Coast Guard also
conduct training and exercises and share best practices with their Cabo
Verdean counterparts to enhance the country's capacity to interdict
illicit maritime vessels and carry out search and rescue operations.
The success of this training was dramatically illustrated by Cabo
Verde's interception in late January of nine tons of cocaine bound for
Europe.
Our Status of Forces Agreement with Cabo Verde entered into force
in November 2018. The agreement enables the U.S. military to respond
more rapidly to humanitarian or disaster-related emergencies and
enhances our ability to conduct military training exercises in
coordination with our partners in West Africa, and AFRICOM continues to
explore new ways to deepen our cooperation under the agreement. Cabo
Verde is a model in the region for forging successful security
partnerships, and if confirmed, it is my goal to not just maintain but
to expand our collaboration with Cabo Verde in this area by working
with AFRICOM and others in the inter-agency to explore all options
available to us.
Cabo Verde has made excellent advances in recent years in combating
sexual and gender-based violence and violence against children, as well
as improving prison conditions. If confirmed, I pledge to sustain U.S.
support and encouragement for Cabo Verde's admirable efforts to
continue making progress on these and other civil and human rights
issues.
Finally, if confirmed, no responsibility will be more important to
me than that of protecting the lives, interests, and welfare of the
thousands of American citizens who live in Cabo Verde and the thousands
more who visit the country each year.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, if confirmed, I look forward to
working with you and the honorable members of this committee to advance
U.S. interests in Cabo Verde and to sustain and expand the progress we
have achieved in our long and positive relationship.
Again, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
would be pleased to answer any questions you may have.
Senator Romney. Thank you so much for your testimony, and
that is true for each of you. Thank you also to your families
for being here where that was possible. I mentioned earlier
that we appreciate the sacrifice you have made in behalf of our
country and our national interests. But I also want to
underscore the appreciation we have for the members of your
family and for their contributions and supporting you in these
important roles.
I get 5 minutes to ask questions, and I have a question to
ask each of you. So with a little math, you can figure out how
much time I would like you to spend on the answer.
Ms. Brink, Russia is meddling in Slovakia, obviously, tried
to disseminate information that is untrue there. The
presidential elections saw a pro-Russia candidate get a good
deal of support.
What do you think we can do or you can do to help combat
Russia's malign interest in Slovakia?
Ms. Brink. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for that question. This
is a really important question.
Slovakia has come a very long way since independence. One
of the key areas where more work needs to be done is on anti-
corruption and strengthening the transatlantic bond. With the
recent presidential election you mentioned of a person with a
reputation as a strong anti-corruption fighter, I think there
will be an opportunity for us to work together on that.
With regard specifically to malign influence and
misinformation, in my experience corruption offers an
opportunity, an opening for that, which we must try to close.
And we have many programs that we work on as part of the
administration with support and funding from Congress to try to
fight this influence. And to be quick, I will just say we have
programs that help to support independent journalists and also
civil society. We use our own platforms to call out this
misinformation, and we also work with the Slovak government to
help the government identify and find countermeasures.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Mr. Howery, we obviously have a very strong relationship
with Sweden. It is a country that is committed defense in a
region which is dangerous from time to time.
Are there ways you think we need to strengthen or deepen
our security partnership with the nation of Sweden?
Mr. Howery. Thank you for the question, Chairman Romney.
As you mentioned, the current relationship between Sweden
and the United States is very strong. The two countries have
signed a bilateral statement of intent for defense cooperation.
They have purchased the Patriot missile system. We participate
together in trainings and exercises. And so we already have a
strong base upon which to build.
If confirmed, I would seek to continue strengthening
bilateral ties between the U.S. and Sweden, as well as
strengthening ties between Sweden and NATO; Sweden is a NATO
partner, not a NATO member, but strengthening that relationship
as well and work closely with Swedish officials on
strengthening national security ties.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Colonel Klimow, do you have a perspective of what China is
trying to do in Turkmenistan? Obviously, the Russians have long
had interest in what is happening there, but is China playing a
role there? And is there an effort on our part that should try
and dissuade them from becoming too close to any malign intent?
Mr. Klimow. Thank you for your question, Senator. And also
thank you for your membership and leadership in the
subcommittee that oversees Central Asia.
You are correct, Senator. China has a big influence in
Turkmenistan, and that is understandable. They have historic
trading links that go back centuries.
Turkmenistan is a relatively young country, and I believe
it is in our national interest to help them feel secure in
their sense of sovereignty, independence, and territorial
integrity, especially when they are dealing not only with China
but with Russia as well. That is good for the entire Central
Asia region to have Turkmenistan feel that they are strong
enough to resist the malign efforts of the powers in the
region, to include China and Russia.
It is also in our interest to help them with reforms. A
stable country is based on the support of its people. It is in
our interest to help them bring the Turkmen people into the
21st century marketplace of ideas and technology. I think in
that way, they are better prepared to deal with China. We offer
them a very positive alternative, one without strings attached,
and if confirmed, I will work hard to make that a reality.
Senator Romney. Thank you very much, Colonel.
With regard to Mr. Daigle and Cabo Verde, I have to tell
you that it is hard for me to pronounce that properly because
as a former resident of Massachusetts, I had a number of
friends there that called themselves Cape Verdeans. So I think
of it being called Cape Verde. It is Cabo Verde, which is a
different pronunciation, but I appreciate your willingness to
be of service there.
Clearly the location geographically of this nation is of
great strategic significance to anyone considering maritime
trade or perhaps even naval ambition. And it is not surprising
to understand that China is making a substantial investment in
the country.
I wonder if there are efforts on your part--and hopefully,
there will be--to dissuade the leadership there from getting
involved perhaps with ports and predatory loans that China has
been known for and instead focus them on projects that can
build the economy for the nation but not lead them to become
involved in an unfortunate way with China.
Mr. Daigle. Yes, sir. Thank you for that question.
As Cabo Verde exercises its sovereign right to choose its
own partners, if I am confirmed, I would really advocate with
the country's leaders the importance of pursuing stronger trade
ties with the United States, as well as a broader range of
trade partners, and also stress upon them the importance of
selecting foreign investment that is high quality, inclusive,
sustainable, and transparent. So I think those are the
important things to stress with the country so that they do
choose things that are in their best interests.
At this point, China is very active in Cabo Verde, and they
have made investments in their infrastructure. But at this
point, the Chinese do not hold a significant percentage of
their external debt.
Senator Romney. Thank you so much.
We will now turn to the ranking member for questions that
she may have.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I would like to begin with you, Ms. Brink. I recently
introduced legislation with a number of the members of this
committee to sanction vessels that are engaged in laying deep
sea pipe for Russia's pipeline, Nordstream 2 pipeline.
Given your experience in the European Bureau and the fact
that there has been no sign that the construction of Nordstream
2 is slowing down, do you think that the EU member states in
Central Europe are doing enough to express their concerns about
Nordstream 2?
Ms. Brink. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
This is a really important question. Energy security is
national security. And I think we all can always do more. And I
would say with regard to Slovakia, this is one area that I
intend to focus on. Slovakia could increase its energy
independence and its national security by doing a couple
things, including by continuing its opposition vocally to Nord
Stream 2, which it has been. So I would encourage that.
We, as an administration, are also opposed to the second
stream of Turk Stream. In addition to that area, I would also
support interconnectors. There are some possibilities of
interconnectors to Poland and potentially other neighboring
states. We believe the free flow of gas in the region is
beneficial to Slovakia and to Slovakia's security.
And then finally, there is potential for U.S. LNG and
bringing U.S. LNG to Europe, which also could change the
balance and the dependence on a single country. There is also
nuclear energy and trying to bring that down from 100 percent
dependence on Russia which would, in our view at least, be in
Slovakia's interest. So I would prioritize that.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I appreciate your
response. I think it is very important that we do everything we
can to encourage Europe to diversify its electricity production
and to not have another generation that is dependent on Russian
oil and gas.
Mr. Howery, one of the challenges in Sweden has been
Russia's effort to spread disinformation throughout the
country. Some of the instances that have gained traction there
have been stories about adopted Russian children who are
abused, horrible stories about crimes committed by migrants.
If confirmed, how will you help to counter these false
narratives?
Mr. Howery. Thank you for the question, Ranking Member
Shaheen.
This is a really important question and one that Sweden,
like ourselves, has been dealing with. Sweden has been the
target of, as you mentioned, Russian disinformation, as well as
cyber intrusions from Russia. And they have been a partner of
ours in pushing back. We do share information in the
information space with Sweden.
They have taken a number of steps, internally, to try to
push back on Russian disinformation, everything from training
election officials to look for election meddling in the most
recent election. And they have actually set up a national board
for psychological defense. These are just a few of the
countermeasures I know that Sweden has implemented.
If confirmed, I would want to speak with Embassy Stockholm
and Swedish officials to find out if these or other
countermeasures they have taken have been effective in pushing
back against Russia. So, if confirmed, I would commit to
prioritizing working closely with Sweden to push back against
Russian--their destabilizing activities.
Senator Shaheen. I hope you will also plan to meet with the
Global Engagement Center at the State Department to talk about
what we are doing to push back against disinformation as well.
Mr. Howery. I plan on doing that. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Colonel Klimow, in your written testimony,
you talk about the importance of Turkmenistan for its
geopolitical presence and the importance of the relationship
that we have.
How do you balance that relationship with the human rights
challenges that Turkmenistan is facing?
Mr. Klimow. Ranking Member Shaheen, thank you very much for
that very thoughtful and important question.
Let me start by saying that I believe there is nothing more
fundamental than human dignity. I also believe it is the duty
of every American diplomat, whether it is a junior officer
reporting for his or her first tour at an embassy or the chief
of staff, to be a champion for American values, and those
include, of course, human rights, freedom of expression, good
governance and democracy. If I am confirmed, this will be one
of the highest priorities of my portfolio, and I believe that I
have a role to play in that regard as well.
I think part of the first things that I would need to do is
to establish rapport at the highest levels of the Turkmenistan
government. There are three or four areas, to include of
freedom of religion, that I would like to focus on, as well as
trafficking in persons where they are a tier 3 country. These
are issues of great import, and I believe that through
forthright, consistent, pragmatic, and disciplined messaging
and engagement, we can make a difference.
Thank you, Senator.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I am out of time, but
your last comment about the consistent, disciplined messaging I
think is a good reminder of what good diplomacy includes.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Senator Udall?
Senator Udall. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank all of you for your service. I know three of you
have been longtime career folks.
Mr. Daigle, small, low-lying islands such as those that
comprise Cabo Verde are at the highest risk of suffering from
climate change. With rising sea levels, these islands really
risk extinction.
As Ambassador to Cabo Verde, how will you work with the
government and the people of Cabo Verde to encourage them to do
what they can to address climate change and its impending
effects on the islands?
Mr. Daigle. Thank you for that question, sir.
In Cabo Verde's instance at least, the islands are
volcanic. So they are a little bit more elevated than some of
the lower-lying islands in the Pacific. So the risk of the
islands being completely inundated is a little bit less.
But nevertheless, the effects of climate change are real in
the country. They have experienced severe droughts over the
past several years. Cabo Verde in Portuguese means the Green
Cape, and that is certainly not the case any longer. There is
not a lot of greenery left in Cabo Verde. So it is an issue
that the government is seized with.
At this point, the country no longer qualifies for U.S.
development assistance because it has become a lower middle-
income country. But I will certainly look to partner with USAID
and see what else we might be able to do to assist them in
coping with climate change, particularly through USAID's
regional hub in West Africa.
Senator Udall. And how would you describe this
administration's climate change policy to the country of Cabo
Verde?
Mr. Daigle. There is a discussion underway as to what is
the cause of climate change within the government and how we
should deal with it. At this point, I think we have made
efforts to assist countries in coping with climate change and
adjusting to it. And I will certainly see what else we might be
able to do with Cabo Verde, should I be confirmed and head out
there.
Senator Udall. Mr. Howery and Mr. Daigle, is climate change
a real emergency, or is it an opportunity, as Secretary Pompeo
described it, because the melting ice will open up new routes
to trade even as it floods coasts and low-lying areas? That was
a comment made about the Arctic.
Mr. Daigle. Mr. Howery or Mr. Daigle?
Senator Udall. Both of you. Mr. Howery, why do you not
start on that one?
Mr. Howery. Thank you, Senator.
Climate change is real, but my personal views are not what
is important. My job, if confirmed, will be to represent the
United States and our foreign policy in Sweden. It will not be
my job to set policy or to promote my personal views.
Senator Udall. So what would you describe this
administration's climate change policy as to the country that
you are going to serve, which is actively been one of the
leaders in the world in terms of climate change and believes it
is an urgent threat and that we should move forward with it
very deliberately? So what are you going to tell them what is
the United States' policy, as you understand it?
Mr. Howery. Thank you, Senator.
If confirmed, I would help explain that regarding the Paris
Agreement specifically, the President has announced his
intention to withdraw the country from the Paris Agreement,
absent the identification of terms more favorable to the
American people.
If confirmed as Ambassador, my job would be to find points
of overlap and intersection on environmental policy. Like many
challenges we have faced in the past, I believe that the role
of innovation and new technologies will have to play a critical
role. Given my background, I will look for ways to engage the
private sector. I believe this is an opportunity to leverage
the ingenuity of individuals and businesses instead of just
relying on regulation to help protect the environment while
growing the economy. So, if confirmed, I look forward to
working on this issue with Swedish officials.
Senator Udall. And the two other panelists, would you
describe your description of this administration's climate
policy and how you will relate that to the country you are
serving?
Mr. Klimow. Thank you, Senator.
Turkmenistan is a relatively young country. I would go to
first principles in engaging with Turkmenistan, especially in
regard to water management and the effects that climate change
may have on what is a dire situation throughout Central Asia. I
would also work with them in terms of smart energy.
Surprisingly, I found as I began my quest to become Ambassador
to Turkmenistan, that they are interested in solar power and
wind power. These things, of course, will be part and parcel of
the bigger energy program.
Thank you, Senator.
Senator Udall. Mr. Chairman, with your permission, I would
just ask the last witness to----
Senator Romney. Absolutely, please.
Senator Udall. Thank you for the courtesies.
Ms. Brink. Thank you, Mr. Senator.
Slovakia was disappointed that the United States--President
Trump--announced our intention to withdraw from the Paris
Agreement. Slovakia had the EU presidency at the time of the
conclusion of the agreement and adheres to the EU position.
If confirmed, my goal would be to try to find areas where
we can work with Slovakia to address climate change, but also
address other issues. And I think there are some areas where we
could do both. For example, in the energy sphere, renewable
energy is a real area where we can work with Slovakia to try to
bring down dependence on a single country with regard to their
own energy needs.
Also, we already have a lot of cooperation in the
technology sector, and I think that could offer some areas of
exploration as well. And I would look for any and all areas
where we can continue to work together.
Senator Udall. Thank you for the courtesies, Mr. Chairman.
I appreciate it.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
And thanks to the witnesses. Congratulation on your
nominations.
Just a couple of questions, Ms. Brink, first for you with
respect to Slovakia.
Slovakia has a number of challenges, and one of them is in
their military, replacing obsolete Soviet era equipment. We
supported the accession of Slovakia to NATO in 2004.
How could the State Department work together with Slovakia
to help them make the transition to equipment that is more
compatible with those of NATO allies?
Ms. Brink. Thank you, Mr. Senator.
This is going to be, if confirmed, one of my key
priorities. We have some good news here in that Slovakia has
prioritized modernizing its military as a NATO member and
moving away from Soviet era military equipment. And just last
year, Slovakia purchased 14 F-16's, which is a very significant
purchase. They are also continuing military modernization
needs. And if confirmed, I would do what I can to advocate for
U.S. businesses because that would be good, obviously, for our
business, but to continue to have NATO interoperable equipment
is also good for Slovakia's military.
Senator Kaine. Thank you for that.
Mr. Howery, with respect to Sweden, there was news this
week in the ``Jerusalem Post'' and elsewhere about a hate crime
committed in Sweden, the stabbing of a 60-year-old woman who
was a leading figure in one of Sweden's largest cities' Jewish
community. And it highlights how pervasive hate crimes
perpetrated against Jews have become around the country and in
our own country.
I introduced a resolution in the last 2 weeks with Senator
Cruz to focus upon the need for all of us to band together
regardless of nationality or party to condemn and combat anti-
Semitism.
As Ambassador, how would you work to try to make sure that
anti-Semitism is on the decrease and not on the increase in
Sweden?
Mr. Howery. Thank you, Senator Kaine.
I agree this is a very important issue.
As you mentioned, Sweden does struggle with, in some cases,
anti-Semitism just like we have some here at home. Jews in
Sweden are the most frequently targeted group relative to their
size of religiously motivated hate crimes. So it is an issue.
If confirmed, I would work with Swedish officials to
reiterate our support for both religious tolerance and
religious freedom and work together closely with them and would
welcome your involvement as well, if I am confirmed.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Howery.
Ms. Brink, the issue has been one slightly different, but
also one in Slovakia. In 2015, the foreign minister of Slovakia
said, with respect to refugees, that they wanted just to take
Christians. They were particularly antipathetic to taking
Muslim refugees. And they cited the small Muslim population.
There were not many mosques. But the notion of something like
humanitarian aid you would condition it upon people's religion
is very abhorrent to me, and I hope it is to you.
Sadly, this is becoming a feature in all of the hearings we
are having, is what we can do at home and abroad to try to
promote respect for that important American value that you are
neither preferred nor punished based on how you worship or do
not worship. And I hope you will also in Slovakia stand strong
for that principle.
Ms. Brink. Yes, sir. Senator, this has always been
something that I have promoted through over 20 years of my
foreign service career. I will continue to do so when I go to
Slovakia, and I know that members of the Hill, but also our
public cares about this issue since it is a key American value
and it underpins the transatlantic bond that we have with
Slovakia and also the rest of Europe.
Senator Kaine. It is very important. When Senator Cruz and
I introduced the bill, I said we came in the Senate on the same
day, but I am not sure we have ever found common cause enough
on a single issue to introduce a bill together. But on this
one, we were very much in common cause. And I am excited that
it has picked up so many bipartisan cosponsors.
Colonel, let me ask you a question about Turkmenistan.
Since 2015, the U.S.-Turkmenistan bilateral relationship has
been assisted and complemented by the C5 Plus 1 Framework,
which is the U.S. engagement, really a forum for the U.S. and
the five Central Asian countries. And we have used that
framework to talk about issues like security and economic
connections and trade and environmental issues. Talk a little
bit about how that framework might assist in your work, should
you be confirmed as Ambassador to Turkmenistan.
Mr. Klimow. Thank you for that question, Senator.
In fact, a C5 Plus 1 meeting is taking place this week.
This is an encouraging sign that we are making some progress I
believe with the government of Turkmenistan. They recently
volunteered to co-chair committees on environment. And we
believe that the fact that they stepped forward is an
indication that there may be other opportunities to work with
them on some of the pressing issues regarding human rights.
But the C5 Plus 1 forum is a centerpiece. It allows us to
engage with Turkmenistan where in many instances, it is very
difficult to reach the government of Turkmenistan in a
meaningful way.
Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you.
Mr. Chair, thank you.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Thank you to all of the nominees for your very thoughtful
and well reasoned responses to the questions that have come
from the members. I appreciate that very much. We want to
appreciate also the questions that have been asked.
And at this stage, just note that for information of the
members, that the record will remain open until the close of
business on Friday, including for members to submit questions
for the record.
And so with the thanks of the committee, the hearing is now
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 2:50 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
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Additional Material Submitted for the Record
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Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Bridget A. Brink by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. As Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, I worked across
Eastern Europe and the Caucasus in support of democracy and human
rights in Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus, Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia.
I led anti-corruption efforts in Ukraine and Moldova. In both
countries, our support for conditioning IMF assistance on reforms
resulted in important institutional steps forward, including the
creation of an anti-corruption court in Ukraine and cleaning up the
banking sector in Moldova. In Azerbaijan, I advocated vigorously for
the release of human rights and democracy activists, and was gratified
to see the release of high-profile activists Leyla and Arif Yunus and
Khadija Ismailova during my tenure.As Deputy Chief of Mission in
Georgia, I supported the first democratic transfer of power in that
country's history with the change of power in 2012. With this peaceful
transfer, Georgia was able to continue its contribution to the NATO
mission in Afghanistan as well its support of European energy security
with the Southern Gas Corridor. As the Chief of the Political and
Economic Section, I supported the reforms of the Rose Revolution that
turned around a nearly failed state. While there, I led our team to
help Georgia combat trafficking-in-persons and attain ``Tier 1'' status
on the annual Trafficking in Persons report for the first time. For our
overall efforts to promote human rights, my ambassador nominated me and
our human rights officer for the State Department's annual human rights
award.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in the Slovak Republic? Please be as specific
as possible.
Answer. The 2018 U.S. Country Report on Human Rights Practices in
Slovakia highlighted several ongoing human rights issues of concern,
including: corruption; violence or hate speech targeting lesbian, gay,
bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) persons; widespread
discrimination against Roma; and security force violence against ethnic
and racial minorities.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in the Slovak Republic? What do you hope to accomplish
through these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing
the specific obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to strengthen democratic
institutions and the rule of law in Slovakia, reinforcing that
accountability and transparency are necessary to modern democracy and
economic prosperity. I will also stress that corruption enables malign
actors to undermine Slovakia's hard-fought independence.In my
experience, three factors are needed to improve rule of law and fight
corruption in this region: political will, strong institutions, and
public accountability. The election in March of President-elect Zuzana
Caputova, with her strong reputation as a fighter against corruption,
suggests the Slovak people wish to see more progress in this area.
Slovakia has an adequate legal structure, but democracies need an
independent, impartial, and accountable judiciary whose first
obligation is to uphold the law. If confirmed, I will use this
opportunity to support an independent and accountable judiciary as well
as other actions to strengthen Slovakia's democratic institutions.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. As an EU member and World Bank-designated ``high income
country,'' Slovakia has ``graduated'' from U.S. development assistance.
If confirmed, I will use the full range of public diplomacy and other
resources at our disposal to support small-scale projects to promote
democracy and good governance as well as to counter Russian
disinformation.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
Slovak Republic?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with civil society in Slovakia,
including with human rights organizations. If confirmed, I will
actively monitor the health of the civil society sector and will oppose
any efforts to restrict NGOs or civil society through legal or
regulatory measures.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I will meet with a broad array of
democratically-oriented political opposition figures and parties and
will advocate for their broad access to and inclusion in political
processes. I will advocate for access and inclusivity for women,
minorities, and youth within political parties.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Russia uses disinformation and other hybrid tactics in
Slovakia to exploit historical and cultural ties. Russia also exploits
broad displeasure with corruption and the rule of law within Slovakia
to erode Slovak citizens' confidence in democratic institutions as well
as the progress Slovakia has made as a member of the Transatlantic
community. If confirmed, I will engage with civil society and
government counterparts to counter disinformation and propaganda in
Slovakia. I will also continue to make public messaging about the
shared values, history, and experiences that unite the American and
Slovak people a key Mission priority.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in the Slovak
Republic, no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity? What
challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ)
people face in the Slovak Republic? What specifically will you commit
to do to help LGBTQ people in the Slovak Republic?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to protect and defend human
rights for all, including by broadening and deepening efforts to
address the bias-motivated violence and discrimination LGBTI persons
face in areas such as employment and occupation, housing, and access to
government services. I will also continue our Embassy's long-standing
public support for the human rights of LGBTI persons. The 2018 U.S.
Country Report on Human Rights Practices in Slovakia noted a number of
concerns, including anti-LGBTI violence, online harassment, and the
forced or coerced sterilization of transgender persons in order to
obtain legal gender recognition.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will make sure all employees know
their rights and responsibilities as set out by U.S. law and the
Department's rules and regulations.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. I have never had a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination, or inappropriate
conduct raised against me.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. Throughout my career, I have immediately addressed any
issues with regard to sexual harassment, discrimination, or
inappropriate conduct by anyone over whom I have had supervisory
authority in accordance with the Department of State's policies and
practices in dealing with such conduct.
In cases of inappropriate conduct, I have followed the Department's
established practices. With regard to discrimination, I am aware of an
informal concern about conduct made against two employees at missions
where I served as Deputy Chief of Mission (DCM). As DCM, I was made
aware of concerns regarding any potential conduct that could be
considered as a concern regarding an EEO protected category. I take any
allegation seriously and follow established protocols on how such
concerns should be addressed. In my role as DCM, I regularly
communicated our Mission's commitment to proactively addressing any
possible EEO concern and if confirmed, I am committed to continuing
this practice.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Bridget A. Brink by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. As Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, I worked across
Eastern Europe and the Caucasus in support of democracy and human
rights in Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus, Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia.
I led anti-corruption efforts in Ukraine and Moldova. In both
countries, our support for conditioning IMF assistance on reforms
resulted in important institutional steps forward, including the
creation of an anti-corruption court in Ukraine and cleaning up the
banking sector in Moldova. In Azerbaijan, I advocated vigorously for
the release of human rights and democracy activists, and was gratified
to see the release of high-profile activists Leyla and Arif Yunus and
Khadija Ismailova during my tenure.As Deputy Chief of Mission in
Georgia, I supported the first democratic transfer of power in that
country's history with the change of power in 2012. With this peaceful
transfer, Georgia was able to continue its contribution to the NATO
mission in Afghanistan as well its support of European energy security
with the Southern Gas Corridor. As the Chief of the Political and
Economic Section, I supported the reforms of the Rose Revolution that
turned around a nearly failed state. While there, I led our team to
help Georgia combat trafficking-in-persons and attain ``Tier 1'' status
on the annual Trafficking in Persons report for the first time. For our
overall efforts to promote human rights, my ambassador nominated me and
our human rights officer for the State Department's annual human rights
award.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in
Slovakia? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in Slovakia? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. The 2018 U.S. Country Report on Human Rights Practices in
Slovakia highlighted several ongoing human rights issues of concern,
including: corruption; violence or hate speech targeting lesbian, gay,
bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) persons; widespread
discrimination against Roma; and security force violence against ethnic
and racial minorities. If confirmed, I will engage with Slovak
authorities and civil society and encourage cooperation to promote
tolerance and nondiscrimination and to address ongoing corruption
concerns.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Slovakia in
advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. Strengthening the rule of law and addressing corruption are
long-term, ongoing, and complex challenges. While Slovakia has come a
long way since independence, more remains to be done. If confirmed, I
will work to strengthen democratic institutions and the rule of law in
Slovakia, reinforcing that accountability and transparency are
necessary to modern democracy and Slovakia's continued economic
success. This effort will need to involve engagement with both the
Slovak government as well as members of civil society.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Slovakia? If confirmed, what steps will you
take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will engage with civil society and
non-governmental organizations both in the United States and in
Slovakia on a range of human rights and other issues of mutual
interest. With my experience in the Balkans, I appreciate the
importance of the Leahy Law and will ensure all the required vetting is
carried out for any security assistance and security cooperation
activities.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Slovakia to address cases of key political prisoners or persons
otherwise unjustly targeted by Slovakia?
Answer. According to the 2018 Country Report on Human Rights
Practices, there were no reports of political prisoners or detainees in
Slovakia. However, I have always prioritized such cases in the past,
and, if confirmed, I pledge to actively engage with Slovakia to address
any such cases should they arise.
Question. Will you engage with Slovakia on matters of human rights,
civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise any concerns that I may have
through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise any concerns that I may have
through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Slovakia?
Answer. No.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. I have actively promoted diversity as a principle of
leadership and driver of productivity in every managerial position I
have held in the Department of State. I believe that leaders need to
lead by example. If confirmed, I will actively seek diversity in
recruitment, continue to mentor more junior staff and encourage those I
supervise to do the same, and work to ensure that leadership positions
in the mission reflect the diversity of our institution.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. As I have in previous leadership positions, I will
underscore my expectation of a commitment to diversity and inclusion as
a key aspect of achieving our foreign policy goals. If confirmed, I
will relay my own ``zero tolerance'' for violations of Equal Employment
Opportunity laws and State Department rules and regulations on
harassment. I will also encourage supervisors to foster an environment
that is diverse and inclusive by focusing on recruitment, mentoring
more junior officers, and creating a working environment that is based
on respect.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in Slovakia
specifically?
Answer. Corruption erodes citizens' confidence in democratic
institutions, enables malign actors, increases their influence, and
weakens economic growth. The February 2018 murder of investigative
journalist Jan Kuciak brought the issue of corruption to the center of
Slovakia's political debate and resulted in the collapse of the
government and the election in March 2019 of President-elect Zuzana
Caputova. Although Slovakia enacted a number of new measures to fight
corruption in the last year, including a whistleblower protection law
and risk assessments of corruption vulnerabilities in government
offices, implementation remains key.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Slovakia
and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. The 2018 U.S. Country Report on Human Rights Practices in
Slovakia noted corruption remained a concern. According to the report,
the Slovak government did not always implement its anti-corruption laws
effectively, and high-level officials were rarely prosecuted for
corruption. While the recent enactment of a whistleblower protection
law is a step in the right direction, its effectiveness will depend on
successful implementation. The election in March of President-elect
Zuzana Caputova, with her strong reputation as a fighter against
corruption, suggests the Slovak people wish to see more progress in
this area. If confirmed, I will seek to continue our work in support of
anti-corruption efforts as an important aspect of Slovakia's political
stability and economic prosperity.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in Slovakia?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my team at the Embassy in
Bratislava to engage Slovak officials at all levels of government to
support good governance and anti-corruption programming. The Embassy
promotes awareness of the importance of the rule of law to building a
strong country and a strong economy and supports efforts by Slovak
officials and non-governmental organizations to promote transparency,
combat fraud, and encourage accountability. This support comes through
grants and awards to NGOs and individuals working in the field. The
Embassy also brings in substantive experts to offer training to Slovak
judges, police, and prosecutors. If confirmed, I will continue to build
on these efforts.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Kenneth A. Howery by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. I have been a long-time advisor to Kiva, a non-profit with
the goal to ``expand financial access to help underserved communities
thrive.'' They achieve this by allowing individuals to fight poverty by
making micro-loans to people around the world. Kiva has raised more
than $1.3 billion in loans to help more than 3 million people in over
80 countries, 81 percent of whom are women.
Kiva has also funded loans to thousands of refugees and internally
displaced people (IDPs) around the globe. Kiva's goal is to address
refugees' needs by offering access to loans that allow them to pay for
critical medical needs, continue their education, or start a business
in an effort to rebuild their lives.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. Sweden has a strong record on human rights issues. If
confirmed, I will utilize all U.S. government resources at my disposal
to continue supporting democracy and good governance in Sweden. As much
of our cooperation on human rights issues with Sweden occurs in other
countries (e.g., emerging democracies and developing countries), I will
prioritize ensuring that our human rights and assistance agendas are
coordinated and do not duplicate resources or lines of effort.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in
Sweden?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will stress the importance of having
genuine political competition during my meetings with government and
civil society leaders. I will also advocate for access and inclusivity
for women, minorities and youth within political parties.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Sweden, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do the
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in
Sweden? What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ people in
Sweden?
Answer. Sweden has strong antidiscrimination laws in place that
protect the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex
(LGBTI) individuals. As a result, they do not face the same challenges
found in less democratic countries. If confirmed, I commit to using my
position to defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Sweden
and continue Embassy Stockholm's engagement with members of the LGBTI
community in Sweden.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will do everything possible to ensure
that all employees understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or
other prohibited practices will not be tolerated. I will do this by
ensuring that existing federal and Department rules and regulation are
clearly understood and enforced.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. No.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. No.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Kenneth A. Howery by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. I have been a long-time advisor to Kiva, a non-profit with
the goal to ``expand financial access to help underserved communities
thrive.'' They achieve this by allowing individuals to fight poverty by
making micro-loans to people around the world. Kiva has raised more
than $1.3 billion in loans to help more than 3 million people in over
80 countries, 81 percent of whom are women.
Kiva has also funded loans to thousands of refugees and internally
displaced people (IDPs) around the globe. Kiva's goal is to address
refugees' needs by offering access to loans that allow them to pay for
critical medical needs, continue their education, or start a business
in an effort to rebuild their lives.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Sweden?
What are the most important steps you expect to take--if confirmed--to
promote human rights and democracy in Sweden? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Sweden has a strong human rights record. However, one
challenge facing Swedish society is anti-Semitism. According to the
U.S. Department of State's 2017 International Religious Freedom Report
(the latest available), Jews in Sweden are the most frequently targeted
group relative to the size of its community of religiously motivated
hate crimes. If confirmed, I will engage with Swedish authorities and
civil society and encourage cooperation to promote religious tolerance
and nondiscrimination.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Sweden in advancing
human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue Mission Sweden's engagement
with Swedish officials at all levels of government, as well as civil
society to promote religious tolerance and nondiscrimination. One
potential obstacle is the difficulty of maintaining good communication
between our Embassy in Stockholm and Jewish groups outside of
Stockholm. If confirmed, I will deepen the Embassy's outreach to Jewish
groups across Sweden, including those outside of Stockholm, to support
their efforts to maintain community security and combat anti-Semitism
and use my position as the U.S. Ambassador to continue to call
attention to this important issue.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Sweden? If confirmed, what steps will you
take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will engage with civil society and
non-governmental organizations both in the United States and in Sweden
on a range of human rights and other issues of mutual interest. I will
also ensure all the required vetting is carried out for any security
assistance and security cooperation activities.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Sweden to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise
unjustly targeted by Sweden?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Will you engage with Sweden on matters of human rights,
civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to comply with all relevant federal
ethics laws, regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may
have through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to comply with all relevant federal
ethics laws, regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may
have through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Sweden?
Answer. My investment portfolio includes interests in entities that
have a presence in Sweden. This includes stock holdings, mutual funds
or exchange traded funds, and private investment funds that hold
interests in companies with a presence in Sweden. I am committed to
ensuring that my official actions will not give rise to a conflict of
interest. If confirmed, I will divest all investments the State
Department Ethics Office deems necessary and recuse myself from matters
when required to avoid a conflict of interest, and I will remain
vigilant with regard to my ethics obligations.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. Supporting diversity in the workplace is not only a good
practice in advancing American values, it is also a boon to
productivity, as diverse perspectives often reveal unexpected
opportunities. I support diversity and advocate for people with
different experiences and backgrounds. If confirmed, I will take steps
to create a culture based on respect, teamwork, and inclusivity to
ensure people of different ages, races, genders, and sexual
orientations feel supported.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. People take cues from the leader of their organization, and
I understand the importance of my actions and words. If confirmed, I
will work to create a positive work environment first by modeling
respect for diversity and inclusion in my own work, but also by
engaging directly with the supervisors and employees at the Embassy to
convey the importance of these values. I will also ensure they are
promoting and supporting team members from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in Sweden
specifically?
Answer. Corruption erodes public trust and institutions. Sweden has
strong democratic institutions, established rule of law, and a free
press. The law provides criminal penalties for corruption, and the
government generally implements the laws effectively.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Sweden
and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. Sweden has a strong record of combating corruption.
According to Transparency International's 2018 Corruption Perceptions
Index, Sweden was ranked as the third least corrupt country in the
world out of 180 countries. If confirmed, I will continue to engage
Swedish officials on this important issue to ensure the country remains
free from corruption.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in Sweden?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue Embassy Stockholm's
engagement with officials at all levels of the Swedish government in
support of good governance and anticorruption. Through the
International Visitor Leadership Program and other public diplomacy
programs, I will deepen and expand our engagement with Sweden on ways
to promote transparency and the rule of law, which are core elements of
both our societies.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Matthew Klimow by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. From 1995-2000, I was member of a team of United States
diplomats and senior military leaders that traveled throughout the
conflict region in the Balkans, to include Kosovo and Bosnia-
Herzegovina, pursuing peace and justice in that war-torn region. In
Srebrenica, site of genocidal mass murder of Bosniaks, I met with
families of the survivors. In Brcko, I witnessed the wanton destruction
of homes that had occurred based on ethnic and religious hatred. I
heard the testimonials of women who were subject to brutal mass rape
used as a weapon of war. Our work in the region brought stability and
safety for a populace that experienced some of the worst human rights
violations in the last decade of the 20th century. Those events and my
work in the Balkan region strengthen my commitment to support democracy
and human rights.
Question. Do you commit to engaging the government on the release
of political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Turkmenistan? In
particular, do you commit to raise the case of long-held political
prisoner Gulgeldy Annaniyazov?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to maintaining an open and frank
dialogue with the government of Turkmenistan on our values and concerns
about human rights and fundamental freedoms, and this includes raising
the cases of Gulgeldy Annaniyazov and other individual political
prisoners. Working with my Embassy staff, if confirmed, I would
continue to urge Turkmenistan to uphold its obligations and commitments
on human rights, fundamental freedoms, and adherence to the rule of
law, including its obligations with respect to substantive and
procedural trial safeguards under the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights (ICCPR).
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, under my leadership the Embassy will continue
to use the full range of available resources to support democracy and
governance with our partners in Turkmenistan. This includes utilization
of the Democracy Commission Small Grants program, USAID's civil society
and governance strengthening programming funding, and other State
Department funding sources in accordance with relevant U.S. laws and
regulations to support more accountable and inclusive democratic
institutions that can deliver tangible benefits to all citizens.
Central to these efforts will be support to civil society along with
programs to eliminate trafficking in persons.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
and non-governmental organizations doing work in/on Turkmenistan?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to developing and maintaining
regular contact with human rights activists, civil society leaders, and
other representatives of domestic and international non-governmental
organizations in Turkmenistan, as is appropriate and safe for those
involved, with the goal to strengthen Turkmenistan's democratic
development, stability, and prosperity.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage with civil society and
my government counterparts to counter disinformation and propaganda
disseminated by foreign states or non-state actors in Turkmenistan.
This will include supporting accreditation for trained independent
journalists. I further commit to coordinating public diplomacy
programming in Turkmenistan to promote people-to-people exchanges and
increase access to accurate information about the United States,
countering the impact of foreign state-sponsored disinformation.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Turkmenistan, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. I pledge to uphold our values and defend human rights and
dignity, regardless of sexual orientation or gender identity. If
confirmed, I commit to working with civil society and NGOs that address
LGBTI issues and to have a frank dialogue with the government of
Turkmenistan on the obligation of governments to respect the human
rights of everyone in their countries.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. Yes. I agree that targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, has no place
in the federal government. I commit to comply with all relevant federal
ethics laws, regulations, and rules. If confirmed, I will communicate
these expectations and values to all Embassy staff.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. In 2011, an employee filed a complaint with the U.S.
Department of State Office of Civil Rights (S/OCR). I was the
employee's second-line supervisor. The S/OCR investigation did not find
any evidence of discrimination, harassment, or misconduct, and the case
was closed without further action. I take any allegation seriously and
follow established protocols on how such concerns should be addressed
and if confirmed, I am committed to continuing this practice.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. I take the issues of sexual harassment, discrimination
(e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), and inappropriate conduct with
the utmost seriousness and do not tolerate any types of behavior that
could be considered discriminatory. As a battalion commander in the
U.S. Army from 1992-1994, I administered non-judicial punishment under
Article 15 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice and, in one
instance, referred a soldier for court martial for inappropriate
relations with a subordinate.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Matthew Klimow by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. From 1995-2000, I was a member of a team of United States
diplomats and senior military leaders that traveled throughout the
conflict region in the Balkans, to include Kosovo and Bosnia-
Herzegovina, pursuing peace and justice in that war-torn region. In
Srebrenica, site of genocidal mass murder of Bosniaks, I met with
families of the survivors. In Brcko, I witnessed the wanton destruction
of homes that had occurred based on ethnic and religious hatred. I
heard the testimonials of women who were subject to brutal mass rape
used as a weapon of war. Our work in the region brought stability and
safety for a populace that experienced some of the worst human rights
violations in the last decade of the 20th century. Those events and my
work in the Balkan region strengthen my commitment to support democracy
and human rights.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in
Turkmenistan? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in Turkmenistan? What
do you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. I am particularly concerned about restrictions on religious
freedom, freedom of expression by the media and civil society, freedom
of assembly, and freedom of movement as well as prison conditions and
the use of forced labor in Turkmenistan's cotton harvest. If confirmed,
I pledge to engage in an open, pragmatic and consistent dialogue with
the government of Turkmenistan on our values and concerns about human
rights and fundamental freedoms, including freedom of religion or
belief, and the rule of law.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Turkmenistan in
advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. Sharing long borders with Iran and Afghanistan,
Turkmenistan is in a challenging neighborhood. Its government does not
acknowledge that it is repressing human rights and fundamental
freedoms, including the freedoms of association, expression, religion
and assembly. It also has a tradition dating back to Soviet times of
utilizing forced labor in the cotton harvest. If confirmed, I will
continue to engage the government of Turkmenistan on new or current
laws that restrict human rights and fundamental freedoms in the
country. I will seek out every opportunity, using the programs and
mechanisms available to me, to urge the government to protect these
rights and freedoms, strengthen the rule of law and civil society, and
increase respect for rights.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Turkmenistan? If confirmed, what steps will
you take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to developing and maintaining
regular contact with human rights activists, civil society leaders, and
other representatives of domestic and international non-governmental
organizations in Turkmenistan, as is appropriate and safe for those
involved. If confirmed, I will support the Embassy's Leahy program for
vetting security force units and individual recipients of U.S. foreign
assistance. I will further ensure that all U.S. security and law
enforcement assistance activities will continue to reinforce the
importance of human rights.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Turkmenistan to address cases of key political prisoners or persons
otherwise unjustly targeted by Turkmenistan?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to continue to raise key individual
cases with the government of Turkmenistan and urge the protection of
human rights and fundamental freedoms, including its obligations with
respect to substantive and procedural trial safeguards and the rule of
law.
Question. Will you engage with Turkmenistan on matters of human
rights, civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Yes. The United States has full and robust dialogue with
Turkmenistan on the range of bilateral issues, including human rights
and good governance. The Department consistently raises specific human
rights concerns with the government of Turkmenistan, and underscores
those concerns through official statements at the U.N. the OSCE, and
other bodies, as well as in our annual reports on Human Rights,
International Religious Freedom, and Trafficking in Persons. If
confirmed, I will continue to use these reports and other tools to
document human rights problems and encourage Turkmenistan to make
progress in areas of concern.
Conflicts of Interest
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise any concerns that I may have
through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise any concerns that I may have
through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Turkmenistan?
Answer. Neither I nor any members of my family have any financial
interests in Turkmenistan.
Diversity
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make a priority of encouraging the
recruitment and professional development of a diverse staff that
represents the United States. Working with my staff, I will encourage
the recruitment of a diverse, qualified group of applicants for each
job opening, and I will continue the mentoring program for entry-level
officers to include specialists and eligible family member employees.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I will communicate to Embassy senior staff
that I will have zero tolerance for discrimination and sexual
harassment. In addition, ahead of our annual personnel selection
season, I will communicate my expectation that we invite applications
from the broadest possible slate of qualified candidates to ensure that
we foster a diverse and inclusive community. I will ask our supervisors
to reinforce these principles with their American and Turkmen staff to
ensure we set appropriate expectations.
Corruption
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in
Turkmenistan specifically?
Answer. Corruption and the arbitrary application of law are
problems in Turkmenistan and hindrances to good governance and economic
growth. The Department of State's Investment Climate Statement clearly
outlines these obstacles. If confirmed, this is an area where I will
continue to push the government of Turkmenistan to pursue needed
reforms and build respect for the rule of law.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in
Turkmenistan and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. As outlined in the Department of State's Investment Climate
Statement, a lack of established rule of law, an opaque regulatory
framework, and rampant corruption are serious problems in Turkmenistan.
The report also notes that rules and procedures lack transparency and
although Turkmenistan has legislation to combat corruption, these laws
are not generally enforced. Monitoring or investigating corruption is
difficult in Turkmenistan. If confirmed, this is an area where I will
continue to push the government of Turkmenistan to pursue needed
reforms and build respect for the rule of law.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in Turkmenistan?
Answer. Turkmenistan has much to gain by removing the barriers to a
truly democratic process presented by endemic corruption. Corruption is
a serious impediment to development. If confirmed, I would continue
programming and high-level engagement efforts to improve rule of law in
the interests of establishing and maintaining a fair playing field for
all actors, as well as to urge the government to move forward with the
democratic reforms necessary to support political pluralism, a vibrant
civil society, and an improved investment climate.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to John Jefferson Daigle by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Cape Verde was upgraded to Tier 2 in the 2018 Trafficking
in Persons (TIP) Report. Cabo Verde does not meet the minimum standards
in part because it ``did not train law enforcement or judiciary
officials on trafficking investigations and prosecutions; officials
remained without formal procedures to identify trafficking victims and
refer them to care; and the Ministry of Justice and Labor (MJT) did not
receive any funding specifically for anti-trafficking efforts.''
Does the United States support any activities focused on training
for judges or law enforcement on trafficking investigation and
prosecutions?
Answer. The United States has provided funding to the United
Nations Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC) in 2018 and now we are
processing a second grant to the International Organization for
Migration (IOM) to combat TIP in Cabo Verde. Both grants were provided
to the United Nations but in close coordination with the Ministry of
Justice and Labor (MJT).
The United States has funded TIP and other related human rights
training for Cabo Verde's police investigators, prosecutors, and judges
to TIP and other related human rights trainings in Ghana, the U.S., and
elsewhere. The United States sent eight Cabo Verdean professionals to
an International Visitor Leadership Program on demand to learn about
how the United States responds to incidents involving victims of
violent crime. The United States also funded an IVLP on sexual violence
response for two other professionals.
Question. Has the United States provided funding to the Ministry of
Justice for anti-trafficking efforts?
Answer. Yes, indirectly through grants for UNODC and IOM.
Question. What organizations on the ground provide care for
trafficking victims and how are they funded?
Answer. government-funded agencies provide emergency services,
temporary shelter, and psycho-social care to female and child
trafficking victims, as well as other at-risk populations, in
partnership with the IOM and several strong local nongovernmental
organizations. In general the Cabo Verdean Institute for Children and
Adolescents assists child victims, the Cabo Verdean Institute for
Gender Equality assists women victims, the Public Ministry assists
victims requiring long-term care, and the IOM provides services to
foreign nationals who are victims of trafficking in Cabo Verde.
Question. What further steps could the government of Cabo Verde
take to improve its TIP ranking next year?
Answer. The United States recommends that the Cabo Verdean
government take the following steps to improve its TIP ranking next
year:
Vigorously investigate and prosecute trafficking offenses and
convict and punish traffickers-including Cabo Verdean-American
sex traffickers and sex tourists.
Develop and train officials on standardized procedures to identify
trafficking victims-including adults and victims among
vulnerable populations-and to refer victims to services.
Train law enforcement and judiciary officials on the 2015 anti-
trafficking amendment, article 271-A.
Consistently refer potential trafficking victims to the appropriate
shelters to ensure all identified trafficking victims receive
care and collect data on such efforts.
Increase efforts to raise public awareness of human trafficking,
including child sex trafficking and domestic servitude.
Develop a system to compile and share comprehensive anti-
trafficking law enforcement and victim identification data
among agencies.
Increase collaboration with foreign governments on cases of
transnational trafficking and child sex tourism involving
foreign nationals.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Over my 20-year career as a Public Diplomacy officer, I
have worked closely with government and civil society organizations in
a number of countries--including Nigeria, Iraq, and Cambodia--to
implement programs that promoted human rights and democracy, including
through press conferences, media professionalization and literacy
training, and capacity building. As the Charge d'Affaires, a.i., and
Deputy Chief of Mission in Cambodia, I was also able to directly engage
government leaders regarding human rights concerns, which opened up
space for civil society action and freedom for public expression in the
lead-up to contentious national elections.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Cabo Verde? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. The United States views Cabo Verde as one of the
Continent's strongest multi-party democracies; however, improvement is
always possible. We would like to do more to help Cabo Verde to take a
more active role in encouraging democracy in West Africa and among
Portuguese-speaking African countries. Cabo Verde will continue to be
one of Africa's best political and economic success stories. It has one
of the highest literacy rates, a vibrant two-party political system,
and a low level of corruption (as noted by Transparency International).
Challenges to Cabo Verde's democracy include its small market, which
limits the number of private-sector employment opportunities, which
leads journalists and others to self-censor to avoid problems with
future employability, and complicates decentralization models in this
resource-poor economy with significant variations among the islands.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Cabo Verde? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. Cabo Verde serves as a regional example of democracy and
good governance. If confirmed I will encourage Cabo Verde to continue
this trend. If confirmed, I will continue to support Cabo Verde's
efforts to distribute wealth and prosperity, and I will prioritize
voices from outside the capital in reporting and in program
participation.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. We can use ESF, Public Diplomacy, Self-Help, and other
funds to support democracy and governance. We will seek to apply these
resources to people and projects throughout the archipelago, drawing
voices from all the islands to form our opinions and shape our
policies.
Cabo Verde will hold legislative, municipal, and presidential
elections in 2021 and one of my priorities, if confirmed, will be to
encourage free, fair, and credible elections.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Cabo Verde? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Cabo Verde. Embassy Praia currently has a robust and growing
relationship with civil society in Cabo Verde. As appropriate I will
meet with local contacts in the capital, around the archipelago, and
the government to address efforts to restrict NGOS and civil society. I
will encourage Cabo Verde to serve as a leader in democracy, good
governance, and human rights.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties. Cabo Verde enjoys a
vibrant, multi-party democracy and has had an unbroken history of
civilian rule since its independence in 1975, and if confirmed I would
encourage Cabo Verde to continue serving as an example of democracy,
good governance, and human rights.
If confirmed, I would also advocate for access and inclusion for
women, minorities, and youth within political parties. Embassy Praia
continually seeks to promote opportunities for women and youth, and
under my leadership I would continue this trend.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Cabo
Verde on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Cabo Verde?
Answer. Yes. Embassy Praia has a strong relationship with the Cabo
Verdean press and the United States has funded training for journalists
on investigative journalism and elections. If confirmed I will continue
to encourage freedom of the press and meet with them regularly.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes. Embassy Praia has worked directly with the government
and the local media to counter disinformation. If confirmed, I would
continue to ensure training on accurate reporting is provided for the
press and government officials, particularly spokespersons.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with Cabo
Verde on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will continue to ensure my country
team remains actively engaged on the right of labor groups to organize
and that they increase their knowledge on the labor conditions in Cabo
Verde. Currently, the embassy engages with government and civil society
actors on questions of child labor, forced labor, and labor in the
informal sector. Cabo Verde's labor unions are strong and established.
They face few institutionalized obstacles to operation. Unions tend to
represent their members' interests reasonably well.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Cabo Verde, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do
the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face
in Cabo Verde? What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Cabo Verde?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would work with existing civil society
and governmental organizations to promote the basic humanity of all
citizens and residents of Cabo Verde.
The LGBTQ community enjoys a relatively good status in Cabo Verde
but faces discrimination in obtaining work and housing. There is
significant, culturally accepted dark humor about the LGBTQ community
that will be difficult to change in the short term. In recent years,
there have been no known acts of violence perpetrated against members
of the LGBTQ community. Cabo Verde adhered to the Equal Rights Campaign
in 2018, and the embassy facilitated a trip by the president of the
Institute on Equity and Equality of Gender to Vancouver, where she met
with State Department officials. The embassy routinely seeks
opportunities to support LGBTQ civil society organizations with
training and funding opportunities. If confirmed, I would encourage
Cabo Verde to continue its positive trend serving as a regional leader
on this issue and to continue setting the example on human rights.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. Yes, I agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government. If confirmed,
I would clearly state at my very first Country Team meeting with
section heads and my first Town Hall with all Mission staff that any
retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices will
not be tolerated, and I would continue to reinforce this message
through word and deed throughout my tenure as Chief of Mission.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. I take the issues of sexual harassment, discrimination
(e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), and inappropriate conduct with
the utmost seriousness and throughout my career, I have immediately
addressed any issues raised to me in accordance with the Department of
State's policies and practices in dealing with such conduct.
With regard to discrimination, I am aware of two instances when EEO
complaints were filed regarding one of my direct reports and my
involvement in the cases. In both of these instances, I followed
Department protocols fully and cooperated with the Department's Office
of Civil Rights. At the conclusion of both investigations, OCR
determined that there was no evidence of discrimination or harassment
and closed the cases.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. I take the issues of sexual harassment, discrimination
(e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), and inappropriate conduct with
the utmost seriousness and throughout my career, I have immediately
addressed any issues raised to me in accordance with the Department of
State's policies and practices in dealing with such conduct.
With regard to discrimination, I am aware of two instances where
EEO complaints were filed involving one of my direct reports. In both
of these instances, I followed Department protocols fully and
cooperated with the Department's Office of Civil Rights. At the
conclusion of both investigations, OCR determined that there was no
evidence of discrimination or harassment and closed the cases.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to John Jefferson Daigle by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. Over my 20-year career as a Public Diplomacy officer, I
have worked closely with government and civil society organizations in
a number of countries--including Nigeria, Iraq, and Cambodia--to
implement programs that promoted human rights and democracy, including
through press conferences, media professionalization and literacy
training, and capacity building. As the Charge d'Affaires, a.i., and
Deputy Chief of Mission in Cambodia, I was also able to directly engage
government leaders regarding human rights concerns, which opened up
space for civil society action and freedom for public expression in the
lead-up to contentious national elections.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Cabo
Verde? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in Cabo Verde? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Cabo Verde has made excellent advances in recent years in
combating sexual and gender-based violence and violence against
children, as well as improving prison conditions. If confirmed, I
pledge to sustain U.S. support and encouragement for Cabo Verde's
admirable efforts to continue making progress on these and other civil
and human rights issues. I hope to engage resources to improve media
freedoms--including training for journalists on mis- and
disinformation--and to highlight the role of citizens in a robust
democracy. I would encourage the government to prioritize equitable
growth and distribution of its economic gains.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Cabo Verde in
advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. Cabo Verde struggles with a perennial lack of resources,
and vulnerable elements of society tend to suffer the most from neglect
and invisibility. Its small market and a legacy of government
involvement in all sectors results in a tendency toward self-
censorship: few Cabo Verdeans are eager to speak publicly and frankly
about issues for fear of alienating a potential future employer.
Finally, although conditions in Cabo Verde are improving slowly,
complacency about some of the issues hinders more rapid progress in
addressing them.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Cabo Verde? If confirmed, what steps will
you take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
United States and with local human rights NGOs and other members of
civil society in Cabo Verde. Embassy Praia currently has a robust and
growing relationship with civil society in Cabo Verde. As appropriate,
I would meet with local contacts in the capital, around the
archipelago, and with the government to address challenges faced by
NGOs and civil society. I would encourage Cabo Verde to continue
serving as a leader in democracy, good governance, and human rights.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Cabo
Verde to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise
unjustly targeted by Cabo Verde?
Answer. Cabo Verde has no tradition of political prisoners or
political targeting. There has never been a violent conflict on Cabo
Verdean soil, and political transitions have all been peaceful and
transparent. If confirmed, I would build on the solid foundation
Embassy Praia has developed with security services, correctional
personnel, and political actors to advance and advocate for the best
human rights environment possible.
Question. Will you engage with Cabo Verde on matters of human
rights, civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Yes
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Cabo Verde?
Answer. No.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. As a member of a minority group myself, I deeply appreciate
how critically important it is for leaders to promote, mentor, and
support all staff members, irrespective of their gender, ethnic
background, sexual orientation, or religious beliefs. If confirmed, I
would work with the Mission's Deputy Chief of Mission to ensure post
has a robust mentoring program in place for all entry level officers,
and I would regularly discuss mentoring with the Mission's supervisory
team. To promote an environment of transparency and equality, I would
also institute an open-door policy and encourage all Mission staff to
come directly to me for guidance and support as desired and to make me
aware of any issues as needed.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, during my very first Country Team meeting, I
would stress the importance that I place on fostering an inclusive and
diverse environment and that this would be an important criteria upon
which I will evaluate supervisors as part of the annual employee review
process. I would also stress these values in my introductory Town Hall
meeting with all Mission staff and continue to do so throughout my
tenure at Embassy Praia.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in Cabo Verde
specifically?
Answer. Cabo Verde regularly ranks in the top five African
countries in Transparency International's index. In 2018 it was #3
(behind Seychelles and Botswana) and #45 globally. The opposition
parties regularly claim that the government is corrupt, but to date we
haven't seen actionable evidence of the sort. The current government is
often accused of non-transparency, and it sometimes fails to
communicate legitimate business clearly and in a timely manner.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Cabo
Verde and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. Corruption by the government is not a big issue in Cabo
Verde, although the current government fails sometimes to communicate
its plans and methods clearly. Prime Minister Ulisses Correia e Silva
requested and received support from the National Democratic Institute
for creating a more robust and investigative press corps during his
tenure as Mayor of Praia; that program continues today. As Cabo Verde's
2020 and 2021 electoral cycles approach, political actors will likely
talk more about transparency and corruption, but much of it will be
grandstanding.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in Cabo Verde?
Answer. Cabo Verde needs resources to address the small indicators
of corruption that remain, and it needs a broader and less government-
dependent market. If confirmed, I would continue to push for support to
fight mis- and disinformation campaigns; encourage participation in
local, regional, and international events for civil society actors; and
pursue professional development opportunities and training for Cabo
Verde's security and judicial sectors.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, MAY 21, 2019
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 11:04 a.m. in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Marco Rubio,
presiding.
Present: Senators Rubio [presiding], Gardner, Young,
Menendez, Cardin, Udall, Murphy, and Kaine.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. MARCO RUBIO,
U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA
Senator Rubio. This is the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee hearing on the nominations of Ms. Pamela Bates of
Virginia to be the U.S. Representative to the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development, with the rank of
Ambassador; Christopher Landau of Maryland, to be the U.S.
Ambassador to Mexico; Ms. Jennifer Nordquist of Virginia, to be
the U.S. Executive Director for the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development; and Mr. Eliot Pedrosa of
Florida, to be U.S. Executive Director of the Inter-American
Development Bank.
I would also add that Mr. Pedrosa, who is a Florida native,
is currently serving as the alternate Inter-American Bank
Executive Director and was previously a principal shareholder
of the law firm of Greenberg Traurig where he was the chair of
the Miami firm's litigation department. This is the second
hearing for you, so welcome back.
Ms. Nordquist is currently the Chief of Staff at the
Council of Economic Advisors. She was previously the Chief of
Staff for the Economics Program at the Brookings Institution.
Christopher Landau, nominated to be U.S. Ambassador to
Mexico, will play a critical role in a country with strong ties
to the United States. I had the opportunity to speak to him. We
had a great conversation about the challenges and opportunities
in the relationship between the U.S. and our southern neighbors
in Mexico.
Ms. Bates served for 24 years as a career member of the
United States Foreign Service before assuming her current role
as a partner at Securitas Global Risk Solutions in Wayne,
Pennsylvania. 2017 is when she joined.
I welcome the nominees here with us today. Thank you, all
four of you, for the willingness to serve and continue to serve
our country. If confirmed, each of you will have important
roles and responsibilities in advancing our nation's foreign
policy objectives and in protecting our national security
interests, as well as our values.
Before us are four very different positions that will each
help advance economic growth and stability in our own
hemisphere and beyond. This will be especially true for those
countries in the western hemisphere that are undergoing
democratic transitions and are taking important steps to
improve their economy, security, and bilateral relations with
the United States.
I will start with Mexico where the U.S. and Mexico share
not just the long border, but a long history and a critical
relationship on a number of fronts.
Last year, Mexico elected a candidate from the Movimiento
Regeneracion Nacional, the MORENA party, that was created in
2014. President Obrador's election broke with the two
traditional parties in Mexico that had ruled Mexican politics
for years. In the coming days, it will be important to find
areas where our cooperation together can be strengthened. We
are partners in security cooperation and intelligence sharing
as a result of the Merida Initiative. The U.S. and Mexico are
trading partners, with the U.S. being Mexico's most important
export market for goods. 80 percent of Mexico's exports come to
the United States. We should continue to find ways to enhance
our cooperation on existing initiatives to fight the production
and distribution of opioids and illicit fentanyl that cause far
too many deaths in the U.S. each year.
We also need to work with Mexico to improve trade practices
to ensure that it remains a fair trade partner with the U.S.
The Mexican government has committed to increasing
government subsidies, which by the way is in violation of WTO
rules, to promote more agricultural acreage and greenhouse and
irrigation infrastructure with the intent to export more fruits
and vegetables into the U.S. across a longer marketing season.
Mexican producers are dumping produce in select U.S.
markets at select times of the year to try to outmaneuver U.S.
antidumping laws.
Concerns are rising with respect to the role transnational
criminal organizations are playing to commingle drug shipments
and launder money with legitimate Mexican agricultural
operations.
We also need to engage the Mexican government on Venezuela,
and we should work with the Mexican and Guatemalan governments
to bolster security in the border areas between these two
countries.
Finally, the U.S. needs to press the government of Mexico
and have conversations about ongoing human rights violations in
the country such as the targeting and the murder of
journalists.
In general, for all of our nominees, your positions
representing the U.S. in countries and at multilateral
organizations are essential to advancing our objectives
worldwide. The ongoing challenges posed around the world by
increasingly aggressive governments, such as the Chinese
Communist government and the Russian government under Vladimir
Putin, make the case even further for U.S. engagement and
leadership in the world and in organizations, such as the three
that you are nominated here for today.
We must find ways to support developing countries, our
friends, and our allies who are targets of Chinese economic
bullying and pressure.
We have a real opportunity to strengthen the U.S. role and
partnerships on an array of important foreign policy matters.
Your roles will be critical to ensuring that U.S. interests are
advanced here in our own region and across the world.
Once again, thank you and your families for your commitment
to our country.
And now I will recognize the ranking member for his opening
comments.
STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Cardin. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman, for
convening this hearing.
It is interesting that we have a Marylander and a Floridian
and two Virginians that happen to be thrown into the mix. But
we welcome all of you here.
As I told Mr. Landau, if I was not ranking, I would have
been pleased to introduce him to the committee as a Marylander.
I think your background, your family background--as I
understand, you have lived in Canada, Paraguay, Chile, and
Venezuela. Your father was involved in diplomatic services. So
I think that is going to be important background in regards to
serving as Ambassador to Mexico.
I welcome all four of the nominees here today, and I thank
you for your willingness to, in some cases, continue to serve
our country; in some cases, to make this commitment of public
service during an extremely difficult time. And I very much
recognize that you cannot do this without the support of your
families. So we thank your families for being willing to share
your significant other in public service.
As the chairman has mentioned, all four of these positions
are critically important to our national security and our
economic welfare. So each of these positions, in its own right,
are important.
The Ambassador to Mexico is particularly of importance to
us on the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee that Senator Rubio
and I chair and are ranking. I know this is a full committee
hearing, but we are particularly concerned about the
relationship with Mexico.
It has been too long without a confirmed Ambassador. So,
Mr. Chairman, I hope that we can expedite this nomination and
get it moving because I think it is important that we have a
confirmed Ambassador in our neighbor, Mexico.
I did have the opportunity to meet with Mr. Landau. I
enjoyed our conversation. I went over a lot of the issues that
I think are critically important. The chairman has already
mentioned some. The U.S.-Mexico-Canada trade agreement is here
now. It is going to be submitted to us very shortly. Then the
Congress is going to have to take that up, and your role in
that regard could be very, very important.
We have gone over the migration issues. The challenge is
going to be greater. I was in Mexico City not too long ago. I
met with my counterparts in the Mexican Senate. They were
outraged by President Trump's language and the concept of a
medieval wall. That is going to make your job more challenging,
and we look forward to how you can use diplomacy so that we can
work together with Mexico to deal with the migration issues,
which is critically important.
Mexico is confronting criminal elements and drug activity
that we have to work in partnership. One of the areas that I
ask every nominee for Ambassador to be committed to--and I
asked you in my office--is to advance human rights. There are
challenges in Mexico on human rights. No question about it. It
is not safe to be a journalist. It is not safe to be a social
activist in a large part of Mexico. And we would expect that
you will find ways that we can advance the protection of these
values in our bilateral relationship with Mexico.
As the chairman pointed out, there is a new administration
in Mexico, a different party. So I think it does present
opportunities, and we look forward to how you believe you can
advance those interests on behalf of the United States.
In regards to Eliot Pedrosa, the Executive Director for the
Inter-American Development Bank, a very important position to
improve lives in Latin America and the Caribbean. The challenge
is Venezuela. It is a challenge for our whole hemisphere and
the economic impact and the migration issues, people leaving
Venezuela, the economic impact of the humanitarian crisis
there.
And the unresolved issues in the Northern Triangle that
some of us are working very hard to develop the type of
partnership between the United States and the Northern Triangle
to deal with their security issues, to deal with their economic
issues, to deal with their basic problems of good governance.
So that is an issue that we need to explore as to how we can
use the Inter-American Development Bank to meet those types of
challenges.
It is interesting to focus, as I am sure all of us are
aware, for social inclusion and equality, productivity and
innovation, and economic integration. These are principles we
all agree on and I welcome how you believe we can use the bank
in that regard.
As is true with all the international bank activities, the
player that is presenting the greatest interest to us is China.
China's involvement in this hemisphere is one in which we would
welcome your thoughts as to how the bank can deal with that
opportunity or challenge, the way you look at it.
The Executive Director of the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development, Jennifer Nordquist, again a
position that is critically important. It is the largest lender
among the world banks. We have been presented a plan for
recapitalization. The administration is supportive of the
recapitalization with reform. The decision will be Congress' to
make on recapitalization and reform, and we welcome your
comments as to how you see the reforms taking place within the
bank and how the recapitalization, which falls heaviest on the
United States because of our share, is in our national security
interests.
In regards to the OECD, Pamela Bates, first of all, thank
you for your career service. That is a commitment that you have
made moving on to an extremely important position. The OECD is
committed to market economies backed by democratic
institutions, and that is being challenged in our regions as
well as globally. So how does the OECD protect market economies
and the democratic institutions in the work that you do? You
have key interests today from China, again. How do you deal
with that? Brazil, India, Indonesia, South Africa. Challenges
are great in the global community, and OECD can play an
extremely important role. And I look forward to our
conversation in regards to those matters.
Bottom line, four very important positions, and we thank
each of you for being willing to serve.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
Ms. Bates, we will begin with you.
STATEMENT OF PAMELA BATES, OF VIRGINIA, TO BE REPRESENTATIVE OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE ORGANIZATION FOR ECONOMIC
COOPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR
Ms. Bates. Chairman Rubio, Ranking Member Cardin, and
distinguished members of the Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations.
It is an honor and a privilege to appear before you today
as the nominee to serve as the Representative of the United
States of America to the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development, the OECD. I deeply appreciate the trust and
confidence placed in me by President Trump and Secretary Pompeo
by nominating me for this responsibility.
On a personal note and as a prior member of the career
foreign service, I would like to thank the many family members,
friends, and colleagues who have encouraged me in my journey
which has led to this room today. I would like to thank my
husband and son for adapting to and making the most of serving
overseas with the Department of State. I would especially like
to thank our son, who bravely attended new schools, sometimes
in a foreign language, and who skillfully and diplomatically
enjoys correcting my French pronunciation.
I would also like to acknowledge my family members who
could not be here today, many of whom served our wonderful
country. My two grandfathers, who fought in World War I in the
Army and my uncles who fought in World War II in Korea; my two
grandmothers and my aunts who worked tirelessly on the home
front; my father, a proud graduate of the United States Naval
Academy; and my mother, the first person that I know of in my
family to endeavor to take the foreign service exam.
I would also like to thank my brother, a colonel in the
United States Marine Corps, and his family, who are currently
serving our country.
My family, and especially my parents, instilled in me a
deep appreciation for the freedoms that we enjoy as citizens of
the United States, as well as the duty to serve our country.
Finally, I would also like to thank many friends and
colleagues, some of whom are here today. You have helped me to
be a better diplomat and, if confirmed, representative of our
great nation.
Mr. Chairman, I believe that my life experience, including
more than 2 decades of experience with the Department of State,
has prepared me well to take on this important challenge.
As a Foreign Service officer, I devoted most of my career
to advancing U.S. economic interests across the globe. From
working to secure greater access to international markets for
U.S. firms, to supporting energy security and promoting U.S.
trade and investment, I have gained a deep understanding of the
intersection between government and the private sector and the
role international organizations can play in advancing U.S.
interests. Through my work at the OECD, the International
Energy Agency, and the World Trade Organization, I have worked
with likeminded countries to build support for policies that
benefit the United States. I have also spent time in the
private sector, an experience that will be valuable to ensuring
that private sector perspectives inform the work of the U.S.
mission to the OECD.
Since its founding in 1961, the OECD has played a unique
role among international organizations as a valuable source of
market-friendly, evidence-based research and policy advice.
Through economic analysis, peer reviews, and development of
policy standards, the OECD encourages sound economic policies
that support economic growth and open markets for U.S. trade
and investment. The OECD also serves as a platform to convene
likeminded governments to cooperate on approaches to common
challenges. It provides a venue where networks of regulators
and government officials agree on market-enhancing rules on
export credits, anti-bribery, sovereign wealth funds,
international investment and competition policy. This work
helps to promote U.S. job creation and expand international
trade, investment, and financing and create opportunities for
U.S. business and workers.
The National Security Strategy calls on international
organizations to be more accountable. If confirmed, I will work
with other member countries to make the OECD accountable,
transparent, member-driven, and cost-effective. I will advocate
for improving the OECD's working methods to ensure member-
driven prioritization, increase efficiency, and improve
management practices to bring the OECD to the forefront of
leading international organizations.
If confirmed, I will press the OECD to focus on its core
work of improving the functioning of markets and governments,
encouraging fair and efficient systems of taxation, competition
and investment; reinforcing mechanisms for combating
corruption; and promoting the openness, integrity, and
transparency of business and governments. I will ensure that
the OECD's leadership responds to members' concerns rather than
pursuing its own agenda.
Over the past 50 years, the OECD has expanded its
membership from the original 20 countries to 36. It is
currently considering additional members. We need to proceed
carefully to support qualified candidates without undermining
the core work of the OECD. The OECD derives its global
relevance not from universal membership but from the quality
and impact of its policy instruments and best practice
recommendations.
If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with this
committee and its staff both here in Washington and during the
visits of congressional delegations to Paris.
I thank the committee for this opportunity to appear today.
If confirmed, my primary goal will be to leverage our
participation in the OECD to advance U.S. economic interests.
I would be happy to answer your questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Bates follows:]
Prepared Statement of Pamela Bates
Chairman Rubio, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, it is an honor and a privilege
to appear before you today as the nominee to serve as the
Representative of the United States of America to the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development, the OECD. I deeply appreciate the
trust and confidence placed in me by President Trump and Secretary
Pompeo by nominating me for this responsibility.
On personal note, and as a prior member of the career foreign
service, I would like to thank the many family members, friends and
colleagues who have encouraged me in my journey which has led to this
room today. I would like to thank my husband and son for adapting to
and making the most of serving overseas with the Department of State. I
would especially like to thank our son, who bravely attended new
schools, sometimes in a foreign language--and who skillfully and
diplomatically enjoys correcting my French pronunciation. I would also
like to acknowledge my family members who could not be here today, many
of whom served our wonderful country. My two grandfathers, who fought
in World War I and my uncles who fought in World War II and Korea, my
two grandmothers and my aunts who worked tirelessly on the home front,
my father, a proud graduate of the United States Naval Academy, and my
mother, the first person that I know of in my family to endeavor to
take the foreign service exam. I would also like to thank my brother,
and his family, who are currently serving with the United States Marine
Corps. My family, and especially my parents, instilled in me a deep
appreciation for the freedoms we enjoy as citizens of the United
States, as well as the duty to serve our country. Finally, I would also
like to thank many friends and colleagues, some of whom are here today.
You have helped me to be a better diplomat and, if confirmed,
representative of our great nation.
Mr. Chairman, I believe that my life experience--including more
than two decades of experience with the Department of State--has
prepared me well to take on this challenge.
As a Foreign Service Officer, I devoted most of my career to
advancing U.S. economic interests across the globe. From working to
secure greater access to international markets for U.S. firms, to
supporting energy security and promoting U.S. trade and investment, I
have gained a deep understanding of the intersection between government
and the private sector, and the role international organizations can
play in advancing U.S. interests. Through my work at the OECD, the
International Energy Agency and the World Trade Organization, I have
worked with likeminded countries to build support for policies that
benefit the United States. I have also spent time in the private
sector, an experience that will be valuable to ensuring that private
sector perspectives inform the work of U.S. Mission to the OECD.
Since its founding in 1961, the OECD has played a unique role among
international organizations as a valuable source of market-friendly,
evidence-based research and policy advice. Through economic analysis,
peer reviews and development of policy standards, the OECD encourages
sound economic policies that support sustainable economic growth and
open markets for U.S. trade and investment. The OECD also serves as a
platform to convene likeminded governments to cooperate on approaches
to common challenges. It provides a venue where networks of regulators
and government officials agree on market-enhancing rules on export
credits, anti-bribery, sovereign wealth funds, international investment
and competition policy. This work helps to promote U.S. job creation
and expand legitimate international investment, financing and trade
opportunities for U.S. business.
The National Security Strategy calls on international organizations
to be more accountable. If confirmed, I will work with other member
countries to make the OECD accountable, transparent, member-driven, and
cost-effective. I will advocate for improving the OECD's working
methods to ensure member-driven prioritization, increase efficiency and
improve management practices to bring the OECD to the forefront of
leading international organizations.
If confirmed, I will press the OECD to focus on its core work of
improving the functioning of markets and of governments, encouraging
fair and efficient systems of taxation, competition and investment;
reinforcing mechanisms for combating corruption; and promoting the
openness, integrity, and transparency of business and governments. I
will ensure that the OECD's leadership responds to members' concerns
rather than pursues its own agenda.
Over the past 50 years, the OECD has expanded its membership from
the original 20 countries to 36. It is currently considering additional
members. We need to proceed carefully to support qualified candidates
without undermining the core work of the OECD. The OECD derives its
global relevance not from universal membership but from the quality and
impact of its policy instruments and best practice recommendations.
If confirmed, I look forward to consulting with this committee and
its staff, both here in Washington and during the visits of
congressional delegations to Paris.
I thank the committee for this opportunity to appear today. If
confirmed, my primary goal will be to leverage our participation in the
OECD to advance U.S. economic interests. I would be happy to answer
your questions.
Senator Rubio. Thank you very much.
Mr. Landau?
STATEMENT OF CHRISTOPHER LANDAU, OF MARYLAND, TO BE AMBASSADOR
EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA TO THE UNITED MEXICAN STATES
Mr. Landau. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished
members of this committee, I am honored to appear before you
today as the nominee for Ambassador to Mexico. I am very
grateful to both President Trump and Secretary Pompeo for their
trust and confidence' and I appreciate the time that the
members of this committee and your staff have spent with me.
The confirmation process has only reaffirmed my respect for our
Founders' wisdom in requiring the advice and consent of the
Senate for ambassadorial nominations. If confirmed, I look
forward to working closely with all of you.
This hearing brings my life full circle. As an 8-year-old
boy, I attended my father's hearing as nominee for Ambassador
to Paraguay. I am here today, 47 years later, with my wife
Caroline and our two children, Nathaniel and Julia. I am
incredibly grateful for their love and support, as well as
their enthusiasm, for this opportunity to serve our great
country.
My dad, George Landau, was a career Foreign Service
officer. For him and for our family, the Foreign Service was
more than just a job; it was the path to the American dream.
Both of my parents were immigrants who came to this country
with nothing. My father fled Austria when the Nazis took over
in 1938 and made his way to Colombia, South America, and then
to New York City. He became a U.S. citizens and Army
intelligence officer in World War II.
He later joined the Foreign Service and ultimately served
as U.S. Ambassador to Paraguay, Chile, and Venezuela. He was
nominated by and served under Presidents of both political
parties.
My parents devoted their lives to strengthening the bonds
between the U.S. and Latin America. I would not be here today
but for the opportunities that this country and particularly
the Foreign Service afforded my family.
I can think of no greater honor or privilege than the
opportunity to represent our country in Mexico and to continue
my family's mission of building bridges between the U.S. and
Latin America. I grew up in the region and speak Spanish
fluently. I focused on Latin American studies as an
undergraduate and fully intended to join the Foreign Service
myself.
Ironically, it was my dad who urged me to go to law school
and get a professional degree. My 30-year career in the law, in
which I had the opportunity to brief and argue cases in the
U.S. Supreme Court, all of the federal courts of appeals, and
many State courts, has given me a profound respect for the rule
of law, the importance of resolving disputes civilly, and the
dignity of the individual. If confirmed, I will bring these
passions to my job in Mexico.
Our relationship with Mexico is one of paramount importance
and complexity. We share a nearly 2,000-mile border from San
Diego, California to Brownsville, Texas. More than 10 percent
of all Americans, some 36 million people, are of Mexican
heritage. Our cultures have grown increasingly intertwined from
the Starbucks in Mexico City to Hollywood blockbusters directed
by Mexicans. There is a lot to celebrate in our relationship
with Mexico that often gets lost amidst discussion of the
challenges.
If confirmed, I will continue this administration's focus
on a number of key priorities. The first will be to ensure the
rule of law at the border. That is obviously a huge job that
involves many agencies. My role, if confirmed, will be to
foster cooperation with the Mexican people and authorities,
neither country can solve the challenge of illegal immigration
alone, and I am convinced that we can find common ground.
Another key priority, if confirmed, will be the protection
of the American people. The scourge of illegal drugs is
devastating both our communities and the Mexican communities.
Again, I see this as an area where we share a common interest
with Mexico and pledge, if confirmed, to strengthen our
partnership in fighting drugs. I would also like to underscore
the importance of protecting the many millions of U.S. citizens
who live in or visit Mexico.
Finally, I would like to emphasize the importance of our
economic relationship with Mexico. One of the most dramatic
changes in my lifetime has been the integration of the U.S. and
Mexican economies. When I was in college, the leading book on
U.S.-Mexico relations was called ``Distant Neighbors.'' We used
to have our backs to each other. Now the leading book is called
``Vanishing Frontiers,'' and Mexico recently became our largest
trading partner in the world. This transformation offers
benefits, but it also presents challenges. If confirmed, I look
forward to working for passage of the USMCA and to promote fair
and reciprocal trade.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, and distinguished
members of this committee, our relationship with Mexico is
unique in its direct impact on the security and prosperity of
the American people. If confirmed, I pledge to be a good and
faithful steward of that relationship.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Landau follows:]
Prepared Statement Christopher Landau
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, I'm honored to appear before you today as the nominee for
Ambassador to Mexico. I'm very grateful to both President Trump and
Secretary Pompeo for their trust and confidence. And I appreciate the
time that the members of this committee and your staff have spent with
me. The confirmation process has only reaffirmed my respect for our
Founders' wisdom in requiring the advice and consent of the Senate for
Ambassadorial nominations. If confirmed, I look forward to working
closely with all of you.
This hearing brings my life full circle. As an eight-year old boy,
I attended my father's hearing as nominee for Ambassador to Paraguay.
I'm here today, 47 years later, with my wife, Caroline, and our two
children, Nathaniel and Julia. I'm incredibly grateful for their love
and support, as well as their enthusiasm for this opportunity to serve
our great country.
My dad, George Landau, was a career Foreign Service Officer. For
him, and for our family, the Foreign Service was more than just a job;
it was the path to the American dream. Both of my parents were
immigrants who arrived here with nothing. My dad fled Austria alone, at
age 18, shortly after the Nazi takeover in 1938, and was able to get a
visa for Colombia, South America. He arrived there by boat, without
speaking a word of Spanish. That was the beginning of my family's close
connection with Latin America. My dad had two main objectives in
Colombia: to get his parents safely out of Austria, and to get himself
to the United States. Within three years, he managed to accomplish
both. With the help of the Catholic Church, he extracted his parents
from Nazi-occupied Austria, thereby saving them from certain death, and
they lived happily in Colombia for the rest of their lives and are
buried there. And with the help of the Otis Elevator Company, my dad
obtained a job in New York City, and arrived in this country in July
1941, just months before Pearl Harbor. After the war broke out, he
joined the Army, and soon became both a military intelligence officer
and an American citizen. He met my mother, Maria, on active duty in
occupied Austria, and she came over as a war bride in 1947.
It was always my father's dream to join the Foreign Service, and he
took and passed the exam in 1946, but wasn't allowed to join because he
hadn't been a citizen long enough. Eventually, he met the citizenship
requirements, and joined in 1957. Within 15 years, he became U.S.
Ambassador to Paraguay, and then to Chile, and finally to Venezuela. He
was nominated by, and served under, Presidents of both political
parties. My parents devoted their lives to strengthening the bonds
between the U.S. and Latin America. I wouldn't be here today but for
the opportunities that this country, and particularly the Foreign
Service, afforded my family. There's no other country in the world
where immigrants like my parents could--through sheer talent,
determination, and hard work--rise so fast and so far. For that, I'm
deeply grateful.
I can think of no greater honor or privilege than the opportunity
to represent our country in Mexico, and to continue my family's mission
of building bridges between the U.S. and Latin America. I grew up in
the region, and speak Spanish fluently. I focused on Latin American
studies as an undergraduate, and fully intended to join the Foreign
Service myself. Ironically, it was my dad who urged me to go to law
school and get a professional degree. My 30-year career in the law, in
which I had the opportunity to brief and argue cases in the U.S.
Supreme Court, all of the federal courts of appeals, and many state
courts, has given me a profound respect for the rule of law, the
importance of resolving disputes civilly, and the dignity of the
individual. If confirmed, I'll bring these passions to my job in
Mexico.
Our relationship with Mexico is of one of paramount importance and
complexity. We share a nearly 2,000 mile border from San Diego,
California, to Brownsville, Texas. More than 10 percent of all
Americans--some 36 million people--are of Mexican heritage. Our
cultures have grown increasingly intertwined, from the Starbucks in
Mexico City to Hollywood blockbusters directed by Mexicans. There's a
lot to celebrate in our relationship with Mexico that often gets lost
amidst discussion of the challenges.
If confirmed as Ambassador, I'll continue this administration's
focus on a number of key priorities. The first will be to safeguard
American sovereignty and ensure the rule of law at the border. That's
obviously a huge job that involves many agencies. My role, if
confirmed, will be to foster cooperation with the Mexican people and
authorities. Neither country can solve the challenge of illegal
immigration alone, and I'm convinced that we can find common ground.
Another key priority, if confirmed, will be the protection of the
American people. The scourge of illegal drugs is devastating both our
communities and Mexican communities. Again, I see this as an area where
we share a common interest with Mexico, and pledge if confirmed to
focus on strengthening our partnership in fighting drugs, with a
particular focus on fentanyl, heroin, and methamphetamine. I'd also
like to underscore the importance of protecting the many millions of
U.S. citizens who live in, and visit, Mexico. The U.S. Mission in
Mexico is the largest consular operation in the world, and I fully
understand and appreciate the value of those consular services to our
fellow Americans and your constituents.
Finally, I'd like to emphasize the importance of our economic
relationship with Mexico. One of the most dramatic changes in my
lifetime has been the integration of the U.S. and Mexican economies.
When I was in college, the leading book on U.S.-Mexico relations was
called ``Distant Neighbors.'' We used to have our backs to one another.
Now, the leading book is called ``Vanishing Frontiers,'' and Mexico
recently became our largest trading partner in the world. This
transformation offers benefits, but also presents challenges. If
confirmed, I look forward to working for passage of the USMCA and to
promote fair and reciprocal trade.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of this committee, our
relationship with Mexico is unique in its direct impact on the security
and prosperity of the American people. If confirmed, I pledge to be a
good and faithful steward of that relationship. Thank you.
Ms. Nordquist?
STATEMENT OF JENNIFER D. NORDQUIST, OF VIRGINIA, TO BE UNITED
STATES EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL BANK FOR
RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT FOR A TERM OF TWO YEARS
Ms. Nordquist. Chairman Rubio, Ranking Member Cardin, as
well as full committee Chairman Risch and Ranking Member
Menendez, and all distinguished members of the committee, thank
you for the opportunity to testify before you today.
I would also like to thank President Trump for nominating
me to serve as Executive Director of the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development, which forms a major component
of the World Bank.
I would not be sitting here today were it not for the love
and support of my family, who are both literally and
figuratively behind me: my husband and my rock Nels--and since
this is a Foreign Service panel, I will also mention that he
was in the Foreign Service and naval officer and is currently
in the intelligence community--our three children, Annika, who
flew in from Stanford University to be here, Lars and Britt
Marie, who both are happily missing school today; my parents,
my father Henry Berinstein is here visiting from New York; and
my in-laws, Myron and Barbara Nordquist, who are your
constituents, Senator Cardin. And I have a few friends and
colleagues in the audience who are here or watching online
today. So thank you, everybody, for your support.
As this committee sees every day, the world faces many
difficult and complex issues. These challenge the World Bank
Group as never before. The United States has played a leading
role in the bank since its founding at Bretton Woods, New
Hampshire 75 years ago, and I look forward to keeping the U.S.
actively engaged in the bank, using our voice and vote to
advance the bank's mission to ameliorate poverty around the
globe while also ensuring that the bank works in the best
interests of U.S. taxpayers.
I have had a deep interest in responding to poverty ever
since I was a graduate student in Chicago, volunteering at
Cabrini Green, then one of the nation's most dangerous housing
developments. Later, while living and working in Thailand, I
helped lead a national health education campaign to stem the
AIDS epidemic that was ravaging the country at all
socioeconomic levels. Subsequently in government service, I
helped work to rebuild the Gulf Coast after Hurricane Katrina,
which hit the lowest income residents particularly hard, and I
continued to work on related issues while at HUD.
Research into the causes and impact of poverty was a large
part of my portfolio at Brookings, where I spent almost 9 years
in the economic studies program. In my current role at the
Council of Economic Advisers, I counsel on the development of
policies that promote opportunity and economic growth based on
the latest economic research and analysis. I also have a
background in macroeconomics, evidence-based policy, and
banking and finance regulation, and plan to bring these
valuable perspectives to my work, should you confirm me.
Poverty remains an intractable problem. If there were easy
policy solutions, they would have been implemented long, long
ago. In the U.S., we have made a lot of progress since the War
on Poverty was launched over half a century ago. Both
bilaterally and through multilateral institutions, such as the
World Bank, the U.S. has played a leading role in supporting
the progress that the rest of the world has made in lifting
people out of poverty and generating economic growth.
The World Bank Group's loans and grants have helped
diminish extreme poverty and improve human capital and health
outcomes in countless countries, helping establish the
necessary ingredients for prosperity. These efforts not only
allow people to lead better, more productive and fulfilled
lives, but they also open up markets to American firms--40
percent of our exports go to the developing world--not only
supporting American jobs, but also promoting stability and, of
course, peace.
The World Bank now faces the challenge of promoting
development and stability in an environment where other
lenders, both bilateral and multilateral, push developing
countries into unsustainable debt and dependence, forcing these
sovereign borrowers to accept poor quality projects that do not
meet high quality environmental and social standards. In that
regard, it is difficult to understand how any nation can be
both a lender to the developing world while also taking
advantage of the taxpayer-supported loans that the bank
provides at the same time.
If you allow me the privilege to serve as U.S. Executive
Director, my goal would be to ensure the bank rises to these
challenges. If Congress approves the capital increase requested
in the President's budget, that means implementing the reforms
that the U.S. negotiated as part of that package. These include
stronger financial discipline, constraints on overhead costs at
the bank itself, and focusing resources away from more
developed countries and towards the less developed, more
vulnerable ones, which is indeed the bank's core mission. These
reforms should ensure that the bank does not ask for another
capital increase in the near future.
It would be an honor and a privilege to put my background
in economic policy and government to work ensuring that the
World Bank implements these reforms and develops a laser-like
focus on sound, sustainable projects that eliminate extreme
poverty, empower women, and help prevent violence and conflict.
Thank you for this opportunity to testify before you today,
and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Nordquist follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jennifer D. Nordquist
Chairman Rubio, Ranking Member Cardin--as well as full committee
Chairman Risch and Ranking Member Menendez--and all distinguished
members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify
before you today. I'd also like to thank President Trump for nominating
me to serve as Executive Director of the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development--which forms a major component of the
World Bank.
I would not be sitting here today were it not for the love and
support of my family, who are literally and figuratively behind me: my
husband and my rock, Nels; our three children--Annika (who flew in from
Stanford to be here), Lars and Britt (who are happily missing school
today); my parents (my dad is here visiting from New York); and my in-
laws.
As this committee sees every day, the world faces many difficult
and complex issues. These challenge the World Bank Group as never
before. The United States has played a leading role in the Bank since
its founding at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire 75 years ago, and I look
forward to keeping the U.S. actively engaged, using our voice and vote
to advance the Bank's mission to ameliorate poverty around the globe,
while also ensuring that the Bank works in the best interests of U.S.
taxpayers.
I have had a deep interest in responding to poverty ever since I
was a graduate student in Chicago, volunteering at Cabrini Green, then
one of the nation's most dangerous housing developments. Later, while
living and working in Thailand, I helped lead a large health education
campaign to stem the AIDS epidemic that was ravaging the country at all
socio-economic levels. In subsequent government service, I helped work
to rebuild the Gulf Coast after Hurricane Katrina, which hit the lowest
income residents particularly hard. I continued to work on related
issues at HUD.
Research into the causes and impact of poverty was a large part of
my portfolio at Brookings, where I spent almost nine years. In my
current role at the Council of Economic Advisers, I advise on the
development of polices that promote opportunity and economic growth,
based on the latest economic research and analysis. I also have a
background in macroeconomics, evidence-based policy, and banking
finance and regulation, and plan to bring these valuable perspectives
to my work, should you confirm me.
Poverty remains an intractable problem. If there were easy policy
solutions, they would have been implemented long ago. In the U.S., we
have made a lot of progress since the War on Poverty was launched over
half a century ago. Both bilaterally and through multilateral
institutions such as the World Bank, the U.S. has played a leading role
in supporting the progress that the rest of the world has made in
lifting people out of poverty and generating economic growth.
The World Bank Group's loans and grants have helped diminish
extreme poverty and improved human capital and health outcomes in
countless countries, helping establish the necessary ingredients for
prosperity. These efforts not only allow people to lead better, more
productive, fulfilled lives, but they also open up markets to American
firms--40 percent of our exports go to the developing world--not only
supporting American jobs, but also promoting stability and, of course,
peace.
The World Bank now faces the challenge of promoting development and
stability in an environment where other lenders, both bilateral and
multilateral, push developing countries into unsustainable debt and
dependence, forcing these sovereign borrowers to accept poor quality
projects that do not meet high quality environmental and social
standards. In that regard, it is difficult to understand how any nation
can be both a lender to the developing world while also taking
advantage of the taxpayersupported loans that the Bank provides at the
same time.
If you allow me the privilege to serve as the U.S. Executive
Director, my goal would be to ensure the Bank rises to these
challenges. If Congress approves the capital increase requested in the
President's Budget, this means implementing the reforms that the U.S.
negotiated as part of that package. These include stronger financial
discipline, constraints on overhead costs at the Bank itself, and
focusing resources away from more developed countries and towards the
less developed, more vulnerable ones--which is indeed the Bank's core
mission.
It would be an honor and a privilege to put my background in
economic policy and government to work ensuring that the World Bank
implements these reforms and develops a laser-like focus on sound,
sustainable projects that eliminate extreme poverty, empower women, and
help prevent violence and conflict.
Thank you for this opportunity to testify before you today, and I
look forward to your questions.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
Mr. Pedrosa?
STATEMENT OF ELIOT PEDROSA, OF FLORIDA, TO BE UNITED STATES
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INTER-AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK FOR A
TERM OF 3 YEARS
Mr. Pedrosa. Thank you, Chairman Rubio and Ranking Member
Cardin. Thank you to Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez,
and all of the members of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee.
I was privileged last year to be advanced by this committee
and confirmed by the full Senate to represent the United States
on the board of the Inter-American Development Bank as its
Alternate Executive Director. Today I am before you again as
President Trump's nominee to serve as Executive Director. I was
humbled to be nominated and confirmed last year, doubly so now.
I want to thank the President and Secretary Mnuchin for their
continued confidence in me, and I would like to thank each of
the distinguished members of this committee for giving me the
opportunity to present my qualifications for your consideration
as you discharge your important constitutional role in
providing advice and hopefully giving consent on the
nominations before you today.
I also want to thank my family for their love and support.
My wife Nilda is here with me. She is my inspiration, my hero,
and my love. Our 9-month-old twins, Emma Rose Adlin and Elias
Augustus, are at home today, and although they are still far
too young to watch this hearing live, during the many, many
times that I plan to bore them with it when they are older, I
have a message for them. Emma Rose, Elias, Mom and Dad love you
very much. We are proud of you today, and we will be proud of
you every single day as you grow up.
I also want to thank my parents, Elier and Ines, and my in-
laws, Ricardo and Nilda, who are live-streaming this hearing
back home in Florida. Chairman Rubio and Ranking Member
Menendez, my parents, just like yours, risked everything to
escape tyranny so that their son could be born and live in the
land of freedom and opportunity. This country welcomed my
family and yours and thousands like them, offering liberty,
equality, and the opportunity for prosperity. I am forever
grateful to my family and my country for the life they have
given me.
Over the past year, I have had the honor of representing my
country on the board of the IDB. During that time and
throughout my 18 years of legal practice in the private sector,
I was blessed by the opportunity to work with stakeholders
throughout the Americas from Mexico down to the Southern Cone.
This is a region blessed with incredible promise and
opportunity, with rich natural resources, and with warm,
dynamic people.
But I have seen firsthand some of the challenges that the
region faces. In too many places, weak institutions, unchecked
corruption, political instability, and economic uncertainty
throttle investment and prevent sustained growth. Since the
IDB's founding 60 years ago, millions have been lifted out of
poverty, but tens of millions in our region still live below
the poverty line. The power of free markets and democratic
institutions have together unleashed prosperity on
unprecedented levels, but still too many citizens of the
Americas are deprived of their basic rights to life, liberty,
and economic opportunity by corrupt and oppressive governments,
violent criminal gangs, and the crushing weight of economic
hopelessness.
As Americans, it is in our vital national interest to run
towards these challenges, not away from them, and to work to
help our neighbors create, nourish, and sustain stable,
prosperous democracies in every corner of our shared
hemisphere.
If I am fortunate enough to be confirmed again today, I
will devote myself to continue to work in partnership with my
colleagues both in the executive branch and the Congress and
particularly with this committee and your staff to ensure that
the IDB continues to be an important part of the solution to
regional problems. I firmly believe that American leadership
and investment, both public and private, can change outcomes in
the region for the better, and I hope to continue to have the
opportunity work with you and your staffs to achieve that goal.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Members Menendez and Cardin, I thank
you again for the opportunity to appear before you and the
other members of this committee, and I welcome your questions.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Pedrosa follows:]
Prepared Statement of Eliot Pedrosa
Chairman Risch, Chairman Rubio, Ranking Members Menendez and
Cardin, and members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I was
privileged last year to be advanced by this committee and confirmed by
the full Senate to represent the United States as Alternate Executive
Director of the Inter-American Development Bank. Today, I am before you
again as President Trump's nominee to serve as Executive Director.
I was humbled to be nominated and confirmed last year; doubly so
now. I want to thank the President and Secretary Mnuchin for their
continued confidence in me, and I would like to thank each of the
distinguished members of this committee for giving me the opportunity
to present my qualifications for your consideration as you again
discharge your important constitutional role in providing advice and
consent on the nominations before you today.
I also I want to thank my family for their love and support. My
wife, Nilda, is here. She is my inspiration, my hero, and my love. Our
nine-month old twins, Emma Rose Adlin and Elias Augustus, are at home
today, and although they are still too young to watch this hearing
live, during the many, many times, I bore them with it when they are
older, I have a message for them. Emma Rose, Elias, Mom and Dad love
you very much. We are proud of you today and we will be proud of you
every single day as you grow up.
I also want to thank my parents, Elier and Ines, and my in-laws,
Ricardo and Nilda, who also could not be here today but are
livestreaming the proceedings back home in Florida. Chairman Rubio and
Ranking Member Menendez, my parents, like yours, risked everything to
escape tyranny so that their son could be born and live in a land of
freedom and opportunity. This country welcomed my family and yours and
thousands like them, offering liberty, equality, and the opportunity
for prosperity. I am forever grateful to my family and to my country,
for the life they've given me.
Over the past year, I've had the honor of representing my country
on the Board of the IDB. During that time, and throughout my 18-year
career in private legal practice, I have been blessed by the
opportunity to work with stakeholders throughout the Americas, from
Mexico down to the Southern Cone. This is a region blessed with
incredible promise and opportunity, rich natural resources, and warm,
dynamic people.
But I have seen first-hand some of the challenges the region faces.
In too many places, weak institutions, unchecked corruption, political
instability, and economic uncertainty throttle investment and prevent
sustained growth. Since the IDB's founding 60 years ago, millions have
been lifted out of poverty, but tens of millions still live below the
poverty line. The power of the free market and democratic government
have together unleashed prosperity on unprecedented levels, but too
many citizens of the Americas are still deprived of their basic rights
to life, liberty, and economic opportunity by corrupt and oppressive
governments, violent criminal gangs, and the crushing weight of
hopelessness.
As Americans, it is in our vital national interest to run towards
these challenges, not away from them, and to work to help our neighbors
create, nourish, and sustain stable, prosperous democracies in every
corner of our shared hemisphere.
If I am fortunate enough to be confirmed, I will devote myself to
working in partnership with my colleagues, both in the Executive Branch
as well as the Congress--and particularly in this committee--to ensure
that the IDB continues to be an important part of the solution to
regional problems. I firmly believe that American leadership and sound
investment, both public and private, can change outcomes in the region
for the better, and I hope to continue to have the opportunity to work
with you and your staffs to achieve that goal.
Mr. Chairman and Ranking Members Menendez and Cardin, I thank you
again for this opportunity to appear before you and the other members
of the committee, and I look forward to your questions.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
Mr. Landau, let me just begin with you. I would start out
by saying against some of the conventional wisdom, the
relationship with the Obrador administration has been generally
friendly. There are still some key issues, however, and trade
disputes and tariffs, immigration and border security issues,
obviously, the decision to remain neutral in the crisis in
Venezuela which are potential or existing irritants.
In fairness, the Mexican government and the Obrador
administration has accommodated U.S. migration and border
security policies and done so despite significant domestic
criticism that it has received for agreeing to allow migrants,
asylum seekers to await our immigration proceedings while still
in Mexico, and for rapidly increasing deportation.
So in light of all this, if confirmed, what do you view are
our priorities in our relationship with Mexico, and what do you
view are the areas that we need to improve?
Mr. Landau. Senator, I think there are three key priorities
that I would focus on, and I was relieved to hear that they
were the same three priorities that Senator Cardin mentioned in
his opening remarks as well and that you alluded to as well,
Senator.
The first is to address the common challenge of migration,
particularly the Central American caravans that we have been
seeing over the last several months.
The second is drugs and transnational criminal
organizations.
And the third is trade.
I think on all of those three issues, Senator, there is a
lot of room for us to find common ground with Mexico. I think
these are challenges, but I think at the same time, if I am
confirmed, my role as a diplomat will be to look for that
common ground, to work with the new administration in Mexico,
to listen respectfully to what they have to say, to make our
case persuasively to them. I am optimistic that we can find
common ground that yields mutual benefits.
Senator Rubio. Ms. Nordquist, a similar question. What
would be your priorities, if confirmed as the U.S. Executive
Director?
Ms. Nordquist. Thank you, Senator.
Well, the most pressing issue before the bank is the
capital increase, which I mentioned in my testimony. I think in
exchange for the capital increase, which as Senator Cardin
mentioned, the United States is a very large share of it, the
Treasury has negotiated to put in place some good reforms to
ensure that the bank is not overextending itself, to keep its
overhead costs under control, to make sure that there is
organic capital accumulation from the loans and that they can
be sustained over a 10-year window. So that would be my top
priority.
Also, I would like to focus on better coordination between
the World Bank Group and some of our bilateral aid
organizations within the U.S. government.
Senator Rubio. Ms. Bates, what role, if any, can the OECD
play alongside the WTO, the World Trade Organization, to reduce
the growing tensions in global trade?
Ms. Bates. Thank you for that question, Senator.
The OECD has a tradition of data-driven analysis and making
neutral policy recommendations.
Senator Rubio. But that is so boring.
[Laughter.]
Ms. Bates. Well, what I was going to say in the trade
context----
Senator Rubio. I am kidding. I am joking. Somebody might be
watching C-SPAN. I am sorry.
[Laughter.]
Ms. Bates. In the trade context, the organization has
served in a capacity of allowing a forum where likeminded
countries can discuss trade issues that is not a negotiating
setting. My understanding is that USTR has found this very
helpful to air a variety of issues in the OECD setting and to
take a look at OECD recommendations which can then be used to
formulate appropriate positions to the trade negotiations that
are taking place.
Senator Rubio. And, Mr. Pedrosa, obviously I am curious as
to your views on the massive effort that will be required to
help Venezuela rebuild after this catastrophe. They had--I
think it was--an 18 percent contraction last year in their
economy, projected to be another 25 percent this year. Some
estimates are running in the $60 billion-$70 billion range to
rebuild a completely archaic and non-functioning electric grid.
There is a lot of work to be done. People view Venezuela as a
wealthy country with a lot of oil resources, but it requires
infrastructure to utilize that to build its future. So what
plans are you aware of or what is your view of the role that
the Inter-American Development Bank can play in that process?
Mr. Pedrosa. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the question.
I entirely agree with you. We have to get the
reconstruction of Venezuela right not only for the sake of the
Venezuelans, who have been living under a tyrannical and
corrupt government for too long and who have suffered inhuman
levels of poverty. Estimates are that 90 percent of Venezuelans
now live in poverty, down from what used to be the richest
country in the hemisphere.
The IDB, I hope, will be a central player in the
reconstruction of Venezuela. We are currently the first
institution among the multilateral development banks and the
IMF that have recognized and accepted a governor and executive
director appointed by interim President Juan Guaido. The staff
and the teams at the IDB are working closely with Governor
Hausmann for Venezuela and his executive director on the
planning for reconstruction efforts, and the United States
government is working closely to understand the information
that the IDB has and its plans so that members of the
administration are fully briefed on what the IDB is thinking
and doing. Certainly the IMF will play a critical role, one
would hope, but the IDB can move in and help to improve lives,
which is ultimately the core function of the institution. We
will have the opportunity in Venezuela, I hope, to do it and we
have to get it right.
Senator Rubio. Senator Cardin?
Senator Cardin. Again, I thank all of our witnesses for
your testimony.
Mr. Landau, I want to start first with the statement that
you made on border issues, that the Ambassador will be to
foster cooperation with the Mexican people and authorities.
Neither country can solve the challenge of immigration alone,
and I am convinced that we can find common ground.
I can tell you that over recent times when we have had
cooperation between the Mexicans and Americans, we have had
much more stable circumstances on our border, and the sharing
of information, the working together, working with Mexico on
its southern border rather than our southern border has all
been in our interest in dealing with the migration issues.
But as I said in my opening statement, in my visit to
Mexico City, there are some hard feelings between the
government officials of Mexico and the United States.
So, can you just share with me some thoughts as to how you
can go about finding that common ground between Mexico and the
United States?
Mr. Landau. Absolutely, Senator. If confirmed, my role
would be to be a diplomat, and what a diplomat does is
articulates the position of his or her country effectively,
communicates that to the people of the host country, and
listens respectfully to what the authorities and the people of
the host country say to look for common ground on these issues.
I do think that public diplomacy is a very important tool in an
ambassador's toolbox, and I look forward, if confirmed, to
using that tool to the maximum extent I can. I think
establishing personal relationships of trust and confidence
down there will be absolutely critical and getting out to see
the Mexican people and to forming, again, relationships with
the new government will be my top priority.
Senator Cardin. Mexico being our neighbor, I would just
urge you to work with Members of Congress and see whether we
can assist you in some of these efforts. We are looking at ways
of improving OAS and helping with parliamentary dimensions
because I do think engaging us can help you with your
diplomatic mission. I just make that offer to you.
Mr. Landau. Senator, I appreciate those words. I could not
agree with you more. Certainly if I cannot find common ground
here.I think it will be much harder to find common ground with
the Mexicans and with people from other countries if we as
Americans cannot find common ground amongst ourselves. And, if
confirmed, I can certainly pledge to you that I will do
everything I can in that regard, and I certainly look forward
to having a very constructive and ongoing relationship with
this committee.
Senator Cardin. And I want to ask all the nominees in
regards to basic human rights issues. So let me just start
again with Mr. Landau, and then on my second round, I might get
around to the others in regards to human rights.
As I mentioned in my opening statement, Mexico has
challenges. Every country in the world has challenges. In our
bilateral relationships, we hope that we can advance basic
values of human rights, good governance, anti-corruption, rule
of law. So will you commit to work with this committee to
advance human rights in Mexico particularly the safety of
journalists and social activists? And to work to fight
corruption in that country so that we can find ways that we can
partner with Mexico in order to advance human rights and to
fight the corruption?
Mr. Landau. One hundred percent, Senator. The human rights
and the support for democracy is a basic pillar of American
foreign policy and has been so across administrations of both
political parties here in our country. And I certainly come to
this job, if confirmed, with a passion for the values that you
just mentioned in terms of the rule of law. From my own
professional background, I have litigated First Amendment
cases. I understand the values that you just spoke of, and I am
very committed to upholding them.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Ms. Bates, you mentioned in your statement that you will do
what you can, reinforcing mechanisms for combating corruption
and promoting the openness, integrity, transparency of business
and governments. OECD stands for a market economy, stands for
democratic values, and yet we are fighting trends of so many
countries where we find the rise of corruption and the
weakening of democratic institutions.
So how can you use your role to advance those values of
open markets and good governance in a way that is consistent
with the mission of the OECD?
Ms. Bates. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
As you mentioned, there are a number of issues here on
which the OECD can help to play a role in advancing accountable
and transparent government.
For OECD members, as I am sure the Senator is aware, the
OECD is home to the Anti-Bribery Convention, and all 36
members, plus an additional 4 countries who are not members of
the OECD, are a party to that treaty, which uses a peer
mechanism to review each other's anti-bribery and anti-
corruption efforts.
In terms of developing nations, there is also the
Development Advisory Committee, the DAC, which puts out best
policy and practices and recommendations that countries can
adopt to help improve accountability of their government
transparency and efficient functioning of their government. So
there are tools and options available that the U.S.
participates in currently that can be used to help ameliorate
and improve the situation for governments that are facing
challenges through these mechanisms at the OECD.
Senator Cardin. I would ask that you would keep us informed
as to how you are using those mechanisms to advance good
governance, anti-corruption. We are considering legislation in
this committee that would establish certain standards for all
countries in regards to fighting corruption, as we do for anti-
trafficking issues. And I think if you could keep us informed
as to how you are using the convention in the OECD, it could be
very helpful to us in our work.
Ms. Bates. I would be happy to keep the committee informed.
Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Senator Rubio. Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
And congratulations to all the nominees. You are very well
qualified for the positions to which you have been nominated.
Ms. Bates, since we have kind of a Latin America theme on
this panel and that is a passion area of mine, I want to begin
with you.
Brazil would like to be an OECD member. Recently Colombia
became the third member of the OECD--Colombia, Chile, Mexico--
from the Americas.
Talk a little bit about the path to accession for a nation
like Brazil. In my view, it is a real positive that the OECD is
kind of moving out of sort of just a northern American/European
body to include more nations from other parts of the world. So
just talk a little bit about that.
Ms. Bates. Thank you, Senator.
Accession at the OECD is a process that is agreed to by the
current members of the OECD, and there are several steps to
that process. One of the main goals of that process is to
ensure that accession candidates are adopting what is called
the OECD key, the criteria, the policies the ways of governing
that meet OECD standards. So it is very helpful for countries
that are moving into a Western democracy type of economy
because these road maps are very detailed. I believe the one
that was for Colombia had over 200 separate items that Colombia
needed to engage upon and complete in order to be able to join
the OECD. So it creates best practices, common standards, and a
way of doing things that has been tried and true for the most
part for the existing members, and it creates likemindedness.
So for the accession process, it is part of the
multilateral process within the organization that all members
engage on not only in terms of invitations but also in terms of
evaluating a country's readiness.
Thank you.
Senator Kaine. I know you have not been confirmed for the
position yet and you cannot assume anything about confirmation.
I know that President Trump has indicated his desire that
Brazil would have that opportunity, and I imagine this will be
something that will proceed according to the multilateral
process you described. And we would like to continue to sort of
stay in touch about that status, that progress.
Mr. Landau, congratulations to you. I want to ask you a
question about the U.S.-Mexico-Canada agreement.
The ITC issues a report, and then that kind of triggers a
period for Congress to respond. And their report on the pending
agreement suggests that the deal will have a marginal positive
effect on the American economy. I think marginal because the
status quo was NAFTA. And so it was not, you know, should we
not do it or do the USMCA. It is like compared to NAFTA, what
would the effect be, and I think they say it would be a
marginal positive agreement. That is good. But they indicate
that that is only the case if the deal is effectively enforced.
If you are confirmed, what might you tell us about how you
would--without engaging in Mexico domestic politics, what could
you do as the Ambassador to make sure that the commitments made
in the agreement, particularly around things like labor and
others, are effectively enforced by the Mexican government so
that that net positive effect could be realized by Americans?
Mr. Landau. Senator, that is a very important question.
Certainly the Mexican legislature has just passed very
significant labor reforms for Mexico. I think your question
highlights the ongoing issue to make sure that those agreements
and commitments are implemented. And if confirmed, I will work
closely with this committee, with the U.S. Trade
Representative, and Ambassador Lighthizer's team to make sure
that all of the commitments are in fact fully and fairly
implemented.
Senator Kaine. I should know the answer to this question. I
do not. Was a general way to describe the labor provisions of
the renegotiated NAFTA is that Mexico would be required to have
provisions that would accord with the ILO international labor
standards?
Mr. Landau. Senator, like you, I do not know if they are
specifically ILO standards. I know that they are improved labor
standards. There are higher wages at least in certain parts of
Mexico, and I can get you the answer to that specific question
after the hearing.
Senator Kaine. I can find that out on my own, but I
appreciate your answer to the general idea that if we do not
enforce these, then people not only become cynical about trade
deals, they become cynical about trade itself. And we really
cannot afford to have that happen when so much of the economy
relies on trade.
Last thing, Mr. Pedrosa, talk a little bit about the IDB.
Do we have a sufficient competitive alternative to Chinese
investments in the Americas in the IDB now?
Mr. Pedrosa. Thank you for the question, Senator.
I think it is a critically important area. It is something
that the IDB can do, and it is something that the IDB can do in
partnership with the United States. I was thrilled that the
House and Senate passed the BUILD Act last year, doubling the
capacity of OPIC and transforming it into the DFC. I was
actually in Colombia with the then-president of OPIC on the day
that the Senate was voting on the bill. They are looking at
opportunities for IDB and OPIC to work together.
I think that it is critically that lenders like the IDB,
like OPIC that adhere to international best practices, that are
committed to transparency, that are committed to making sure
that borrowers do not undertake unsustainable debt levels, we
got to work together. We got to work together to provide a
credible alternative to China and also to help strengthen the
institutional capacity in the ministries of the countries that
are being approached by China for lending so that they are
better able to protect themselves against predatory lending.
Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
Senator Udall?
Senator Udall. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Thank you to all of the panelists here today and the
experience that you bring before the committee.
And my question directed to Mr. Landau--I want to thank you
for meeting in my office last week. You obviously have a
distinguished legal career that has brought you before the
Supreme Court many times and you have worked on behalf of your
clients to solve many issues.
Now, if confirmed, you will need to bring these skills to
the post in Mexico City, a post that I believe is one of the
most important, if not the most important, for the United
States speaking as a border State Senator. Mexico is our
southern neighbor, an important trading partner, a country that
we share a long and varied history and culture--the United
States and Mexico--and the border States in particular have a
long history with Mexico, including a long history of
intermingling and cultural sharing.
As a well respected attorney, you have the opportunity to
work with Mexican legal officials at all levels as they
continue to reform their judiciary. This work will help Mexico
address many of the structural issues that were addressed in
the past and which continue to haunt many Mexican communities
today.
How will you work to leverage those skills to help Mexico
during its transformation to an adversarial system, and what do
you think should be the biggest priorities in terms of
addressing procedure and due process in Mexico?
Mr. Landau. Senator, thank you for that question.
I do come to this job, if confirmed, with 30 years of legal
practice under my belt and certainly a profound commitment to
basic values of due process and fairness and respect for the
rule of law. These are issues that Mexico, as you noted in your
question, has been working on. They have made some significant
steps in recent years to reform their own internal justice
system. I think those kind of efforts are critical to
increasing the security and prosperity within Mexico and, if
confirmed, I would certainly draw on my legal background and my
connections in the U.S. legal community, judges, prosecutors,
State attorneys general, the entire panoply, to offer Mexico
whatever partnership we can as they work to develop their own
institutions.
Senator Udall. It is interesting that you mention also
State attorneys general. When I was an attorney general in the
1990s, we actually would detail several people to Mexico. I
think other border States did the same thing, of our four
border States, in order to try to help them with these issues
of moving to a different type of judiciary. So I think they are
also a very important partner in this.
The incoming or new Mexican administration has made
combating corruption a major issue. This is, of course, a very
important issue for U.S. companies doing business or investing
in Mexico. How will you address corruption in Mexico?
Mr. Landau. Senator, as you noted in your question, the
Mexican government itself has focused on issues of corruption
that they have had in that country. Certainly I will make it a
priority to let the Mexican authorities and people understand
that we stand ready, willing, and able to be a partner with
Mexico, if asked, to work with them in this area, which is so
important to the development of their economy because
corruption issues are a huge deterrent to economic prosperity.
At the end of the day, a strong, stable, and prosperous Mexico
is very much in the interest of the United States.
Senator Udall. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
Senator Menendez?
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Congratulations to all of the nominees and their
nominations.
Let me start with you, Mr. Landau. I appreciate you can by
and visited with me. We had a good conversation I thought, and
I appreciated hearing your Spanish and making sure it is for
real.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Landau. Esta verdad, Senator.
Senator Menendez. [Spanish spoken.]
[Laughter.]
Senator Menendez. Last month, I cosponsored the Fentanyl
Sanctions Act with Leader Schumer because I, like many
Americans, are concerned about the massive amounts of fentanyl
and heroin that is coming into the United States and the
catastrophic effect it is having on Americans.
Now, the President claims that building a wall at the
Mexican border will help address the flow of drugs coming into
our country, but the problem is--I want to ask you, are you
aware that the Drug Enforcement Administration's 2018 National
Drug Threat Assessment has repeatedly reported that the
majority of illegal drugs coming from Mexico into the United
States are coming through our legal points of entry?
Mr. Landau. Senator, we need a holistic approach to the
border that allows for trade to go, for people to be able to
cross, and certainly one of my priorities would be to do what I
can to improve the efficiency of the border. Efficiency in a
way that also promotes our security. And as you noted, there is
a very significant issue of fentanyl coming over the border, as
well as other illegal drugs. Certainly I am aware that a large
percentage of the fentanyl comes through legal points of entry.
Senator Menendez. Okay. So as such, will you commit, if you
are confirmed, to working with me and other members of this
committee to advance a comprehensive solution that addresses
all the steps in the production and trafficking process so that
we can try to meet this challenge?
Mr. Landau. Absolutely.
Senator Menendez. Are you aware that Mexico is the second
largest market for the United States' goods and services in the
world?
Mr. Landau. Yes, Senator.
Senator Menendez. In the world.
Mr. Landau. In the world.
Senator Menendez. Now, as such, our trade with Mexico then
is incredibly important in our economic interests as well. And
so that is something I hope you are going to pay attention to.
A group of Democratic colleagues and I introduced the
Central American Reform and Enforcement Act which proposes I
think responsible solutions to address the root causes driving
individuals to flee their home countries and to strengthen our
own mechanisms to ensure fairness and efficiency for those who
do reach our border.
In that context, I would like to ask you the following. Do
you agree that migration from Central America's Northern
Triangle is a complex issue that requires a multifaceted
solution that tackles both strengthening our own mechanisms
while also addressing the root causes that drive individuals to
flee?
Mr. Landau. Yes, Senator.
Senator Menendez. Do you agree that Mexico plays a key role
in addressing issues of migration from Central America?
Mr. Landau. Yes, Senator.
Senator Menendez. President Lopez Obrador has expressed an
interest in working with the United States to address the root
causes driving migration from Central America. Will you work
with our partners in Mexico on these issues?
Mr. Landau. Absolutely, Senator.
Senator Menendez. Now, I am concerned about the confidence
gap that exists. You and I discussed this a little bit. In the
poll last year by the Pew Research Center, an overwhelming
majority of respondents in Mexico--78 percent, in fact--said
they had no confidence at all with reference to what the
administration would do when it comes to global affairs. And
negative views like this only increase the political costs for
Mexican officials to work closely with the United States on a
wide range of policies, which we need them to work with us.
How do you plan to address this confidence gap, and how
will you convince Mexican officials to cooperate with you and
U.S. counterparts when you have this environment which you are
walking into?
Mr. Landau. Senator, I have tremendous respect for Mexico's
history, its culture, its people, and certainly if I were to be
confirmed, I would want to very aggressively pursue a program
of public diplomacy so that the Mexican people and government
would understand our positions, where we are coming from. I see
public diplomacy as absolutely critical to the mission of a
successful Ambassador and would use all of the tools at my
disposal. And certainly my family and I cannot think of
anything we would rather do than enjoy living in Mexico and
experiencing the country and the hospitality of the Mexican
people.
Senator Menendez. And lastly, will you commit to myself and
to the committee that if you are confirmed, that you will, when
called upon, give honest and accurate information about
circumstances in Mexico when you are called upon to do so and
work with us when we have some legislative ideas to get your
perspectives on it?
Mr. Landau. Absolutely, Senator. I look forward, if
confirmed, to welcoming you and other members of this committee
to Mexico.
Senator Menendez. Mr. Chairman, I have one or two other
questions, and I do not know what the timing is.
Senator Rubio. That is good. Let us go ahead.
Senator Menendez. Thank you. I do not want the rest of you
feel that I have left you out.
So, Mr. Pedrosa, earlier this year, an IDB bank meeting in
China fell apart when the Chinese government refused to
accredit Venezuelan interim President Juan Guaido's governor to
attend the meeting. As I understand it, the IDB lost millions
of dollars in the last minute cancellation of the event.
What lessons should the United States take away from these
events, and what does it say about Chinese engagement in the
hemisphere and at the IDB?
Mr. Pedrosa. Thank you for the question, Senator.
I think it says that China is not yet fully committed to
playing by international rules. And I think it is an example of
a phenomenon that we have seen elsewhere, and it was
personified in that decision by the Chinese to refuse entry to
a duly acknowledged and accepted governor of an international
institution. Their failure to honor their commitment as a host
country I think shows that they are not yet willing to abide by
the international rules surrounding multilateral organizations,
and I think we have seen other examples where they are not
willing to abide----
Senator Menendez. And so as such, I hope at the IDB, you
are going to take that into consideration. I know we want their
money in the bank, but by the same token, they have to live
under the rules that all of us live under.
Mr. Pedrosa. Absolutely, Senator.
Senator Menendez. And finally, for Ms. Bates and Ms.
Nordquist, I am increasingly concerned that the United States
is not well positioned to engage in economic statecraft for the
21st century, including promoting U.S. jobs, businesses, and
economic interests, engaging in development financing for
infrastructure and other needs, including climate change-
related resiliency and setting standards for emergent
technologies in the digital economy areas where we lead the
world. But if we are not at the table, then others write the
standards.
Can you share with me how you view your role and your
institution's role, if you are confirmed, in helping to renew
and replenish U.S. economic statecraft instruments? What do you
see as the biggest challenges? What do you see as the biggest
opportunities?
Ms. Bates. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
Economic statecraft, as previously defined and as will be
defined as I am sure in ongoing conversations, is extremely
important. Good economic policies that we promote to the rest
of the world through an institution such as the OECD help to
grow the American economy, help create jobs, help create a
foundation for strong economic relationships between our
country and others.
I look forward to working with the committee in that
capacity to look for new ways, as well as to work within the
institution, if confirmed, to define the goals that would be
appropriate, as I said, in conversation with the committee for
economic statecraft.
Within the mission itself, I think there are a number of
tools. There are a number of committees within the OECD where
we can promote U.S. views on the best practices and best
approaches to foster an environment that creates sustainable
economic growth.
Senator Menendez. Ms. Nordquist?
Ms. Nordquist. Thank you, Senator.
So I am a huge believer in the mission of the World Bank.
And the U.S. is the largest contributor to the World Bank, and
we have a long history with the bank, one of its founding
members, and obviously, the president is an American. And so I
hope to continue to represent the United States interests as
best as possible and be a good steward of taxpayer dollars
while representing the U.S. interests at the bank.
The U.S. also has taken a leading role in the environmental
and social framework and pushing for anti-corruption efforts.
And I also believe that the reforms that would be part of the
increased capital package would really improve things at the
bank. I think the bank is not a perfect entity, but it is
certainly better than most of the Chinese loans that are out
there that are forcing borrowers into bankruptcy and then the
Chinese are seizing the assets.
Senator Menendez. Well, I look forward to both of you and
your institutions having some sense of how do we meet--you
know, Chinese investment is manipulative at best and coercive
at worst. And so I look forward to see how we use these
institutions not only as a counter to compete successfully
against them so they do not undermine countries that ultimately
cannot afford what they get from the Chinese under the terms
and then go into deep debt, but also how do we use our tools in
international financial institutions to ultimately promote the
U.S. interests abroad. And I would like to hear a little bit
more from you on that maybe for the record.
Senator Rubio. Senator Cardin?
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Ms. Nordquist, let me follow up on this point: the
recapitalization reform. You indicate the reform is to
concentrate more on the less developed countries, which I agree
with completely, carrying out the mission of the bank, which is
to make sure we have stable regimes to reduce poverty, to help
women--which I strongly support--and to reduce the violence. I
absolutely agree with those types of reforms that would lead us
to those conclusions.
But it is one thing to say that we are going to do it. It
is another thing, in fact, to be able to be accountable in this
area.
You mentioned anti-corruption several times. To me,
corruption is the fuel for instability in these countries. We
have a lot of less developed countries that do not have
sophisticated governments. They may even have resources. Those
resources are used to fuel corruption rather than to help the
people.
So how do you see the reforms at the bank actually being
carried out and practiced to help less developed countries
develop the type of governance that can benefit the people of
that country for a more stable life?
Ms. Nordquist. Thank you, Senator.
One thing that I have not really mentioned is that the
whole idea of the World Bank is to help stabilize these
countries so that private capital can come in. And I think that
private capital is not going to come into a country that is
endemically riddled with corruption.
So the World Bank actually does have an inspection panel
and an ombudsman, that they are actually increasing the funding
towards those two entities to make sure that there is
accountability and that there is not corruption. I do not know
if you are familiar with the Jam v. IFC case, but obviously
that was a project in India that went awry. The same thing
happened in Uganda, and the warning signs were there, but there
was not enough accountability in the bank to ensure that it did
not happen. Right now, I think that those accountability
mechanisms are much stronger and should hopefully prevent that
in the future.
I would say I am a little bit of a research nerd. There was
a great paper last year in the ``Journal of Economic
Perspectives'' that actually compared World Bank loans in
Africa to Chinese-led loans in Africa. And they found that the
Chinese loans not only had zero positive economic impact on the
area, but they were corrupt and they spread the corruption
exactly around where that project had taken place.
Senator Cardin. I think I will challenge you on one point,
and that is, there are extractive industries that go into
corrupt countries because they know they can work out their
deals and get the minerals that they want. And we have tried to
take action to prevent that from happening.
So I do not think we can just say that private investment
will not go into corrupt regimes because we have seen that
happen over and over again. But I do agree with you stable
regimes need to be able to fight corruption because they will
not stay stable.
So I guess my question is what in the reforms give us
confidence that, in fact, we will see a commitment in the less
developed countries to deal with good governance?
Ms. Nordquist. So I do know that particularly in the
African region, the majority of World Bank loans go towards
administrative, which is really focusing on developing strong
governance tools and teaching these countries how to fight
corruption. So there are mechanisms in place. And certainly,
Senator, should you confirm me, I pledge to you to work to
focus more of the World Bank resources on that issue.
Senator Cardin. Would you commit to keep this committee
informed, assuming the reforms go forward, as to how you are
making progress or not making progress in dealing with
corruption and good governance in less developed countries as a
result of the recapitalization, the result of these efforts?
Ms. Nordquist. Absolutely, Senator.
Senator Cardin. We will hold you to that.
Ms. Nordquist. Okay.
Senator Cardin. Mr. Pedrosa, you mentioned the problems of
fighting corruption in our hemisphere, and that goes well
beyond Venezuela. We have many democratic governments that are
plagued with corruption in our hemisphere.
So how do you see your role in development assistance
dealing with rooting out corruption so we have less impunity
and more safety for the people in our region? It will also help
us, by the way, in regards to the migration issues.
Mr. Pedrosa. Senator, thank you for the question.
I entirely agree with your last statement, that that will
help us with the migration issues.
As you know and as you mentioned at the beginning of your
opening statement, one of the IDB's signature cross-cutting
issues is anti-corruption, transparency, and rule of law. It
means that every project that comes to the IDB board gets
scored as to whether or not it is actually having some impact
on that issue. I think that is vitally important. I think the
work that we do to strengthen institutional capacities at the
ministries is vitally important and it is something that we
need to continue to do.
I think we stand at a point of enormous opportunity. I
think the light that has been shed on corruption in the region
by the series of scandals that rocked it from Odebrecht to the
Cuaderno scandal in Argentina put us in a position where the
governments are finally--many of them willing to face this
issue, which is not an easy on for government officials in
these countries. Sometimes facing this issue means putting
relatives and friends in legal jeopardy, but it is important
work that has to be done. And I look forward to continuing to
work within the IDB system to make sure that we are a part of
that solution.
Senator Cardin. And again, I would ask, as I have asked
other witnesses, please keep us informed as to your success or
lack of success in that regard. As I mentioned earlier, we are
working on legislation here to try to identify best practices
so that countries know that they are being watched on their
efforts to fight corruption. And our bilateral relationship
should always be aimed at reducing corruption and the
mechanisms to provide for stability against corruption.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Rubio. We want to thank all four of you for being
here.
The record will remain open for 48 hours. If you get
questions for the record, the quicker you can respond to them,
the faster the chairman can move on to the business hearing,
which is the next step in this process.
But, again, I want to thank you all for giving us the time,
for your willingness to serve.
And with that, the hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:18 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
----------
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Pamela Bates by Senator Robert Menendez
Economic Statecraft
Question. As I mentioned during the hearing, I am increasingly
concerned that the United States is not well positioned to engage in
economic statecraft for the twenty-first century, including promoting
U.S. jobs, business and economic interests, engaging in development
financing for infrastructure and other needs, including climate change-
related resiliency, and setting standards for emergent technologies and
the digital economy.
Can you expand upon how you view your role and your institutions
role, if you are confirmed, in helping to renew and replenish
U.S. economic statecraft instruments?
Answer. The OECD promotes market-based policies and market-friendly
regulations that contribute directly to expanding market opportunities
and lowering costs for U.S. firms. By working with the OECD, the United
States is able to make sure those recommendations reflect U.S.
interests and priorities, and gain agreement on those recommendations
among like-minded countries. This helps create and expand legitimate
investment and financing opportunities for U.S. business and promote
U.S. job creation.
Question. Where do you see the biggest challenges? Biggest
opportunities?
Answer. In a rapidly changing economic, social, and technological
landscape, determining policies that will promote the highest
sustainable economic growth as stated in the OECD charter is a central
challenge. It is important to keep the OECD focused on its strengths of
high-quality, unbiased data collection and analysis to make those
policy recommendations. U.S. engagement and leadership in the work and
the governance of the OECD will ensure that the organization remains an
effective, relevant institution and that its work continues to benefit
the American people.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government?
Answer. Yes. I agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government. I believe
that it is important for government decision makers to be presented
with an array of different policy views and perspectives, and if
confirmed I would seek to encourage rather than stifle the presentation
of such views. Moreover, any personal political beliefs of career
employees are not relevant as long as they are able to fulfill the
needs of their position and remain in compliance with all applicable
laws, such as the Hatch Act.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all
employees under your leadership understand that any retaliation,
blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices will not be
tolerated?
Answer. If confirmed, I would make certain all employees at the
U.S. Mission to the OECD have taken necessary training to support
diversity in the workplace and maintain Equal Employment Opportunity
principles. I will also work to ensure that supervisors are promoting
those principles through example and instruction and are handling any
complaints through appropriate channels and mechanisms.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting?
Answer. No.
Question. If so, please describe the nature of the complaint or
allegation, your response, and any resolution, including any
settlements.
Answer. Not applicable.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority?
Answer. No.
Question. If so, please describe the outcome and actions taken.
Answer. Not applicable.
follow-up questions submitted to pamela bates by senator robert
menendez
Question. In your response to my Questions for the Record, you
stated: ``In a rapidly changing economic, social, and technological
landscape, determining policies that will promote the highest
sustainable economic growth as stated in the OECD charter is a central
challenge. It is important to keep the OECD focused on its strengths of
high-quality, unbiased data collection and analysis to make those
policy recommendations. U.S. engagement and leadership in the work and
the governance of the OECD will ensure that the organization remains an
effective, relevant institution and that its work continues to benefit
the American people:''
When you say ``It is important to keep the OECD focused on its
strengths of high-quality, unbiased data collection and
analysis,'' does that include data and information based on the
scientific community's consensus on climate change?
Answer. The OECD should focus on providing data, information and
analysis on a variety of technical issues, as agreed by member states,
including those related to climate change such as emissions data and
financing of low-carbon investments. The OECD provides value to its
members by collecting information to produce data and analysis that
informs decision-makers and supports negotiations and cooperation in
other fora.
Question. What purpose do you believe is being served by the
following policies and actions affecting the quality and integrity of
U.S. data?
the ``red team vs. blue team'' climate science review proposed by
former EPA Administrator, Scott Pruitt;
limiting the scope of computer-generated climate change impact
models used by U.S. government agencies making climate related
policy decision to only project through 2040 (rather than
through the end of the century as is accepted by the broader
scientific community);
eliminating the publication of ``worst case scenarios'' from
reports on climate change effects;
or the work within the White House, led by Dr. William Happer, to
review the role climate science serves in U.S. national
security planning?
Answer. The U.S. Mission to the OECD relies on technical experts
from more than 25 U.S. agencies to participate in the sharing of data
and information at the OECD. If confirmed, I would work with relevant
U.S. government agencies to support U.S. participation in OECD
technical committees working on environmental policy and climate change
issues. These agencies have the expertise to evaluate technical
questions regarding the quality and integrity of U.S. data.
Question. Are you concerned with the effect the actions taken in
the question above could have on the quality and integrity of U.S.
(produced) climate change data?
Answer. I would defer to subject matter experts from relevant U.S.
government agencies to evaluate technical issues affecting the quality
and integrity of U.S. data.
Question. What will you do to protect the integrity, impartiality,
and quality of the scientific data on climate change the U.S.
contributes to the OECD, especially in light of the aforementioned
policies and reviews, which appear designed to limit publication and
collection of scientific data in the interest of a biased political
agenda to minimize, obfuscate, and deny the risks posed by climate
change?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support the participation of
technical experts from relevant U.S. government agencies in sharing
data related to climate change and reviewing technical issues affecting
the quality and integrity of U.S. data.
Question. Do you support the findings and agree with the concerns
raised by the ``OECD Environmental Outlook to 2050: The Consequences of
Inaction'' report, and would you support the OECD producing more high-
quality and unbiased reports on the significant development and
security risks associated with climate change?
Answer. I would defer to subject matter experts to comment on the
findings of this report and other OECD technical reports. If confirmed,
I would support a process for producing high-quality and unbiased
reports that have been reviewed by technical experts from the United
States and other member states through OECD technical committees.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Pamela Bates by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What is the OECD's role in strengthening democratic
institutions and promoting good governance?
Answer. The OECD promotes best practices that support sound
democratic institutions and good governance in areas such as rigorous
government audits and financial controls, transparency in government
contracting and procurement, and combatting bribery. For example, the
OECD Anti-Bribery Convention reflects U.S. priorities as encapsulated
in the 1977 Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) and helps to level the
global playing field for U.S. business. U.S. efforts have led to a
notable improvement in the legal, regulatory and enforcement efforts of
the major trading countries of the world. As of 2018, 44 countries have
acceded to the Anti-Bribery Convention, representing more than 60
percent of world GDP.
Question. If confirmed, how would you work to bolster the OECD's
efforts in this area (strengthening democratic institutions and
promoting good governance)?
Answer. If confirmed, I would support projects that evaluate and
improve the recommendations on best practices in these areas. I would
also look for ways to encourage non-member countries to adhere to these
practices, including through active enforcement and potential accession
to the Anti-Bribery Convention.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. In my previous work as a career foreign service officer, I
promoted market-based policy approaches at the OECD, which advance
sustainable economic growth. Strengthening and expanding economic
opportunities helps to enhance human rights and democracy by empowering
the individual and improving his or her standard of living.
Question. How would you characterize the OECD's engagement with
emerging economies that are not members of the Organization, like
China, Brazil, and India?
Answer. Brazil, China, and India are all part of the OECD Key
Partner program. Key Partners are encouraged to share data and
participate actively in mutually beneficial OECD work areas including
competition, investment, and taxation. Most of these countries already
adhere to at least some of OECD's policy standards and legal
instruments, but the objective of the Key Partner program is to help
them adhere to more. By encouraging high standards for a wide range of
economic policies, the OECD can help level the playing field for U.S.
businesses.
Question. What more should the Organization do to involve large
non-members such as Brazil, China, and India in its work?
Answer. The OECD should do more to make sure large non-members like
Brazil, China, and India are adopting more OECD standards to provide a
stronger foundation for economic growth and expand commercial
opportunities for U.S. firms. Countries such as Brazil have
demonstrated a commitment to OECD-inspired economic reforms while
others, such as China and India, have shown less interest in adopting
OECD norms. OECD members, including the United States, use the Key
Partner program as a way to leverage the OECD to achieve our bilateral
policy priorities including by promoting transparency, open markets and
investment regimes, and a level playing field for U.S. business.
Question. In recent weeks and months, we have seen some of the
initial effects of how disruptive trade disputes can be for the U.S.
economy. What role, if any, can the OECD play alongside the World Trade
Organization (WTO) to reduce global trade tensions?
Answer. The OECD can complement the WTO by providing evidence-based
analysis of the OECD Trade Committee and being a forum that advocates
policies aimed at opening markets and promoting free and fair trade.
The OECD provides the United States with a forum for building support
for initiatives at the WTO such as the digital trade discussions and
fisheries subsidies negotiations. The OECD produces the most precise
indicators available for monitoring countries' compliance with the WTO
Trade Facilitation Agreement.
Question. What will you do to promote, mentor and support your
staff that come from diverse backgrounds and underrepresented groups at
the OECD?
Answer. If confirmed as the Chief of Mission, I would seek to
recruit staff for the Mission from a broad range of backgrounds and to
foster an environment of tolerance, respect, and professionalism that
complies with U.S. law. As part of the governing Council of the OECD, I
would push to make certain the OECD is doing the same.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the OECD are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I would work closely with the OECD on all
employment issues, including fostering a diverse and inclusive work
environment, and the hiring of American citizens. I would ensure that
OECD management understands the importance we place on equal employment
opportunity and seek to influence OECD hiring policies to closely match
U.S. standards in this area.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention any
change in policy or U.S. actions that you suspect may be influenced by
any of the President's business or financial interests, or the business
or financial interests of any senior White House staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to comply with all relevant federal
ethics laws, regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may
have through the appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to comply with all relevant federal
ethics laws, regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may
have through the appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in any country abroad?
Answer. My investment portfolio includes interests in diversified
mutual funds and a diversified Real Estate Investment Trust which may
hold interest in companies located outside the United States, but which
are exempt from the conflict of interest laws by regulation. My
investment portfolio also includes interests in U.S. companies that may
have a presence abroad. I am committed to ensuring that my official
actions will not give rise to a conflict of interest. I will divest all
investments the State Department Ethics Office deems necessary to avoid
a conflict of interest, and I will remain vigilant with regard to my
ethics obligations.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Christopher Landau by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. The President's repeated and public criticism of Mexico
and the Mexican people continue to raise the political cost for Mexican
authorities that cooperate with the United States on issues including
securing our border, addressing unauthorized migration or challenges
related to narcotics trafficking, which are contributing to the heroin
and fentanyl epidemic plaguing our country.
As our principal diplomat for the Americas, do you intend to
formulate a strategy to make Mexico pay for a border wall
between our countries?
Answer. I understand that a border wall is one part of a
comprehensive approach to further improve security on our southern
border. I further understand that the State Department is engaged in an
ongoing dialogue with our Mexican partners to ensure coordination and
to exchange information on joint efforts to secure and modernize the
border. If confirmed, I would work with U.S. interagency partners and
the Mexican government to improve security for both countries along our
common border.
Question. Do you believe that the United States can address border
security, migration, and drug trafficking without a productive
partnership with Mexican authorities?
Answer. I believe that Mexican cooperation is vital to the success
of U.S. policy on issues of border security, migration, and drug
trafficking. In fact, that is why I seek this job: I believe that these
are shared challenges that neither country can successfully overcome on
its own.
Question. The day of your confirmation hearing, the President
tweeted--
I am very disappointed that Mexico is doing virtually nothing
to stop illegal immigrants from coming to our Southern Border
where everyone knows that because of the Democrats, our
Immigration Laws are totally flawed & broken. Mexico's attitude
is that people from other countries, including Mexico, should
have the right to flow into the U.S. & that U.S. taxpayers
should be responsible for the tremendous costs associated w/
this illegal migration. Mexico is wrong and I will soon be
giving a response!
What is your assessment of how this tweet was received by the
government of Mexico?
Answer. I do not know how this tweet was received by the government
of Mexico. I understand that the United States and Mexico are committed
to working closely together to address our shared challenges. If
confirmed, I pledge to work with our Mexican counterparts to find
common ground to advance our important bilateral priorities, including
illegal immigration.
Question. During a hearing before the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee in 2018, Secretary Pompeo affirmed that presidential
statements are official U.S. positions and policy; therefore, is it is
your assessment that Mexico is doing virtually nothing to stop
undocumented migrants from entering the United States?
Answer. I understand that the United States works closely with
Mexico to address illegal immigration. Stopping illegal immigration and
promoting safe, legal, and orderly forms of migration is a shared
challenge for both countries. I believe that neither country can solve
this challenge alone, and that we can find common ground with the
government of Mexico on this critical issue.
Question. According to the Center for Disease Control, more than
42,000 Americans lost their lives to opioid overdoses in 2016--more
than 20,000 of those deaths were related to fentanyl and more than
15,000 were related to heroin. As you know, the majority of the heroin
coming into the U.S. originates from Mexico and much of illicit
fentanyl entering the U.S. comes from China and transits through
Mexico.
What is your assessment of the importance of U.S.-Mexico
cooperation to address illicit heroin and fentanyl trafficking
and transnational organized crime?
Answer. I believe that Mexican cooperation is vital to address
illicit heroin and fentanyl trafficking and transnational organized
crime and, if confirmed, I will seek to foster our security partnership
with Mexico. Neither country can successfully confront transnational
organized crime or the scourge of drugs alone.
Question. Do you think the U.S. can address heroin and fentanyl
trafficking without Mexico's cooperation?
Answer. No. I believe that neither country can successfully
confront transnational organized crime or the scourge of illegal drugs
alone.
Question. Are you aware that DEA's 2018 National Drug Threat
Assessment states that the majority of illegal drugs coming from Mexico
into the U.S. are coming through our legal ports of entry?
Answer. Yes, I am aware of the statements in DEA's 2018 National
Drug Threat Assessment.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to advancing a comprehensive
solution that includes addressing all steps in the production and
trafficking processes, as well as common sense efforts to reduce
demand?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to advancing a comprehensive
solution that includes addressing all steps in the production and
trafficking processes, as well as common sense efforts to reduce
demand. I understand that the State Department will continue to
coordinate with the Office of National Drug Control Policy, which has
the lead on reducing demand in the United States.
Question. Immigration is one of the most complex issues in the
national debate. Do you agree that migration from Central America's
Northern Triangle through Mexico is a complex issue that requires a
multifaceted solution that tackles both strengthening our own
mechanisms while also addressing the root causes that drive individuals
to flee?
Answer. Yes. I understand that the Department of State is committed
to working with Mexico and Northern Triangle countries on shared
security and development challenges. If confirmed, I look forward to
continued dialogue on these issues.
Question. Do you agree that Mexico plays a key role in addressing
issues of migration from Central America?
Answer. Yes. I believe that Mexico plays a key role with respect to
migration from Central America, and that continued cooperation between
Mexico and the United States is essential to address the security and
humanitarian dimensions of such migration from Central America.
Question. President Lopez Obrador has expressed an interest in
working with the United States to address the root causes driving
migration from Central America; do you commit to working with our
partners in Mexico on these issues?
Answer. Yes. I understand that the State Department is committed to
working with Mexico on shared security and development challenges. If
confirmed, I would seek to continue dialogue on these issues.
Question. Do you believe that toxic rhetoric against Mexicans,
Mexican Americans, and Central Americans is helpful in helping address
these challenges?
Answer. Our ties to both Mexico and Central America are grounded in
our long, shared history. Our commitment to working together to achieve
mutual goals of prosperity, security, and democracy is steadfast. If
confirmed, I would seek to communicate with our Mexican neighbors in a
fashion consistent with that tradition of cooperation and friendship.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption in the federal and
state governments of Mexico?
Answer. Corruption is a universal challenge and I understand that
the Mexican government is committed to fighting corruption and
fostering good governance at the federal and state levels. I understand
that Mexico has undertaken an historic transition to an oral accusatory
justice system that will provide greater transparency, accountability,
and efficiency in the administration of justice. If confirmed, I will
be committed to working with the Mexican government to support efforts
to fight corruption and enhance the rule of law.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption in the main
political parties in Mexico?
Answer. I understand that Mexican voters have repeatedly cited
corruption as a major concern and that President Lopez Obrador ran for
office on an anti-corruption platform and stated he will not tolerate
it in his administration. If confirmed, I will support Mexico's efforts
to fight corruption in every context.
Question. What steps will you take to support efforts by the
government of Mexico to combat corruption?
Answer. I have dedicated my career to the rule of law. I understand
that the United States has supported Mexico's transition to an oral
accusatory system that will provide greater transparency,
accountability, and efficiency in the administration of justice. If
confirmed, I will support this and other good governance and anti-
corruption efforts in Mexico.
Question. In a poll last year by the Pew Research Center, an
overwhelming majority of respondents in Mexico--78 percent, in fact--
said they had no confidence at all that President Trump would do the
right thing when it came to global affairs. Negative views like this
only increase the political cost for Mexican officials to work closely
with the United States on a wide range of policy officials.
How do you plan to address this confidence gap and how will you
convince Mexican officials to cooperate with their U.S.
counterparts when they don't trust our President?
Answer. Mexico is one of the United States' closest and most valued
partners. Our two countries share unbreakable bonds of geography,
history, culture, economy, and family. If confirmed, my job will be to
highlight these transcendent bonds, and to find common ground to
address our shared challenges. I would use all the public diplomacy and
outreach tools at my disposal to ensure that the Mexican people and
government understand our positions and interest in fostering an even
closer and mutually beneficial relationship.
Question. How can they trust you, when you are his representative?
Answer. If confirmed, I will devote myself to building personal
relationships across Mexican society and communicating my deep respect
for Mexico's history, culture, and people.
Question. There are currently more than 37,000 missing or
disappeared people in Mexico. In 2014, this issue shocked the
conscience of Mexico and the world, when we heard of 43 students who
disappeared in Iguala, a case that is symptomatic of a much larger
issue. Additionally, the Committee to Protect Journalists reported the
murder of a fifth Mexican journalist last week and has documented how
Mexican journalists feel vulnerable as a result of President Obrador's
anti-press comments.
What is your assessment of the more than 37,000 Mexican citizens
that are missing or disappeared?
Answer. The issue of the missing and disappeared people is a major
human rights challenge for Mexico. I understand that President Lopez
Obrador has pledged that his administration will increase efforts to
search for such people and also to identify the remains of the deceased
in the possession of authorities. If confirmed, I will explore
opportunities to support the Mexican government's efforts to address
this challenge.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to raising concerns about the
number of journalists who have been victims of violence?
Answer. Yes. A free press is essential for any democracy. If
confirmed, I commit to exploring ways that the United States can assist
Mexican efforts to protect journalists.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to provide support
in the resolution of the case of the 43 missing students?
Answer. I understand that both the Inter-American Commission on
Human Rights and the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Human
Rights have reached agreements to assist the Mexican government's
investigation of the Iguala case. If confirmed, I would look to
continue ongoing U.S. assistance to Mexico's law enforcement and
justice sectors to enhance the capability of Mexican authorities to
investigate and prosecute cases such as the disappearance of the 43
students.
Violence in Mexico is a serious challenge, and violence against
women is a particularly alarming problem. In 2018, 3,580 women and
girls were killed in Mexico, three times as many as were killed in
2007, according to Mexican government statistics. During the same
period, 14,558 women were raped, a figure that has risen steadily from
12,638 in 2014. In several prominent cases, Mexican authorities have
investigated killings of women first as suicides, a practice that
places blame on the victim and absolves their killers of responsibility
long before the facts of the case have even been determined. Mexican
women's rights groups say authorities meet violence against women with
indifference and impunity, and even the Lopez Obrador administration
admitted in March that it had failed to do enough to protect women and
girls.
Question. What is your assessment of violence against women in
Mexico?
Answer. Violence against women is an abhorrent crime which
unfortunately, occurs in all corners of the world, including Mexico. It
is an issue that deeply concerns me. I understand that President Lopez
Obrador has made the promotion of human rights and the elimination of
corruption and impunity a priority for his administration. I further
understand that the U.S. supports Mexican law enforcement with training
assistance to be able to better detect, investigate, and prosecute
crimes, including violence against women. If confirmed, I will look
forward to fostering this close cooperation.
Question. What steps will you personally take to address the
challenge of violence against women in Mexico?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with our Mexican
partners, including government, civil society, and others, to combat
violence against women and other human rights abuses. I will continue
Mission Mexico's work to support Mexico's justice sector and other
organizations by offering training assistance, engaging in public
messaging efforts, and supporting initiatives to help ensure
perpetrators of these crimes face justice before the law and victims
are able to obtain the services they need.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. As a lawyer, I have devoted my career to promoting the rule
of law and the civil resolution of disputes. I have handled cases
seeking to promote judicial independence, see Beer v. United States,
696 F.3d 1174 (Fed. Cir. 2012) (en banc), and the First Amendment, see
Boehner v. McDermott, 484 F.3d 573 (D.C. Cir. 2007) (en banc). I have
also handled pro bono cases seeking to protect individuals from
arbitrary or unlawful government action. See e.g.,Maslenjak v. United
States, 137 S. Ct. 1975 (2017); Perry v. Merit Systems Protection
Board, 137 S. Ct. 1975 (2017). I revere the U.S. Constitution, and if
confirmed all my actions as an officer of the United States will be
animated by fidelity to that document.
Question. What has been the impact of your actions?
Answer. As a lawyer in private practice, my actions have had the
impact of civilly resolving disputes over my clients' rights and
advancing their interests. If confirmed, I will seek to advance the
interests of the United States, including our interest in promoting
democracy and the rule of law in cooperation with our Mexican partners.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Mexico? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. I believe that institutionalization of the rule of law and
addressing corruption are two of the most important challenges facing
Mexico. The continued transition to a fair, prompt, effective and
transparent justice system is essential to promote public confidence in
Mexican institutions and to protect and promote human rights. In
addition, the day-to-day safety and security of many Mexicans is
threatened by criminal violence perpetrated by powerful transnational
criminal organizations.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Mexico? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions?
Answer. As an initial matter, I believe that it is important to
underscore how far Mexico has advanced in this regard over the past
generation. For most of my life, Mexico was a one-party state. That
began to change in the 1980s and 1990s, and the change really took hold
in 2000. During this period, Mexico has made tremendous strides to
establish a competitive multi-party democracy, as underscored by the
fact that political power has shifted between different parties at both
the federal and state levels. Of course, ongoing challenges remain,
including finalizing the transformation of the justice system and
addressing impunity and corruption. If confirmed, I will work closely
with U.S. and Mexican government officials and different elements of
civil society to support the consolidation of democracy and rule of
law.
Question. What are the potential impediments to addressing the
specific obstacles you have identified?
Answer. Mexico's historic efforts to strengthen democracy and the
rule of law face impediments ranging from criminal violence to
corruption to economic and social inequality.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. I understand that the Department of State and USAID support
democracy and governance programs in Mexico at the federal and state
levels. If confirmed, I would explore available assistance resources
and programs to continue to support Mexico's efforts to counter
impunity, protect human rights, promote transparency, and prevent crime
and violence, including near the U.S.-Mexico border. I will prioritize
efforts that have a direct and lasting impact on our shared security.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Mexico?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Mexico.
Question. What steps will you take to proactively address efforts
to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or regulatory
measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I would certainly want to hear from civil
society and NGOs any concerns they may have about any legal or
regulatory measures that they believe might restrict or penalize their
efforts.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties, understanding that
such meetings do not entail endorsement, but merely underscore our
support for meaningful political competition in a flourishing civil
society.
Question. What steps will you take to encourage genuine political
competition? Will you advocate for access and inclusivity for women,
minorities and youth within political parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I will meet with democratically oriented
political opposition figures and parties, listen to their concerns, and
if appropriate raise those concerns with government officials. I will
also use these interactions, as well as exchange programs funded by the
USG, to advocate access and inclusivity for women, minorities, and
youth within political parties.
Question. Will you advocate for access and inclusivity for women,
minorities and youth within political parties?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will advocate for access and
inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political parties.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Mexico on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, the embassy team and I will actively
engage with Mexico on freedom of the press and address any government
efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory, or other measures.
Question. Will you commit to meeting regularly with independent,
local press in Mexico?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Mexico.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work with my embassy team and I
will actively engage with civil society and government counterparts on
countering disinformation and propaganda disseminated by foreign state
or non-state actors in Mexico.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
Mexico on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, the embassy team and I will actively
engage with Mexico on the right of labor groups to organize, including
the right for independent trade unions to organize.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Mexico, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to using my position to defend
the human rights and dignity of all people in Mexico, regardless of
their sexual orientation or gender identity.
Question. What challenges do the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in Mexico?
Answer. I understand that LGBTQ people face challenges in Mexico,
just as in other parts of the world, including discrimination and
violence.
Question. What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Mexico?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continuing the Mission's outreach
to and engagement with LGTBQ organizations, to listening to their
concerns, and if appropriate raising those concerns with government
officials.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government?
Answer. Yes, I agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government. I believe
that this is important for government decision makers to be presented
with an array of different policy views and perspectives, and if
confirmed I would seek to encourage rather than stifle the presentation
of such views.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all
employees under your leadership understand that any retaliation,
blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices will not be
tolerated?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that prohibited personnel
practices, including retaliation and blacklisting, will not be
tolerated. As a leader, I will demonstrate by example that I believe
that the presentation of different policy views and perspectives should
be encouraged, not stifled.May 21, 2019
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements?
Answer. No.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial ethnic, religious, etc.) or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority?
Answer. No.
Question. If so, please describe the outcome and actions taken.
Answer. Given my response to the previous question, this is not
applicable.
follow-up question submitted to christopher landau by senator robert
menendez
Question. I posed this question previously, and would ask that you
re-answer the following question.
The President's repeated and public criticism of Mexico and the
Mexican people continue to raise the political cost for Mexican
authorities that cooperate with the United States on issues
including securing our border, addressing unauthorized
migration or challenges related to narcotics trafficking, which
are contributing to the heroin and fentanyl epidemic plaguing
our country:
As our principal diplomat for the Americas, do you intend to
formulate a strategy to make Mexico pay for a border wall
between our countries?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to Mexico, I will work to
strengthen cooperation between our two countries on a broad range of
political, security, migration, and economic issues involving our
common border. Like the President, I am committed to improving border
security, which is essential for the safety of our people. I believe
that a secure and efficient border is in the interest of both
countries, as it would facilitate legitimate trade and travel, while
preventing the movement of illicit goods and travelers. I further
believe that improved border infrastructure, to include walls, is a
critical piece of strengthening control of the border, and defer to the
President and Congress on funding decisions.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Christopher Landau by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. Mexican journalists, civil society leaders, and human
rights defenders face higher risks than in almost any country in the
world. A tragic number have been killed. Your predecessors worked hard
to engage with civil society groups across the political spectrum. They
also used the Embassy's powerful public platform to highlight human
rights defenders who were at risk.
If confirmed, how would you engage with civil society
organizations?
Answer. An active, engaged civil society is a vital part of a
vibrant democracy. If confirmed, I would follow in my predecessors'
steps by maintaining regular dialogue with civil society organizations,
including journalists and human rights defenders, and look for ways to
provide appropriate assistance, support, and training.
Question. Do you commit to using the prominent, public nature of
your position to help protect those at risk?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to using the prominent public
nature of my position to help protect those at risk.
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. As a lawyer, I have devoted my career to promoting the rule
of law and the civil resolution of disputes. I have handled cases
seeking to promote judicial independence, see Beer v. United States,
696 F.3d 1174 (Fed. Cir. 2012) (en banc), and the First Amendment, see
Boehner v. McDermott, 484 F.3d 573 (D.C. Cir 2007) (en banc). I have
also handled pro bono cases seeking to protect individuals from
arbitrary or unlawful government action. See e.g., Maslenjak v. United
States, 137 S. Ct. 1975 (2017); Perry v. Merit Systems Protection
Board, 137 S. Ct. 1975 (2017). I revere the U.S. Constitution, and if
confirmed all my actions will be animated by fidelity to that document.
As a lawyer in private practice, my actions have had the impact of
civilly resolving disputes over my clients' rights and advancing their
interests. If confirmed, I will seek to advance the interests of the
United States, including our interest in promoting democracy and the
rule of law in cooperation with our Mexican partners.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Mexico?
What are the most important steps you expect to take--if confirmed--to
promote human rights and democracy in Mexico? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions?
Answer. I understand that the most pressing human rights issues in
Mexico include unlawful or arbitrary killing, forced disappearances,
torture, arbitrary detention, impunity, and violence directed against
journalists. I believe that the most important steps we can take are to
continue to support ongoing Mexican efforts to strengthen the justice
sector to promote accountability for violators of human rights.
Enhancing the capability and independence of the police, prosecutors,
and the courts is essential to strengthen the rule of law and address
impunity. The national search commission holds promise to address the
problem of forced disappearances. I believe that my background and
experience as a lawyer will enhance my ability to make a positive
impact in these areas.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Mexico in advancing
human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. I understand that Mexico is continuing to carry out an
historic transformation of its justice system as it completes the
transition from an inquisitorial to an accusatorial system and
establishes a new Prosecutor General designed to have higher
professional standards and greater independence. In addition, I
understand that Mexico has also passed major legislation addressing
torture and disappearances over the last two years. These changes will
take years to fully implement, and at the same time Mexico faces
historic levels of criminal violence, largely driven by transnational
criminal organizations. In light of these challenges, I believe our
continuing support for Mexican efforts is critical.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Mexico? If confirmed, what steps will you
take to proactively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I pledge to meet with human rights
groups, civil society and other non-governmental organizations in the
United States and Mexico. In fact, if confirmed, I plan to begin
meetings with U.S.-based human rights organizations even before I
arrive in Mexico. If confirmed, I also pledge to fully support the
Leahy Law to ensure that any potential Mexican recipient of U.S.
security assistance is thoroughly vetted. Also in this regard, if
confirmed, I will explore ways in which we can continue to make human
rights training a part of our broader security assistance efforts.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Mexico to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise
unjustly targeted by Mexico?
Answer. While I am not aware of any credible reports of political
prisoners or detainees in Mexico, if confirmed, I will ensure the
Embassy takes all appropriate steps to address any such cases. In
addition, if I am confirmed, the protection and well-being of
incarcerated U.S. citizens will be a top priority.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns through appropriate
channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns through appropriate
channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Mexico?
Answer. My investment portfolio includes diversified exchange-
traded funds and diversified mutual funds, which may hold interests in
companies with a presence in Mexico, but which are exempt from the
conflict of interest laws. My investment portfolio also includes sector
funds, which may hold interests in companies with a presence in Mexico,
as well as financial interests in companies that maintain a presence in
Mexico. I am committed to ensuring that my official actions will not
give rise to a conflict of interest. I will divest all investments the
State Department Ethics Office deems necessary to avoid a conflict of
interest, and I will remain vigilant with regard to my ethics
obligations.
Question. You will be managing one of our largest missions with
more than 2,500 staff spread across the Embassy and consulates in ten
cities. You will be responsible for large numbers of American families
and the many Mexican locally engaged staff the Mission depends on to
function.
Can you tell me about your management experience and how you plan
to lead such a large, diverse, and geographically scattered
team?
Answer. I have been a partner at two of the largest law firms in
the world for almost 25 years. In that role, I have led innumerable
teams of lawyers on cases, sometimes multiple lawyers at different
firms in a single case. I understand the importance of effective
leadership, especially in the context of a large and sprawling Mission
like Mexico: setting clear priorities, ensuring all members of the team
know how they contribute to the success of the mission, and
establishing clear channels for communication. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with the country team to ensure the success of
Mission Mexico.
Having grown up in a Foreign Service family, I am familiar with the
operation of an embassy, and the importance of keeping up the morale of
all the various team components, including employees of different
federal agencies, foreign national employees, and employees at the
various consulates throughout the country.
Question. What steps would you take to ensure the continued
motivation and morale of the Mission's hundreds of Mexican staff in
light of potentially harsh rhetoric between our countries' leaders?
Answer. Managing the diverse workforce of Mission Mexico, to
include both Embassy and Consulate staff, multiple U.S. government
agencies, contractors, direct-hires, U.S. citizens and Mexican
nationals, will be a top priority for me if confirmed as Ambassador.
Having grown up in a Foreign Service family, and having worked
shoulder-to-shoulder with foreign national staff during my summer
breaks, I am keenly aware of the critical contributions of such staff
to the embassy's mission.
I believe maintaining a positive work environment, open
communication, and respecting the richness that diversity brings to our
organization and work is an important part of being a good leader. If
confirmed, I look forward to meeting the team in Mission Mexico,
learning from them, and working together with that talented staff to
strengthen the vital U.S.-Mexico relationship.Research from private
industry demonstrates that, when managed well, diversity makes business
teams better both in terms of creativity and in terms of productivity.
Question. What will you do to promote, mentor and support your
staff that come from diverse backgrounds and underrepresented groups in
the Foreign Service?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to leading the diverse team at
Mission Mexico and to tapping the unique talents of each individual to
advance our bilateral relationship and promote U.S. foreign policy
objectives. If confirmed, I will prioritize training and mentoring to
ensure that all employees have the skills and support necessary for
current and future career development.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make clear that a diverse and
inclusive work environment is a key priority.
I understand that the State Department is fully committed to equal
employment opportunity (EEO) and ensuring the Department's work
environment is free from prohibited discrimination and harassment. I
further understand this includes improving and enhancing mentorship
programs, expanding outreach to managers who make hiring decisions, and
encouraging collaboration with external partners. If confirmed, I will
ensure that the Department's EEO policies in Mission Mexico are
understood and followed, and will take advantage of the variety of
programs the Department offers to help supervisors work with a
multicultural staff.
Question. Combatting corruption is important everywhere, but in few
places more so than Mexico. Eliminating corruption ensures
transnational criminal groups do not find safe haven in Mexico and it
levels the playing field for U.S. companies doing business in Mexico.
President Lopez Obrador was elected in large part due to his pledges to
root out corruption, but thus far he has done comparatively little to
complete the National Anti-Corruption system or implement promises his
promises.
How do you believe political corruption impacts democratic
governance and the rule of law generally, and in Mexico
specifically?
Answer. Corruption is a challenge for all countries, including
Mexico. Addressing corruption, promoting transparency and abiding by
the rule of law are essential to good governance in any country. If
confirmed, I commit to working with the Mexican government to support
efforts in these areas.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Mexico
and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. Corruption is a challenge for all countries, and I
understand that the Mexican government is working to fight impunity and
corruption and promote good governance at the federal and state levels.
I understand that Mexico is in the midst of an historic transition to
an open, accusatorial system of justice, and that successful
implementation of this effort will require substantial dedication and
perseverance. I also understand that President Lopez Obrador ran for
office on an anti-corruption platform, stated that he will not tolerate
it in his administration, and recently appointed the first independent
prosecutor general for Mexico. If confirmed, I will support these and
other efforts to help Mexico fight corruption.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in Mexico?
Answer. I have dedicated my career to promoting the rule of law. If
confirmed, I will support good governance and anti-corruption efforts
in Mexico. I will continue to work with our partners in Mexico to
strengthen an independent judiciary and will be ready to support
Mexico's efforts as appropriate with my own professional experience and
contacts throughout various branches of the U.S. federal and state
governments.
Question. We have worked closely with Mexico to confront shared
security challenges. Through the Merida Initiative, a bilateral
security and rule of law partnership, Congress has provided Mexico
approximately $3.0 billion since 2008. President Lopez Obrador has been
highly critical of Merida and has called for a different approach.
How do you view the overall security situation in Mexico?
Answer. I understand that Mexico continues to confront the threat
posed by transnational criminal organizations. I further understand the
United States and Mexico are committed to work together to address our
shared security challenges, including confronting transnational
criminal organizations, human smuggling and trafficking, the
trafficking of illicit drugs, and illegal migration. If confirmed, I
will work with our Mexican counterparts to advance these shared
priorities.
Question. What are your views on the Merida Initiative?
Answer. I believe that the Merida Initiative established a vital
framework for ongoing cooperation and dialogue between U.S. and Mexican
officials on security matters of mutual concern. As with any such
initiative, I believe that it is important from time to time to review
whether specific programs are effective and worthwhile. If confirmed, I
look forward to engaging in such a review with appropriate U.S. and
Mexican officials.
Question. How can we best partner with Mexico on shared security
issues of concern?
Answer. I believe that we can best partner with Mexico on shared
security issues of concern by identifying such issues and working
closely together to develop a strategy that yields mutually beneficial
results.
Question. Are adjustments needed in our security partnership?
Answer. I believe adjustments are a fact of life in any
partnership. The Merida Initiative has evolved over the years, and I
will look for opportunities with Mexico to make additional adjustments
where necessary and appropriate to reflect changes in conditions and
priorities.
Question. Over-militarizing law enforcement creates human rights
concerns and is limited in its effectiveness. President Lopez Obrador
pledged to demilitarize policing during the campaign, but he now
appears to be backtracking on this pledge.
W hat role do you believe the Mexican military should have in
internal security and law enforcement?
Answer. I share the concern about over-militarization of law
enforcement. By the same token, I recognize that transnational criminal
organizations pose a substantial security threat to both the United
States and Mexico, and that, to date, civilian police forces in Mexico
have not been able to adequately meet this threat. If confirmed, I look
forward to discussions with officials in both Mexico and the United
States, including you and other interested Members of Congress,
regarding this important issue.
Question. How do you plan to engage the Mexican government on this
issue?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize discussing ways in which
the United States and Mexico can best align our law enforcement and
security cooperation efforts, within the framework of how the Mexican
government, through its democratic processes, chooses to organize its
public security forces. I will, of course, always work to support
Mexican efforts to advance human rights and promote democratic
governance, and look forward to discussing the role of the military in
internal security and law enforcement activities in this context.
Question. One of the strengths of NAFTA was its incorporation of
labor standards. These are critical as they both ensure protections for
Mexican workers and a level playing field for American businesses.
What is your assessment of the labor provisions in the USMCA?
Answer. I understand that the USMCA includes a fully revised labor
chapter with the strongest, most advanced, and most comprehensive set
of enforceable labor obligations of any U.S. trade agreement, as well
as a special annex on worker representation in collective bargaining in
Mexico. On May 1, 2019, the government of Mexico--consistent with its
2017 Constitutional reforms and in adherence with its USMCA
commitments--approved groundbreaking reforms that will overhaul the
country's system of labor justice and provide for the effective
recognition of the right to bargain collectively.
Question. In your view, were Mexico's most recent labor reforms
sufficient?
Answer. I understand the Mexican labor legislation is fully
consistent with the obligations Mexico undertook in the USMCA. I
believe that these reforms will promote better working conditions and
higher wages for Mexican workers, and create the conditions for fairer
competition between U.S. workers and their Mexican counterparts.
Question. If confirmed, how would you help to ensure Mexican
compliance with the provisions of the USMCA if the agreement is
ratified?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to facilitating U.S.
government efforts to ensure Mexico's compliance and to working closely
with the Mexican government as it implements these important reforms.
Question. In December 2018, the Trump administration announced a
new policy, the Migration Protection Protocols, to require asylum
seekers who arrive at our southern border to wait in Mexico while
United States immigration courts process their cases. Under the
``Remain in Mexico'' plan, asylum seekers could remain in limbo for a
year or more in a country that has offered few details on how it will
ensure immigrants adequate protections.
As documented by the American Immigration Council, the American
Immigration Lawyers Association, and Catholic Legal Immigration Network
in a February 2019 letter to then-Department of Homeland Security
Secretary Nielsen, there is substantial evidence that Mexican border
towns are ``not safe places for asylum seekers'' and that the Migration
Protection Protocols will cause serious harm to those affected by its
implementation.
So long as the ``Remain in Mexico'' plan is in place, what specific
steps will you take to work with the Mexican government and
ensure that asylum seekers are provided protection, as well as
the opportunity to obtain a job, adequate housing, and other
services?
Answer. I understand that the State Department maintains an ongoing
dialogue and close cooperation with Mexico on a wide range of issues,
including border security efforts, immigration, and humanitarian
assistance.
I also understand that the Department is working with the
government of Mexico to provide opportunities within Mexico, including
working through multilateral partners such as the U.N. High
Commissioner for Refugees to bolster Mexico's Refugee Commission, so
that persons in need of international protection can find safety
without continuing the journey to the U.S. southern border. If
confirmed, I intend to engage the government of Mexico and our
international partners on these important efforts.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Jennifer D. Nordquist by Senator Robert Menendez
Economic Statecraft
Question. As I mentioned during the hearing, I am increasingly
concerned that the United States is not well positioned to engage in
economic statecraft for the twenty-first century, including promoting
U.S. jobs, business and economic interests, engaging in development
financing for infrastructure and other needs, including climate change-
related resiliency, and setting standards for emergent technologies and
the digital economy.
Can you expand upon how you view your role and your institutions
role, if you are confirmed, in helping to renew and replenish
U.S. economic statecraft instruments?
Answer. As the largest shareholder at all of the World Bank Group
institutions, the United States is well-placed to use its voice and
vote to ensure that our long-term economic and security interests are
at the forefront of the Bank's mission. The World Bank is already one
of the most important sources of financial assistance and policy advice
to many of our strategic partners in the developing world and plays a
vital role in helping to address many of the biggest economic and
development challenges we face, from creating jobs for youth, to
building quality infrastructure to help expand markets, investing in
health and education, and tackling fragility, conflict, and violence.
If confirmed, I look forward to ensuring that the World Bank remains a
leader in advancing progress on these issues. To be effective, it is
paramount that the Bank adhere to the Environmental and Social
Framework, and the many U.S. legislative requirements passed by
Congress, to ensure only high-quality projects are approved.
Question. Where do you see the biggest challenges? Biggest
opportunities?
Answer. It is critical to address the increasing debt burdens among
many middle and low-income countries, which stem in part from the
opening of many new sources of finance to these countries, including
from non-traditional official creditors. Many non-traditional lenders,
specifically China, do not appear to have the same goals as the Bank,
or the United States for that matter, because they do not adhere to a
rule-based system in any international fora. They underwrite
infrastructure initiatives that push developing countries into
unsustainable debt and dependence. Many of these projects are of poor
quality, with low environmental and social standards, and may indeed be
harmful to the countries receiving the loan or grant. As I mentioned at
the hearing, research published in the Journal of Public Economics last
year found that African countries taking these loans suffered from
increased corruption and had zero impact on local economic activity.
The opportunity is to show developing nations that the World Bank, with
a higher set of standards, has a track record of delivering positive
development results with its projects and that the Bank should be among
the first place these countries approach for development finance and
knowledge, not China.
Administrative
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation
against career employees based on their perceived political beliefs,
prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is
wholly inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If
confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all employees under your
leadership understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other
prohibited personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. Yes, I agree. I have worked with a great many civil
servants and have the highest respect for them. In fact my husband is a
civil servant. I pledge to protect all civil servants under me from any
of the prohibited practices above, should you confirm me. I was also
proud to gain the trust of my colleagues as noted in a letter in
support of my nomination which was signed by 38 bipartisan policymakers
and scholars, stating that I am ``respectful of diverse viewpoints, and
accepting of what evidence-based research shows without political
bias.''
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. In my current role, I discovered an anomaly on our books:
an employee had taken funds in a questionable way immediately prior to
my start date. Because this was highly unusual, I reported it to the
Office of Administration counsel who confronted the employee and began
an investigation. The employee then retaliated against me by lodging an
informal complaint of discrimination which was then investigated by the
EEO staff as well as our ethics officer, who informed me that he did
not find evidence of wrongdoing on my part, and the complainant was
uncooperative with his investigation. She then withdrew her EEO
complaint, with prejudice, as part of an agreement terminating her
employment.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of
sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious,
etc.), or inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you
had supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and
actions taken.
Answer. In my current role, some female interns complained of a
toxic work environment created by some male interns. Our general
counsel and I interviewed the entire intern class to get to the bottom
of it. Our investigation concluded that three of our male interns
behaved inappropriately, and we removed them from workplace immediately
and relieved them of their positions. I also talked to the female
interns afterwards to counsel them and further conferred with multiple
female members of our staff to determine measures to prevent this from
ever happening again; those measures were implemented immediately.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Jennifer D. Nordquist by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Human Rights and Corruption
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights, good governance, and
democracy? What has been the impact of your actions?
Answer. To date, I have mainly worked in the macroeconomic space,
focusing on academic research within the U.S. government and at the
Brookings Institution. However, in prior government service, I worked
to ensure good governance in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina,
working with state and local authorities to put systems in place to
help rebuild the Gulf Coast and help get those devastated by the storm
back on their feet. In addition, while living in Thailand, I did pro-
bono work on AIDS education and prevention, doing outreach to sex
workers about using protection. From my time living within an emerging
market and my background in economic research, I understand how
critical it is for countries to establish good governance and improve
public service delivery in order to reduce poverty and spur long-term
economic growth.
Question. How can the World Bank help to promote good governance
and safeguard human rights?
Answer. Multilateral institutions like the World Bank Group (WBG)
can help developing countries understand the importance of good
governance, rule of law, and human rights for poverty reduction, job
creation, and economic growth. governments should protect everyone
regardless of their race, creed, color, religion, or sexual
orientation. The most successful countries in the world have good
governance and protect human rights, while fragility, conflict, and
violence are inextricably linked to poor governance and abuse of human
rights. The WBG has technical expertise, combined with funds, to help
countries advance prosperity for the poorest, especially targeting the
least advantaged in these countries.
Question. If confirmed, how would you use this position to advance
human rights and good governance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will use my role as the U.S. representative
to the WBG to advance these goals, uphold standards that promote
transparency and protect human rights, and use the voice and vote of
the United States to oppose assistance to governments identified as
gross violators of human rights or not taking sufficient steps to
combat trafficking in persons, among others.
World Bank Capitalization
Question. On October 12, 2018, World Bank members, including the
United States, approved a $60.1 billion capital increase for the IBRD,
which would raise its capital from $268.9 billion to $329 billion.
While the Trump administration supports a U.S. contribution to the
capital increase, Congress must ultimately approve the use of U.S.
funds.
What are the benefits of increasing the IBRD's capital?
Answer. The capital increase package negotiated by the U.S.
Treasury institutes significant reforms at the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) in exchange for taxpayer funding
of $1.2 billion as our share of the increase over six years. If
Congress approves U.S. participation in the increase, it will be my job
to ensure that World Bank Management implements the reforms, should you
confirm me. The much-needed reforms that are part of the capital
increase package include: a financial sustainability framework that
prevents the IBRD from over lending; differentiated loan prices that
require better-off borrowers to pay more; increasing the proportion of
annual lending to the poorest IBRD borrowers; making sure the Bank
takes a stronger position on graduating countries that do not need IBRD
funds; and constraining overhead costs at the Bank itself, especially
by restraining salary growth. The additional funding from shareholders
will allow the Bank to maintain its recent levels of support to
developing countries in real terms without jeopardizing its triple-A
credit rating, while doing more to focus that support on countries
without access to other sources of development finance. The Bank needs
to be transparent, accountable and focused on sound, sustainable
projects that are economically robust and use evidence-based research
to ensure results meet the mission of eliminating extreme poverty.
Question. What repercussions would we see if the U.S. does not
contribute towards the capital increase?
Answer. Our voting share at the IBRD will be diluted, which makes
our voice and vote harder to hear and will make us less effective.
Furthermore, it will allow other shareholders such as China to have a
larger role, which is not in our national security nor economic
interests. The United States was a founding member of the Bretton Woods
system that created the World Bank and IMF. We should not cede our
leadership role. Further, the IBRD will have fewer resources to provide
to it its borrowers. For FY18, the Middle East and North Africa region
was the largest recipient of IBRD funds, which provide stability and
support U.S. priorities in the region, including through education
reforms, increasing youth and women's employment, and establishing more
stable, inclusive macroeconomic frameworks.
Diversity
Question. What will you do to promote, mentor and support your
staff that come from diverse backgrounds and underrepresented groups at
the IBRD?
Answer. I have lived and worked in culturally, religiously, and
ideologically diverse environments in Asia, Europe, and the United
States and hope to bring that background with me to the Bank, should
you confirm me. In particular, I have worked to mentor younger women my
entire career, especially at Brookings as a founding member of the
Women's Mentoring Network. I have counseled countless women elsewhere
in my career as well, including in my current job, encouraging younger
women to stay in economic policy, given the dearth of female and
minority economists in the United States. Staff diversity in any
organization is important, and more so in a multilateral, multicultural
institution.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the IBRD are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. Should you confirm me, I would like to see what systems
IBRD already has in place to foster diversity and inclusion. I would
then take that framework and discuss it with staff, particularly those
involved in hiring decisions.
Conflicts of Interest
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention any
change in policy or U.S. actions that you suspect may be influenced by
any of the President's business or financial interests, or the business
or financial interests of any senior White House staff?
Answer. Yes
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. Yes
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in any country abroad?
Answer. Other than stock ownership in some international companies,
any of which will be divested subject to agreement with OGE, I do not
have any interest of which I am aware.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Eliot Pedrosa by Senator Robert Menendez.
Economic Statecraft
Question. As I mentioned during the hearing, I am increasingly
concerned that the United States is not well positioned to engage in
economic statecraft for the twenty-first century, including promoting
U.S. jobs, business and economic interests, engaging in development
financing for infrastructure and other needs, including climate change-
related resiliency, and setting standards for emergent technologies and
the digital economy.
Can you expand upon how you view your role and your institutions
role, if you are confirmed, in helping to renew and replenish
U.S. economic statecraft instruments?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to leverage the United States'
leadership position as the largest shareholder of the IDB to promote
U.S. interests and its profile in the region. By promoting partnerships
between the IDB Group and the newly-created Development Finance
Corporation (DFC), the U.S. can magnify its impact throughout the
region. In my current role as Alternate Executive Director, I have
worked closely with my colleagues at OPIC to enhance cooperation and
deal sharing between OPIC and the IDB Group, and if confirmed as
Executive Director, I will continue to work with the DFC to expand and
deepen this cooperation.
Question. Where do you see the biggest challenges? Biggest
opportunities?
Answer. A significant challenge and opportunity will be working to
rebuild economies encumbered by unsustainable debt levels, often
because of non-market predatory lending by China. The crushing debt
burdens faced by countries like Venezuela, Ecuador and Argentina serve
as a potent warning to others in the region. The United States, working
with responsible partners in the G7 and the IFIs, should use this
opportunity to assist regional developing countries to improve the
institutional capacity of their ministries, demand transparency from
their lenders, and adopt responsible policies that channel borrowing
towards investment rather than consumption.
Administrative
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation
against career employees based on their perceived political beliefs,
prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is
wholly inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If
confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all employees under your
leadership understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other
prohibited personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. I agree and if confirmed will work to ensure that all
employees under my leadership are fully and properly trained in all
applicable policies and legal and ethical rules and that they abide by
their letter and spirit scrupulously.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. No allegations or complaints have been made against me.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of
sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious,
etc.), or inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you
had supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and
actions taken.
Answer. I have not received complaints or allegations of this
nature against an employee over whom I had supervisory authority.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Eliot Pedrosa by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Human Rights
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. As United States Alternate Director of the InterAmerican
Development Bank, I have used my voice and vote on the IDB Board to
promote human rights (including the rights of victims of human
trafficking, the disabled, and religious minorities), gender equality,
democracy, transparency and rule of law. I am particularly proud of our
office's work to have the IDB recognize representatives of Interim
President Guaido as the legitimate representatives of Venezuela at the
IDB. I also continue to work to restrain IDB assistance to Nicaragua,
given the deterioration in respect for human rights and democracy
occurring there. Outside the boardroom, I have spoken to groups such as
the Council of the Americas and the United States Global Leadership
Coalition about the importance of human rights and rule of law and of
the important role the IDB and other MDBs can play in their promotion.
Previous to my current role, I worked on projects for the promotion
of democracy and human rights throughout my career. As a law student, I
had the opportunity to serve as a research assistant for the Harvard
Institute for International Development's Central America Project,
contributing to the publication of a book on legal reform in Central
America. More recently, I spoke as a panelist at Harvard Law School on
the continued failure of the Cuban government to respect democracy and
human rights. Finally, through my service as Chairman of the Dean's
Advisory Council of the Green School of International and Public
Affairs at Florida International University, I provided support for the
education and scholarship generated under the Green School's umbrella,
such as the V clav Havel Program for Human Rights & Diplomacy.
Diversity
Question. What will you do to promote, mentor and support your
staff that come from diverse backgrounds and underrepresented groups at
the IDB?
Answer. If confirmed as Executive Director I will continue to
promote, mentor, and support staff who come from diverse backgrounds
and underrepresented groups, consistent with fair management practices
and relevant U.S. government and IDB policies.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the IDB are fostering an environment that is diverse and
inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to use my oversight role on
the IDB's Board of Directors to try to ensure that IDB management
fosters an environment that is diverse and inclusive. I will also
continue to advocate for these issues to be considered, as appropriate,
in the implementation and execution of IDB's human resources policies.
Conflicts of Interest
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention any
change in policy or U.S. actions that you suspect may be influenced by
any of the President's business or financial interests, or the business
or financial interests of any senior White House staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continue to carry out my duties
consistent with applicable conflict of interest laws and policies, and
to reporting any potential misconduct of which I become aware to the
appropriate authorities.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to continue to carry out my duties
consistent with applicable conflict of interest laws and policies, and
to reporting any potential misconduct of which I become aware to the
appropriate authorities.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in any country abroad?
Answer. No.
China in Latin America
Question. Latin America and the Caribbean's economic relationship
with China is increasing quickly, with exports to China increasing by
30 percent in 2017 according to IDB data. As China-Latin America trade
has increased over the past several years, China has increased its
financial contributions to various IDB financing mechanisms and China
was chosen as the site for the 2019 IDB annual meetings.
How can the U.S. respond to China's increasing influence in the
Western Hemisphere, especially in light of the U.S. decision to
scale back contributions to the IDB?
Answer. The United States should leverage its leading role in the
relevant multilateral development banks--especially the IDB--to
coordinate multilateral efforts with the efforts of the U.S. private
sector and U.S. bilateral financing to provide a credible alternative
to Chinese lending to the developing nations of the Western Hemisphere.
The United States and the IDB can also provide technical assistance and
cooperation to improve the institutional capacities of regional
governments so that they can better protect themselves from predatory
lending practices.
The economic importance of China to the region has been growing
quickly, but its impact has not fairly benefited the region's
developing economies. China's demand for commodities positively
contributed to Latin America's growth over the past decade, but has
also deepened the region's dependence on commodities exports and
exposure to volatility. The region must have a clear vision for what it
hopes the relationship with China will be and ensure that Chinese trade
and investment do not undercut the incentives to improve business
environments, governance structures, and macroeconomic policies.
BUILD Act
Question. As you know, The BUILD Act is part of the U.S. policy
response to China's growing economic influence in developing countries.
It aims to provide an alternative to China's state-directed investment
financing model--which many U.S. policymakers view as lacking
transparency, operating under inadequate environmental and social
safeguards for projects, and employing questionable lending practices
that may lead to unsustainable debt burdens in some poorer countries
(``debt diplomacy'').
What can you do to make multilateral development bank financing
more attractive to developing countries relative to bilateral
financing by China?
Answer. Multilateral development banks should focus on their core
value proposition to borrowers, which relies on lending that is
sustainable and targets development impact in the borrowing country. By
pairing sustainable, responsible lending with technical expertise and
advice, the MDBs offer full-service development solutions that benefit
the borrower, in contrast to Chinese bilateral lending, which primarily
benefits China. MDBs should also continue to provide technical
assistance and cooperation to improve the institutional capacities of
regional governments so that they can better protect themselves from
predatory lending practices. Finally, MDBs should continue to promote
debt transparency and support their borrowers in demanding transparency
from their bilateral lenders as well.
Question. What are opportunities for synergies between the new DFC
and the IDB in collaborating on infrastructure and other projects in
countries along China's Belt and Road Initiative?
Answer. The synergies between the DFC and the IDB's private sector
window, IDB Invest, are vast. The two organizations share common
values, common safeguards for environmental, social and governance
standards, and a common approach to development effectiveness that
makes them natural partners and co-investors. As United States
Alternate Executive Director at the IDB, I have been working to
increase coordination between OPIC and the IDB Group, and if confirmed
as Executive Director, I will continue to work with the DFC towards
that goal.
Northern Triangle of Central America
Question. The IDB has worked extensively in Central America's
Northern Triangle.
How would you gauge the effectiveness at these efforts in
increasing security, good governance, and prosperity to address
the root causes of migration?
Answer. The IDB's work with the Northern Triangle countries--both
as a lender and as the technical secretariat of the Alliance for
Prosperity--has provided important support for regional initiatives
aimed at strengthening all three countries, including for example,
strengthening the countries' push towards a customs union and an
integrated regional market for electricity. However, much work remains
to be done both on citizen security, rule of law, and creating economic
opportunity so that the citizens of the Northern Triangle countries can
feel both a sense of personal safety and fair opportunity, which can
lower their vulnerability to migration. If confirmed, I will continue
to support the IDB's efforts and focus on improving the effectiveness
of these programs.
Question. What more can the IDB do to address the root causes of
migration?
Answer. The IDB should continue to support the governments of the
Northern Triangle countries as they push for greater regional
integration, more transparency and enhanced rule of law. In addition,
IDB Invest should support the private sector in these countries to help
promote greater investment and economic development. Historically, 9
out of 10 new jobs are created by the private sector, and the
participation of the private sector in the Northern Triangle is
critical to addressing the root causes of migration.
Question. If confirmed, how would you work to ensure the IDB
effectively channels resources and technical assistance to the region?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to work with IDB management
and my colleagues from the other IDB members to ensure that IDB lending
is targeted to projects whose impact can improve conditions for those
vulnerable populations who are victimized by organized trafficking
rings. In addition, I will continue to work to ensure that technical
assistance resources are effectively targeted to improve security and
rule of law in order to create an environment receptive to investment
and economic development.
Venezuela Crisis
Question. What role does the IDB have in ensuring the region is
equipped to handle the effects of the Venezuela crisis, including the
influx of millions of fleeing Venezuelans?
Answer. Recovery of the Venezuelan economy will require fundamental
economic policy change, but also immediate humanitarian assistance and
external financing to reactivate severely eroded productive capacity.
International participation will be important, including from the IDB
and other IFIs, and coordination with the region will be a critical
component to any assistance effort. The IDB's role will be central
within this broad framework, and the IDB is already engaged in a
dialogue with the representatives of Venezuela's legitimate government,
appointed by Interim President Juan Guaido, on the planning for that
effort.
In addition, the IDB has an important role to play in assisting
Venezuela's neighbors to mitigate the regional impacts of Venezuela's
crisis. This year, the IDB--with United States support--authorized the
use of up to $100 million in grant resources, to be deployed alongside
ordinary lending, to support IDB borrowing members who have been the
destination for large and sudden migration of Venezuelans fleeing the
crisis in their homeland. As IDB commits and disburses these funds, it
will be important that they be used to maximum effect to mitigate the
impacts of this regional crisis.
Question. Do you believe the IDB has the resources it needs to
respond to the Venezuela crisis?
Answer. The IDB is well-capitalized and operates with a disciplined
long-term financial plan, which places it in a strong position to
marshal the resources needed to fill this role as part of a coordinated
response to the crisis.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, JUNE 20, 2019
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:50 a.m. in Room
SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. James E. Risch,
chairman of the committee, presiding.
Present: Senators Risch [presiding], Rubio, Gardner,
Romney, Barrasso, Paul, Young, Cruz, Menendez, Cardin, Shaheen,
Murphy, Kaine, and Markey.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
The Chairman. The committee will come to order.
Good morning, everyone. We have four nominations to hear
this morning.
And just a friendly reminder for our guests in the audience
that we invite everyone's participation here as guests.
Expressions of approval or disapproval, et cetera, of course,
are not permitted. There is an appropriate process for dealing
with this. We hope that is not necessary.
So with that, we are going to hear four important
positions. Our nominees today are Mr. Andrew Bremberg to be
Ambassador to the U.N. mission in Geneva; the Honorable Philip
Goldberg to be Ambassador to Colombia; Mr. Doug Manchester to
be Ambassador to The Bahamas; and Mr. Adrian Zuckerman to be
Ambassador to Romania.
First, we have Mr. Bremberg, nominated to serve as
Ambassador to the Office of the United Nations and other
international organizations in Geneva. Mr. Bremberg has a long
history of public service and currently serves as Assistant to
the President and Senior Advisor for Domestic Policy at the
White House. He previously worked, as many of us here know, as
policy advisor and counsel for Leader McConnell. He has also
worked at the Department of Health and Human Services for 8
years in a variety of capacities.
The U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. in Geneva is a critical
role, which represents the U.S. at over 20 U.N. agencies based
there. These agencies include the World Health Organization,
the U.N. Refugee Agency, the International Organization for
Migration, and the International Labor Organization, all very
important organizations, and others besides.
Right now, the World Health Organization is facing a
serious problem with the Ebola outbreak in DRC and Uganda. It
is critical the U.S. continues to work closely with the World
Health Organization to prevent the spread of this serious
disease. The spread, of course, is also complicated by the
political disruptions in the area.
Also, as the world is facing a large refugee crisis now,
the U.S. needs to work closely with the U.N. Refugee Agency and
International Organization for Migration to ensure that the
growing needs are being addressed.
I look forward to hearing from you on these and many other
issues during today's hearing.
Next, we have Ambassador Philip S. Goldberg, nominated to
serve as Ambassador to Colombia. Ambassador Goldberg is a
Career Minister in the U.S. Foreign Service and has received
numerous presidential, State Department, and intelligence
community awards. Ambassador Goldberg served as U.S. Ambassador
to the Philippines and Bolivia, Chief of Mission in Kosovo, and
Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence and Research.
Colombia is a key U.S. ally and the oldest democracy in
Latin America with a growing international footprint. Our
bilateral relations are anchored in the security framework of
the 1999 Plan Colombia and the 2012 U.S.-Colombia Free Trade
Agreement. Colombia is going through a significant
transformation as it seeks to implement the 2016 peace
agreement between the Santos government and the FARC terrorist
organization. Colombian peace and prosperity continues to be
threatened by criminal organizations inside its territory.
Terrorist groups operating from Venezuela such as the National
Liberation Army and the massive influx of refugees from the
political and humanitarian crisis in Venezuela, which all of
us, particularly I think myself and the ranking member, are
very concerned.
If confirmed, Ambassador Goldberg would fill a key role in
strengthening our diplomatic relations with Colombia.
Next, we have Mr. Doug Manchester, nominated to serve as
Ambassador to The Bahamas. Mr. Manchester is a successful
businessman and prominent philanthropist in his community. He
is the former chairman of the Manchester Financial Group and
former chairman and publisher of the San Diego Union Tribune.
The United States has traditionally enjoyed close economic
ties and cooperative relations with The Bahamas, which lies 45
miles from Florida. Like other countries in the hemisphere, The
Bahamas has become a destination of interest for Chinese
investment and engagement. The U.S. has not had an Ambassador
in The Bahamas since 2011, the longest gap in nearly 50 years.
Some areas of productive engagement with the Bahamian
authorities and people include energy investment, strengthening
security cooperation, and support to counter Chinese predatory
economic practices.
I look forward to hearing from Mr. Manchester about how he
plans to continue U.S. engagement with The Bahamas.
Finally, we have Mr. Adrian Zuckerman of New Jersey,
nominated to be the Ambassador to Romania. Mr. Zuckerman is a
partner in the international law firm of Seyforth Shaw. A
member of the New York Bar, he has practiced law since 1984.
Mr. Zuckerman immigrated to the United States from communist
Romania when he was 10 years old.
Romania is a key U.S. partner in Europe and currently holds
the rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union.
While they have been a NATO member since 2004 and an EU member
since 2007, rampant corruption still remains an issue in the
country. Romania continues to have difficulty with rule of law
and has been designated a tier 2 country by the State
Department for its continuing problems with trafficking in
persons, a serious situation.
Despite these domestic issues, Romania has been an
excellent military partner for the U.S. and NATO.
And I look forward to hearing your ideas about how the U.S.
can both deepen our bilateral relationship and continue to
encourage positive reforms in Romania.
Thank you for being with us here today.
Now I will turn it over to Senator Menendez.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
To all the nominees, welcome and thank you for your
willingness to serve.
Now, normally I would use this time to praise the nominees
before us for their deep knowledge and understanding of the
region or institution where they will serve their extensive
service to our country and the fine example we expect them to
set as representatives of the United States abroad. However,
with the exception of Ambassador Goldberg, I have strong
concerns about each of these nominees today on this panel from
policy grounds and lack of diplomatic experience to concerns on
matters of character. And I hope the nominees can convince me
today that my concerns are groundless and mistaken.
Let me be clear. While I will be raising concerns about the
backgrounds and views of the individual nominees who are here
today, my real qualm is with the White House, which continues
to send us nominees that, frankly, call into question whether
the administration is conducting any due diligence before
deciding who should be entrusted with the honor of serving the
American people.
Mr. Bremberg, if confirmed, you will represent the United
States at the United Nations mission in Geneva at a time when,
in some parts of the world, including here in Congress, there
is concern about the administration's commitment to
multilateral institutions and international organizations and
the values they are championing at these forums.
Geneva is home to some of the most important U.N. entities
and international organizations, including the International
Labor Organization, the International Organization for
Migration, the U.N. Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Human Rights, the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees, the U.N. Population Fund, the World Health
Organization, and many others. If confirmed, you will be
responsible for advancing a wide range of U.S. interests at
these organizations.
I have no doubt that you have expertise on a number of
domestic policy issues, but I have concerns about your
nomination to such a prominent diplomatic role, given your lack
of experience in international diplomacy and on foreign policy
issues more broadly.
In addition, I have serious reservations about your
suitability for this position based on some of the domestic
policies you have advanced. While at the White House, you were
involved in a number of troubling policies, including efforts
to restrict access to birth control, to add a citizenship
question to the Census. You also played a lead role in
championing a deregulatory agenda that has repealed measures to
protect women's health, retirement security, workplace safety,
clean water, and anti-corruption safeguards.
If these are the American values you will seek to
championing in Geneva, I believe we are in a world of trouble.
As I stated earlier, I hope you can convince me otherwise, and
I look forward to hearing from you today.
Mr. Manchester, frankly I am surprised to see you back
here. After your last appearance before the committee, you made
statements that I could not find fathomable, including that The
Bahamas was a protectorate of the United States.
Subsequent to your hearing and committee vote last
Congress, information came out about a hostile work environment
you fostered towards women at the San Diego Union Tribune.
So I look forward to exploring those issues with you after
your testimony.
Mr. Zuckerman, when looking at Romania, I am concerned
about the rule of law and corruption. Transparency
International ranks Romania as one of the bottom four members
of the European Union in terms of corruption, and I have heard
from members of the American business community that problems
with due process and rule of law hinder U.S. business
investments there. The U.S. Ambassador to Romania must press
the government of Romania on addressing corruption and
strengthening its institutions to create a friendlier climate
not only for Romania's people and businesses, but for U.S.
companies as well. I intend to raise these and some other
issues that I think you are familiar with during your
questioning.
Finally, I am pleased that we are considering the
nomination for our next Ambassador to Colombia, one of the
United States' closest partners in the Americas. Over 2
decades, our countries have built a close-knit partnership, and
the U.S. was proud to have stood with Colombia as it signed a
historic peace accord in 2016. However, achieving peace
requires a strategic vision and enduring commitment.
So I look forward to hearing from Ambassador Goldberg as to
how he envisions U.S. support for Colombia at this key moment,
especially given the continued counternarcotics challenges and
threats to social leaders around the country. I welcome the
Ambassador's comments on how the U.S. can best support Colombia
as it responds to the humanitarian crisis in Venezuela and the
impact of more than 4 million refugees and migrants that are
fleeing that country.
Thank you all, and I look forward to your testimony.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Menendez.
We will start with Mr. Bremberg.
STATEMENT OF ANDREW P. BREMBERG, OF VIRGINIA, TO BE
REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE OFFICE OF
THE UNITED NATIONS AND OTHER INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN
GENEVA, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR
Mr. Bremberg. Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez,
distinguished members of this committee, thank you for the
opportunity to be considered to represent the United States of
America to the United Nations and other international
organizations in Geneva.
I want to thank the President for nominating me for this
position and for the trust he has placed in me.
I would not be here today without the support of my family.
My wife Maria; my children, Paul, Lucy, Jane, and Annie; and
other members of my family that are here with me today. I
cannot thank them enough for their love and support and the
sacrifices that they have made on my behalf. In particular, I
want to thank my mother Rebecca for coming from New Jersey
today. While growing up in Summit, her daily example of love
and service to others has been the most formative experience of
my life.
Public service to our country has been my life's calling. I
have served in government for more than a decade, both in the
Senate and during two administrations. I have worked at the
Department of Health and Human Services, and most recently I
served as the Director of the Domestic Policy Council at the
White House where I ran the interagency process for domestic
policy issues, similar to the National Security Council.
I have worked on a wide range of domestic and foreign
policy issues in these positions, but through all of them, I
have learned key skills that have served me well: the
importance of consensus building and creating coalitions to
support key initiatives: the value our career foreign and civil
services can bring to address technical and complex policy
issues; and the necessity of putting the American people first
at every decision point.
If confirmed to be the U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. in
Geneva, I intend to focus on promoting human rights and
advocating for key reforms in the U.N. system on behalf of the
American people.
American leadership was critical to the formation of the
United Nations and adoption of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights. When we consider the ethnic cleansing of the
Rohingya in Burma, the detention of 1 million Uighurs in China,
and the growing crisis in Venezuela, it is clear that America's
voice and moral clarity on human rights is needed to today as
much as ever.
Regrettably, the United Nations Human Rights Council in
Geneva has not lived up to its noble mission or its name. The
only permanent item on the council's agenda is criticism of
Israel, which is a beacon of democracy and protection of human
rights in a region that has little of either.
If confirmed, I commit to giving voice to human rights
issues that the council is either incapable or unwilling to
address. I will continue to work productively with the Office
of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, and I will meet with
human rights advocates and ensure that American leadership is
consistently present on human rights.
To legitimately fulfill its mandate, the Human Rights
Council must be a fair, reliable, and impartial advocate for
human rights and fundamental freedom. This is not possible if
countries like China are allowed to use its influence campaign
to undermine the work of the HRC. For example, we cannot stand
for Chinese threats to missions in Geneva urging them to stay
away from an event organized on March 13th about China's
internment of Uighurs and other Muslim minorities in Xinjiang.
American leadership was essential to the creation of the
United Nations and we must pursue reforms to international
organizations to protect the universal values these
institutions were created to foster and defend in the first
place.
If confirmed, I will advocate for reforms at U.N.
organizations to protect U.S. sovereignty and the broader world
order we have fought so hard to create. We contribute more to
the United Nations than any other country. It is our duty to
ensure these funds are spent effectively, efficiently, and in a
manner consistent with American values and interests.
An example of the kind of reform I am talking about is an
effort I spearheaded at the White House to address unfair
postal rates in the Universal Postal Union. The UPU sets rates
that foreign postal operators, such as the China Post,
compensate the U.S. Postal Service for shipping small packages
once they arrive in the United States. Under the current
system, these rates are set so low that certain foreign
shippers pay 70 percent less compared to what a U.S. small
business has to pay to ship a package the same distance within
the United States. In practice, this allows some Chinese
sellers to sell for less their product, including shipping,
than an American business must pay for shipping costs alone.
The administration is currently seeking to renegotiate the UPU
conventions to address this issue, and I am committed to
working with our international partners to fix this problem.
If confirmed, I commit to bring the same eye and initiative
to other international organizations to seek reforms that will
better protect Americans and people around the world.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before this
committee today, and I will be happy to answer your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Bremberg follows:]
Prepared Statement of Andrew P. Bremberg
Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez, distinguished Members of
the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to be considered to
represent the United States of America to the United Nations and Other
International Organizations in Geneva. I want to thank the President
for nominating me for this position and for the trust he has placed in
me.
I would not be here today without the support of my family. My wife
Maria, my children Paul, Lucy, Jane and Annie, and other members of my
family that are here with me today. I cannot thank them enough for
their love and support, and the sacrifices they have made on my behalf.
In particular, I want to thank my mother Rebecca for coming from New
Jersey today. While growing up in Summit, her daily example of love and
service to others has been the most formative experience of my life.
Public service to our country has been my life's calling. I have
served in government for more than a decade, both in the Senate and
during two administrations. I have worked at the Department of Health
and Human Services, and most recently, I served as the Director of the
Domestic Policy Council at the White House, where I ran the interagency
process for domestic policy issues similar to the National Security
Council.
I have worked on a wide range of domestic and foreign policy issues
in these positions, but throughout all of them I learned key skills
that have served me well:
The importance of consensus-building and creating coalitions to
support key initiatives;
The value our career foreign and civil services can bring to bear
to address technical and complex policy issues; and
The necessity of putting the American people first at every
decision point.
If confirmed to be the U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. in Geneva, I
intend to focus on promoting Human Rights, and advocating for key
reforms in the U.N. system on behalf of the American people.
American leadership was critical to the formation of the United
Nation and adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. When
we consider the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya in Burma, the
detention of one million Uighurs [wee-gurs] in China, and the growing
crisisin Venezuela, it is clear that America's voice and moral clarity
on human rights is needed today as much as ever.
Regrettably, the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva has
not lived up to its noble mission or its name. The only permanent item
on the Council's agenda is criticism of Israel, which is a beacon of
democracy and protection of human rights in a region that has little of
either.
If confirmed, I commit to giving voice to human rights issues that
the Council is either incapable or unwilling to address. I will
continue to work productively with the Office of the High Commissioner
for Human Rights, and I will meet with human rights advocates and
ensure that American leadership is consistently present on human
rights.
To legitimately fulfill its mandate, the Human Rights Council must
be a fair, reliable, and impartial advocate for human rights and
fundamental freedom. This is not possible if counties like China are
allowed to use its influence campaign to undermine the work of the HRC.
For example, we cannot stand for Chinese threats to missions in Geneva
urging them to stay away from an event organized onMarch 13 about
China's internment of Uighurs and other Muslim minorities in Xinjiang.
American leadership was essential to the creation of the United
Nations and we must pursue reforms to international organizations to
protect the universal values these institutions were created to defend
in the first place.
If confirmed, I will advocate for reforms at U.N. organizations to
protect U.S. sovereignty and the broader world order we have fought so
hard to create. We contribute more to the United Nations than any other
country. It is our duty to ensure these funds are spent effectively,
efficiently, and in a manner consistent with American values and
interests.
An example of the kind of reform I am talking about is an effort I
spearheaded at the White House to address unfair postal rates in the
Universal Postal Union (UPU).
The UPU sets the rates that foreign postal operators, such as the
China Post, compensates the U.S. Postal Service for shipping small
packages once those packages arrive in the United States. Under the
current system, these rates are set so low that certain foreign
shippers pay 70 percent less compared to what U.S. small businesses
have to pay to ship a package the same distance within the United
States. In practice, this allows some Chinese sellers to charge less
for their product (including shipping and handling) than an American
business must pay for shipping costs alone.
The administration is currently seeking to renegotiate the UPU
conventions to address this issue, and I am committed to working with
our international partners to fix this problem.
If confirmed, I commit to bring the same eye and initiative to
other international organizations to seek reforms that will better
protect Americans and people around the world.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before this committee
today, and I will be happy to answer your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Bremberg.
Ambassador Goldberg?
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE PHILIP S. GOLDBERG, OF THE DISTRICT
OF COLUMBIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE,
CLASS OF CAREER AMBASSADOR, TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES TO THE REPUBLIC OF
COLOMBIA
Ambassador Goldberg. Chairman Risch, Ranking Member
Menendez, members of the committee, I am greatly honored to
appear before you today as the President's nominee to serve as
U.S. Ambassador to Colombia.
This is the fourth time I have come before this committee
over the past 13 years to ask for your advice and consent to
serve in a presidential appointment. I deeply appreciate the
vital constitutional role played by the Senate and the Congress
as a whole in the foreign policy process. If confirmed, I will
work closely with Congress on all aspects of our relationship
with Colombia.
30 years ago, I received a miniature flag of Colombia and
was informed that I would be assigned to Bogota as a consular
and political officer. The country at the time was racked with
drug-fueled violence, urban bombings, and political
assassinations that threatened the future of democratic
governance and stability. Through hard work and perseverance,
the Colombian government and people with the assistance of the
government and people of the United States, disbanded the drug
cartels of that era.
In 2000, I returned to the embassy in Bogota on a temporary
assignment to coordinate our contribution to Plan Colombia, an
integrated approach to deal with the deteriorating political,
economic, and security situation in the country. Through Plan
Colombia, the Colombian government and people again organized
to address the lawlessness and violence associated with
criminal groups and the drug production that sustained them.
Kidnapping and homicides were reduced substantially. Drug
production and trafficking decreased. Again, the United States
stood at the side of the Colombian government and people as
they averted the potential collapse of the state.
In both periods, the success of our efforts was the result
of unwavering support from successive American administrations
and bipartisan backing from the U.S. Congress. In my diplomatic
career, Colombia has served as a model for how bipartisan
foreign policy can achieve results that serve American
interests, American values, and the American people.
Now Colombia has entered a challenging but also very
hopeful period in its history. In 2016, the Colombian
government reached a historic peace agreement with the FARC.
While implementation of the peace agreement has proven
difficult and at times uneven, it represents the best
opportunity to progress even further in key areas, particularly
in extending rule of law and economic development to large
areas of rural Colombia where human rights abuses and the
plight of the displaced continue to be serious problems.
Another urgent task is reducing the coca cultivation and
drug production that increased alarmingly from 2013 to 2017. To
reverse this troubling trend, the United States and Colombia
agreed in 2018 to a plan that aims to cut cultivation and drug
production in half by the end of 2023. Aggressive Colombian
efforts under the Duque government have already led to
substantially increased eradication of coca plants and
interdiction of coca paste.
And then there is Venezuela where a corrupt and
undemocratic regime has driven well over a million desperate
refugees and migrants into a generous Colombia, causing social,
economic, and budgetary challenges that exacerbate existing
problems and create whole new ones.
As the security situation in Colombia has improved over the
past 20 years so too has the economy. Colombia has become an
important destination U.S. trade and investment. Colombian GDP
has almost quadrupled in the past 20 years. Foreign investment
has increased during that time almost tenfold, and the poverty
rate cut from 64 to 28 percent. Our two-way trade of close to
$30 billion supports over 100,000 U.S. jobs and represents a
trade surplus in goods in our favor. With improved security,
tourism has grown, including to places that 30 years ago would
have been unimaginable. If confirmed, I will do all I can to
increase this side of our relationship, the economic
relationship.
I would be honored to return to Colombia to lead the
outstanding men and women who serve at our large and
multifaceted mission. If confirmed, I pledge to work with our
team to carry out a bilateral agenda rooted in a shared
commitment to democracy, security, and prosperity.
I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Goldberg follows:]
Prepared Statement Philip Goldberg
Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez, Members of the committee,
I am greatly honored to appear before you today as the President's
nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to Colombia. I appreciate
the confidence shown by the President and Secretary Pompeo in asking me
to take on this important responsibility.
This is the fourth time I have come before this committee over the
past 13 years to ask for your advice and consent to serve in a
presidential appointment. I fully understand and deeply appreciate the
vital constitutional role played by the Senate--and the Congress as a
whole--in the foreign policy process. If confirmed I look forward to
working closely with this committee and the entire Congress on our
relationship with Colombia.
Thirty years ago I received a miniature flag of Colombia and was
informed that I would be assigned to Bogota as a consular and political
officer. The country at the time was racked with drug-fueled violence,
urban bombings and political assassinations that threatened the future
of democratic governance and stability. Through hard work and
perseverance, the Colombian government and people--with the assistance
of the government and people of the United States--disbanded the drug
cartels of that era.
In 2000, I returned to the embassy in Bogota on a temporary
assignment to coordinate our contribution to Plan Colombia, an
integrated approach to deal with the deteriorating political, economic
and security situation in the country. Through Plan Colombia, the
Colombian government and people again organized to address the
lawlessness and violence associated with insurgent groups and the drug
production that sustained them. Kidnapping and homicides were reduced
substantially. The Colombian government established a presence in the
32 departments. Drug production and trafficking were reduced. During
this period, the United States stood at the side of the Colombian
government and people as they averted the potential collapse of the
state.
In both periods, the success of our efforts in Colombia was the
result of unwavering support from successive American administrations
and bipartisan backing from the U.S. Congress. In my diplomatic career,
it has served as a model for how bipartisan foreign policy can achieve
results that serve American interests, American values and the American
people.
Now, Colombia has entered a challenging but also very hopeful
period in its history. Much has been accomplished over the past 20
years but much remains to be done. In 2016, the Colombian government
reached a historic peace agreement with the FARC. While implementation
of the peace agreement has proven difficult and at times uneven, it
represents the opportunity to progress even further in key areas,
particularly in extending rule of law and economic development to large
swaths of rural Colombia, where human rights abuses and the plight of
the displaced have disproportionally impacted the Indigenous and Afro-
Colombian populations.
Another urgent task is reducing the coca cultivation and drug
production that increased alarmingly from 2013-2017. To reverse this
troubling trend, the United States and Colombia agreed in 2018 to a
plan that aims to cut cultivation and drug production in half by the
end of 2023. Aggressive Colombian efforts under the Duque government
have already led to substantially increased eradication of coca plants
and interdiction of coca paste. Our assistance continues to be
essential in supporting all aspects of the Colombian government's
integrated approach.
And then there is Venezuela, where a corrupt and undemocratic
regime has driven well over a million desperate refugees and migrants
into a generous Colombia--and up to four million to the region--causing
social, economic and budgetary challenges that exacerbate existing
problems and create whole new ones. Colombia and President Duque have,
not surprisingly, been stalwart partners in our diplomatic and
humanitarian efforts to restore democracy and provide safe haven to the
people of Venezuela. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Menendez,
As the security situation in Colombia has improved over the past 20
years, so too has the economy. Colombia has become an important
destination for U.S. trade and investment. Colombian GDP has almost
quadrupled in the past 20 years. Foreign investment has increased
during that time almost tenfold--and the poverty rate cut from 64% to
28%. Our two-way trade of close to $30 billion supports over 100,000
U.S. jobs. We are Colombia's largest trading partner, and in 2018 our
bilateral trade in goods created a $1.2 billion surplus in favor of the
United States. Meanwhile, Colombia has entered the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development as an upper middle income country,
a step that will lead to greater policy alignment with free market
economies. With improved security, tourism has grown, including to
places that 30 years ago would have been unthinkable. On a festering
trade dispute--the so-called ``truck scrappage law'' that imposed non-
tariff barriers for the sale of new U.S. trucks--the Colombian
government is committed to resolving the issue and removing those
barriers by the end of June.
I would be honored to return to Colombia to lead the outstanding
men and women who serve at our large and multi-faceted mission. If
confirmed, I pledge to work with our team to carry out a bilateral
agenda rooted in a shared commitment to democracy, security and
prosperity.
I look forward to answering your questions.
The Chairman. Mr. Manchester?
STATEMENT OF DOUG MANCHESTER, OF CALIFORNIA, TO BE AMBASSADOR
EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA TO THE COMMONWEALTH OF THE BAHAMAS
Mr. Manchester. Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez, it
is good to be back here, and I will answer your questions.
I am honored to appear before you today as President
Trump's nominee to serve as the next U.S. Ambassador to the
Commonwealth of The Bahamas. I am deeply grateful to the
President and Secretary Pompeo for the support and confidence
that they have placed in me. If confirmed, I pledge to work
closely with you and this committee and its staff and other
Members of Congress to advance our nation's interests in The
Bahamas, which is so very, very important.
We live in the greatest country in the world. I am blessed
to have been brought up here and born here. And I am blessed
with eight children and 13 grandchildren.
I have also been blessed to be in this country to have
success in insurance, real estate, medical instrumentation,
broadcasting, publishing, construction, hotel ownership,
development and oil drilling. I have operated 27 companies over
the last 55 years with a total workforce of 6,000 people,
surrounded myself with outstanding and diverse group of
employees and advisors. I believe this experience is integral
and essential in managing a successful U.S. mission in The
Bahamas as well as prepared me for the duties of an Ambassador
to the Commonwealth of The Bahamas.
Since its independence as a sovereign nation in 1973, The
Bahamas has been a steadfast partner and neighbor of the United
States. And given our shared interests--at its nearest point,
the country lies barely 50 miles from the coast of Florida--we
have cooperated as partners on security, commercial, and
cultural and other issues. Together, we are confronting shared
challenges such as illicit trafficking in narcotics, arms, and
people, as well as the need to bolster the rule of law. If
confirmed as Ambassador, I affirm my intention to maintain and
strengthen the United States' collaboration with The Bahamas.
If confirmed, I would take charge of the mission that has
forged strong diplomatic and political ties with the government
in Nassau. The Bahamas has been a leader in our drive to
restore democracy in Venezuela, which is so very important.
They have bravely staked a position supporting the government
there under the leadership of interim President Guaido. The
Bahamas has taken the lead in the Caribbean and setting a bold
example for the nations in the regions to follow. The Prime
Minister of The Bahamas joined President Trump last March at
Mar-a-Lago, reinforcing our shared ties and steadfast
commitment to democracy and prosperity in this hemisphere.
Through those political, economic, and cultural ties, the
United States and The Bahamas has forged a strong bilateral
relationship that has served both countries well. Bahamians
regularly travel to the United States to visit friends and
family and conduct business. Approximately 23,000 United States
citizens have residences in The Bahamas and 6 million travel
there annually for tourism.
If confirmed, I will strive to ensure the safety and
security of American citizens living in or visiting The
Bahamas. I will work closely with the Bahamian authorities,
civil society groups, and guide the U.S. mission to promote
innovative, effective, and whole-of-government efforts to
reduce crime and other illegal activities.
I will also continue to promote greater economic ties
between the United States and The Bahamas for our mutual
benefit. The Bahamas is an attractive destination for U.S.
businesses when Bahamian authorities offer stable and
transparent regulations for procurement and investment. We can,
in fact, provide wonderful business opportunities for U.S.
businesses. And we can create the engine for their own
development. Earlier this month, the embassy participated in a
business conference that highlighted the advantages and
opportunities for American businesses to develop investments
and export markets in The Bahamas. If confirmed, I intend to
support efforts to further U.S. economic interests abroad.
While, generally speaking, geography and history have
forced strong bonds between our countries, The Bahamas also
maintains close economic ties with other nations. We strongly
believe that American companies can successfully compete with
anybody in the world.
In closing, I am confident that I will have the experience,
commitment to lead our bilateral relationship with the people
and the government of the Commonwealth of The Bahamas. If
confirmed, I pledge to uphold the tradition and high standards
of public service expected of a U.S. Ambassador. I look forward
to the opportunity to continue to serve my country in this new
capacity.
Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez, and committee
members, I thank you and I am open for questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Manchester follows:]
Prepared Statement of Douglas Manchester
Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez, and distinguished Members
of the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as President
Trump's nominee to serve as the next U.S. Ambassador to the
Commonwealth of The Bahamas. I am deeply grateful to the President and
Secretary Pompeo for the support and confidence they have placed in me.
If confirmed, I pledge to work closely with you, with this committee
and its staff, and other Members of Congress to advance our nation's
interests in The Bahamas.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank my family for all
their support over the years. My children and grandchildren could not
be here, but it is my family's love and support that has made this
possible. I have had the wonderful fortune of success in insurance,
real estate, medical instrumentation, broadcasting, publishing,
construction, hotel ownership and development, and oil drilling. I have
operated 27 companies, with a total workforce of more than 6,000
people, surrounded myself with an outstanding and diverse group of
employees and advisors. I believe this experience is integral and
essential in managing a successful U.S. mission in the Bahamas and has
well prepared me for the duties of Ambassador to the Commonwealth of
The Bahamas.
The Bahamas, since its independence as a sovereign nation in 1973,
has been a steadfast partner and neighbor to the United States. Given
our shared interests--at its nearest point, the country lies barely 50
miles from the coast of Florida--we have cooperated as partners on
security, commercial, cultural, and other issues. Together we are
confronting shared challenges such as illicit trafficking in narcotics,
arms, and people, as well as the need to bolster the rule of law. If
confirmed as Ambassador, I affirm my intention to maintain and
strengthen the United States' collaboration with The Bahamas.
If confirmed, I would take charge of a Mission that has forged
strong diplomatic and political ties with the government in Nassau. The
Bahamas has been a leader in our drive to restore democracy in
Venezuela. In bravely staking a position supporting a government there
under the leadership of interim president Guaid", The Bahamas has taken
the lead in the Caribbean, setting a bold example for nations in the
region to follow. The Prime Minister of The Bahamas joined President
Trump last March at a Mar a Lago summit, reinforcing our shared ties
and steadfast commitment to democracy, security, and prosperity in this
hemisphere.
Through close political, economic, and cultural ties, the United
States and The Bahamas have forged a strong bilateral relationship that
has served both countries well. Bahamians regularly travel to the
United States to visit friends and family and to conduct business. And
approximately six million U.S. citizens travel to The Bahamas annually.
If confirmed, I will strive to ensure the safety and security of
American citizens living in or visiting The Bahamas. I will work
closely with Bahamian authorities, civil society groups, and guide the
U.S. Mission, to promote innovative, effective, and whole-of-government
efforts to reduce crime and other illegal activities.
I will also continue to promote greater economic ties between the
United States and The Bahamas for our mutual benefit. The Bahamas is an
attractive destination for U.S. businesses when Bahamian authorities
offer stable and transparent regulations for procurement and
investment. The Bahamas can offer our businesses a place to grow while
we offer them an ``engine'' for their own development. Earlier this
month, the Embassy participated in a business conference that
highlighted the advantages and opportunities for American businesses to
develop investments and export markets in The Bahamas. If confirmed, I
intend to support efforts to further U.S. economic interests abroad.
While geography and history have forged strong bonds between our
countries, The Bahamas also maintains close economic ties with many
other nations. We strongly believe that American companies can
successfully compete with anybody in the world when transparent
regulations and practices and steadfast respect for the rule of law
prevail. If confirmed, I will continue our work to ensure the United
States remains the commercial partner of choice in The Bahamas. I will
also prioritize monitoring China's growing engagement in the region.
Expanding educational exchanges is one of the best ways to deepen
the already existing cultural and historical ties between the United
States and The Bahamas. At present, approximately 2,100 students from
The Bahamas study in the United States, and more than 950 students from
the United States study in The Bahamas. And in the year ahead, we will
resume our sponsorship of Fulbright scholarships for Bahamians,
scholarships that allow experts to research and explore more about our
two nations, deepening our understanding and cooperation. If confirmed,
I will seek to increase levels of educational exchange between our two
countries, including through enhancing existing partnerships and the
building of new ones to achieve greater understanding and ties between
our people.
If confirmed, I look forward to enhancing U.S.--Bahamian relations
and exploring every opportunity to engage with the government and
people of The Bahamas to advance U.S. and shared interests. I will also
work closely with Congress to broaden our engagement under the U.S.-
Caribbean Resilience Partnership and U.S.-Caribbean 2020 strategy.
Finally, as a matter of the highest priority, I would like to
emphasize that my number one priority as Ambassador will be to protect
U.S. Mission personnel, private U.S. citizens, and visiting American
tourists throughout The Bahamas.
In closing, I am confident that I have the experience, commitment,
and energy to lead our bilateral relationship with the people and the
government of the Commonwealth of The Bahamas. If confirmed, I pledge
to uphold the tradition and high standards of public service expected
of a U.S. ambassador. I look forward to the opportunity to continue to
serve my country in this new capacity if confirmed.
Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez, and committee Members, I
thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today, and I
welcome your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Manchester.
Mr. Zuckerman?
STATEMENT OF ADRIAN ZUCKERMAN, OF NEW JERSEY, TO BE AMBASSADOR
EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA TO ROMANIA
Mr. Zuckerman. Thank you, Chairman Risch, Ranking Member
Menendez, and distinguished members of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee.
I am honored to appear before you today as President
Trump's nominee to be the United States Ambassador to Romania.
I am humbled and very grateful for the confidence President
Trump has placed in me. I am also thankful to all of you for
your consideration.
Please allow me to introduce my daughter Natalie. She
represents our future, and I am fortunate she is with me here
today.
My voyage starts with two people who are here in spirit
only: my beloved parents, Emil and Aura. Were it not for their
courage, wisdom, and sacrifice, I would not be here. Both were
teenagers in Bucharest during the Second World War. Like so
many of their contemporaries, their families were dislocated
and their property was confiscated. Against all odds and
against continuing discrimination against Jewish people in the
post-war communist regime, they both survived and attended
college and medical school.
I was born in Bucharest, Romania. I can read, write, and
speak Romanian fluently.
Aware of the brutal shortcomings of the communist regime,
my parents decided to emigrate about the time I was born. Some
9 years later, we were allowed to do so with little more than
the clothes on our backs.
My parents cherished American values, hard work, and hope
for a better future, freedom of speech, and utmost respect for
life, liberty, and individual rights. Their proudest day was
when they became American citizens. They made sure I always
knew and remembered to appreciate and live by these hard fought
for principles.
Romania finally shed its horrific communist regime in
December 1989, less than 30 years ago, a day I had always hoped
for but never thought I would live to see.
Since 1989, Romania established a democratic parliamentary
form of government, joined NATO, joined the European Union, and
has become a strategic ally of the United States. The strongest
aspect of the U.S.-Romania relationship is our military
cooperation. There is an American Aegis missile defense battery
at Deveselu. U.S. Army personnel are rotationally deployed at
Kogalniceanu Joint military base. U.S. Air Force units
routinely deploy to Romania, and U.S. naval vessels dock at the
Black Sea deepwater port of Constanta.
Romania has stood in solidarity with the United States to
condemn Russian intervention and aggression in Ukraine and
strongly supports Ukraine's independence, sovereignty, and
territorial integrity.
Romania is also a wonderful host and partner to other NATO
member state forces. Romania is a robust contributor to NATO
missions and operations in Afghanistan, Iraq, and other
countries. Romania has committed to meet its financial
commitment to NATO.
The Romanian economy has been among the fastest growing in
the EU. Our trade and investment relationship has been
increasing as well. Romania is rich in timber, agriculture,
minerals, oil, natural gas, and other natural resources. Recent
exploration in the Black Sea has discovered substantial oil and
gas reserves, which have the potential to bolster Romania's and
Europe's energy security.
Romania needs to continue to fight against corruption,
create a more investment-friendly business climate, invest in
infrastructure, health, education, and strengthen public
administration.
If confirmed, I would offer continued support for Romania's
noteworthy anti-corruption efforts. Fighting corruption and
supporting judicial independence are vital to Romania's long-
term prosperity and security.
The perils of an aggressive Russia seeking to destabilize
democracies in Europe from within and without are substantial
and cannot be underestimated. I am confident that with
proactive American leadership and assistance to educate,
support, and encourage democratic institutions, Romania will
meet these challenges and prosper.
If I am confirmed, I pledge to use all of my knowledge and
experience to advance our country's interests in Romania.
Thank you for your consideration, which will allow me, if
confirmed, the opportunity to serve and repay at least in part
the enormous debt of gratitude I have for everything America
has given me and my family.
I would be happy to answer any questions you may have.
Senator Menendez, I wish to point out that this morning,
unfortunately, due to the endemic corruption issues that you
referred to, Romania was downgraded to tier 2 watch status in
the TIP Report, which is unfortunate, and if I am fortunate
enough to be confirmed, I will make one of my chief priorities.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Zuckerman follows:]
Prepared Statement of Adrian Zuckerman
Thank you, Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Menendez, and
distinguished Members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
I am honored to appear before you today as President Trump's
nominee to be the United States Ambassador to Romania. I am humbled and
very grateful for the confidence President Trump has placed in me. I am
also thankful to all of you for your consideration.
Please allow me to introduce my daughter, Natalie. She is a
graduate of the University of Edinburgh and has always been interested
in our family's Romanian heritage. We traveled there together when she
was in high school. To me, she represents our future and I am fortunate
she is with me here today.
My voyage starts with two people who are here in spirit only: my
beloved parents, Emil and Aura. Were it not for their courage, wisdom,
and sacrifice, I would not be here. Both were teenagers in Bucharest
during the Second World War. Like so many of their contemporaries,
their families were dislocated and their property was confiscated.
Against all odds and in the face of persistent anti-Semitism in the
post-war communist regime, they both attended college and medical
school. Emil became a senior academician and researcher at the
University of Bucharest. He achieved international acclaim for his
research on epilepsy. Aura pursued research in the field of
endocrinology.
Shortly after I was born, my parents, aware of the brutal
shortcomings of the communist system, decided their only child should
have the opportunity of a better life. Upon filing a request to leave
Romania, they were terminated from their elite academic positions. They
began a new life on the edge of poverty, living from hand to mouth.
I remember the occasional gratitude of my parents' patients
bringing a fish or a live chicken. We lived on the fourth floor of a
walk-up building, in two small rooms, each heated by a wood burning
terra cotta fireplace. The heat stored in the terra cotta never lasted
through morning. Water for bathing was heated in a pot on a bottled gas
stove top.
We were finally allowed to emigrate when I was nine years old. We
left with little more than the clothes on our backs. We were not
allowed to take any valuables or currency, not that we had anything of
consequence. Following friends' advice, my parents took two salamis
that could be either sold or eaten when we arrived in Rome, Italy.
We remained in Rome for the next nine months while my parents
sought work in the United States. My father was finally offered a
position as an assistant professor of medicine at Yale Medical School.
Arriving in New Haven, Connecticut in May of 1966, we started living
the American dream. My parents worked as physicians and I enrolled in
third grade and started learning to speak English.
My parents were beyond proud to seek American citizenship. Emil and
Aura pursued the American dream with the vigor, zeal, and energy of
wide-eyed youngsters. I remember their joy at buying their first car,
their first house and the ubiquitous backyard staple--the barbecue.
Their proudest day came seven years later when they actually became
American citizens. They cherished American values--a belief in hard
work and a better future, a regard for freedom of speech, and the
utmost respect for life, liberty and individual rights. They made sure
I always knew and remembered to appreciate and live by these hard-
fought for principles.
Romania shed its horrific Communist regime in December 1989, less
than thirty years ago--a day I had always hoped for, but never thought
I would live to see. However, the Romanian democratic state is still in
its infancy.
Romania is of great economic, military and geo-political strategic
importance. Located in southeast Europe, it is an economic entry point
to Europe and a staunch American military ally.
Since 1989, Romania has established a democratic parliamentary form
of government, joined NATO, joined the European Union, and has become a
strategic ally of the United States. The strongest aspect of the U.S.--
Romania relationship is our military cooperation. There is an American
Aegis Missile Defense battery at Deveselu; U.S. Army personnel are
rotationally deployed at the Mihail Kogalniceanu joint military base;
U.S. Air Force units routinely deploy to Romania; and U.S. naval
vessels dock at the Black Sea deep water port of Constanta.
In addition to being a committed partner of the United States,
Romania is a wonderful host and partner to other NATO member states
forces. Romania is a robust contributor to NATO missions and operations
in Afghanistan, Iraq and other countries. Romania is already the 4th
largest contributor to the Resolute Support Mission in Afghanistan, and
at the recent NATO Summit in Brussels it pledged additional substantial
commitments to the mission in 2019.
Romania has undertaken to meet its financial commitment to NATO and
has made major strides toward this goal.
Romania has also stood in solidarity with the United States to
condemn Russian intervention and aggression in Ukraine, Romania's
neighbor. In addition to supporting American sanctions against Russia,
Romania has provided various humanitarian and development aid to
Ukraine, and strongly supports its independence, sovereignty, and
territorial integrity.
The Romanian economy has been among the fastest growing in the EU,
and our trade and investment relationship has been increasing as well.
There are approximately five hundred American companies conducting
business in Romania, including Fortune 500 companies, numerous smaller
companies, and a continually growing number of information technology
companies.
Romania is a country of abundant farmland, minerals, oil, natural
gas, and other natural resources, and it is blessed with a well-
educated, multilingual and industrious populace. In addition to its
onshore oil and gas reserves, recent exploration in the Black Sea has
discovered substantial off-shore oil and gas reserves, which have the
potential to bolster Romania's energy security. The Romanian education
system, with high-quality schools and universities, has produced an
educated workforce and internationally respected professionals.
Although much has been achieved in Romania, there is still room for
improvement. In order for Romania to further the incredible progress it
has made over the past 29 years, Romania needs to continue to fight
against corruption, create a more investment friendly business climate,
invest in infrastructure, health, and education, and strengthen public
administration. Investors want a relationship with Romanian decision-
makers based on mutual trust. They seek a business climate that enables
their businesses to contribute to Romania's sustained economic growth,
to create jobs, to earn profits, and to grow their enterprises.
If confirmed, I would offer continued support for Romania's
noteworthy anti-corruption efforts. Fighting corruption and supporting
judicial independence are vital to the region's long-term prosperity
and security, as well as to the extraordinary law enforcement and
security cooperation that exists between the United States and Romania.
There is much work to be done to foster, support, and encourage
democratic institutions. The perils of an aggressive Russia seeking to
destabilize democracies in Europe, from within and without, are
substantial and cannot be underestimated. I am confident that with
proactive American leadership, assistance, and friendship, Romania will
meet these challenges and prosper.
If I am confirmed, I pledge to use all my energy to advance our
country's interests in Romania. I will apply all of my experience and
knowledge to address the issues and vulnerabilities Romania faces. I
look forward to bringing the American values I was lucky enough to be
raised with to the country from which I hail.
Thank you for your consideration which will allow me, if confirmed,
the opportunity to serve and repay, at least in part, the enormous debt
of gratitude I have for everything America has given me and my family.
I would be happy to answer any questions you may have.
The Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Zuckerman.
We are now going to conduct a round of 5-minute questions,
and we will start with Senator Menendez.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Manchester, when you were last before this committee,
you said that The Bahamas was a protectorate of the United
States. The Bahamas is a sovereign nation. How do you expect to
go to a country who you described as a protectorate and is a
sovereign nation with its own democracy, elected leadership,
and whatnot and be thought of in a way that will treat them
with respect?
Mr. Manchester. Well, I answered that question, and the
bottom line was the fact that I have been going there for
years. And I know that it is a sovereign, independent country.
As I said in my previous testimony, I certainly know the fact
that it is a sovereign and independent nation. And what I was
referring to was the fact that we have joint defense forces and
we are joined at the hip, as we should be, to defending our
mutual shores.
Senator Menendez. Well, being a protectorate of the United
States--words matter, especially when you are going to be an
Ambassador. Being a protectorate of the United States is not
about mutual defense. Being a protectorate of the United States
is almost like you are a ward of the United States. And so The
Bahamas is not a ward of the United States.
Mr. Manchester. I understand that, and I corrected my
statement.
Senator Menendez. Well, I did not hear you correct your
statement. I just heard you say that now you recognize it is a
sovereign nation. I am glad that we have come to that point.
Let me ask you this. I want to talk about your time running
the San Diego Union Tribune. A 2018 ``Washington Post'' article
described the environment for women who worked at the paper and
its affiliated TV station, U-T TV, as toxic. Speaking of you,
one woman said that, quote, you do not want to get caught alone
in the elevator with him. Others described the environment as
madman style and the hiring meetings were like a boys club, and
the boys picked which women they wanted. To be clear, we are
talking about 2011 to 2015, not 10, 20, or 30 years ago.
Is this type of culture appropriate?
Mr. Manchester. I have been involved with 55 years of
business, 27 different companies, 6,000 employees. And that is
a salacious and inaccurate depiction. I have never been accused
of sexual harassment ever.
Senator Menendez. So do you have any objection then, if
that is the case, to diplomatic security or the FBI examining
the accusations related to the workplace environment you
fostered or you were alleged to have fostered at the Union
Tribune and sharing their findings with members of this
committee prior to the committee voting your nomination?
Mr. Manchester. I do not have any objection and never have.
Senator Menendez. Let me ask you this. You were cited in
the ``Washington Post'' article, which you said is salacious--
this is an article that was based on the conversations with
more than 20 women and men--as saying that you took action to
address, quote/unquote, egregious mistakes by the staff at the
San Diego Union Tribune. What were those mistakes?
Mr. Manchester. What I was referring to there is the fact
that, once again, I have not ever been involved in any kind of
sexual harassment, a claim in 55 years of business and 6,000
employees. I do not know what they are referring to there. That
was a salacious----
Senator Menendez. This is your direct quote. You said that
you took action to address, quote, egregious mistakes by the
staff at the San Diego Union Tribune. Now, I am asking you if
you took action to address egregious mistakes, what were those
actions. What were the mistakes that you were correcting? Did
you institute any disciplinary actions? Did you fire anybody? I
mean, you are going to be head, if you are confirmed, of a
mission that is going to have a diverse both in gender, race,
ethnicity workforce. And we have got to know that at the very
beginning, that the person who is heading the embassy is going
to create an environment that is worthy of working in. So I
want to understand, based upon your own remarks, what were the
mistakes that the staff that you hired--what were the mistakes
they created, and what did you do to correct those mistakes?
Mr. Manchester. We have instituted policies in every one of
the companies that I have been involved with that in fact if
somebody, in fact, did something wrong, we in fact fired them.
Senator Menendez. Who did you fire at the San Diego Union
Tribune then?
Mr. Manchester. I cannot recall because of the fact that I
did not work on a day-to-day basis for the individuals that
were running the TV station I think that they are referring to.
Senator Menendez. Well, you are going to have to give me
better answers than that.
Mr. Bremberg, this is the problem with four panelists and 5
minutes. So I know there will be another round at least.
In your written answers to my pre-hearing questions about
adding a citizenship question to the Census, you stated that
you, quote, discussed your opinion on including the citizenship
status Census question with other White House staff. What is
your opinion on including a citizenship question on the Census?
Mr. Bremberg. Senator, given my employment in the White
House as an advisor to the President, I do not think it would
be appropriate for me to discuss the confidential
Senator Menendez. I did not ask you that. I asked you your
opinion. I did not ask you what you said to the President. I
asked you what your opinion is. What is your opinion?
Mr. Bremberg. Yes. And I believe disclosing my opinion on
the matter would disclose--open up for any further inquiry into
advice I may----
Senator Menendez. What type of privilege are you asserting
here?
Mr. Bremberg. Senator, I am not asserting any privilege.
Senator Menendez. Well, if you are not asserting any
privilege, then how is it that you failed to answer a question
of the committee at your confirmation hearing?
Mr. Bremberg. Senator, I am happy to discuss any policy or
I----
Senator Menendez. This is a policy. You are going to be
going to an institution that has, among a wide array of issues,
the questions of people in refugee status, the questions of
people in a series of ways in which views such as this are
insightful for the committee to understand how you are going to
act at that location.
Mr. Bremberg. I understand. And I am happy to describe the
policy. I just want to be careful. I know other nominees who
have come before the committee that have served in the White
House have not gone down the road of providing their personal
opinion, but I am happy to articulate the administration's
position. It is not an attempt to distance myself from it. I am
just being clear that I am not providing my personal opinion. I
can describe the reason behind the policy that the Census
department put forward, if that is what you would like to hear,
Senator.
Senator Menendez. No. I asked a specific question. You are
smart enough to give me a specific answer.
So I am sending a letter to you today, which I ask
unanimous consent to be entered into the record.
The Chairman. It will be.
[The information referred to above is located at the end of
this hearing's transcript.]
Senator Menendez. I have to understand, as I continue to
ask you questions of this and other nature, if you are going to
assert privileges, you are going to tell me what privilege you
are asserting because as far as I am concerned, there is no
rational basis for a privilege to be asserted when I ask you
things that are not directly in conversations with the
President of the United States, but that go to insights into
the policy views you will hold at a critical institution.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator. We will have a second
round with enough time.
After that, we will go to Senator Paul.
Senator Paul. They say beauty is in the eye of the
beholder. And I am not saying you are beautiful, but I am
saying that each of you seem to have attributes that I think
would be good as ambassadors.
I was told by people who jump to conclusions that I could
not be a Senator because I had just been a doctor, that a
doctor was not somehow smart enough unless I had been a State
rep or a State senator or this and that. And I really think we
all bring attributes from different walks in life.
I have dealt with Mr. Bremberg in the White House. I find
him to be intelligent, forthright, and I think he will do a
good job.
I do not know Mr. Goldberg, but his resume sounds
impeccable, you know, as a career.
But I think we have career people and we also have
political people.
Mr. Manchester has been successful in business. What does
that mean? Well, capitalism is very, very selective. Most
businesses fail. To succeed with 6,000 employees and 27
companies means that on a day-to-day basis he is running a
business and making the decisions that not just please him.
Capitalists have to please their customers and everybody that
invests in them. They have to make a profit. Capitalism is a
very demanding sort of person to work for. And so to have
succeeded through all those years meant that Mr. Manchester has
made many wise decisions over time.
Mr. Zuckerman, I was impressed not only with your
background and your family background, but I think languages
are important. The fact that you speak the language will be a
big asset to being an Ambassador to Romania.
So I am actually very impressed with the panel, very
impressed with the President. People said President Trump could
not be President because he had not been a State representative
or a governor or this and that. And so I do not think that
really intelligence or your ability to figure out problems
comes from having a previous position. It comes from your
desire, your background, and also to acknowledge sometimes we
do not know things and you ask for advice. I get help from my
staff on a daily basis who know things that I do not know, and
I ask for that advice. And I think it is the same with an
ambassador as well.
I do think it is important, though, in an era where people
make accusations that are very personal--and I think the
accusations against Mr. Manchester are very personal. It does
not sound like he had any personal involvement. He was sort of
the owner of a company that had probably 10 layers between him
and the employees. He has never been accused of anything. But
all of a sudden, he is caught up in something that I think is
really bad because he is judged without having a chance to
defend himself.
And we live in an era where people are making these
accusations all the time. 40 years ago, somebody in high school
said this. And it is like we live in this world. Do people not
deserve some sort of due process before people--you know, Mr.
Manchester is well known in San Diego. He is not only a
successful businessman and makes a profit at businesses by
pleasing customers, but he is a philanthropist. And I think it
is wrong to drag his name through the mud particularly for
something that there has never been a personal accusation
against Mr. Manchester.
So I just hope as we go through this that we will give
people the benefit of the doubt and also to consider that
people have attributes from their different backgrounds that do
not always they have been an ambassador to this or that in the
past.
Mr. Manchester, is there anything else you wanted to say
about how difficult it is to succeed in business, how you got
started in business?
Mr. Manchester. No. I just want to make it clear that I
actually am in a position where I really believe that it is
important for us to have U.S. representation in The Bahamas
because of the Chinese influence and other reasons. And I am
volunteering for that assignment, and I recognize that it is
going to be a hard job, but it is a needed job. And it is a way
in which I can pay back my country for all of the blessings
that I have received for my family and myself.
Senator Paul. Thank you.
No further questions.
The Chairman. Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
You know, Senator Paul, I certainly agree with you--and I
think all of us do--that people bring different attributes to
the job and that to get to this point, everyone has significant
attributes. But I do believe when there are personal
allegations made against nominees, that it is very important to
reassure the public about the integrity of the process and the
people who will be representing this country, for anyone who is
the subject of those accusations to be able to rebut them
adequately to persuade the public that they are not true and
that they will not influence the ability to do the job. So I
think it is very important for the committee to be able to
reassure people about the integrity of the individuals we
support.
So I hope, Mr. Manchester, that you will be able to rebut
those accusations in a way that make it clear that you were not
involved.
Mr. Manchester. Once again, I have been involved 55 years
of business in 27 different companies, over 6,000 employees,
and I have never had a sexual harassment claim against me. And
we have hired and promoted to the highest level all ethnic and
sexual orientation employees and we are very proud--very
proud--of the success that we have had in the companies that we
have been involved with.
Senator Shaheen. Good. I look forward to hearing more about
that.
Mr. Bremberg, for decades, the United States has been the
leader in advocating for human rights, especially the rights of
women and girls. If confirmed as the U.S. Representative to the
U.N. in Geneva, you will lead a team that is responsible for
advancing U.S. policy on human rights and global health. Do you
recognize reproductive rights and the rights of the LGBT
community as human rights?
Mr. Bremberg. Senator, I do recognize and accept that
reproductive rights, as defined by the 1995 Beijing Conference
Strategic Objective and under the objective in line with the
program of action of the International Conference on Population
and Development as important rights. But those state that in no
case should abortion be promoted as a method of family
planning. So, yes, to your question with that important caveat.
Senator Shaheen. I am not asking about abortion, but just
that you recognize that reproductive rights are important human
rights around the world.
And how about the LGBTQ community?
Mr. Bremberg. Yes, Senator.
Senator Shaheen. You recognize. And if you are confirmed
for this position, will you defend those rights in your new
position?
Mr. Bremberg. Yes, Senator.
Senator Shaheen. In your capacity as the Director of the
Domestic Policy Council, were you ever involved in discussions
to expand the global gag rule that restricts foreign assistance
to groups that provide a full range of family planning
services?
Mr. Bremberg. Senator, yes, I participated in the
development and implementation of the President's expanded
Mexico City policy, which you are referring to.
Senator Shaheen. Have you seen any of the reports about the
impact of that expanded policy on women and families in
countries that are affected? And have you made any attempt to
get information about what the real impact of those policies
have been?
Mr. Bremberg. Yes, Senator. And I look forward to learning
more. In my time in the White House, I was briefed on its
implementation I believe approximately a year into its
implementation. One particular question that I and others were
asking was was this actually a difficult policy for our
grantees and contractors to implement or adopt or was it
relatively easy. I am happy to get the number for you, but I
recall at the time of hundreds, I believe upwards of 500
entities, I think they only had concerns raised or problem
with, I believe, three to five. I do not have the precise
number. I am happy to get back to you, Senator.
Senator Shaheen. I would very much like to have you get
back to me because when I have asked that question of the USAID
Administrator and of the Department of State, I have been told
by both of those that they are awaiting reports on what the
impact is of those policies and that we do not have that
information yet. So if that information exists within the White
House and it is not being shared, I think that is a huge
oversight. So I would very much like to see. Mr. Chairman, I
hope that that information will be shared with the full
committee.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Shaheen. Now, Ambassador Goldberg, you talked about
the commitment that had been made to Colombia and about the
progress that has been made in that country. And I think we
would all agree that that has been very important.
But despite that commitment, what we have seen is that
Colombia remains an origin of a lot of the poppy growing that
we are dealing with and the drug trafficking that has such a
huge impact in the United States on States like mine in New
Hampshire where we have the third highest overdose death rate
in the country.
So I wonder if you can tell me as Ambassador what you will
do to try and continue to work with the Colombian government to
address this huge problem that is affecting the United States.
Ambassador Goldberg. The Colombian government at the moment
and we have agreed, as I mentioned in my statement, to a 5-year
plan to cut production of coca and interdict coca paste and the
finished product. That is underway. And we have seen some
progress in that regard. It is a difficult problem, obviously,
especially since wide areas of the country remain under control
of criminal elements, whether they are the dissident FARC or
they are ELN or they are paramilitaries or they are drug
cartels. And so the government has this program, and we are
assisting with it to try to reduce the production of coca and
the drugs that come out of Colombia.
We also have a commitment to reduce demand in Colombia and
here, and that is an important element as well. It is an
integrated approach. They have a very sophisticated way about
going after money laundering. And so as Ambassador, if
confirmed, I would want to work very closely with them as they
go about carrying out this plan.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I would like to hear
more. I am out of time. So we will submit some questions for
the record to try and get more information. Thank you very
much.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Young?
Senator Young. Well, thank you, gentlemen, for your desire
to serve our country as ambassadors. I am most grateful.
Ambassador Goldberg, Venezuelans continue to flee into
Colombia after the reopening of the border in the past month.
Colombia is now hosting more than 1.2 million Venezuelan
migrants, as you know, according to most estimates. What do you
view as the immediate challenges and priorities for managing
the arrival of Venezuelans such as the provision of shelter,
food, and emergency health care?
Ambassador Goldberg. As the situation has developed,
Senator, the population of Venezuelan migrants and refugees has
dispersed from the border region into other areas. But it is a
problem. It is a huge budgetary requirement for the Colombians.
Estimates are anywhere from $1 billion to $1.3 billion this
year. So the immediate needs are in health and education, and
as you mentioned, shelter. They are huge challenges.
And we have helped very strongly in that regard directing
more than half of the humanitarian assistance that we have
committed to to help with the Venezuelan situation to Colombia
about $143 million, thanks to action in Congress.
So those are the challenges, and the Colombians are going
about it. USAID is very much involved in trying to help. But
you know, this is ultimately a challenge that the Colombians
will have to bear the great brunt of, as well as, by the way,
the NGOs that are very active, UNHCR and all of the
humanitarian groups that are there. So it is an active and
ongoing effort.
Senator Young. So what additional support do you anticipate
the multilaterals, those you mentioned and others, needing to
provide Colombia and the host communities in the coming months?
Ambassador Goldberg. I would not put a figure on it, but
substantial. And I was somewhat concerned when I heard the U.N.
representative say that the commitments are only resulting in
about 30 percent of what was pledged. So we have to continue to
try to help the Colombians as they take on this huge burden.
And so it is an effort for governments, and we have to do it
diplomatically as well as with the Colombians to make sure that
they have the resources necessary.
Senator Young. Mr. Bremberg will, of course, need to be
working through the United Nations on this and many other
matters. That will include the U.N. mission in Geneva.
The United States is currently assessed 22 percent of the
U.N. regular budget and 28.4 percent of U.N. peacekeeping
operations--the budget there.
So over the years, members of this committee and on the
Multilateral Institutions Subcommittee, which I chair, have
debated appropriate levels of U.S. support for the United
Nations. Are you satisfied with the current process and
formulas for determining U.S. assessments?
Mr. Bremberg. No, Senator. Thank you for the question.
No, and I think the administration has put forward a strong
case for transforming the current assessed model of assessed
contributions towards a voluntary contribution model. I think
that would serve the interests of the United States and in fact
I believe over the term, serve the interests of the various
U.N. international organizations more by helping to make sure
they become more efficient and accountable to member states.
Senator Young. Do you pledge to work with me on that and
allow me to be supportive of your efforts on that front, should
you be confirmed?
Mr. Bremberg. Yes, Senator. I would appreciate any support
you could provide, and I pledge to work with you on this and
other topics.
Senator Young. Thank you much.
I yield back.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Young.
Senator Cardin?
Senator Cardin. Well, I join in thanking you all for your
willingness to serve our nation and thank your families because
we know this is a family matter.
Mr. Goldberg, we had a chance to talk as the ranking
Democrat on our hemisphere. Having a confirmed Ambassador in
Colombia is critically important, and I appreciate your
background. And I hope we can move your nomination quickly.
Mr. Bremberg, this committee--I worked on, with Senator
Lugar, the transparency in the extractive industries, section
1504 of the Dodd-Frank Act. Regulations took a long time to be
promulgated. We ultimately got regulations, and after a long
process, in which other nations of the world followed the U.S.
leadership in regards to requiring extractive industry
companies to disclose their contracts, amounts so that the
revenues could go to the country rather than to corruption, we
made progress.
And then under President Trump a decision was made to use
the CRA to eliminate many of the regulations that were adopted
in the previous administration. This, of course, came out of
the SEC.
Were you aware of the strategy to use the CRA in regards to
section 1504?
Mr. Bremberg. Yes, Senator.
Senator Cardin. And the concerns that were expressed at the
time that they thought the regulation was overly broad and
required information that was proprietary. I disagree with that
analysis, but that was the major justification given. And there
was a lot of interest to get the SEC to issue a regulation
consistent with those concerns.
What efforts have you made to get the SEC to act on 1504?
Mr. Bremberg. In my time in the White House, after the
repeal of the regulation to the CRA, the domestic policy
portfolio view did not cover the SEC. The National Economic
Council covers the SEC. So that was not something that was in
my----
Senator Cardin. Were you involved at all in the CRA
involving 1504? Did you have any conversations with that?
Mr. Bremberg. Yes, Senator. Can I describe that briefly?
Senator Cardin. Well, I am interested in your views as to
how you are going to represent our nation in multilateral
discussions when the extractive industries and dealing with
corruption and dealing with the poverty nations that have
resource wealth. How do you intend to deal with that if the
only action I have seen is to block efforts for disclosure here
in America where other countries have already acted on
disclosure?
Mr. Bremberg. Thank you, Senator. I believe the
administration worked with Congress to pass the CRA to repeal
that regulation because we and many felt it was overly
burdensome of the extraction industry in the United States and
would lead to substantial potential job losses in the United
States and putting U.S. companies at an unfair disadvantage
versus foreign competitors.
Senator Cardin. And of course, it is up to Congress to make
the policy decision. You are supposed to implement it in the
executive branch.
Mr. Bremberg. Absolutely. As a firm believer in the Article
1 power, I am a firm believer in that. In fact--and I could
describe a little bit of my work on the CRA.
Senator Cardin. I would like to know your work on
implementing 1504.
Mr. Bremberg. I believe the CRA is an excellent tool and
actually empowered by Congress. It is a way of Congress
correcting what they believed----
Senator Cardin. But you encouraged us to correct this, and
then the President signed it. And do you know when 1504 became
law? Do you know how many years ago it was?
Mr. Bremberg. I believe 9 years ago.
Senator Cardin. And do we have regulations under 1504?
Mr. Bremberg. This is not an area of my expertise. But I
believe the first regulations that were implemented under the
Obama administration I believe were challenged in the courts
and I believe were struck down, had problems.
Senator Cardin. For technical reasons, not on substantive.
Mr. Bremberg. Understood. And I think the final regulation
that the CRA actually undid--I mean, the Obama administration I
do not believe finalized it until----
Senator Cardin. What action have you taken to comply with
what was said to Congress that you favored 1504. You thought
the regulations were wrong. Now we do not have any regulations
at all. It has been now almost 2 years since the CRA passed.
Mr. Bremberg. I do not want to speak just for myself. I
think the administration would look forward to working with
Congress on amending the law to put in place an appropriate
disclosure method.
Senator Cardin. We do not want to amend the law. We want
regulations. We spoke. It is not your job to interpret whether
we did the right thing or not. Your job is to implement that.
Mr. Bremberg. And with respect, Senator, then Congress then
spoke again.
Senator Cardin. On the regulation but not on the law.
Mr. Bremberg. Right, and amended----
Senator Cardin. So is it your position that you will not
enforce a law passed by Congress?
Mr. Bremberg. No, Senator. Absolutely not.
And to your specific point about the SEC's rulemaking
part--I am not trying to dodge your question, Senator--my role
as the domestic policy side--within the White House policy
structure, we have the National Security Council. There is a
National Economic Council, which was previously headed by Gary
Cohn and is now headed by Larry Kudlow. The National Economic
Council is the chief policy part of the White House that works
with the SEC. The SEC was never part of my policy portfolio. I
am sorry for the confusion, Senator.
Senator Cardin. Well, Mr. Chairman, I would like to have--I
would like you to inform us as to what the administration's
policy is in regards to 1504, implementing a law that was
passed by Congress 9 years ago. We are not interested in
amending the law. We are interested in enforcing the law. Can
you get me that?
Mr. Bremberg. I would be happy to provide a response for
the record to a question about what the administration whatever
your question is, Senator. What the plan is to move forward? Is
that your question?
Senator Cardin. Yes, to implement the law.
Mr. Bremberg. I would be happy to provide a response for
the record.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
Mr. Bremberg. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cardin.
Senator Rubio?
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
Thank you all for being here, for being willing to serve
our country.
I wanted to focus my questions primarily on the situation
with Colombia as it regards Venezuela. I think of all the
places we are talking about today, it is the most urgent before
us at this moment and has the highest national urgency for our
national interests.
Ambassador Goldberg, it is impossible to separate the
challenges and the work that we do with Colombia from the
conflict in Venezuela. That would be an accurate assessment.
Ambassador Goldberg. Yes, it is.
Senator Rubio. And I think most people are not aware that
the elements that threaten the state of Colombia and that are
most responsible in many ways for the trafficking of billions
of dollars of drugs into the United States, Europe, and around
the world operate openly and with impunity and, in fact, with
the support and cooperation of the Maduro regime just across
the Colombian-Venezuelan border. Right?
Ambassador Goldberg. Correct.
Senator Rubio. I mean, so what we have in Colombia is not
just our strongest counter-drug partner in the region, probably
our strongest ally on multiple fronts in the region, we have a
country that literally has, just on the other side of its
border, armed groups that seek to kill their citizens and
conduct violent attacks within their territory. We have these
armed groups operating in camps and facilities openly with the
protection, the assistance, and the cooperation of a
neighboring government.
Ambassador Goldberg. Largely correct.
Senator Rubio. The reason why I ask that is because related
to that, when you add that to the migrant flow, that is the
capability of the ELN and these dissident FARC groups to
operate openly with a safe space in a neighboring country,
combined with the incompetence, corruption, mismanagement of
the Maduro regime leading to the outflow of 4 million of its
citizens, including at this point I guess over 1.5 million into
one country alone, the combination of these two things--and I
think you have alluded to this already both in your opening
statement and your answer to several questions--are placing
almost an existential challenge to all of the progress that has
been made in Colombia and potentially to the ability of the
state long-term.
Ambassador Goldberg. As I mentioned, Senator, in fact, I
consider that the problems brought by the Venezuela crisis
exacerbate everything that Colombia is trying to do and creates
whole new issues. So it is a huge problem for Colombia.
I would just add that some of the dissident FARC are also
in Colombian territory and, of course, are also involved in
some of the drug trade and have returned to that business.
Senator Rubio. Right, but at least when it comes to--those
groups are dangerous as well. But at least when it comes to the
groups that are in Colombian territory, the Colombians can get
to them and can conduct operations against them.
Ambassador Goldberg. Right.
Senator Rubio. They basically cannot do anything without
going to war.
Ambassador Goldberg. That is right.
Senator Rubio. So the point I think when it comes to
Venezuela policy, perhaps one of the failures has been, because
of how quickly it has moved, I do not think we have done a good
enough job of explaining to the American people why it is in
our national interest to care about it beyond the fact that we
support democracy and the suffering of the people there. But
why does it matter to America?
And one of the arguments I have tried and others have as
well is this is not just about Venezuela. This is spiraling
into a regional crisis that directly impacts the national
security and national interests of the United States.
And I would ask, because you have expertise in this part of
the world and are going to be serving our country hopefully
from Colombia, what would our efforts against the flow of drugs
into the United States look like if we did not have a strong
partner in Colombia with the capability and the resources that
they need to help us confront those challenges?
Ambassador Goldberg. Well, as I mentioned to Senator
Shaheen, we are now engaged in a very active effort to try to
lower the production. It is difficult because of these areas
that are not yet under government control. So while that
situation continues and if it becomes greater, then there is an
almost mathematical proposition that the drugs would be more
difficult to eradicate and to interdict. So it would be a worse
problem.
Senator Rubio. I think the Colombians deserve a tremendous
amount of credit for all they have done to receive these people
who have come across the border, suffering people, people that
are scared.
But I would just want to close with this point. I do not
think you would disagree with it, and that is the more
resources they have had to dedicate to that and the strains it
places on the health care system and the like, the less
resources that are potentially available to confront this
challenge. And that ultimately spills over to us. And so I just
do not want us to underestimate what is going to happen to
Colombia--I know you do not--in the years to come and the
months to come if the situation in Venezuela continues on the
trajectory that it is on now. The situation in Venezuela poses
a direct threat not just to Colombia but ultimately to U.S.
national interests in the region.
Ambassador Goldberg. I agree.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Rubio.
Senator Markey?
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. Thank
you for this hearing.
Mr. Bremberg, if you are confirmed, you will be working
with the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees,
UNHCR. Yesterday UNHCR reported that more than 70 million
people worldwide have been forced from their homes, the highest
number of displaced people on record. Yet, under this
administration, as outlined in a report from Amnesty
International that was also released yesterday, refugee
resettlement in the United States dropped 71 percent over the
last 2 and a half years.
I have a copy of the Amnesty International report, Mr.
Chairman. I would ask unanimous consent that it be included in
the record.
The Chairman. It will be included.
[The information referred to above is located at the end of
this hearing's transcript.]
Senator Markey. Thank you.
And the Trump administration has proposed a $2 billion cut
to U.N. humanitarian agencies like UNHCR that has helped these
displaced populations overseas.
Yes or no, Mr. Bremberg. Do you believe that it is in the
United States' national interests to help address this historic
humanitarian crisis?
Mr. Bremberg. Absolutely, Senator. I think I think it is
absolutely in the American interest, not just in our security
interest, but part of our greater humanitarian/human rights
example. And I am proud that the United States is the largest
funder of humanitarian efforts around the world.
Senator Markey. But again, the Trump administration has
proposed a $2 billion cut in U.N. humanitarian agency help. So
you wind up with saying the right thing on the one hand and, on
the other hand, proposing a cut that would be even more
devastating than what we are already living through.
Mr. Bremberg. So I think part of the issue is that we need
to see other countries to step up and do their fair share as it
relates to helping address these humanitarian crises around the
world. I believe even if you suppose those cuts, I believe that
just shows the level of our generosity. I believe the United
States would still be the largest single donor for humanitarian
efforts around the world. And what we really need to do--and I
look forward to doing this, if confirmed--is work with other
countries to increase the level of support that they are
willing to provide to address these issues.
Senator Markey. I appreciate that. But at the same time, we
are at a historic high in terms of the number of refugees. So
there in my opinion has to be concomitant increase in our
commitment not a $2 billion cut.
So even national security officials, whether they be
Democrat or Republican administrations, they all agree that our
refugee programs help our recruitment of intelligence assets
abroad. They counter anti-Western propaganda, promote regional
stability in foreign countries hosting large numbers of
refugees.
And that is why I recently introduce a bill, the GRACE Act,
to prevent this administration from continuing its efforts to
slash refugee admissions and dismantle our resettlement
infrastructure. There has just been a dramatic reduction in the
number of refugees which the United States has accepted over
the last 2 and a half years since Donald Trump took over. And
this new budget is just a further continuation of that.
So UNHCR has encouraged the United States to maintain its
historic leadership role supporting refugees. What do you
intend to do about the United States' position if you are
handcuffed by having to advocate for cuts in our programs while
simultaneously saying to other countries that they should
increase? How in the world can you maintain such a
contradictory position and hope to be successful in eliciting a
response from these other countries?
Mr. Bremberg. Thank you, Senator, for the opportunity to
address that.
The reduction in the refugee cap is only one part of our
larger not just humanitarian effort but also our effort to
bring in individuals from other countries here into the United
States. As we have seen, we face an asylum crisis largely at
our southern border. The United States still welcomes more
refugees and asylees than any other country in the world. I
recognize these are two different legal distinctions. But as we
have seen this asylum crisis grow unchecked and we are
struggling with resources and legal authorities to address the
asylum crisis, I think it makes sense then that unfortunately
we are having to pull back on some of our other refugee
activities. So I think--I am sorry.
Senator Markey. No. I was just going to say there is a
humanitarian crisis out there right now. It is unprecedented,
and the United States should not be going backwards. We have to
step up. We are the wealthiest country in the world. The
President says we are the wealthiest country ever right now. So
we should just, out of the generosity of our spirit, be
reaching out to these people and not waiting for other
countries but leading by our example and then saying to the
other countries that they should be stepping up. It is just a
complete disaster out there, Mr. Bremberg.
My hope is that you could be an advocate internally, but
that is not what I am hearing from you. I am hearing you
reflecting that philosophy that we have to cut our own aid in
order to ultimately see increases from other countries. And I
just do not think that is sound thinking.
Mr. Chairman, thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Markey.
Senator Cruz?
Senator Cruz. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Congratulations to each of you on your nominations.
Mr. Goldberg, I want to ask you some questions about the
opportunities and the challenges in Colombia. The country is
our largest foreign aid recipient in the region. We have spent
upwards of $10 billion since 2000. And Colombia is our only
NATO partner in Latin America.
Nevertheless, there are a range of challenges that pose
direct threats to American national security from
narcotrafficking to the cascading effects of what is happening
in Venezuela.
First, I want to ask you just very basically, what do you
perceive as our national security interests and our objectives
in Colombia?
Ambassador Goldberg. Well, I think there are a nexus of
interests, Senator Cruz, one of them clearly is the drug
problem. Another is what is going on in Venezuela and the
dangers that that represents to the United States national
security.
There are possibilities and opportunities to move the
process in Colombia forward. Part of the problem, as I was
discussing with Senator Rubio, is that the Venezuela situation
draws resources from what might be used for doing other things
that are important on the peace process, on drugs.
But the opportunity is the challenge that has always
existed in Colombia and something that we have worked
throughout time, at least the 30 years I have been involved
with it, trying to make sure that Colombia has the resources
and the training and the military cooperation and the police
cooperation to extend the state and the state presence in
larger parts of the country so that there is more rule of law,
there is more economic development. And those are all crucial
factors in how Colombia can handle many of the problems that it
faces at a much reduced level, thanks to everything that has
happened in the last 20 years but still exist and that still
need to be dealt with.
Senator Cruz. One of the many challenges in Colombia is the
FARC retains designated as a foreign terrorist organization
under U.S. law. How does this impact our government interests
and how we interact with the government of Colombia now that
FARC is politically represented?
Ambassador Goldberg. Well, the FARC, Senator, has
representatives in the Congress, in the Senate, and the House
that were designated by the peace agreement. So we, in dealing
with the political situation, can have some contact. It would
be very difficult in most interactions, especially when it
comes to U.S. assistance, to deal with the FARC because it is
still listed as a terrorist organization.
Senator Cruz. Mr. Bremberg, the Geneva post is always a
challenging and delicate post for our diplomats. It is a place
where enormous good work can be done to advance human rights.
But unfortunately, many of the U.N.'s human rights
organizations have been taken over by people with atrocious
human rights records who do not particularly care about
protecting human rights.
How do you intend to navigate that challenge?
Mr. Bremberg. Thank you for the question, Senator.
That is clearly something that the Trump administration has
taken on head on. That is largely part of the reason why the
administration withdrew from the Human Rights Council 1 year
ago last summer and, if confirmed, is why I wish to make
advancing human rights one of my priorities in Geneva.
The United States does not need to be a member of the
council to lead on human rights. Every country looks to the
United States and our voice on human rights, and if confirmed,
I commit to you speaking on human rights in Geneva, building on
the good work the mission has already begun to do. Recently our
mission in Geneva held a conference to highlight the gross
human rights violations going on against Uighurs in China. It
was quite disturbing to hear reports of the Chinese mission
there threatening other multilateral missions, trying to
prevent them from participating and attending. But that type of
leadership on that and other human rights issues will be my
priority, if I am confirmed.
Senator Cruz. Well, I certainly encourage you in that
regard. And let me, in particular, encourage you the power of
highlighting dissidents is something I have tried to do in the
Senate of naming and shining a light on courageous heroes who
stand up to oppression. And one of the most potent tools
against tyranny, against human rights abuses is telling the
stories of these dissidents who risk everything. And that has
enormous, enormous power, and it is something that tyrannies
consistently fear.
Mr. Bremberg. I certainly agree. I believe the power that
dissidents coming here to Congress and meeting with elected
members--I think that is a great platform. I also think so many
human rights activists come through Geneva specifically, and
the importance of having a U.S. Ambassador there that will meet
with them, hear their concerns, and then give voice to that
both publicly and then privately in bilateral conversations
with other countries I think is really important. And, if
confirmed, you have my commitment that I will do that. And I
would just like to ask you and other members of the committee
that if there are individuals that you have already met with or
that you know that are in Geneva that would be important for us
as the United States to highlight and speak to, I would really
look forward to working with you.
Senator Cruz. Terrific. I appreciate that.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cruz.
Senator Kaine is going to yield I understand to Senator
Menendez.
Senator Menendez?
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Unfortunately I
have to go to the floor on the Saudi arms sales shortly.
Mr. Bremberg, I am trying to understand your logic. We have
the highest number of refugees in the history of the world, 70
million. You are suggesting that cutting $2 billion is a way to
show American leadership. I do not understand that. I know you
say you want to get other countries to pay more. Of course, we
always want to do that. But cutting $2 billion somehow creates
the incentive for other countries to gain more?
And you are wrong about the United States being the
greatest recipient of refugees and asylees. Germany alone took
a million asylees. So that is not the case.
Let me ask you this. Do you know a gentleman named Thomas
Hofeller?
Mr. Bremberg. I am sorry. Could you repeat that?
Senator Menendez. A guy by the name Thomas Hofeller, H-o-f-
e-l-l-e-r.
Mr. Bremberg. I do not believe so, Senator.
Senator Menendez. You have never had a conversation with
him?
Mr. Bremberg. Could you identify his background or who he
is?
Senator Menendez. He is the gentleman who came up with the
idea for the Census question. It is a citizenship question on
the Census.
Mr. Bremberg. No, Senator. I do not know nor have I ever
met or spoken or communicated with----
Senator Menendez. Let me ask you this. You authored a draft
executive order on January 23rd of 2017, 3 days after the
President was inaugurated, which would have directed the Census
Bureau to add a question on citizenship and immigration status.
How did you get the idea to include the citizenship issue in
the draft EO?
Mr. Bremberg. Senator, it would not be appropriate for me
to comment on alleged leaked draft White House documents. But I
am happy to discuss again the policy issue, if you wish.
Senator Menendez. Well, when you say it is not appropriate,
there was a draft--do you deny there was a draft executive
order that you prepared?
Mr. Bremberg. Senator, I do not believe it is appropriate
for me to talk about draft deliberative documents.
Senator Menendez. Under what type of privilege are you
saying you cannot answer my questions?
Mr. Bremberg. Senator, I very much wish to answer your
question about the policy, but I believe it is the custom,
under both Republican and Democrat administrations, that when
White House aides come to testify for nominations, they do
not----
Senator Menendez. On what type of privilege are you saying
you cannot answer my questions?
Mr. Bremberg. I am not exerting a privilege, Senator.
Senator Menendez. You are not exerting a privilege. So if
you are not exerting a privilege, how is that you fail to
answer my questions?
Mr. Bremberg. I would very much like to answer your
question.
Senator Menendez. Then please do so.
Mr. Bremberg. Can you just repeat the policy question,
Senator?
Senator Menendez. Where did you get the idea to include the
citizenship issue in the draft executive order?
Mr. Bremberg. Can I just talk about the--I believe you
suggested there is a draft executive order dated very early in
the administration that you are suggesting I wrote. I cannot
comment on this alleged draft. But can I tell you about my work
in the transition and right into the immediate context of the
administration about what work I did?
Senator Menendez. No. That would take forever.
Mr. Bremberg. I can be very brief.
Senator Menendez. I want to know about the citizenship
question, but you do not want to answer that.
Let me ask you----
Mr. Bremberg. I answered.
Senator Menendez. You have not answered it.
Let me ask you this. You authored a draft memo to the
President which said that, quote, households headed by aliens
are much more likely than households headed by native born
citizens to use federal means tested public benefits. Do you
agree with that statement?
Mr. Bremberg. No, Senator, I do not.
Senator Menendez. Okay. So what changed your mind?
Mr. Bremberg. Nothing has ever changed my mind on that
topic. Again, I wish I could talk about it.
Senator Menendez. Do you deny that you authored such a
memo?
Mr. Bremberg. I have never written that sentence, Senator.
Senator Menendez. You have never written that sentence. Did
such a memo go under your name?
Mr. Bremberg. Senator, when I came into the White House,
there were many, many memos and draft executive orders that had
been prepared for consideration for President Trump during the
presidential transition--many memos and executive orders.
Senator Menendez. Let me go to another issue. In my
prehearing questions for the record, I asked whether you
participated in any meetings related to the administration's
decision to terminate TPS designations for El Salvador, Haiti,
and Honduras. You said you do not recall participating in any
meetings. Yet, the fact is that we have information that the
Domestic Policy Council, of which you are the Director, sought
repeatedly to influence the decision-making process at the
State Department and DHS to ensure that TPS designations for El
Salvador, Haiti, and Honduras were terminated. Is that true?
Mr. Bremberg. I believe you asked did I say was not
participating. That is true.
Senator Menendez. Is it true, first of all, that the
Domestic Policy Council was actively engaged in trying to
influence the results of ending TPS designations for El
Salvador, Haiti, and Honduras?
Mr. Bremberg. I do not believe so, Senator. I had staff
that worked on many of these issues----
Senator Menendez. Did you check your calendar records based
upon my question to see if you participated in any meetings on
TPS?
Mr. Bremberg. I am happy to do that for the record.
Senator Menendez. Would you please and submit it?
Did you check your email records to see if you had any--
expressed an opinion on terminating TPS designations?
Mr. Bremberg. I would be happy to do that, Senator.
Senator Menendez. Please submit that for the record.
Should victims of sexual violence be able to terminate the
pregnancy where legal?
Mr. Bremberg. Senator, I do not believe abortion is a moral
solution to any problem.
Senator Menendez. So the U.S. recently made an egregious
and extraordinary threat to veto a U.N. Security Council
resolution on gender-based violence in conflict over a
reference to survivor's access to sexual and reproductive
health. So if in conflict a woman gets raped and ultimately, as
a result of that rape, ends up with a child, a pregnancy she
did not seek and was forcibly put on her, you are telling me
that it will be your position and the position that you will
have to say that that woman ultimately cannot have access to a
legal abortion?
Mr. Bremberg. Senator, I am pro-life. I believe that all
human life is sacred and that human life begins at conception.
Senator Menendez. So when you are raped, a woman has no
rights.
Mr. Bremberg. Senator, I find that suggestion horrific to
suggest that a rape victim has no rights.
Senator Menendez. Well, I find it horrific that a woman who
is raped cannot choose what to do with the consequences of that
rape. And that is exactly what you are suggesting is
acceptable.
Let me ask you this----
Mr. Bremberg. Senator----
Senator Menendez. No. I have limited time and you are
really not being very helpful in answering questions.
Would you, if confirmed, speak out against laws that
criminalize same sex relationships and women's personal health
decisions in public and private settings as part of your
representation of the U.S. at the U.N. abroad?
Mr. Bremberg. Yes, Senator.
I must say any suggestion that I do not have care for
victims of rape I find horrendous. I have had family members
that were raped, Senator.
Senator Menendez. And I am deeply sorry.
Mr. Bremberg. I accept your apology.
Senator Menendez. I am not apologizing.
Mr. Bremberg. Oh, I am sorry.
Senator Menendez. You should apologize to the women who are
raped that you say have to live with the rape. It is pretty
outrageous that you at a U.N. organization are going to take
that position on behalf of the United States. I do not think
that is the view of the United States. Even those who share
your view about the question of life very often have exceptions
for victims of rape as part of it. You do not suggest that that
exception exists. It is very difficult to understand how you
are going to promote U.S. views that are broadly held even in
that context.
And lastly, Ambassador Goldberg, this position is
incredibly important. I have heard some of your answers. Some
of the waterfront I am concerned about has been covered very
much.
Mr. Zuckerman, I have two questions. One is that U.S.
companies keep coming to me telling me how they are abused in
Romania, how they arbitrarily and capriciously have their
properties confiscated, how their contracts are interceded
with. If you are confirmed, I would expect you to make that
your highest priority.
Mr. Zuckerman. I will, Senator.
Senator Menendez. And secondly, I will submit for the
record some questions I have about a lawsuit that took place. I
want a thorough accounting of it so that I understand what took
place. I know that you believe that it was wrongfully brought,
but I want to have the information as well.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Menendez.
The record will remain open until the close of business on
Friday, including for members to submit questions.
I thank all four of you for your patience with us. Thank
you for your willingness to serve.
With that, the committee is adjourned.
[Pause.]
Senator Romney [presiding]. The hearing of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
And before we begin, I want to mention that we have votes
on the Senate floor that begin at 11:30, and that means that we
will probably take a pause from time to time to go out and
vote. We have three votes in a row. Votes are usually held
every 15 or 20 minutes. So my apology to those of you who are
about to testify and also those in the audience. I hope you
understand that because of the voting schedule today, we will
be having to take two or three pauses or recesses during these
hearings. We will come back and finish the process.
Today the committee is going to hold a nomination hearing
for three very important issues in a very important part of the
world.
First, we are going to hear from Ambassador Richard Norland
to be Ambassador to Libya. Ambassador Norland is the Foreign
Policy Advisor to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. He
previously served as Ambassador to Georgia and Uzbekistan and
as the Deputy Chief of Mission in Afghanistan and Latvia.
Among many other diplomatic posts in his lengthy and
distinguished career in the Foreign Service, Ambassador Norland
was recognized for his service in 2010, receiving the
Presidential Distinguished Service Award.
Secondly, we will hear from Ambassador Jonathan Cohen to be
Ambassador to Egypt. Ambassador Cohen was the Deputy Ambassador
to the United Nations and following the resignation of
Ambassador Haley, he became the Acting Ambassador to the U.N..
He served in a number of roles as a career diplomat, including
as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for European and
Eurasian Affairs, Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. embassy
in Baghdad, Iraq, and Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S.
embassy in Nicosa, Cyprus, in addition to in other missions
around the world.
Our third nominee is Mr. John Rakolta, Jr., to be
Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates. John Rakolta, Jr. is
the Chairman and CEO of Walbridge, a global construction firm
based in Detroit, Michigan. Walbridge serves clients in a wide
variety of industries from automotive, aviation, and
manufacturing to government, power, and energy markets. He was
also the co-chair of the Coalition for the Future of Detroit
School Children and the Chairman of New Detroit, an
organization focused on racial equality and the economic
revitalization of the city.
We are privileged to be joined by our distinguished
colleague, Senator Marco Rubio of Florida, who will be
introducing Mr. Rakolta. Therefore, I am going to postpone my
opening statement, and I ask the ranking member to do the same
after the nominee introduction.
I want to thank all of the individuals for their presence
here today, but we are going to begin by recognizing Senator
Rubio.
STATEMENT OF HON. MARCO RUBIO,
U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA
Senator Rubio. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for convening this
hearing today on the nominees to these very important posts
around the world.
I want to briefly take a moment to introduce John Rakolta,
who is nominated to be the Ambassador to the United Arab
Emirates. As you have already outlined, he is a successful
business executive and also a leader in the civic community.
Since 1993, as you have already said, he is the Chief Executive
Officer of a construction firm that has been very successful.
The United States and the UAE have a strong bilateral
relationship on a range of issues that are topical even at this
very moment, and the two countries have worked together in the
past on key security and economic issues. But there is a lot of
work to be done.
We must fill this position as quickly as possible, and I
have no doubt that Mr. Rakolta will serve his country with
great distinction and will represent the United States
honorably and effectively in Abu Dhabi, hopefully, once he is
confirmed.
So thank you.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Senator Rubio.
Ambassador Norland, Ambassador Cohen, Mr. Rakolta, thank
you for your past service to our country and for your
willingness to be here today and to accept these assignments. I
want to express my gratitude for your willingness to serve the
United States of America.
Each of you will be serving in nations that fit with the
jurisdiction of the Middle East Subcommittee, but the issues
that you face within each of your countries will vary greatly.
Your work will be critical in maintaining and strengthening our
alliances with key partners in the region.
Ambassador Norland, in Libya, you will face a fractured
state with warring parties set on gaining control over the
territory. I look forward to hearing your views on how to best
address the current situation in Libya, particularly your
thoughts on pursuing a ceasefire and supporting a U.N. process.
Ambassador Cohen, while I concur with the administration
that we should strive to strengthen our military and trade
relationships with Egypt, ongoing human rights abuses are
simply unacceptable there. Egypt's government still jails
thousands of its political dissidents, including Americans. It
must be a high priority to secure the release of these
individuals. I look forward to hearing how you will influence
the Egyptian government on the issue of egregious human rights
abuses.
Let me preface my introduction of Mr. Rakolta by saying
that he has been a long-term friend of my family. John has had
a long and successful career in the private sector, as I have
indicated earlier. I appreciate his achievements in that
capacity. I am grateful for his friendship.
He is also someone who has given back to his community,
leading economic development and revitalization efforts in
Detroit. I am confident that our country will be well served by
his experience and leadership.
Mr. Rakolta, as you know, the United Arab Emirates is a
critical partner for the United States in the Middle East. The
UAE has three U.S. bases, including a significant naval base,
and is a key partner for counterterrorism efforts. In addition
to security, the UAE is a significant trading partner with the
U.S., including with my home State of Utah. I look forward to
hearing how you will work to maintain a strong national
security and trade relationship with our partner in the Middle
East.
As you acclimate in your roles, I hope that you will each
remain open and candid with the Senate and our committees to
any changes on the ground you witness or ways that we can
support you in maintaining and strengthening our relationships
with your areas of jurisdiction in the Middle East.
Again, I appreciate you all being here today, and I look
forward to hearing from you.
With that, I would like to recognize the distinguished
ranking member for his comments, Senator Murphy.
STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER MURPHY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CONNECTICUT
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Romney.
Thank you to the nominees and to your families for being
willing to serve in the case of our two career public servants
not for the first time. And thank you, Mr. Rakolta, for being
willing to step up for your country.
Let me just add on briefly to Senator Romney's remarks.
Mr. Norland, if you are confirmed, you are going to
confront a country that has essentially tipped into civil war.
8 years after the February 17th revolution that deposed
Qaddafi, Libya has yet to find peace or stability, much less
attain its aspirations for democracy and prosperity.
Most recently, the renegade commander of the so-called
Libyan National Army, Khalifa Haftar, has tried and failed to
take Tripoli by force and at great cost, more than 650 killed
and 3,500 wounded just since April 5th. And in the wake of
President Trump's outreach to Haftar, there is more uncertainty
now than ever as to where the United States stands as this
chaotic civil war spirals out of control.
Next door in Egypt, as Senator Romney mentioned, we are
increasingly seeing authoritarianism and relentless repression
in the Arab world's most populous nation. Through a widely
discredited referendum this April, President Sisi succeed in
amending the constitution to allow for an exception to term
limits so that he can stay in office until at least 2030. He
has crushed his political opposition, tightened repressive
policies targeting the LGBT community, rounded up writers,
journalists, artists, and activists for peaceful criticism.
Yet, President Trump has praised Sisi for doing an
outstanding job, and Egypt remains the second largest recipient
of the U.S. aid in the world. With that much money at stake
and, again, with this much confusion about where the United
States stands with respect to this campaign of repression, we
need strong leadership in our embassy.
And lastly, the United Arab Emirates is one of our most
important partners in the region in terms of counterterrorism,
political and military cooperation, and trade and investment.
But that relationship is also amongst our most challenging. The
UAE leadership has asserted an increasingly risky militaristic
foreign policy, and many of us have a list of growing concerns
with the UAE's conduct in Yemen, its aggressive isolation of
Qatar, its role in Sudan, and inhumane and unfair detention
practices and trials at home.
It is not insignificant that this will be the first
political appointee to represent us in the UAE, a post that has
traditionally been reserved for career diplomats, I would argue
for good reason. But I look forward to hearing from the
nominee.
Thank you for agreeing to accept these very challenging
assignments, and I look forward to your testimony.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Senator Murphy.
We will now turn to our first nominee, Ambassador Norland.
Again, we express appreciation to all of you for your
willingness to take on these critical roles. Your full
statements will be included in the record, without objection.
So if you could please keep your remarks to no more than 5
minutes, we would appreciate it so that the members of the
committee can engage you with questions.
Ambassador Norland, you may begin.
STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD B. NORLAND, OF IOWA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, TO
BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO LIBYA
Ambassador Norland. Chairman Romney, Ranking Member Murphy,
Senators, this hearing will be the subject of immediate
attention by the people of Libya as they look for signs of hope
that the persistent violence in Tripoli will come to an end and
a more secure and prosperous future for all Libyans will be
achieved.
The interests of the American people are also at stake with
respect to ending innocent suffering, countering terrorism,
stabilizing oil markets, stemming the human misery and
political de-stabilization of large-scale migration and forging
closer economic cooperation.
I am honored by the confidence shown in me by the President
and the Secretary of State in nominating me to serve as the
next U.S. Ambassador to Libya. If confirmed, I pledge to you
that I will do my utmost to bring U.S. diplomacy to bear on
stabilizing the situation and promoting these U.S. interests.
The principal task at hand is bringing the latest round of
fighting, which started in early April, to an end through an
immediate ceasefire in Tripoli. Lasting peace and stability in
Libya can only come through a political solution, and halting
the current violence is a critical step to create the
conditions for a return to political negotiations. Deescalating
the conflict requires engagement with a broad range of Libyan
stakeholders, including not only Tripoli and Benghazi, but also
key constituencies like Misrata, Zawiya, and Zintan. Equally
critical is frank U.S. engagement with outside parties that
have influence in Libya, some with a presence on the ground, in
an effort to ensure that foreign involvement serves to reduce
rather than promote violence.
I am committed to working with a wide array of Libyan and
international partners and in support of United Nations Special
Representative to the Secretary-General Ghassan Salame to
reestablish an effective U.N. mediation process. This effort
should build on the constructive talks between Prime Minister
al-Sarraj and General Haftar that took place in Abu Dhabi in
February.
I would like to stress the United States does not see Libya
as the play thing of foreign interests. Libya emerged from
colonial rule in 1951, and a strong sense of independence and
self-sufficiency still fuels the people of this young and
fragile country. We respect this. The United States approach to
Libya is pragmatic and rooted in the clear vision of a unified
Libyan state that can stand on its own as a force for stability
and deliver prosperity to all Libyans from Ajdabiya to Zwara
and Awbari to Tobruk.
I have no illusion that the is task will be easy, but if
confirmed, I will led my team to build upon the work done by my
immediate predecessor, Ambassador Peter Bodde, and the
hardworking staff of the Libya External Office temporarily
based at the U.S. Embassy Tunis and capably by interim Charge
d'Affaires Natalie Baker. I am very conscious--very conscious--
that, if confirmed, I would be carrying forward the work of
Ambassador Chris Stevens, who gave his life trying to bring
peace to the people of Libya. I will do my best to ensure that
Chris Stevens, Glen Doherty, Sean Smith, and Tyrone Woods did
not die in vain.
I would like to thank my wife, Mary Hartnett, for her
unfailing support throughout my career and our children, Daniel
and Kate, for their service to our nation growing up as Foreign
Service kids. They and their spouses, Jen and Phil, and our
four grandchildren, Ellie, Cam, Mary, and Owen, bring great joy
to our lives. Mary and Daniel are here today. Daniel came from
San Diego. Kate is actually living in the Middle East working
on refugee issues.
Chairman, Ranking Member, Senators, in closing, it is
perhaps fitting to note that I was born in North Africa in
Rabat, my father's first Foreign Service post. His last posting
as Ambassador to Chad was cut short when rebels based in Libya
advanced on Chad's capital, toppled the government, and forced
our diplomats to flee on French military transports after being
pinned down for 3 days.
So in my lifetime, I have seen North Africa begin its
remarkable transformation. I have also seen it experience the
vagaries of self-serving political leadership and the predatory
behavior of external forces, including those employing
terrorism in their distorted view of Islam. I have seen how
instability in Libya can spill over into neighboring countries.
In my own Foreign Service career, I have had the opportunity to
serve in majority Muslim countries, to work on conflict
resolution, and to address the challenges of great power
competition.
Taken together, I hope that, if confirmed, serving as
Ambassador to Libya will enable me to bring a lifetime of
experience to bear in a way that will advance our interests and
promote lasting peace and friendship for the United States and
Libya.
Thank you. I stand ready to respond to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Norland follows:]
Prepared Statement of Richard B. Norland
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, Senators: This hearing will be the
subject of immediate attention by the people of Libya as they look for
signs of hope that the persistent violence in Tripoli will come to an
end and a more secure and prosperous future for all Libyans will be
realized. The interests of the American people are also at stake, with
respect to ending innocent suffering, countering terrorism, stabilizing
oil markets, stemming the human misery and political de-stabilization
of large-scale migration, and forging closer economic cooperation as
Libya looks beyond decades of instability and isolation. I am honored
by the confidence shown in me by President Trump and Secretary Pompeo
in nominating me to serve as the next U.S. Ambassador to Libya. If
confirmed, I pledge to you that I will do my utmost to bring U.S.
diplomacy to bear on stabilizing the situation and promoting these U.S.
interests.
The principal task at hand is bringing the latest round of
fighting, which started in early April, to an end through an immediate
ceasefire in Tripoli. Lasting peace and stability in Libya can only
come through a political solution, and halting the current violence is
a critical step to create the conditions for a return to political
negotiations. De-escalating the conflict requires engagement with a
broad range of Libyan stakeholders, including not only Tripoli and
Benghazi but also key constituencies like Misrata, Zawiya, and Zintan.
Equally critical is frank U.S. engagement with outside parties that
have influence in Libya, many of whom have a presence on the ground, in
an effort to ensure that foreign involvement serves to reduce rather
than promote violence.
Stabilizing the situation also requires re-launching a political
process that will result in a government that enjoys legitimacy in the
eyes of the people of Libya. We are committed to working with a wide
array of Libyan and international partners, under the effective
leadership of U.N. Special Representative of the Secretary-General
Ghassan Salame, to reestablish such a U.N. mediation process. This
effort should build on the constructive talks between Prime Minister
alSarraj and General Haftar in Abu Dhabi in February. Achieving a long
overdue political solution will not be quick, and ongoing violence has
hardened positions on all sides. If confirmed, I would work with the
key parties to the conflict in an effort to advance this Libyan-led,
U.N. facilitated process and help the Libyans move toward credible and
secure elections.
Any political progress will be fleeting without attention to the
economic and security dimensions of this conflict. Increasing oil
production is a necessary investment in Libya's own future, and if
confirmed, I would further support Libyan efforts to develop their
country's energy potential and promote greater transparency and
accountability in the distribution of Libya's considerable wealth. I
would also advocate strongly for the U.S. private sector as we seek to
expand trade and investment for the mutual benefit of Libyans and
Americans. Reaching the full potential of our economic relationship
will require greater security. To this end, if confirmed, I would
reinforce our partnerships with a range of Libyan actors to ensure
terrorist groups find no safe haven in Libya. We are fortunate to build
on an effective counterterrorism partnership with the government of
National Accord and its aligned forces, which were instrumental to
defeating ISIS in Sirte in 2016, as well as the important contributions
of the ``Libyan National Army'' to the fight against ISIS and al-Qa'ida
elements in Libya.
The United States does not see Libya as the plaything of foreign
interests. Libya emerged from colonial rule in 1951, and a strong sense
of independence and self-sufficiency still fuels the people of this
young and fragile country. We respect this. The U.S. approach to Libya
is pragmatic and rooted in the clear vision of reinforcing a unified
Libyan state that can stand on its own as a force for stability and
deliver prosperity to all Libyans, from Ajdabiya to Zwara and Awbari to
Tobruk. Our only goal is thus to help Libya establish a stable
government with popular legitimacy, enabling the country to counter
real threats from ISIS-Libya and Al-Qa'ida, to control its borders and
the flow of desperate migrants, to enjoy economic growth for all its
citizens, and to respect fundamental human rights.
I have no illusion that this task will be easy, but, if confirmed,
I will lead my team to build upon the work done by my immediate
predecessor, Ambassador Peter Bodde, and the hardworking staff of the
Libya External Office temporarily based at U.S. Embassy Tunis and
capably led by interim Charge d'Affaires Natalie Baker. I am very
conscious that, if confirmed, I would be carrying forward the work of
Ambassador Chris Stevens, who gave his life trying to bring peace to
the people of Libya. I would be determined to ensure that Chris
Stevens, Sean Smith, Tyrone Woods and Glen Doherty did not die in vain.
I would like to thank my wife, Mary Hartnett, for her unfailing
support throughout my career, and our children, Daniel and Kate, for
their service to our nation growing up as Foreign Service kids. They
and their spouses Jen and Phil, and our four grandchildren, Ellie, Cam,
Mary and Owen, bring great joy to our lives.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, Senators--in closing, it is perhaps
fitting to note that I was born in North Africa--in Rabat, my father's
first Foreign Service post. His last posting, as Ambassador to Chad,
was cut short when rebels based in Libya advanced on Chad's capital,
toppled the government, and forced our diplomats to flee on French
military transports after being pinned down for three days. So, in my
lifetime, I have seen North Africa begin its remarkable transformation.
I have also seen it experience the vagaries of self-serving political
leadership, and the predatory behavior of external forces, including
those employing terrorism in their distorted view of Islam. I have seen
how instability in Libya can spill over into neighboring countries. In
my own Foreign Service career, I have had the opportunity to serve in
majority Muslim countries, to work on conflict resolution, and to
address the challenges of Great Power competition.
Taken together, I hope that, if confirmed, serving as Ambassador to
Libya will enable me to bring a lifetime of experience to bear in a way
that will advance our interests and promote lasting peace and
friendship for the United States and Libya. Thank you, and I stand
ready to respond to your questions.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Ambassador Norland.
Ambassador Cohen?
STATEMENT OF JONATHAN R. COHEN, OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, TO
BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT
Ambassador Cohen. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of
the committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as the
President's nominee to be Ambassador to Egypt. I am grateful to
President Trump and Secretary Pompeo for their continuing
confidence in me, and if confirmed, I look forward to working
closely with you and your colleagues to advance U.S. interests
in Egypt and the region.
Serving our nation as a Foreign Service officer for the
past 33 years has been and continues to be a great privilege. I
want to thank my amazing family, who unfortunately could not be
here today, for their love and support over the years. And I
also want to thank my Foreign Service mentors, ambassadors,
deputy chiefs of mission, and assistant secretaries with whom I
have served. In particular, I would like to thank Ambassador
Ryan Crocker, who encouraged me to join the Foreign Service in
the mid-1980s and with whom I had the honor of serving in
Baghdad in 2003; my friend, Stuart Jones who, as Ambassador to
Iraq, when I was his Deputy Chief of Mission from 2014 to 2016,
set an example that I hope to emulate, if confirmed; and
Ambassador Jim Jeffrey, a national treasure who has been a
steady source of wisdom, strategic thinking, friendship, and
support since we first met over 25 years ago.
As I had the honor of telling the committee the last time I
appeared before you, I grew up in a California family that paid
little attention to foreign affairs, and I began my journey to
the Foreign Service in high school through involvement in Model
United Nations and as an AFS exchange student. My journey
continued in college, studying international relations and near
eastern affairs. Serving for the past 6 months as the Acting
U.S. Representative to the United Nations has been a remarkable
experience that exceeded what I dreamed possible in my Model
U.N. days. However, I joined the Foreign Service with the
intention of serving our nation in the Middle East, and I am
particularly honored to have been nominated to be the next U.S.
Ambassador to Egypt.
America's strategic relationship with Egypt is crucial to
our national security interests. The U.S. is affected by
Egypt's geostrategic influence on regional political, economic,
and military affairs; its governance of the Suez Canal; and its
demographic weight as the most populous Arab country. It hosts
the headquarters of the Arab League and in February became the
chair of the African Union for the year. Egypt continues to
meet its obligations under the 1979 Egypt-Israel Treaty of
Peace, which is the model for regional cooperation and
stability. If confirmed, my primary concern will be to continue
to shape our strategic relationship with Egypt in order to
advance U.S. interests.
Egypt is a key partner in countering potential threats to
the United States and our allies. The Sinai Peninsula is the
home to one of the most capable ISIS affiliates, and the
Egyptian military campaign against ISIS-Sinai Province
continues. In combating terrorism and promoting regional
stability, President el-Sisi frequently acknowledges the
importance of the U.S. role. If confirmed, I will seek to
ensure our counterterrorism partnership with Egypt continues to
reduce threats to the United States' interests.
Egypt is the second largest recipient of U.S. security
assistance and one of the top 10 of U.S. economic assistance.
The Departments of State and Defense ensure that U.S. security
assistance is well targeted to achieve bilateral security
objectives, including encouraging Egypt to use its defense
budget to purchase more U.S.-produced military equipment,
supplies, and services. As Secretary Pompeo said during his
testimony to Congress in April, we have told Egypt that CAATSA
requires sanctions on any person who knowingly engages in a
significant transaction with Russia's defense or intelligence
sectors. If confirmed, I will carry that message forward. The
United States should have greater insight into the Sinai
Peninsula to verify that U.S.-provided weapons are being used
appropriately. If confirmed, I will request additional travel
for U.S. officials into the Sinai as security conditions
permit. I will also urge Egypt to grant journalists more access
to the Sinai.
I know this committee shares our deep concern about Egypt's
restrictions on the freedoms of expression, association,
peaceful assembly, and the press; about protecting the rights
of vulnerable populations, particularly religious minorities
and women; about restrictions on civil society, including the
NGO law; and about allegations of abuses by Egyptian security
forces. I know that you are concerned about the reasons for and
the conditions of imprisonment of U.S. citizens in Egypt. Let
me assure you that I strongly share all these concerns. If
confirmed, I will emphasize the vital role that protection for
fundamental freedoms and rule of law play in the progress of
democracies and in building prosperous economies. I will echo
the call of Secretary Pompeo from Cairo for President el-Sisi
to unleash the creative energy of Egypt's people, unfetter the
economy, and promote a free and open exchange of ideas. For
that same reason, I will also commend President el-Sisi for his
support of religious tolerance and of the participation of
women in politics.
Embassy Cairo is one of our largest embassies, and it
offers consular services to more than 68,000 U.S. citizens in
Egypt. The embassy staff, both American and Egyptian, is
committed to furthering U.S. priorities and strengthening our
partnership with Egypt in sometimes difficult conditions. If
confirmed, I look forward to joining in their efforts. My
highest priority will always be the safety and security or all
U.S. citizens in Egypt.
I thank you again for the opportunity to testify before you
today, and I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Cohen follows:]
Prepared Statement by Jonathan R. Cohen
Chairman, Ranking Member, Members of the committee: It is an honor
to appear before you today as the President's nominee to be Ambassador
to Egypt. I am grateful to President Trump and Secretary Pompeo for
their continuing confidence in me. If confirmed, I look forward to
working closely with you and your colleagues to advance U.S. interests
in Egypt and the region.
Serving our nation as a Foreign Service Officer for the past 33
years has been and continues to be a great privilege. I want to thank
my wonderful wife, Lidija, and our amazing daughters, Alexandra and
Gabriella, for their love and support over the years. I also want to
thank my Foreign Service mentors, Ambassadors, Deputy Chiefs of
Mission, and Assistant Secretaries with whom I have served. In
particular, I would like to thank Ambassador Ryan Crocker, who
encouraged me to join the Foreign Service in the mid-1980s and with
whom I had the honor of serving in Baghdad in 2003; my friend, Stuart
Jones, who, as Ambassador to Iraq when I was his Deputy Chief of
Mission from 2014 to 2016, set an example that I hope to emulate if
confirmed; and Ambassador Jim Jeffrey, a national treasure, who has
been a steady source of wisdom, strategic thinking, friendship, and
support since we met over 25 years ago.
As I had the honor of telling the committee the last time I
appeared before you, I grew up in aCalifornia family that paid little
attention to foreign affairs, and I began my journey to the Foreign
Service in high school, through involvement in Model United Nations and
as an AFS exchange student. My journey continued in college, studying
international relations and near eastern affairs. Serving for the past
six months as the Acting U.S. Representative to the United Nations has
been a remarkable experience that exceeded what I dreamed possible in
my Model U.N. days. However, I joined the Foreign Service with the
intention of serving our nation in the Middle East, and I am
particularly honored to have been nominated to be the next U.S.
Ambassador to Egypt.
America's strategic relationship with Egypt is crucial to our
national security interests. The United States is affected by Egypt's
geostrategic influence on regional political, economic, and military
affairs; its governance of the Suez Canal, through which nearly 10
percent of global maritime trade transits; and its demographic weight
as the most populous Arab country, with almost a quarter of the world's
Arab population. It hosts the headquarters of the Arab League and, in
February, became the chair of the African Union for the year. Egypt
continues to meet its obligations under the 1979 Egypt-Israel Treaty of
Peace, which is a model for regional cooperation and stability. If
confirmed, my primary concern will be to continue to shape our
strategic relationship with Egypt in order to advance U.S. interests.
Egypt is a key partner in countering potential threats to the
United States and our allies from ISIS and al-Qa'ida and faces serious
terrorist threats in its mainland, in its western desert, along its
lengthy borders with Libya and Sudan, and in its Sinai Peninsula.
Terrorist groups frequently attack Egyptian military and government
targets in the Sinai and periodically attack civilian targets there and
in mainland Egypt. The Sinai Peninsula is the home base of one of the
most capable ISIS affiliates, and the Egyptian military campaign
against ISIS-Sinai Province continues. In combatting terrorism and
promoting regional stability, President al-Sisi frequently acknowledges
the importance of the U.S. role. If confirmed, I will seek to ensure
our counterterrorism partnership with Egypt continues to reduce threats
to U.S. interests.
Egypt is the second-largest recipient of U.S. security assistance
and one of the top-ten of U.S. economic assistance. The Departments of
State and Defense ensure that U.S. security assistance is well targeted
to achieve bilateral security objectives, including encouraging Egypt
to use its defense budget to purchase more U.S.-produced military
equipment, supplies, and services. As Secretary Pompeo said during his
testimony to Congress in April, we have told Egypt that CAATSA requires
sanctions on any person who knowingly engages in a significant
transaction with Russia's defense or intelligence sectors. If
confirmed, I will carry that message forward. The United States should
have greater insight into the Sinai Peninsula to verify whether
U.S.provided weapons are being used appropriately. If confirmed, I will
request additional travel for U.S. officials into the Sinai as security
conditions permit. I also will urge Egypt to grant journalists more
access to the Sinai.
Egypt publicly supports U.S. policy towards Syria; it has played a
vital role negotiating repeated ceasefires in Gaza between Hamas and
Israel. Egypt can be a strong force for good in the Middle East and
Africa. We have encouraged Egypt to play a positive role in resolving
the Gulf Rift with Qatar and to join us in developing the Middle East
Strategic Alliance. If confirmed, I will press for greater Egyptian
support of U.S. efforts to increase regional cooperation.
U.S. exports to Egypt have sustained, in recent years, an estimated
25 thousand U.S. jobs. President al-Sisi has taken bold action on
difficult but essential economic reforms that should offer U.S.
companies and investors greater opportunities in Egypt. If confirmed, I
will encourage Egypt to continue implementing reforms that make doing
business in Egypt easier, and I will encourage more U.S. companies to
trade with and invest in Egypt as these changes create a more
hospitable investment climate.
The defeat of terrorism requires a comprehensive approach that
includes preventing others from falling victim to the false allure of
violent extremism. In my work at the U.N., I have seen Egypt lead
efforts in this regard. I also have witnessed disagreements between the
United States and Egypt on human rights issues and peacekeeping reform.
Our relationship can be complicated even as we pursue many shared
interests. However, our continuing work on counterterrorism and
regional stability, despite our disagreements, demonstrates the
strength of our enduring partnership. If confirmed, I will strive for
achievement of U.S. priorities, as well as objectives the United States
and Egypt share.
I know this committee shares our concerns about Egypt's
restrictions on the freedoms of expression, association, peaceful
assembly, and the press; about protecting the rights of vulnerable
populations, particularly religious minorities and women; about
restrictions on civil society, including the NGO law; and about
allegations of abuses by Egyptian security forces. I know that you are
concerned about the reasons for and conditions of imprisonment of U.S.
citizens in Egypt. Let me assure you that I strongly share all these
concerns. If confirmed, I will emphasize the vital role that protection
for fundamental freedoms and rule of law play in the progress of
democracies and the building of prosperous economies. I will point out
that opportunities for nonviolent political dissent are necessary and
can help prevent insecurity and political instability by allowing
citizens to participate more in their civic affairs and have a stronger
voice in their future. I will echo the call Secretary Pompeo made in
Cairo for President al-Sisi to ``unleash the creative energy of Egypt's
people, unfetter the economy, and promote a free and open exchange of
ideas.'' For that same reason, I also will commend President al-Sisi
for his support of religious tolerance and the participation of women
in politics.
Embassy Cairo is one of our largest embassies, and it offers
consular services to more than 68,000 U.S. citizens in Egypt. The
embassy staff, both American and Egyptian, is committed to furthering
U.S. priorities and strengthening our partnership with Egypt in
sometimes-difficult conditions. If confirmed, I look forward to joining
in their efforts. My highest priority will always be the safety and
security of all U.S. citizens in Egypt.
I want thank you again for the opportunity to testify before you
today, and I look forward to taking your questions.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Ambassador Cohen.
Mr. Rakolta?
STATEMENT OF JOHN RAKOLTA, JR., OF MICHIGAN, TO BE AMBASSADOR
EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA TO THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
Mr. Rakolta. Chairman Romney, Ranking Member Murphy,
members of the committee, I would like to thank President Trump
and Secretary Pompeo for the trust and confidence that they
have shown in me, and I am humbled by this extraordinary
opportunity to serve my country. It will represent the
interests and values of the United States and strengthen our
nation's bonds with the government and the people of the United
Arab Emirates. This relationship is critical to our national
security interests and is a moderating and stabilizing force in
one of the world's most volatile regions.
I would like to thank my family, without whom I would never
have been in a position to be considered for this job,
particularly without the love, support, and inspiration of my
family, especially my wonderful wife Terry for 43 years. She is
here today with three of my four children, Eileen, Lauren, and
Paige. I also have three of 11 grand children and many friends
and extended family who are in the room today, and I could not
be prouder of all of them for supporting me.
My grandparents came to America from Romania seeking
freedom and a chance for a better life. Our nation's values of
hard work and gratitude, combined with love of our country,
were instilled in my father. These served him well during World
War II when he was held prisoner of war in Germany after his B-
26 bomber was shot down. He ultimately moved back to Detroit,
acquired a construction company by the name of Walbridge, and I
am privileged to lead that company today.
Having grown this regional firm into a multinational
enterprise of over 2,000 employees, this experience has allowed
me to understand the complexities of international business and
commerce. These large and complex projects have given me
experiences and insights which will be extremely helpful to
U.S. business interests. If confirmed, promoting and developing
U.S. business interests in UAE will be one of my top
priorities. If confirmed, I will lead the embassy in
continuation of efforts to promote and maintain fair and
reciprocal trade with the UAE.
The World Expo 2020 in Dubai offers great potential to
showcase America's story, ingenuity, and technology in the
Middle East. I look forward to advancing American values to
millions of visitors, many of them youth, that visit our
national pavilion.
If confirmed, my highest priority will be ensuring the
safety and security of Americans in the United Arab Emirates,
including all private citizens who live and work in the UAE, as
well as employees under the Chief of Mission's authority. I
also believe that continuing our dialogue with the UAE on human
rights and religious freedom represents another priority, which
I will work continuously to advance, if confirmed.
I understand that the UAE has been a key security partner
for the United States and has joined us in several U.S.-led
coalition operations, including against ISIS and al Qaeda. I
would work closely with the embassy team, as well as with the
members of this committee to ensure that our security
partnership remains strong.
If confirmed, I will fully support the U.N.-led peace
efforts by U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen Martin Griffiths. The
war in Yemen has taken on larger regional implications with the
involvement of Iran and has created immense suffering among the
Yemeni people. The administration's position on bringing an end
to the conflict has been clear: only a negotiated settlement
can end this protracted war and unify Yemen. If confirmed, I
will work to continue support for U.N.-led efforts to achieve a
lasting end of hostilities and a comprehensive peace agreement
in Yemen.
I will also support efforts to address the dire
humanitarian consequences of the conflict. I understand that 80
percent of Yemenis are in some need of humanitarian assistance.
The international community must remain coordinated and strong
in our response and in our efforts. All parties, especially the
Houthi authorities, have to commit to lifting unnecessary
impediments that slow down deliveries of aid.
The President has been clear. Iran is responsible for the
May 12th and the June 13th attacks on six vessels off the coast
of UAE and in the Gulf of Oman. The Iranian regime poses a
major threat to freedom of navigation and maritime security
from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea. If confirmed, I will work
and support the administration's efforts to keep the Straits of
Hormuz open where 20 percent of the global petroleum passes.
If confirmed, I will work tirelessly with President Trump,
my State Department colleagues, and this committee to protect
and advance the interests of the American people. I will
passionately and diligently represent our service men and
women, business community, tourists, academics, the 50,000
American citizens living in the UAE, and others wishing to
engage with the people of the United Arab Emirates.
Chairman Romney, Ranking Member Murphy, and members of this
committee, thank you for the privilege and opportunity appear
before you today, and I look forward to answering your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Rakolta follows:]
Prepared Statement of John Rakolta Jr.
Chairman, Ranking Member, Members of the committee, it is an honor
to come before you today as President Trump's nominee to be the United
States Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates.
I would like to thank President Trump and Secretary Pompeo for the
trust and confidence that they have shown in me. I am humbled by this
extraordinary opportunity to serve my country. If confirmed to serve as
the next U.S.Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates, I will represent
the interests and values of the United States and strengthen our
nation's bonds with the government and people of the United Arab
Emirates. This relationship is critical to our national security
interests and is a moderating and stabilizing force in one of the
world's most volatile regions.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank my family, without
whom I would never have been in a position to be considered for this
job. Particularly, without the love, support and inspiration of my
family, especially my wonderful wife of 43 years, Terry. She is here
today with three of our four children, Eileen, Lauren and Paige. I
could not be more proud of them.
My grandparents came to America from what is today Romania seeking
freedom and a chance for a better life. They raised my father to work
hard and be grateful for the blessings our nation made possible. These
were qualities that served him well during World War II when he was
imprisoned in a German prison camp after the B-26 bomber he was
navigating crashed. After the war, he returned to Detroit more
optimistic and determined to build his family and career, ultimately
acquiring and running Walbridge, the 100-year-old construction company
I've had the privilege to lead for the last 39 years.
Having grown this company into a $40 million regional company into
a $1.6 billion international enterprise of nearly 2,000 employees, I
have successfully managed assets and motivated teams of talented people
to achieve great goals in highly competitive global economic
environments. Walbridge projects have been completed throughout North
and South America, as well as Asia and the Middle East for U.S. and
foreign-based companies. We constructed Maritime City in Dubai, the
largest complex for ship repair on the Indian Ocean.
The UAE is the largest market for U.S. goods and services in the
Middle East. My experience in the private sector has allowed me to
understand the complexities and opportunities of international finance
and commerce. Having overseen large and complex international projects
has given me insights into foreign business risk, competing on a
foreign stage, and dealing with currency volatility, all of which will
be extremely helpful to U.S. business interests. If confirmed, I will
use my experience in identifying and utilizing local joint ventures as
a means and method of entering a foreign market to help American
businesses expand into the UAE and beyond. Promoting and developing the
expansion of U.S. business interests will be a top priority. If
confirmed, I will lead the Embassy in the continuation of efforts to
promote and maintain fair and reciprocal trade with the UAE. The U.S.
has enjoyed a healthy trade surplus with the UAE for the past nine
years, and I would like to see that continue. If confirmed, I will work
to promote U.S. business opportunities as well as direct investment in
U.S. industries.
The World Expo 2020 in Dubai offers great potential to showcase
America's story, ingenuity, and technology in the Middle East. I look
forward to advancing American values to millions of visitors--many of
them youth--that visit our national pavilion.
If confirmed, my highest priority will be ensuring the safety and
security of all Americans in the United Arab Emirates, including all
private citizens who live and work in the UAE, as well as employees
under Chief of Mission authority. I also believe that continuing our
dialogue with the UAE on human rights and religious freedom represents
another priority, which I will work continuously to advance if
confirmed. I understand that the UAE has been a key security partner
for the U.S., and has joined us in several U.S.-led coalition
operations including Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Somalia, as well as the
ongoing fight against ISIS and Al Qaeda. I would work closely with the
Embassy team, as well as with the members of this committee, to ensure
that our security partnership remains strong.
If confirmed, I will fully support the U.N.-led peace efforts by
U.N. Special Envoy for Yemen Martin Griffiths. The war in Yemen, which
began among Yemenis, then drew in neighboring countries, has taken on
larger regional implications with the involvement of Iran, and has
created immense suffering among the Yemeni people. The administration's
position on bringing an end to the conflict has been clear: only a
negotiated settlement can end this protracted war and unify Yemen. If
confirmed, I will work to continue the administration's support for
U.N.-led efforts to achieve a lasting cessation of hostilities and a
comprehensive peace agreement in Yemen. I will also support efforts to
address the dire humanitarian consequences of the conflict. I will
continue to work with the UAE to ensure humanitarian efforts are
prioritized, particularly in their role in the Saudi-led Coalition,
continuing efforts such as ensuring the Red Sea ports remain open and
operational. Other examples of such efforts include when the Saudi-led
Coalition worked with the U.S. government to deliver the World Food
Programme cranes in December 2017. In this regard, all parties need to
increase access so that critical commercial and humanitarian goods
reach all areas of Yemen. I understand that 80 percent of Yemenis are
in need of some form of humanitarian assistance, and therefore the
international community must remain coordinated in our response. All
parties, especially the Houthi authorities, have to commit to lifting
unnecessary impediments that slow down deliveries of aid.
The President has been clear Iran is responsible for the May 12
attacks on four commercial vessels off the coast of Fujairah, UAE and
the June 13 attacks on two vessels in the Gulf of Oman. The Iranian
regime poses a major threat to freedom of navigation and maritime
security from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea. If confirmed, I will
work to support the administration's efforts to keep the Strait of
Hormuz open, the narrow waterway in the Persian Gulf where 20 percent
of global petroleum passes.
If confirmed, I will work tirelessly with President Trump, my State
Department colleagues and this committee to protect and advance the
interests of the American people, passionately representing our service
men and women, business community, tourists, academics, the 50,000
American citizens living in the UAE, and others wishing to engage with
the people of the United Arab Emirates.
Chairman, Ranking Member, and Members of the committee, thank you
for the privilege and opportunity to appear before you today and I look
forward to answering your questions.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Mr. Rakolta.
The ranking member and I are going to both yield our time
for purposes of voting and letting Senator Kaine offer the
first questions.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, and I will do that as long as you
tell the floor to keep the vote until I get there.
Senator Romney. I will.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, and congratulations to all of
you. These are very, very important nominations. And it is hard
to ask all the questions that I want to in 5 minutes before
going to vote. I think I am going to focus on Egypt, if I might
start with you, Ambassador Cohen. It is good to see you again.
The death of former President Morsi in a courtroom this
week has got a lot of attention. There has been significant
attention before his death to inadequate treatment of prisoners
in Egyptian prisons. This is likely to be an issue of
significance. The U.N. has called for an investigation into the
circumstances of his death.
Do you believe there should be such an investigation?
Ambassador Cohen. Senator, thank you for raising the issue.
It is, of course--prison conditions in Egypt are a broader
issue of concern.
Senator Kaine. Right.
Ambassador Cohen. We have American citizens who are
incarcerated there, and a top priority has to be insisting that
the conditions of their incarceration are decent, humane, meet
international standards, and that they are treated fairly under
the law.
In the case of President Morsi, I have seen the comments
calling for an investigation, and I believe that if there are
allegations of abuse anytime, investigations should be pursued.
Senator Kaine. The danger of not having an investigation
that would have some credibility would be that this could
easily lead to additional political turmoil, violence. A
predictable response of folks in the Muslim Brotherhood side
would be to try to ratchet up protests, even violent protests
against the government. So the idea of an investigation--it is
always important to get accountability, but also a credible
investigation can be something that can help maintain some
order. Would you not agree?
Ambassador Cohen. Yes, sir.
Senator Kaine. Let me ask you about the imprisonment of
journalists in Egypt. I was in Egypt and had a very candid
dialogue about this with President el-Sisi when he was running
for president, before he was president. And I basically
expressed to him, look, you have got internal challenges with
dealing with terrorism and things like that. And the U.S. will
probably give you a great deal of deference in trying to make
decisions about how you police internal security. But just
friend to friend, we have a very difficult time, because of our
culture, understanding journalists being thrown in jail for
long periods of time. And these are not just journalists for
Egyptian publications. Journalists have been in jail for
international publications, wire services like Reuters, and
otherwise.
I have been disappointed. We had a pretty candid exchange
about it, but I have been very disappointed with the Egyptian
government's record of continuing to imprison journalists.
Since this is such a key value to the United States, the
First Amendment, as Ambassador what would you do--you cannot
dictate internal politics in that country, but what would you
do to uphold the important values of freedom of the press and
encourage the Egyptian government to up their game in that
regard?
Ambassador Cohen. Senator, in public and private, I would
make clear that the United States believes and I personally
believe that having a strong democracy, having a prosperous
country, having a stable country requires creating space for
public opinion to express itself, including when that opinion
is dissenting, without fear of retribution. And the case of
journalism is at the center of that discussion. And if
confirmed, I would be very happy to continue a conversation
with this committee about how we can work together to advance
that agenda with the Egyptians. But I would intend to raise it
at the most senior levels on a regular basis.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
Mr. Rakolta, I want to ask a question about your opening
testimony regarding flow of oil through the Straits of Hormuz.
Do you know what percentage of American energy comes through
the straits? What percentage of American energy comes through
the straits?
Mr. Rakolta. I am not familiar with exactly the number, but
I believe it is low. It is not crucial to our country. We are
pretty much self-producing right now.
Senator Kaine. That is correct.
40 years ago, it would have been 70 or 80 percent, you
know, nearly existential if there was anything challenging in
the Straits of Hormuz to the United States economy. And now it
is relatively low because of the good fortunate of American
innovation in producing domestic energy.
That said, there is an important global economic effect of
problems in the Straits of Hormuz, obviously. But do you think
it is the U.S.'s primary responsibility to be the guarantor of
safe passage through the straits, or is that more appropriately
an international responsibility the United States should play a
part in because it is more other countries' energy resources
that are at stake in this issue?
Mr. Rakolta. I believe both, that the United States plays a
very significant role due to the malign activities of Iran
today, and we have a special relationship with our allies, both
UAE and others, but also there is an international
responsibility, given the fact that they consume most of the
oil that comes through the straits.
Senator Kaine. I think that is an important point. I just
want to make sure that we do not take up on the world's burden
of being the guarantor when the Straits of Hormuz are no longer
of the same existential importance that they were to the United
States a few decades ago. We do have a role. That is an
important thing, but we need to call upon other countries to
shoulder significant portions of the burden.
Thank you for the testimony.
And, Mr. Chair, I am going to yield it back to the lonely
Senator Rubio as I leave and go vote.
Senator Rubio. Yes. I hope you will tell them that I need
to vote as well. And at some point if the folks do not get back
in time, we may have to briefly recess till they get here
because we have an important vote.
I wanted just to focus on Libya. I do not think most
Americans are aware of what a catastrophe this has turned into
and how bizarre it is in some ways. Mr. Norland, I am sure in
your current role as an advisor to the Joint Chiefs, you have
watched closely a lot of the events there unfold.
You know, briefly, we have a stalemate between the LNA and
the GNA, the LNA controlling the vast majority of the
territory, but the GNA posing a greater threat to their hold on
that. And largely, it is unlike many of the other conflicts in
parts nearby. It is not about sectarianism. It is just a raw
power calculation.
And then you got all these proxies. And it is kind of a
weird standoff. On the LNA side, you have the UAE involved. You
have the Russians, who have about $4 billion of oil contracts
and are trying to get more. You have the French, and then you
have Egyptian help primarily because they are concerned about
their border and instability and so forth triggering over to
them.
And then on the other side, on the GNA side, you have the
Turks who want to position themselves at least as a regional
and play big boy as a global power. And then you have the
Italians who are apparently involved to thwart the French and
vice versa. So I do not fully understand that one.
But our national interest concern there involves what
appears to be a growing effort, still nascent, but nonetheless
one we have to be very cognizant of, that both al Qaeda and
ISIS are taking advantage of this sort of stalemate in fighting
to look for an opportunity to reconstitute an area of operation
that was eliminated. And they are doing two things now where
they are using the conflict as a way to do it, but they are
also I believe taking advantage of the fact that because the
LNA is now facing off with the GNA, the counterterrorism
pressure against them is, at this point, virtually nonexistent.
So if you could share with us some of your insights or
views about what we can do from the post to sort of keep an eye
on all this.
Ambassador Norland. Well, Senator, I think you have
characterized the situation extremely accurately. The fact is
that the fighting that is underway now cannot possibly produce
a successful outcome for any side in this situation. Any
victory would be pyrrhic.
And the United States is absolutely committed to working
all of the parties both inside Libya and with, as you say, a
number of the interested outside countries, some of whom have a
presence on the ground, to move with U.N. support and
leadership in the direction of a negotiated settlement. The
United States does have influence in this situation, both
through the vision that we have, the neutral vision--we do not
take sides in this equation--but also through economic
sanctions and other measures we are able to apply. And if
confirmed, it would be my role to do everything, to bring
everything to bear that we can diplomatically and otherwise to
try to end what, as you say, is a needless and terrible
conflict.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
And I apologize. We are going to have to recess briefly. So
the committee will stand in brief recess until the chair
returns.
[Recess.]
Senator Romney. The short recess is over.
Ambassador Norland, given the fighting within Libya and the
disarray that exists in that country, what do you believe
should be our highest or higher priorities as you look to
leading our post there?
Ambassador Norland. Senator, I think the highest priority
right now is to achieve a ceasefire and to get the key parties
on the ground that are currently in conflict to move to the
negotiating table and search for a political solution to the
situation in Libya.
The United Nations has been playing a very effective role
under Ghassan Salame to try to get a process going. There was
an initial meeting in Abu Dhabi some months ago that had
prospects for success but has not panned out.
And I think, if confirmed, my goal would be to apply all
the diplomatic interests and leverage that we can both with
parties inside Libya, in the east and in the west, as well as
the local parties, and then with outside countries in the
region to influence the situation in the direction of a
political settlement.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Ambassador Cohen, Egypt has obviously been a long-term
partner of ours and plays a critical role in the region. But
Egypt has recently flirted with the possibility of buying
fighter jets, as you know, from Russia. Secretary Pompeo notes
that if that sale were to happen, the Countering America's
Adversaries Through Sanctions Act would require sanctions on
the Egyptians. I and 16 of my colleagues have called on
President Sisi to reconsider the sale.
How do you believe and how would you approach Egypt on this
issue?
Ambassador Cohen. Senator, I think the conversation begins
right where you started with CAATSA and the consequences of
going forward with it. But it very quickly goes into promoting
American goods. I think we have better stuff. We have a better
product. And we are right now Egypt's partner of choice across
the board, and we need to make sure that we remain a partner of
choice. So my engagement would be to underscore for the
Egyptians the fact that about half of their military inventory
is American is for a good reason because they chose the best
they could get, and I think it is important that we continue to
encourage them to buy our goods.
Senator Romney. I would presume as well that our continued
financial commitment to Egypt, particularly to their military
effort, would obviously be influenced by a decision on their
part to buy equipment from a geopolitically hostile power.
Ambassador Cohen. The Egyptians have a longstanding and
broad relationship with Russia on the commercial side,
including military commerce. But the U.S. relationship with
them I believe is stronger, and we will continue to strengthen
that and grow our side of the account, work with them, and
press them, and encourage them to reduce the Russian side.
Senator Romney. Do you have any prospect about how we could
encourage them to reconsider their human rights policies,
particularly with regard to imprisoning dissidents?
Ambassador Cohen. As I alluded to in my prepared statement,
my belief is that we need to underscore for them over and over
again at a high level publicly and privately that progress,
prosperity, and stability requires them to create space for a
variety of views, including dissenting views without fear of
retribution. And that will continue to be my theme as I discuss
this with the Egyptians.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Mr. Rakolta, what are your perspectives on the priorities
for the U.S. with regard to our security relationship with the
UAE, and how might you hope to advance those priorities?
Mr. Rakolta. Thank you for the question, Senator.
Our priorities with the UAE continue to revolve around our
own national security and the security of the UAE itself. They
are being threatened existentially by Iran, and the closer and
the deeper that our relationship can be would be advantageous
both to us and to them.
Secondly, we have a significant trade relationship with the
UAE. Today we enjoy the second largest trade surplus at over
$15 billion. And as I said in my opening remarks, if confirmed,
I have every intention to see us continue that advantage.
And thirdly, the UAE is a moderating force in terms of
human rights and religious freedom in the Gulf and in the
broader Mid-East. And I would continue to encourage them at the
highest level to continue to make modifications and reforms to
join the Western world in terms of the democracies and freedoms
that we have as U.S. citizens.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Senator Murphy?
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Norland, thank you for your commitment to the country
and taking on this very difficult job. You are going to face a
very fluid situation when you arrive in Libya. And as I
mentioned in my opening remarks, in April President Trump
called Khalifa Haftar, as he was leading his failed offensive
on Tripoli, and a public readout of the call made no reference
to that offensive. Instead, the President seemed to praise
Haftar for his ongoing counterterrorism efforts, a message that
deeply perplexed our international partners since he has been
actively attacking groups we worked with to dislodge ISIS.
Can you clarify for this committee the U.S. position on
Khalifa Haftar?
Ambassador Norland. Yes, Senator. Thank you.
As you can imagine, as part of my consultations, I have
been exploring that theme. And it is clear to me that we
consider the Libyan National Army to be a key player in any
effort to produce a political solution to the situation in
Libya. And it was I think, as I understand it, in that respect
that there was a conversation between the President and Haftar.
I understand that discussion revolved around counterterrorism,
oil market stability, and the role of the LNA precisely in a
political solution.
What I found in the course of my consultations is unanimous
consent across the U.S. government. There has to be a
ceasefire. There has to be a movement towards a political
settlement, that the United Nations' role in this process is
key. And if confirmed, that is the path that I will be embarked
on.
Senator Murphy. I am glad you are willing to take on this
job. You, I think, can understand how a phone call in the
middle of an offensive that does not mention the ceasefire or
the offensive would be interpreted by the international
community and our partners as an endorsement of that offensive,
not a move towards a ceasefire. But that is not your phone
call. That is the President's. And I appreciate your
willingness to take up this job.
Mr. Cohen, you talk about the importance of our security
relationship with Egypt. Let me just ask you a general
question. Do you believe that it is appropriate to use U.S. aid
and the threat of cutoff of U.S. aid as a means to try to push
a human rights agenda in Egypt? The situation is getting worse
not better. And I think the fundamental question is, are we
willing to deliver a message to el-Sisi that there is a line
you can cross, at which point we are no longer comfortable or
bound to be a partner with them if they continue to ratchet up
this campaign against political dissidents?
Ambassador Cohen. Thank you, Senator. Let me take this in
two parts.
The first is that I believe in and, if confirmed, I will,
of course, be supporting the law. And the law that the Congress
passes that provides the financing has human rights provisions
in it, and consequently we currently have a significant amount
of money that has not been released because those conditions
have not been either met or waived by the administration. So I
think the path we have taken is completely appropriate.
I also believe that the counterterrorism assistance that we
provide is in our own national security interests. So we need
to be sure as we go forward that we are protecting and
defending American national security interests which are served
by ensuring that the Egyptians can prosecute counterterrorism
against ISIS in the Sinai, address the terrorism in their
western desert, address terrorism in Egypt's heartland. It is
not just Egypt's interests that are at stake there. It is
America's.
Senator Murphy. Let me just sneak in a couple questions for
Mr. Rakolta.
You disclosed as part of your process before the committee
having some business interests in the UAE that may require you,
under UAE law, to keep some of those companies open. Can you
just talk about the projects that you have participated in,
your company has participated in UAE and the steps that you
have taken in coordination with this nomination?
Mr. Rakolta. Yes, thank you for the question, Senator.
From 2003 to 2013, my company did a significant amount of
business in the UAE. We stopped bidding in 2011. We finished
the final project in 2013. All of our staff and everything was
removed from the UAE and sent elsewhere in the world.
Secondly, there are contractual obligations and guarantee
both contractually and by law that require us to give a
corporate guarantee on those projects, if you will, the fact
that if something were to go wrong, they could come back at us.
That is the only thing. And we could have closed down our LLC
that was working there, but as a practice for tax purposes, we
leave those open until the final guarantees are completed.
Senator Murphy. Have you had other business in the Middle
East over that period of time?
Mr. Rakolta. We did work in Doha on one project, but the
projects were primarily in the UAE and in Doha. And the Doha
project was, obviously, back then conducted out of the Dubai
office. But everything has been shut down, and we have
absolutely no intentions of going back. In fact, I will make it
a little stronger. We will not be going back to doing business
there.
Senator Murphy. In the region, in the Middle East.
Mr. Rakolta. Yes.
Senator Murphy. And will you make that commitment once you
leave this post as well?
Mr. Rakolta. Yes, I would personally.
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Senator Murphy.
Mr. Rakolta, in just a moment Senator Menendez, who is the
regular ranking member, will be joining us and wants to ask
questions of the three. But anticipating his arrival, let me
first ask you.
It is a departure from some precedent to have an individual
serve as Ambassador to UAE other than a career Foreign Service
representative. What are your thoughts about that assignment?
Does it represent a disadvantage not having that Foreign
Service background to be able to serve in this regard, or do
you believe that your experience will prepare you appropriately
to serve in this critical spot?
Mr. Rakolta. I think the difference between a career
ambassador and a political appointee ambassador are quite
different. I think each brings different qualifications to the
job. I certainly will be at somewhat of a disadvantage on the
career side of all of the experiences that they have, but on
the other hand, I bring other experiences that I think will be
very, very beneficial.
On the side of perhaps being a bit at a disadvantage, I
would submit to you that I will be using the embassy staff and
the State Department to probably a greater degree, relying on
them, at least in the initial phases, for a lot of advice and
guidance. That is pretty much my answer.
Senator Romney. Thank you.
Ambassador Norland, I appreciate that in your opening
statement, you made reference to the loss of life associated
with those who served in Libya and want to underscore the debt
that we owe to them and their families and appreciate your
recognition of those individuals.
Now having seen what happened there and recognizing your
assignments in other ambassadorial posts around the world, how
confident are you in the effectiveness and the sufficiency of
our security resources in protecting the lives of our men and
women who serve in the Foreign Service in Libya and in this
part of the world?
Ambassador Norland. Well, thanks for your concern, Senator,
and your interest.
In fact, because of the security situation in Libya in the
recent few years, our diplomatic activities regarding Libya
have been conducted out of our embassy in Tunis for security
reasons. Our Chief of Mission has periodically gone into Libya
in cooperation with the military forces from AFRICOM on short
day trips to try to conduct some diplomatic activity on the
ground. But that is a heavy security load to conduct missions
like that. And at the moment, I think we are grappling with the
question of how do we maintain an effective diplomatic presence
with a finger on the pulse of what is going on in Libya but in
a way that protects our people. And if confirmed, that is the
balance I would need to strike, putting primary emphasis, of
course, on the security of our people, but also trying to find
a way to maximize the effectiveness of our diplomatic presence.
Senator Romney. Thank you, Ambassador.
I am going to yield the rest of my time to Ranking Member
Menendez, who has just joined us. He will ask questions, if you
are ready for that, of the panel. And, Senator Menendez, when
you finish asking your questions, you can complete the panel.
The rest of us have all had our questions, and we have had our
opening statements.
I am going to have to run and go vote. But for the benefit
of those in my care, I will come back to express my
appreciation to each of you if you are still here. It will not
take me that long to vote. Thank you.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for
the courtesy in keeping the hearing open.
Statement for the Record on the Nominations of Jonathan Cohen to be
Ambassador to Egypt, Richard Norland to be Ambassador to Libya and John
Rakolta to be Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates.
Today we consider three important nominations: Jonathan Cohen to be
Ambassador to Egypt, Richard Norland to be Ambassador to Libya and John
Rakolta to be Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates.
Egypt, an important security partner and regional actor, has been
without a confirmed ambassador for more than two years now.
Nevertheless, Mr. Cohen, a career foreign service officer, was only
nominated fewer than three months ago.
The UAE, another important security partner, has not had a
confirmed ambassador in over a year. Breaking with precedent for
ambassador positions to the UAE, Mr. Rakolta is not a career diplomat,
and I had some significant concerns about elements of his file,
including a number of omissions and inconsistencies in the information
he provided to the Committee. Among other things, he failed to fully
disclose business ties he held abroad. Mr. Rakolta has been forthcoming
in his responses to my inquiries, specifically those regarding his
involvement in a non-profit organization from 2009 to 2011, which was
involved in questionable payments to a government official.
Nonetheless, I am still concerned by some of the facts, including that
he did not initially disclose that he served on the board of the
organization and that he approved payments to an official who was
involved in selecting his company as the recipient of a county
contract.
The United States and Egypt have a longstanding and important
strategic partnership. From Libya to the Sinai, Egypt faces a number of
serious and legitimate security threats that we in the U.S. are
committed to helping Egypt overcome. However, this partnership is
complicated by the continuous erosion of political and human rights in
Egypt, as well as Egypt's openness to pursuing deals with strategic
adversaries like Russia and China. I am particularly concerned about
Egyptian efforts to purchase Russian military equipment, which would
trigger negative consequences laid out in U.S. law. Furthermore, I am
concerned that repression that stifles all legitimate means of dissent
is itself a threat to Egyptian peace and prosperity, as are misguided
military and counter-terrorism operations. While the Egyptian
government took the promising step of announcing the repeal of its
problematic NGO law, I am concerned about the lack of response from
this Administration to the overall downward trend for civil society in
Egypt. Arrests of political dissenters, civil society activists,
attacks on press freedom, and the targeting LGBTQ people have become
more common in recent years.
In Libya, fighting between various factions amid the war and chaos
is having significant negative impacts on regional security across
North Africa, the Middle East, and Southern Europe. The ongoing
military offensive by Khalifa Haftar and his Libyan National Army
threatens civilians and could reignite a more violent civil war that
destabilizes the rest of North Africa. Meanwhile, regional actors,
including Egypt and the UAE, have converged on the country, pouring in
significant resources to support various political actors and militias
across the country, sometimes at cross-purposes with United States
efforts. U.S. engagement on Libya has been hampered by the lack of a
permanent diplomatic presence in the country since the deadly attack
that resulted in the deaths of Ambassador Christopher Stephens, Sean
Smith, Glenn Doherty and Tyrone Woods in Benghazi in September, 2012.
More recently, U.S. engagement has been muddied by President Trump's
April 15 telephone call with General Heftar, which appeared to embolden
the General in his advance on Tripoli, in spite of the U.S.'s
previously established support for the internationally recognized
government of National Accord as well as the U.N.-brokered political
process. Finally, I remain gravely concerned by the plight of the
thousands of refugees and nearly 700,000 displaced Libyans and
migrants.
In the UAE, America has an important security partner but one with
whom we've had a range of challenges and even countermanding policy
objectives around the region. I placed a hold on a proposed sale of
Precision-Guided Munitions in response to the UAE's participation in
the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen that has resulted in civilian
casualties from airstrikes and as well as disturbing reports of
detainee abuse at UAE-run detention centers. I am also deeply troubled
by credible reports of illicit transfers of U.S. origin weapons and
armored vehicles to armed Yemeni groups, some of which the United
States considers terrorist organizations. The Trump Administration is
now trying to circumvent that hold and the entire Congressional review
process for arms sales using an emergency declaration that fails the
smell test. In Libya, Emirati support, including airstrikes, for
General Haftar emboldened the General in his ill-considered assault on
Tripoli. In Sudan, UAE support for the Transitional Military Council
has emboldened the delay to a civilian-led transition, facilitating a
violent crackdown on peaceful protesters.
I believe it is imperative that we have strong, empowered
ambassadors across the world to promote our interests and to advocate
for Americans and American values.
Gentlemen, congratulations on your nominations.
I was delayed on the floor because of votes that we are
having on rejecting Saudi arms sales. So I had to be there for
that.
Mr. Cohen, I appreciate your distinguished service to our
nation, most recently at the United Nations.
This assignment to Egypt is one of the critical ones in my
view. I have serious concerns about the erosion of political
and human rights in Egypt, the systematic choking off of
avenues for legitimate dissent and the threat that poses for
Egyptian stability. I am concerned about Americans who seem to
be arbitrarily and capriciously imprisoned. I am concerned
about the ability of Egyptian civil society to speak. I am
concerned about the protection of Coptic Christians inside of
Egypt. I am concerned about Egypt's moves through changes to
its constitution in a way that seeks to extend indefinitely
almost the time in which President el-Sisi can be in office.
And I am seriously concerned about what Egypt is doing with
General Haftar in Libya, which I think sends us in all the
wrong direction. So this is an incredibly important assignment.
So speak to me about what points of leverage do you see the
United States being able to use with the Egyptian government to
improve its human rights record. If you are confirmed, will you
commit to publicly raising concerns regarding political and
human rights in Egypt and meet with Egyptian civil society
actors?
Ambassador Cohen. Yes, Senator, I do.
Senator Menendez. Okay. You have not perfected the State
Department's endless answers. So I appreciate that.
[Laughter.]
Senator Menendez. That works great.
Will you help us address challenges facing the Coptic
community in the context of broader human rights concerns in
Egypt?
Ambassador Cohen. I will, Senator, and let me say this
about the Coptic community. We have seen some progress. There
is a way to go, but President el-Sisi has undertaken a reform
of public school textbooks. He has instituted a national
committee to combat incidents of sectarian violence. He has
granted permits to some 900 previously unlicensed Coptic
churches and has permitted the construction of some new--14 new
churches I believe over the last couple of years. So there is
some progress. There is more work to be done but this will be a
high item on my agenda.
Senator Menendez. Thank you.
With the recent amendments to Egypt's constitution eroding
the independence of Egypt's judiciary, giving President el-Sisi
the power to hand select the heads of judicial bodies and allow
him to extend his rule, which also expand the military's
influence over government politics and society, what avenues
are left for free and transparent political processes? What
implications does that kind of political repression have for
long-term stability?
Ambassador Cohen. Senator, my personal goal, if confirmed,
will be to promote a prosperous and stable Egypt, and a
prosperous and stable Egypt needs to be one where, as I have
said several times today--excuse me for repeating myself--one
that makes space for a range of opinions, for dissenting voices
that can be expressed without fear of retribution, for a
marketplace that has a more level playing field between public
and private sectors, for one where abuses by security forces
are met with accountability. I share many of the concerns that
you outlined in your initial statement, and if confirmed, I
will work tirelessly and make statements both in public and
private along these lines.
Senator Menendez. Thank you.
Let me ask you finally, at least in this public session. I
will have some questions for the record. But how will you
engage the Egyptian government, as well as your colleagues on
this panel in neighboring countries, if they are confirmed, to
push for a ceasefire and a political solution in Libya?
Ambassador Cohen. Senator, in my work at the U.N., we have
been pushing for this for many months. And if confirmed and if
by the time I get to post, we are not back at a political
track, I will continue to push the Egyptian officials at a high
level and try and rally as much support from my colleagues in
Washington, including on this committee, to do so.
Senator Menendez. So let me ask you one overarching
question. So, yes, we have some interests aligned with Egypt.
They are doing some critical work particularly in our
collective fight against terrorism. They seem to have a good
relationship with our ally, the State of Israel, at least in
the Sinai. They have the opportunity for exploration in oil
that could be a game changer with others in the region to help
diversify particularly European energy and move it away from
Russia.
By the same token, I am deeply concerned that we have an
Ambassador who will, yes, understand those interests, but at
the same time not be hesitant to urge President el-Sisi and the
Egyptian government to move in a different direction on civil
society, on political freedoms, on the lack of repression, on
not the arbitrary detention of U.S. citizens, on all of these
things and our interests as it relates to Libya. Will you feel
free to do that?
Ambassador Cohen. Absolutely.
Senator Menendez. Mr. Rakolta, we are concerned about the
United Arab Emirates in a whole host of ways. Part of it has
been they are part of a coalition that has created an
unprecedented humanitarian disaster inside of Yemen. There are
credible reports about Yemeni detainee abuse allegations. I
have real concerns about their transfer of weapons that we have
sold to them to entities we consider terrorist organizations.
Are you familiar with these issues?
Mr. Rakolta. I am. Thank you, Senator. I am familiar.
Senator Menendez. And so talk to me about what you will do,
if confirmed, on the detainee abuse allegations and about the
weapons transfers.
Mr. Rakolta. Well, let us start with torture. I am very,
very aware and I would press for a credible, transparent, and
open investigation to the highest levels of the Emirati
government. I am not a hesitant person. I have very strong
beliefs and will make both my personal voice and the voice of
our nation heard loud and clear as far up as I can possibly
make it.
Would you please remind me what the second part of your
question was?
Senator Menendez. The weapon transfers.
Mr. Rakolta. Yes.
Senator Menendez. There are published reports that weapons
that we sold to the United Arab Emirates have then been
transferred illegally to entities and individuals who we have
on our list of terrorists. That is not what an ally does when
we are trying to help them with weapons sales.
Mr. Rakolta. I agree with you. Weapons sales and the misuse
is a very serious allegation. I would again press for very in-
depth investigation, prompt, thorough, and I will uphold the
law of the United States of America in the strongest possible
way and will work with my colleagues and the Senate to bring
this to the attention of the Emiratis and to hold them
accountable.
Senator Menendez. I hope this will be two of your major
undertakings. We have allies, but those alliances are not carte
blanches. It is not carte blanches to violate human rights. It
is not carte blanches to take our weapons, sophisticated as
they are, like precision-guided missiles and other weapons, and
then transfer them to entities that may be in the Emiratis'
interest but is not in the interest of the people of the United
States of America.
So I have your commitment that, if confirmed, you will
vigorously pursue both of these issues.
Mr. Rakolta. You have my commitment.
Senator Menendez. There is also a question of the hiring of
U.S. mercenaries. I am very concerned by reports that the UAE
has hired a U.S. firm with retired military personnel to
conduct assassinations in Yemen and has hired former National
Security Agency employees to build a mercenary espionage
hacking unit that has targeted dissidents and opposition
figures, including United States citizens. Are you familiar
with this information?
Mr. Rakolta. I am sorry, Senator. I am not aware of those
allegations.
Senator Menendez. I would ask you to become familiar with
it because we need to take steps to investigate the role of
U.S. citizens that may be playing in this mercenary context and
particularly in the spying of U.S. citizens.
Lastly, are you familiar with the challenge that we are
having in the Gulf of Qatar and the GCC rift?
Mr. Rakolta. I am.
Senator Menendez. What steps do you think you can have the
UAE take to resolve this conflict? Because at this point, all
we are doing is pushing Qatar into the hands of the Iranians.
Mr. Rakolta. I would agree, first, that this is not in the
U.S.'s best interest. The quad blockade is, secondly, not
working. And thirdly, I will commit to you that I would work
tirelessly to solve what the underlying issues may be and to
try to bring the Emiratis and the Qataris to a closer and
better solution for both of them.
Senator Menendez. I have other questions for the record. I
ask you to respond to them substantively.
Ambassador Norland, what do you think you will be able to
do, if confirmed, to promote the prospects of a ceasefire and
resumption of the U.N.-led political process? And particularly,
I share in this regard the administration's concern about
General Haftar. I had a conversation with the Secretary of
State the other night on this and Egypt's role in this. What do
you think you will be able to do, if you are confirmed, in this
regard?
Ambassador Norland. Well, that is a really important
question, Senator.
Senator Menendez. I only ask important ones.
[Laughter.]
Senator Menendez. At least I like to think so. You have to
have humor here.
Ambassador Norland. I can tell you that I would try to lend
the voice of the United States firmly and clearly in support of
a ceasefire, rededicate ourselves to that process in support of
the U.N. Special Representative to the Secretary-General, Mr.
Salame.
This process involves engagement not just with the parties
in Libya, east and west, but also with outside actors whose
involvement needs to be shaped to pursue a positive outcome and
to promote a reduction in violence rather than promoting it.
And so I think we are talking about a full court press, which I
detect across the U.S.
government an interest in pursuing that. And I think having
an Ambassador in the region in Tunis next door, until we can
get on the ground in Libya, can lend added impetus to that
process.
Senator Menendez. I have several other questions for you,
but there is a new vote going on on these resolutions. So I
would ask you to substantively answer the questions I am going
to pose to you. It would be helpful for me in terms of agreeing
to move your process forward.
And with that, in accordance with the chairman's request,
the record will close at the close of business tomorrow for
members to ask any questions. If questions are posed to you, I
would ask you to answer them expeditiously so your nominations
can be considered at a business meeting.
And with that, the hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:30 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
----------
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Andrew Bremberg by Senator Robert Menendez
pre-hearing questions and responses
Sexual and Reproductive Health/Human Rights
Question. The United States has joined the international community
in identifying reproductive rights as human rights, including in
connection with the 1994 International Conference on Population and
Development, the 1995 Beijing World Conference on Women, and through
its ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights (ICCPR). Implicit in the right to reproductive health is the
right of men and women to be informed and to have access to safe,
effective, affordable and acceptable methods of family planning of
their choice, including information and access to the full range of
modern contraceptive services such as hormonal contraception, condoms
and barrier methods, and long-acting reversible contraception.
Do you believe that the United States and other countries should
work to ensure that women, young people and LGBTI individuals
receive accurate information about, and access to a full range
of information and services about their sexual and reproductive
health? If so, how? If not, why?
Answer. The United States is the most generous funder of maternal
and child health, including family planning programs, in the world. I
agree that this strong record of leadership should continue, and that
it should continue to do so within the longstanding ethical parameters
that govern our foreign assistance today. Those parameters include the
decades-old protections against taxpayer support for abortion, and the
preservation of parental rights when it comes to the information and
care provided to children, including the provision of culturally
sensitive, age-appropriate, optimal health-focused sex education.
Question. Should the U.S. government leverage its diplomatic and
assistance tools to promote, protect, and defend the sexual health and
reproductive rights of women and girls? If so, how? If not, why?
Answer. The United States leads the world in the forceful use of
diplomatic tools and funding measures to advance women's equality,
protect the civil and human rights of women and girls, promote women
and youth empowerment programs, and support women's health across their
lifespan. The United States is the largest donor of women's health and
family planning assistance. We support and fund women's health
initiatives inclusive of, but not limited to, needs related to maternal
health, voluntary family planning, and HIV and HPV prevention and
treatment. We fund programs to prevent and address systemic sources of
human trafficking, violence against women and girls, female genital
mutilation, and other human rights abuses. If confirmed, I will
continue this strong leadership.
Question. Over the last two years, the Trump administration has re-
imposed and expanded the Global Gag Rule, withheld funding from UNFPA,
and deleted reporting on reproductive rights from the State
Department's Country Reports on Human Rights Practices by narrowing
discussion to coerced abortion, involuntary sterilization or coercive
population control methods. Additionally, the State Department has
instructed American diplomats to withdraw support for programs and
language supporting sexual and reproductive health.
Do you support the expansion of the Mexico City Policy? If so, how
do you reconcile that with the repeated recognition by the U.S.
government that human rights includes reproductive rights?
Answer. The Mexico City Policy is a critical protection for
taxpayers and for the women and girls that we support around the world
against collusion with the global abortion industry in the guise of
foreign assistance. Taxpayers expect us to use the billions of dollars
managed by our maternal and child health, family planning, HIV/AIDS,
malaria, child nutrition and many other programs to save lives, not
take them.
Question. If confirmed, will you support maintaining the ban on
UNFPA funding and the continued reduction of support to sexual and
reproductive health programs and language?
Answer. The administration made a determination that UNFPA's work
with Chinese population authorities violated statutory funding
restrictions. This is not new, and previous Administrations have made
similar determinations. If confirmed, I will continue to examine
closely the activities of UNFPA in the context of the funding decision,
and will take every opportunity to remind other nations that the United
States is and will be at the forefront of improving women's health
across the lifespan, including continued access to family planning
methods and preventing maternal and child deaths
Question. According to the Washington Post, you played a lead role
in drafting and overseeing the policy process for May 2017 Executive
Order ``Promoting Free Speech and Religious Liberty,'' which encouraged
federal agencies to expand exemptions to the Affordable Care Act's
preventive services guarantee, allowing virtually any employer or
insurer with religious or moral objections to deny women access to
birth control.
Please describe your role in developing policy across federal
agencies in relation to those exemptions. If confirmed, will
you use your position to further policies that deny access to
birth control?
Answer. As the Director of the DPC, I helped coordinate the
development and drafting of several Executive Orders, including
Executive Order 13798 ``Promoting Free Speech and Religious Liberty.''
The order required certain cabinet officials to ``consider issuing
amended regulations, consistent with applicable law, to address
conscience-based objections to the preventive-care mandate promulgated
under section 300gg-13(a)(4) of title 42, United States Code.'' The
order could not and did not contradict any statutes or controlling case
law with respect to employee access to birth control provided or
covered by employers. This administration has advanced policies in
support of women's access to comprehensive family planning services in
accordance with law. If confirmed, I will not use my position in a
manner that departs from these policies.
Question. Should health care providers in developing countries who
receive U.S. funds be allowed to refuse to provide women, girls, and
LGBTI individuals with information about modern contraception? If so,
why?
Answer. The United States is the most generous supporter of global
health assistance, including family planning programs. When it comes to
HIV/AIDS, there is no program on earth that has saved more lives than
the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief--a program started by
President Bush and the leaders of this committee. You can be assured
that I stand strongly in favor of continuing the unmatched leadership
of the United States in ensuring access for all people living with or
at risk of HIV/AIDS to life-saving and lifeenhancing healthcare
including women, girls, and LGBTI individuals. Some of our strongest
and most cost-effective partners in delivering these programs are
faith-based organizations. The United States has led the world in
showing that partnerships with faith-motivated organizations can
simultaneously deliver world-class compassionate care, while also
honoring their faith traditions and protected conscience rights.
Question. Should health care providers who receive U.S. funds be
allowed to discriminate against LGBTI people, unmarried adolescent
girls, or other minority groups in the delivery of services? If so,
why?
Answer. This administration has and will continue to support
policies furthering the health and well being of all people, including
minority groups, unmarried adolescent girls, and LGBTI individuals.
Congress has passed numerous federal laws prohibiting discrimination by
recipients of federal funds on the basis of race, color, national
origin, disability, age, sex, religion, the exercise of conscience, and
other protected classes. I intend to continue the Administration's
policy on this question and abide by all applicable laws if confirmed.
Question. Should health care providers who receive U.S. funds be
allowed to deny providing information to LGBTI people information about
condoms, pre-exposure prophylaxis, or methods to prevent transmission
of HIV? If so, why?
Answer. This administration has and will continue to ensure that
all people living with or at risk of HIV/AIDS, including women, girls,
and LGBTI individuals, have access to comprehensive information on how
to prevent transmission of HIV. Congress has passed numerous federal
laws prohibiting discrimination by recipients of federal funds on the
basis of race, color, national origin, disability, age, sex, religion,
the exercise of conscience, and other protected classes. I intend to
continue the Administration's policy on this question and abide by all
applicable laws if confirmed.
Question. In your role as a senior advisor on health policy for the
transition team at HHS and your leadership of the White House Domestic
Policy Council, you played a lead role in championing a deregulatory
agenda that has resulted in cutbacks on public health and consumer
safety protections. This zeal for deregulation has not extended to the
area of reproductive health care however, as this administration has
introduced burdensome new regulations and policies imposing new
barriers to accessing essential health care services like family
planning and abortion.
Please describe your views on access to fundamental reproductive
health care and services including contraception and abortion.
Answer. The United States is the leading funder of maternal and
child health and family planning programs internationally. I support
women's health throughout the life cycle, as is also reflected in the
1995Beijing Conference Strategic Objective C.1. Furthermore, under that
objective and in line with the Program of Action of the International
Conference on Population and Development, "[i]n no case should abortion
be promoted as a method of family planning."
Question. Do you support the Trump Administration's regulations and
policies that have expanded restrictions on accessing essential health
care services like family planning and abortion, effectively creating
new barriers, and if so, how do you reconcile that with your support
for deregulation in other sectors?
Answer. I am unaware of any policies that restrict access to
essential, life-saving, life-affirming healthcare. On the contrary, the
United States taxpayers are the most generous in the world when it
comes to providing access to a broad range of family planning methods
and any number of life-saving and life-enhancing services, such as STI
testing and treatment, HPV and cervical cancer screening, treatment for
other gynecological and urological conditions, prenatal care, attended
labor and delivery, and newborn care for moms and babies, as well as
medical and mental health care for survivors of sexual assault.
Throughout my government service, I have consistently supported
regulatory reform to ensure that the government achieves important
public policy outcomes through the least restrictive means possible.
Question. You have stated your first priority in Geneva will be
advancing human rights.
What does the term ``human rights'' mean to you?
Answer. Human rights are those rights which are endowed by our
Creator--usually expressed as freedoms that no government anywhere may
abridge, which the U.S. Declaration of Independence speaks of as
``unalienable'' and can also be found in our Bill of Rights. One
definitional source that many look to is the 1948 Universal Declaration
of Human Rights, which includes rights of conscience, expression,
religious exercise, freedom of movement, to marry, to form families
free from government coercion, to be free from slavery and torture, to
own property, and to due process applied equally to all.
government respect for the universal human rights of all citizens
fosters free and open societies in which all people can flourish.
Advancing human rights means committing to defend the human rights and
dignity of all people, no matter who they are. For example, as
Secretary Pompeo has said: "standing up for human rights is hardwired
into who we are as Americans. Promoting human rights is in the best
interests of the United States. Societies that respect human rights and
the rule of law are more stable, and make better allies."
In accordance with international human rights treaties, if
confirmed, I will vigorously advocate to protect the inalienable rights
that all people share because of our shared human dignity.
Question. How did you use your role as Director of Domestic Policy
at the White House to advance human rights in the United States?
Answer. During my time as the Director of the Domestic Policy
Council, I worked on several issues that speak to human rights:
advocating for the right to life of every human being, protecting
religious liberty, reforming our Federal criminal justice system, the
successful removal from the U.S. of former Nazi labor camp guard Jakiw
Palij to Germany, expanding treatment for mental health, and calling
for the eradication of new HIV infections in the U.S. I am proud to
have helped President Trump advance the cause of unalienable human
rights, particularly in his commitment to protecting the sanctity of
life and human dignity around the world, including his impressive
record on religious liberty and support for persecuted religious
minorities.
Question. Would you characterize access to healthcare as a human
right?
Answer. The United States supports the right to the enjoyment of
the highest attainable standard of health. Likewise, the United States
recognizes the importance and challenges of meeting basic needs for
water and sanitation to support human health, economic development, and
peace and security.
Question. What about access to clean water?
Answer. The United States is committed to addressing the global
challenges relating to water and sanitation and has made access to safe
drinking water and sanitation a priority in our development assistance
efforts. While not legally binding, the United States believes that
everyone should have a standard of living adequate for his or her
health and well-being, one component of which is safe drinking water
and sanitation.
Immigration
Question. In a meeting with SFRC staff on March 06, 2019 you stated
that you could provide data supporting the assertion that ``the
unlawful employment of aliens has had a devastating impact on the wages
and jobs of American workers, especially low-skilled, teenage, and
African-American and Hispanic workers.''
Please provide the data supporting that assertion.
Answer. U.S. Commission on Civil Rights 2010 Report ``The Impact of
Illegal Immigration on the Wages andEmployment Opportunities of Black
Workers''
``Illegal immigration to the United States in recent decades
has tended to depress both wages and employment rates for low-
skilled American citizens, a disproportionate number of whom
are black men. Expert economic opinions concerning the negative
effects range from modest to significant. Those panelists that
found modest effects overall nonetheless found significant
effects in industry sectors such as meatpacking and
construction.
The bottom line here is that immigration is predicted to raise
native wages in the case where immigrant and native workers are
complements, meaning their productivity rises from working together.
Native workers who are substitutes for immigrants, however, will
experience negative wage effects.
Question. Do you agree with the statement that ``households headed
by aliens (legal and illegal) are much more likely than households
headed by native-born citizens to use federal means-tested public
benefits?'' If so, please provide the data supporting that assertion.
Answer. No, I do not.
Question. The Domestic Policy Council has reportedly proposed
changing how several categories of visas are processed, allocated, or
monitored, including B-1, E-2, H-1B, H-2A, J-1, and L-1. Not on that
list are two visa categories, H-2B and EB-5, which have been used by
the Trump Organization and Kushner Companies for seasonal workers at
real estate properties and foreign investment in real estate
properties, respectively.
Did any private business interests of any individuals in the White
House play any role in not proposing reforms or enhanced
monitoring of H-2B and EB-5 visas, similar to the other six
categories listed above?
Answer. I am not aware of any private business interests of any
individuals in the White House that played any role regarding reforms
for any visa categories.
Question. If not, why were these visa categories not considered for
similar reforms or enhanced monitoring?
Answer. As has been publicly reported, these visa categories are
being considered for reforms.
Question. Secretary of Commerce Wilbur Ross testified to Congress
in March 2018 that, in December 2017, the Department of Justice
``initiated the request'' for census questions about immigration and
citizenship status in a letter to the Census Bureau. A federal judge
found that assertion was ``potentially untrue'' and, in a June 2018
litigation filing, Secretary Ross admitted that he considered adding a
citizenship question to the census "soon after" his February 2017
confirmation. According to a federal court filing, you proposed adding
census questions to determine immigration and citizenship status in
January 2017, before Secretary Ross's confirmation.
Did the Domestic Policy Council play any role in advocating for or
coordinating the addition of census questions about immigration
and citizenship status? If so, please describe.
Answer. Yes, I discussed my opinion on including the census
question with other White House staff. In light of the confidentiality
interests that attach to executive branch decision making, I am unable
to further answer this question.
Question. Did you have any contacts or communications with
officials from the Department of Commerce, the Department of Justice,
Steve Bannon, Kris Kobach, or Stephen Miller in 2017 about adding
questions about immigration and citizenship status to the census? If
so, please describe.
Answer. Yes, I discussed my opinion on including the census
question with other White House staff. In light of the confidentiality
interests that attach to executive branch decision making, I am unable
to answer this question.
Question. According to a deposition of Kathy Kovarik, a senior
official at USCIS, officials from the Domestic Policy Council attended
regular immigration meetings that also included White House Senior
Advisor Stephen Miller, as well as officials from the Department of
Justice and, occasionally, the Department of State. According to
Kovarik's testimony, Temporary Protected Status (TPS) was discussed at
these meetings. In addition, an SFRC Democratic staff investigation
``determined that the White House Domestic Policy Council sought
repeatedly to influence the decisionmaking processes at the State
Department and DHS in order to ensure a pre-determined outcome: the
termination of TPS designations for [El Salvador, Haiti, and
Honduras].''
Did you supporting terminating the TPS designation for El Salvador,
Haiti, and Honduras? If so, why?
Answer. I do not recall having or expressing an opinion on this
subject.
Question. Did you participate in meetings at the Domestic Policy
Council related to the administration's decisions to terminate the TPS
designations for El Salvador, Haiti and Honduras? If so, please list
the dates and a description of the meetings.
Answer. I do not recall participating in any meetings.
Question. Did you participate in meetings or phone calls between
members of the Domestic Policy Council and then Secretary of State
Tillerson's personal staff related to the administration's decisions to
terminate the TPS designations for El Salvador, Haiti and Honduras? If
so, please list the dates and a description of the meetings.
Answer. No.
Question. Did you participate in meetings or phone calls between
members of the Domestic Policy Council and the Department of State's S/
P office related to the administration's decisions to terminate the TPS
designations for El Salvador, Haiti and Honduras? If so, please list
the dates and a description of the meetings.
Answer. No.
Question. Did you participate in meetings or phone calls between
members of the Domestic Policy Council and the State Department's
Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs (WHA) related to the
Administration's decisions to terminate the TPS designations for El
Salvador, Haiti and Honduras? If so, please list the dates and a
description of the meetings.
Answer. No.
Question. Did you participate in meetings or phone calls between
members of the Domestic PolicyCouncil and the State Department's Bureau
of Populations, Refugees and Migration Affairs (PRM) related to the
Administration's decisions to terminate the TPS designations for El
Salvador, Haiti and Honduras? If so, please list the dates and a
description of the meetings.
Answer. No.
Question. As you know, TPS statute (8 USC 1254a) requires the U.S.
to assess whether ``foreign state that prevent aliens who are nationals
of the state from returning to the state in safety.'' Do you believe
that the governments of El Salvador, Haiti and Honduras have the
capacity ensure the safety of returning TPS beneficiaries?
Answer. The TPS statute (Immigration and Nationality Act [INA] 244,
8 U.S.C. 1254a) commits TPS designations and extensions, and associated
findings, to the Secretary of DHS, after consultation with appropriate
agencies. Without prejudice to any determinations made by the Secretary
of DHS, the governments of El Salvador, Haiti, and Honduras have the
ability to facilitate the return of their citizens who have benefitted
from TPS. As a part of its review, DHS decided on a delayed effective
date of 18 months for all three countries to permit an orderly
transition, both for those returning home and for the country receiving
them. The phase-out period has provided time for TPS beneficiaries to
arrange for their departure and for the governments to prepare for the
reception and reintegration of their citizens.
Question. Are you aware that then Secretary of State Tillerson's
letter to then Acting DHS Secretary Duke recommending the termination
of the TPS designations for El Salvador, Haiti and Honduras recognized
that ending these designations could 1) have negative consequences for
U.S. national security interests, 2) increase unauthorized migration to
the United States from Central America, and 3) leave TPS beneficiaries
and their U.S. citizen children vulnerable to violence, extortion and
gang recruitment if they are returned to these countries. Do you agree
with then Secretary Tillerson's assessment?
Answer. I have never seen this letter, so I cannot say if I agree
with it or not.
U.N. Special Rapporteurs
Question. According to publically available data, the United States
has failed to respond to any requests for official visits from U.N.
monitors since January 20, 2017, and as of May 7, 2018, has ceased
responding to formal queries from U.N. Special Rapporteurs altogether.
Please describe your assessment of the work that is conducted by
U.N. Special Rapporteurs.
Answer. With 44 thematic and 12 country specific mandates created
by the Human Rights Council alone, the relative value and
appropriateness of U.N. Special Rapporteurs and their human rights
mandates is not uniform.
Several of these special rapporteurs had mandates created with the
express support and advocacy of the United States. For example, in
March and April 2019, we hosted well-received events in Geneva to raise
awareness of the dire human rights situations in Xinjiang, China;
Nicaragua; and Venezuela. These are some examples where special
rapporteurs' execution of their mandate--and where the actual
mandates--advance the cause of human rights, bringing credit upon both
the mandate holders and the U.N. system.
There are other special rapporteurs whose mandates contradict
directly U.S. values and policies. One example of a flawed mandate is
that of the Special Rapporteur on the Negative Impact of Unilateral
Coercive Measures on the Enjoyment of Human Rights Idriss Jazairy. Mr.
Jazairy's mandate and work presupposes that targeted human rights
sanctions such as those provided under the Magnitsky Act (Pub.L. 112-
208) harm, rather than benefit the overall state of human rights. We
strongly disagree with this position.
Question. Do you support the U.S. government's blocking access by
U.N. Special Rapporteurs to the United States?
Answer. The United States has not blocked U.N. Special Rapporteurs'
access to the United States. In February 2019, the Department met
separately with Special Rapporteur for Extrajudicial, Summary or
Arbitrary Executions Agnes Callamard and Special Rapporteur on the
Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and of Association Clement Voule
at their request. In March 2019, the Department met with the
Independent Expert on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Victor
Madrigal. In line with the United States principled withdrawal from the
Human Rights Council in June 2018, the U.S. has worked to prioritize
carefully interactions and responses to HRC-created mandates,
preferring to communicate with and respond to those requests that most
clearly align with U.S. priorities and internationally recognized
rights.
Deregulation
Question. In 2017, Congress used the Congressional Review Act (CRA)
to repeal fifteen regulations, including measures to protect women's
health, retirement security, workplace safety, clean water, and anti-
corruption safeguards.
Did you have any role in developing the CRA strategy?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Did you have any role (including coordination, strategy,
advocacy, etc.) in the effort to repeal the SEC rule required by
Section 1504 of the Dodd-Frank Act (P.L. 111-203), also known as the
Cardin-Lugar anti-corruption provision? Did you agree with the removal
of this regulation that promoted transparency in global payments by
oil, gas, and mining companies? If so, why?
Answer. Yes. President Trump signed into law House Joint Resolution
41 that repealed the Extraction Payment Disclosure Rule that the last
administration had put in place in 2016. This eliminated a burdensome
regulation that threatened to put domestic extraction companies and
their employees at an unfair disadvantage. By halting this regulation,
the President has removed a costly impediment to American extraction
companies helping their workers succeed.
Question. Before you began work at the White House's Domestic
Policy Council to roll back regulations, one of your clients at Right
Policy LLC was the Freedom Partners Chamber of Commerce, which
advocates a deregulatory agenda.
During your time at the White House, have you had any contact or
communications with representatives or agents of the Freedom
Partners Chamber of Commerce? If so, what did those contacts or
communications consist of?
Answer. I participated in several meetings that were open to all
interested parties (roundtable and listening session) as part of the
President's Prison Reform agenda. At several of these meetings, Mark
Holden participated in his capacity as the Senior Vice President and
General Counsel for Koch Industries. While Mr. Holden holds a position
with Freedom Partners, he was not there to represent Freedom Partners.
______
post-hearing questions and responses
Question. On May 30, 2019, a notice of intent to establish a State
Department Commission on Unalienable Rights appeared on the Federal
Register. From its charter, the commission's duties include providing
``advice and recommendations, for the secretary's approval, to guide
U.S. diplomatic and foreign policy decisions and actions with respect
to human rights in international settings.'' According to Secretary
Pompeo, he is trying to quote ``make sure that we have a solid
definition of human rights upon which to tell all our diplomats around
the world:'' Has the State Department not had a solid definition of
human rights in its work so far, including in its annual human rights
reports?
Answer. The United States has been and remains the world's guiding
force for human rights around the world. This leadership takes many
forms, including through constructive public advocacy, such as the
State Department's annual human rights and religious freedom reporting.
The new Commission on Unalienable Rights extends that leadership by
refreshing our discourse on human rights, including where that
discussion may have departed from our nation's founding principles of
natural law and natural rights.
Question. What would be a solid definition of human rights in your
view?
Answer. Human rights are those rights which are endowed by our
Creator--usually expressed as freedoms that no government anywhere may
abridge, which the U.S. Declaration of Independence speaks of as
``unalienable'' and can also be found in our Bill of Rights. One
definitional source that many look to is the 1948 Universal Declaration
of Human Rights, which includes rights of conscience, expression,
religious exercise, freedom of movement, to marry, to form families
free from government coercion, to be free from slavery and torture, to
own property, and to due process applied equally to all.
government respect for the universal human rights of all citizens
fosters free and open societies in which all people can flourish.
Advancing human rights means committing to defend the human rights and
dignity of all people, no matter who they are. For example, as
Secretary Pompeo has said: ``standing up for human rights is hardwired
into who we are as Americans. Promoting human rights is in the best
interests of the United States. Societies that respect human rights and
the rule of law are more stable, and make better allies.''
In accordance with international human rights treaties, if
confirmed, I will vigorously advocate to protect the inalienable rights
that all people share because of our shared human dignity.
Question. Should women's human rights, including the right to be
free from domestic violence and to access reproductive healthcare, be a
part of a quote ``solid definition of human rights?''
Answer. I believe all human beings, including women, are endowed
with the same fundamental rights and liberties. This includes the right
to be free from all forms of violence, including domestic violence, and
to access voluntary reproductive healthcare, to exclude abortion.
Question. Did you consult or discuss with anyone in the State
Department the creation of this Commission?
Answer. No, I was not involved in the creation of the Commission.
Question. What is your opinion on establishing such a Commission?
Answer. I support this initiative, and do not believe we should be
afraid of discourse surrounding our nation's founding principles.
Question. In your role as the Director of the Domestic Policy
Council, were you involved in any discussions about the zero-tolerance
policy that resulted in family separation?
Answer. I had no role in setting the zero tolerance policy.
Subsequently, I was involved in discussions and meetings regarding the
reunification of children and their parents, and in the implementation
of Executive Order 13841 that states ``the policy of this
administration to maintain family unity, including by detaining alien
families together where appropriate and consistent with law and
available resources'' and specifically directed ``The Secretary of
Homeland Security, shall, to the extent permitted by law and subject to
the availability of appropriations, maintain custody of alien families
during the pendency of any criminal improper entry or immigration
proceedings involving their members.''
Question. Did you ever participate in any meetings regarding the
administration's zero tolerance policy on immigration? If so, how many?
What was the extent of your role?
Answer. After the zero tolerance policy was established, I was
involved in discussions and meetings regarding the reunification of
children and their parents, and in the implementation of Executive
Order 13841.
Question. Would you recommend re-instituting the administration's
zero tolerance policy that forcibly separated nearly 2,800 children
from their parents and maybe thousands more that have yet to be
identified?
Answer. I support the President's policy as stated in Executive
Order 13841.
Question. Will you refuse to endorse or defend any future family
separation policy and will you encourage other countries to similarly
refuse to adopt these cruel policies as a means to deter families
seeking legal asylum protection?
Answer. I support the President's policy as stated in Executive
Order 13841.
Question. What message do you think the zero tolerance policy has
sent to other nations around the world?
Answer. There is a humanitarian crisis on our southern border. The
U.S. needs additional cooperation from other countries and additional
resources and changes to the law from the Congress to address it.
Question. Do you think this policy has affected other countries'
approaches on immigration? How so?
Answer. The President encourages all nations to embrace their
sovereignty and manage their national security interests accordingly.
Question. Can you explain the how UNFPA has violated Kemp-Kasten
because I have not been able to get a clear answer how the
administration went about making the determination against UNFPA?
Answer. The determination to withhold funding from UNFPA was made
based on the fact that China's family planning policies still involve
the use of coercive abortion and involuntary sterilization practices
and that UNFPA partners on family planning activities with the Chinese
government agency responsible for these coercive policies. The
Secretary has determined that UNFPA therefore ``supports or
participates in the management of a program of coercive abortion or
involuntary sterilization.''
If confirmed, I will continue to examine closely the activities of
UNFPA in the context of the funding decision, and will take every
opportunity to remind other nations that the United States is and will
be at the forefront of improving women's health across the lifespan,
including continued access to family planning methods and preventing
maternal and child deaths.
Question. The U.S. sits on UNFPA's Executive Board, which approves
country programs. If the U.S. was really concerned about UNFPA's China
country program, wouldn't it use its position to bring the program into
compliance of U.S. statutory funding restrictions?
Answer. The United States remains engaged with UNFPA leadership to
discuss its country-based programs, and as noted by Ambassador Kelly
Craft in her June 19 confirmation hearing, the administration will
continue to examine UNFPA's compliance with U.S. statutory
requirements.
Question. During the hearing, you seemed to suggest that switching
to a voluntary funding model towards the U.N. was in the U.S. interest.
Separating out the violation of our treaty commitments, as you may
know, assessed funding structures require other countries to share in
the financial burden. All U.N. member states, no matter how big or
small, rich or poor, are required to help shoulder the U.N.'s regular
and peacekeeping budgets at specified levels. This, in turn, prevents
U.S. taxpayers from being saddled with the majority of these expenses.
Successive administrations and outside experts have recognized the
limitations inherent in voluntary funding structures. In June 2005, the
House passed The United Nations Reform Act of 2005 which would
automatically withhold dues from the U.N. unless certain specific
reforms are met, including switching to a voluntary system. The Bush
administration issued a Statement of Administration Policy (SAP) which
said that it has ``serious concerns'' about the legislation because it
``could detract from and undermine our efforts,'' and ``asks that
Congress reconsider this legislation.'' In addition, the 2005
Congressionally-mandated Newt Gingrich-George Mitchell report on U.N.
reform, for example, noted that such schemes are often slow and lead to
U.S. priorities being underfunded: Are you aware that the U.S. often
pays more under voluntary funding arrangements?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Are you aware that Congress and previous Republican and
Democratic administrations have counselled against because it that
would slow down funding and undermine our interests?
Answer. I certainly appreciate the importance of assessed funding
as a means of ensuring that all member states are invested in U.N.
organizations. However, I also believe that, where possible, the United
States should look for ways to shift to a voluntary funding model. Such
a model has numerous benefits, including targeting U.S. resources to
specific priorities and objectives.
Question. During your confirmation hearing, you talked about the
importance of meeting with dissidents and highlighting their work, and
pledged to do so if confirmed. As you may know, U.N. treaty bodies-
which monitor international implementation of a number of human rights
treaties that the U.S. is party to, including conventions banning
torture and extrajudicial killings, as well as requiring countries to
protect fundamental civil and political rights-provide a critical forum
for dissidents and victims of human rights abuses to register
complaints against individual countries. In FY'18, the administration
unilaterally withheld $18.9 million from its U.N. regular budget
payments in order to target the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner of
Human Rights (OHCHR). Partially as a result of these withholdings,
OHCHR was almost forced to cancel the meetings of six of these human
rights treaty bodies, which would have, in the words of the
International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), ``allowed violators of human
rights to avoid scrutiny and accountability.'' In fact, the well-
respected ICJ organized a letter that hundreds of organizations signed
onto, which stated, ``It is with a sense of urgency that we convey our
deep concern regarding the critical funding situation affecting the
U.N.'s human rights mechanisms and OHCHR. Against the worrying
background of a global pushback against the promotion and protection of
human rights, we urge all U.N. member states to pay their assessed
contributions without further delay:''
Given your expressions of support for dissidents and human rights
defenders, can you explain how it is in our interest to effectively
silence U.N. bodies that provide a platform to challenge their
governments?
Answer. The U.S. voluntary contribution to OHCHR activities remains
one of, if not the, largest voluntary contribution to OHCHR activities.
Our aim is to focus voluntary funding on OHCHR activities that advance
U.S. policy objectives and priorities, such as work to address
continuing egregious human rights violations in Burma, the DRC, and
South Sudan, and to support fundamental freedoms such as the freedoms
of expression, association, and religion and belief, among others. We
are no longer funding work that is not in the interest of the United
States or our allies. While the United States earmarked funds for many
of the areas we support, we did not earmark voluntary funding for all
activities we support in recognition that OHCHR receives funding from
various sources. We look forward to continued engagement on critical
human rights issues of importance to the United States and the entire
international community.
Question. Why would you advocate for something that so many human
rights organizations are vehemently opposed to and allow violators of
human rights to avoid scrutiny and accountability?
Answer. There is no more active proponent of human rights
accountability than the United States. We withdrew from the U.N. Human
Rights Council to underscore that very truth--nations with clear
records of human rights abuses should not allowed to become members of
such a body. I would also question whether routine meetings of treaty
bodies is the most effective means of promoting meaningful
accountability.
Question. How exactly do you plan to promote the issue of human
rights in Venezuela-and follow up on the September 2018 UNHRC
resolution-from the outside looking in?
Answer. The United States has and will continue to strongly
advocate for recognition for the legitimate interim government and for
involvement of the United Nations in both documenting the crimes
perpetrated against the Venezuelan people by the former Maduro regime,
and in easing the effects of the humanitarian crisis caused by the
regime's employment of violence, oppression, and malign neglect.
If confirmed, I will press this issue forcefully with Geneva-based
organizations actively involved in work on the ground, both in
Venezuela and neighboring countries, including the U.N. offices of the
High Commissioners for Human Rights and Refugees, the World Health
Organization, and the International Organization for Migration. U.S.
efforts will continue in other pertinent bodies as well, including both
in New York and in the Organization for American States.
Question. Yesterday, Agnes Callamard, the U.N. special rapporteur
on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, released a much
anticipated report on the murder of Jamal Khashoggi. In it, Ms.
Callamard supports evidence suggesting premeditation for the killing at
the highest levels of the Saudi government, noting that ``[it is]
inconceivable that an operation of this scale could be implemented
without the Crown Prince being aware, at a minimum, that some sort of
mission of a criminal nature, directed at Mr. Khashoggi, was being
launched.'' In her confirmation hearing on June 19th, President Trump's
nominee to be U.S. Ambassador to the U.N., Kelly Craft, stated that she
had ``full confidence in the special rapporteur:'' Do you share her
view?
Answer. I have not read the rapporteur's report, and cannot speak
to its elements or conclusions. I can say that the United States
remains committed to full accountability for the murder of Jamal
Khashoggi, and the administration has indicated that it will continue
to assess related evidence.
Question. Ms. Callamard's report also calls on the Human Rights
Council to establish a ``Standing Investigatory and Accountability
Mechanism'' to investigate violence or targeted killings against
journalists and human rights defenders: Do you support such a proposal?
If so, how will the U.S. Mission in Geneva go about pushing for its
adoption, given our absence from the Council?
Answer. I support press freedom and the protection of journalists,
and the United States is a longstanding leader in promoting both. While
I have no immediate reaction to the idea of a standing mechanism, if
confirmed I look forward to exploring all options to strengthen
international accountability for violence against journalists and human
rights defenders.
Question. Last June, the Trump administration withdrew the U.S.
from the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC), citing anti-Israel bias and
concerns over the composition of the Council's membership. While the
UNHRC is certainly not a perfect institution, U.S. engagement with and
membership on the Council did deliver a number of positive results over
the years. The Council voted to dispatch a team to investigate
atrocities committed by ISIS in Iraq; continues to scrutinize and bring
attention to the dire human rights situation in Iran; authorized a
groundbreaking investigation into human rights violations in North
Korea; and has taken action on a variety of other human rights crises
in Myanmar, Yemen, South Sudan, DR Congo, Burundi, and Eritrea, to name
a few. At the same time, U.S. membership on the Council helped us more
effectively push back against instances of anti-Israel bias. According
to the American Jewish Committee's Jacob Blaustein Institute for the
Advancement of Human Rights, there was a 30 percent decline in country-
specific resolutions on Israel during U.S. membership versus the period
when we were off the Council. The number of special sessions on Israel
also dropped significantly-six during the three years before we joined
the Council in 2009 versus one in the last four years. In March 2018,
the State Department itself reported that the UNHRC saw ``the largest
shift in votes towards more abstentions and no votes on Israel related
resolutions since the creation of the [Council]:'' Do you agree that
there is a positive correlation between U.S. engagement and policy
outcomes that reflect our nation's interests and values?
Answer. The United States withdrew from the U.N. Human Rights
Council (UNHRC) because of concerns related to its focus and
composition, We noted then that ``Countries that aggressively violate
human rights at home should not be in a position to guard the human
rights of others'' and that the Council's persistent, unfair bias
against Israel detracts attention and resources away from the HRC's
mandate to promote universal respect for the protection of human rights
and fundamental freedoms. If meaningful reforms are undertaken by
member states that address our longstanding concerns with the Human
Rights Council, we would consider the possibility of re-engaging at
that time.
The United States has, for decades, led global efforts to promote
human rights, including through multilateral institutions. We will
continue to pursue a robust human rights agenda at the United Nations
General Assembly's Third Committee as well as other U.N. bodies, as we
did during other periods we were not a HRC member. We will also
redouble our efforts to bring human rights issues to the attention of
the Security Council, as we did during our 2018 presidency, when we
held the first ever session on the linkage between human rights abuses
and threats to international peace and security.
Question. The UNHRC was established in 2006 to replace a previous
U.N. human rights body which had been criticized as ineffective,
politicized, and biased against Israel. During its first several years,
the U.S. refused to run for a seat on the Council, fearing it would be
no better than its predecessor. This became a self-fulfilling prophecy:
in 2007, the Council voted to place ``the human rights situation in
Palestine and other occupied Arab territories'' on its permanent
agenda, in effect making Israel the only country subject to scrutiny
under a stand-alone agenda item (also known as ``Item 7''). More than a
decade later, the U.S. is once again side-lining itself in Geneva, with
a familiar pattern of consequences: during the Council's most recent
regular session, a representative of a pro-Israel NGO was prevented
from completing a speech at the Item 7 debate after several member
states, including Cuba, challenged his remarks on procedural grounds.
Had the U.S. actually been in the room and able to intervene, it's
unlikely this incident would have played out the way it did.
Unfortunately, it seems as though history is repeating itself: just
like in 2006, the U.S. is forfeiting its seat at the table, and as a
result, Israel is left even more isolated and exposed to criticism than
before. What makes this all the more frustrating is that, during the
years when we engaged constructively with the Council (2009-2018),
UNHRC actions targeting Israel actually declined. Clearly, the current
policy of disengagement and isolation is less than helpful: The U.S. is
the strongest country in the world-shouldn't we fight for our allies?
Answer. When the United States made the decision to withdraw from
the U.N. Human Rights Council, the Israel government called it a
``courageous decision against hypocrisy and lies.''
Question. In response to the decision to withdraw from the UNHRC,
12 civil society organizations sent a letter to Secretary Pompeo urging
the Department of State to review this decision, to seek reelection to
the UNHRC in 2019, and to continue to advance reforms in the Human
Rights Council. These groups noted that the ``decision is
counterproductive to American national security and foreign policy
interests and will make it more difficult to advance human rights
priorities around the world. In fact, a 2017 study by the Council on
Foreign Relations found that two successive terms of U.S. membership on
the U.N. Human Rights Council improved its performance in several ways.
First, U.S. involvement strengthened the Council's commitment to action
within specific countries like Burundi, Iran, Myanmar, North Korea, and
Syria fortifying norms like freedom of association, assembly and
religion as well as the protecting the rights of at-risk populations.
Second, the CFR Report noted a significant decline in anti-Israel
resolutions during U.S. membership and concluded that U.S.
participation in the UNHRC can advance U.S. interests and lessen anti-
Israel bias while supporting measures to avert and de-escalate human
rights crises, thus reducing the likelihood of costly military
interventions:'' Do you agree that being part of body that enhances our
interests and reduces anti-Israel bias is a good outcome?
Answer. The administration made a concerted effort to encourage
Human Rights Council members to undertake significant reforms to
improve its membership guidelines and end its history of anti-Israel
bias. When those reform recommendations fell on deaf ears, the United
States decided the time had come to withdraw.
Question. Given the recent attack on human rights globally,
shouldn't we pursue policies that human rights organizations deem in
our interest?
Answer. The United States is the global leader in promoting and
defending human rights and liberties. Membership in a defective
international body would not complement that effort.
Question. Since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011,
Russia has repeatedly used its Security Council veto to block efforts
to refer war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the Assad
regime to the International Criminal Court. The UNHRC, by contrast, has
been at the forefront of efforts in the U.N. system to hold parties
accountable for international crimes in Syria. The U.N. Commission of
Inquiry (COI) on Syria, first established by the UNHRC in 2011, has
assiduously documented human rights violations carried out by all
parties to the conflict-including the Syrian government and its Russian
and Iranian allies-over the years. At the most recent regular session
of the UNHRC earlier this year, the COI reported that it is actively
assisting countries pursuing accountability for war crimes committed in
Syria, including processing 15 requests for evidence it has gathered
for prosecutorial and other investigations in five countries. The U.S.
strongly supported the creation of the COI and the reauthorization of
its mandate throughout its time as a member of the UNHRC:
Now that the administration has withdrawn from the Council, what is
it doing to support the work of this vital body?
Answer. The United States is pleased that Council members
overwhelmingly renewed the mandate of the COI in March 2018 for another
year. The United States has and will continue a strong working
relationship with another critical body: the U.N. International,
Impartial and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and
Prosecution of Persons Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under
International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March
2011 (Syria IIIM). U.S. support of the Syria IIIM is both practical and
material; the most recent announcement of U.S. funding for the
mechanism was made on March 14, 2019, in Brussels, Belgium. This
support exemplifies the United States' commitment and ongoing support
for justice and accountability in Syria.
Question. Do you think it is important to have an independent and
impartial entity like the COI investigating and publicly reporting on
serious violations of human rights in Syria?
Answer. The United States supports, on a case-by-case basis, U.N.
investigatory mechanisms designed to enhance accountability for human
rights violations and to end impunity. In particular, the United States
believes that the Syria IIIM is a critical component of overall efforts
to achieve justice for those murdered, missing, and abused by the
criminal Assad regime.
Question. Over the last few years, the U.N. has played an important
role in the fight against opioids and synthetics. For example, in 2017,
the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) voted to put international
controls on two primary ingredients that are used to produce fentanyl.
As the State Department made clear at the time, ``This action will make
it harder for the criminals that are illicitly producing fentanyl to
access the necessary resources,'' while simultaneously making it easier
for countries to monitor suspicious orders and transactions:'' The
State Department and U.N. are working together on this issue--will you
continue to support this work and ensure that funding levels are not
cut which may make progress more difficult?
Answer. If confirmed, I will be actively engaged on this important
matter, as I was during my tenure at the Domestic Policy Council.
Question. You praised the U.S. decision to pull out of the
Universal Postal Union (UPU). Besides that it may lead to higher costs
for U.S. consumers, pulling out of this will set back our efforts to
combat the opioid crisis. By pulling out of the UPU, the White House
would negate U.S. Postal Service ability to access the (AED) shared by
all those within the UPU. Such a move would harm individuals and
businesses across the country: Given the severity of the opioid crisis,
why pursue an approach that could make the situation worse?
Answer. The administration is hopeful that its efforts to reform
international postal rates will result in our continuing membership in
the Universal Postal Union. Should those efforts prove unsuccessful,
any and all resulting postal agreements established on a bilateral
basis would unquestionably include required access to advanced
electronic data.
Question. How will you work toward Universal Health Coverage that
ensures that no one, including women and girls, is left behind?
Answer. The United States believes that health care systems must be
accessible by all in a country, including through access to primary
healthcare for women, men, boys and girls, and strong health systems.
We applaud efforts to accelerate progress toward universal health
access, understanding efforts to expand access do not imply government-
centric solutions or mandates, and countries will choose to pursue
universal health coverage (UHC) in line with their national contexts
and priorities. Pathways to achieving UHC can include strengthening the
role of private markets and infusing competition and innovation;
efficient financing; enhancing consumer choice; and promoting the
appropriate role for regulations and governance. If confirmed, I will
work with other members states, and the WHO to explore how partnerships
with the private sector and civil society could help other countries
achieve UHC.
Question. For some time, the United States has been the leading
funder of global health and, specifically, of family planning and
reproductive health. However, this administration has repeatedly
proposed catastrophic reductions of funding to family planning/
reproductive health programs (zeroing out the program in the first
budget and this year requesting an over 55% reduction compared to
enacted levels), while also pursuing policies, including the Mexico
City Policy/Global Gag Rule, that numerous studies have shown make
contraception and family planning harder and most costly for women to
access: Do you believe that the United States can continue to be a
leader on global health if we scale back financial commitments to
programs that have proven critical to promoting the health of women and
girls?
Answer. The United States is the most generous funder of maternal
and child health, including family planning programs, in the world. I
agree that this strong record of leadership should continue, and that
it should continue to do so within the longstanding ethical parameters
that govern our foreign assistance today. Those parameters include the
decades-old protections against taxpayer support for abortion, and the
preservation of parental rights when it comes to the information and
care provided to children, including the provision of culturally
sensitive, age-appropriate, optimal health-focused sex education.
Question. The Trump administration has actively sought to expand
protections for healthcare providers who cite moral or religious
objections to providing certain services or serving certain
populations: Do you believe that the personal views of a medical
provider should affect an individual's right to access quality and
affordable healthcare?
Answer. As the Director of the DPC, I helped coordinate the
development and drafting of several Executive Orders, including
Executive Order 13798 ``Promoting Free Speech and Religious Liberty''.
The order required certain cabinet officials to ``consider issuing
amended regulations, consistent with applicable law, to address
conscience-based objections to the preventive-care mandate promulgated
under section 300gg-13(a)(4) of title 42, United States Code.'' The
order could not and did not contradict any statutes or controlling case
law with respect to employee access to birth control provided or
covered by employers. Congress has passed numerous federal laws
prohibiting discrimination by recipients of federal funds on the basis
of race, color, national origin, disability, age, sex, religion, the
exercise of conscience, and other protected classes. I intend to
continue the administration's policy on this question and abide by all
applicable laws if confirmed.
Question. Should providers who refuse to provide critical services
to women, or to LGBTQ persons, or any other population be allowed to
continue to receive U.S. funding?
Answer. This administration has and will continue to support
policies furthering the health and wellbeing of all people, including
women, and LGBTI individuals. Congress has passed numerous federal laws
prohibiting discrimination by recipients of federal funds on the basis
of race, color, national origin, disability, age, sex, religion, the
exercise of conscience, and other protected classes. I intend to
continue the administration's policy on this question and abide by all
applicable laws if confirmed.
Question. Does that include a full range of contraceptive methods?
Answer. The United States is the most generous supporter of global
health assistance, including family planning programs that provide a
broad range of family planning methods and services. Congress has
passed numerous federal laws prohibiting discrimination by recipients
of federal funds on the basis of race, color, national origin,
disability, age, sex, religion, the exercise of conscience, and other
protected classes. I intend to continue the administration's policy on
this question and abide by all applicable laws if confirmed.
Question. The Trump administration continues to request that
Congress completely cut funding to International Organizations and
Programs Account and severe cuts to the Contributions to International
Organizations Account. While even allies of the administration continue
to call these budget cuts dead on arrival, they do represent this
administration's priorities. As you said in earlier conversations, the
U.S. is the most generous country in the world but how will you be able
to confidently work with our allies in multilateral forums when the
administration continues to threaten the stability of these bodies with
these massive funding cuts?
Answer. The President's budget requests underscore his
determination to reduce the financial burden on the American taxpayer
by encouraging other member states to do more. For far too long, the
United States has shouldered an outsized burden on behalf of the
international community, and the President simply feels that it is time
that this burden be more equitably shared.
Question. In addition to threatening funding cuts, the United
States has taken a hard-line against long-standing agreements on sexual
and reproductive health at the United Nations. Specifically, U.S.
negotiators at the U.N. have repeatedly sought the removal of agreed
language on sexual and reproductive access for communities worldwide.
If confirmed, how will you work to ensure that the U.S. upholds and
advances international commitments on sexual and reproductive health
and rights globally, rather than seeking to roll them back?
Answer. The administration has concerns about the terms ``sexual
and reproductive health services'' and ``sexual and reproductive
rights''. Over the years, these references have become associated with
support for abortion as an alleged right. The administration will do
all it can do to protect and respect the sanctity of life around the
globe.
In its advocacy for women, the administration continues to hold to
the commitments laid out in the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women's
Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action as well as in the 1994
International Conference on Population and Development's Programme of
Action. The United States moreover remains the largest bilateral donor
of women's reproductive health and family planning assistance
worldwide.
Moving forward at the U.N., the administration seeks to find
consensus with a wide group of Member States on clear terminology that
would better promote women's health without promoting abortion. We are
committed to meeting the health care needs of women, men, girls, and
boys, as well as the health-education needs of children and adolescents
around the globe, and avoid issues that offend human dignity.
Question. The U.S. recently made an egregious and extraordinary
threat to veto a U.N. Security Council Resolution on gender-based
violence in conflict over a reference to survivors' access to sexual
and reproductive health care. Media reports also suggest that during
negotiations, the U.S. sought to remove a mechanism that would have
provided funding for survivors of sexual violence in conflict with
services over fears it could be used by survivors for abortions, where
legal. These negotiations at the U.N. have real world impact on women
and girls around the world:
Do you believe victims of sexual violence should be able to
terminate the pregnancy, where legal?
Answer. I have tremendous sympathy for any woman victimized by
sexual violence and support the U.S. efforts to help victims of sexual
violence become thriving survivors. The United States will not support
abortion services, but that does not equate to denying women who have
been raped access to legal medical care. The U.S. opposition to the
resolution in question was intended to ensure that U.N. organizations
did not interpret that language to begin assuming a right to abortion
as a method of family planning.
Question. The global gag rule allows international organizations
who receive U.S. global health funding to provide abortions in the case
of rape, incest, and life endangerment of the woman with non-U.S.
funding: Do you support these exceptions or would you recommend and
seek to close them?
Answer. Yes, I support the existing Mexico City policy, which
includes these exceptions.
Question. In countries around the world, LGBTQ people are
criminalized for who they love. There are also women who are in jail in
places like El Salvador and Senegal for having miscarriages or
abortions. These are gross human rights violations:
If you are confirmed, will you speak out against laws that
criminalize same-sex relationships and women's personal health
decisions in public and private settings as part of the United States
human rights and diplomacy agenda?
Answer. The United States has made clear its commitment to
protecting and defending the human rights of all, including LGBTI
persons, and has condemned the fact that in many parts of the world,
LGBTI individuals and their supporters continue to face violence,
arrest, harassment and intimidation for standing up for their human
rights, participating in peaceful marches and rallies, and expressing
their views. As Secretary Pompeo has stated, LGBTI persons--like all
persons--must be free to enjoy their human rights and fundamental
freedoms, including freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and
association, without fear of reprisal.
Question. For the past two years the State Department's annual
human rights report failed to highlight the full range of abuses and
human rights violations experienced most especially by women, girls,
LGBTQI people, and other marginalized peoples around the world. Human
rights are indivisible and universal. Threats to the human rights of
women and LGBTQI people cannot be stricken from the report without
sending a broader message to abusive governments that the United States
will not hold them to account for such violations. Scaling back
discussion of discrimination and women's health issues, such as access
to contraception and abortion and rates of preventable maternal deaths,
undermines the credibility of the Human Rights Reports as a whole and
signals to the rest of the world that the United States does not value
the human rights of all people. It also undermines the integrity of the
State Department as a whole and further emphasizes statements that have
been made by yourself and others in this administration that human
rights are ``obstacles'' to development and prosperity as opposed to
their bedrocks:
Do you recognize reproductive rights and the rights of LGBTQ people
as human rights? Do you believe that States have human rights
obligations to eliminate gender-based violence, including domestic
violence, sexual violence and harassment, in public and private life?
Answer. The Department has been clear and consistent in affirming
that human rights are universal, and that no one should face violence,
criminalization, or severe official discrimination because of who they
are. We will continue to stand up and speak out in support of the human
rights and fundamental freedoms of all people, including LGBTI persons
in all corners of the globe, and to press for perpetrators of human
rights violations and abuses to be held accountable.
Question. The Trump administration has twice expanded the global
gag rule--implementing a version of the policy that is unprecedented in
scope. Recent research indicates the global gag rule is disrupting
health care services, weakening civil society, and halting national
policy progress on health and human rights:
Were you involved in decisions to expand the global gag rule?
Answer. I was involved in President Trump's decision to reinstate
the Mexico City policy through his Protecting Life in Global Health
Assistance policy.
Question. Have you made any efforts to understand the impact of
these decisions in terms of access to a range of health services,
effective partnership in the field, and the silencing of medical
professionals and advocates?
Answer. After implementation of the Protecting Life in Global
Health Assistance policy, the administration conducted a review at all
affected departments and agencies. This review found that only four
prime partners declined to agree to the conditions of the policy out of
733 awards.
Question. Do you believe the policy should be expanded even
further?
Answer. I support the existing policy.
Question. In your written answers for the Committee, you stated
that, ``The administration made a determination that UNFPA's work with
Chinese population authorities violated statutory funding
restrictions:''
Can you explain the how UNFPA has violated Kemp-Kasten because I
have not been able to get a clear answer how the administration went
about making the determination against UNFPA?
Answer. The determination to withhold funding from UNFPA was made
based on the fact that China's family planning policies still involve
the use of coercive abortion and involuntary sterilization practices
and that UNFPA partners on family planning activities with the Chinese
government agency responsible for these coercive policies. The
Secretary has determined that UNFPA therefore ``supports or
participates in the management of a program of coercive abortion or
involuntary sterilization.''
If confirmed, I will continue to examine closely the activities of
UNFPA in the context of the funding decision, and will take every
opportunity to remind other nations that the United States is and will
be at the forefront of improving women's health across the lifespan,
including continued access to family planning methods and preventing
maternal and child deaths.
Question. The U.S. sits on UNFPA's Executive Board, which approves
country programs. If the U.S. was really concerned about UNFPA's China
country program, wouldn't it use its position to bring the program into
compliance of U.S. statutory funding restrictions?
Answer. The United States remains engaged with UNFPA leadership to
discuss its country-based programs, and as noted by Ambassador Kelly
Craft in her June 19 confirmation hearing, the administration will
continue to examine UNFPA's compliance with U.S. statutory
requirements.
Question. Emergency contraception can prevent pregnancy up to five
days after a rape has occurred, yet is it illegal in some countries,
such as Honduras. A United Nations treaty body has recommended, such as
in the case of Honduras, that such bans on emergency contraception be
lifted. Human Rights Watch recently issues a report on the impact of
this ban, and the ban on abortion. It cited government data that in
2017, 820 girls ages 10 to 14 gave birth in Honduras. Many of these
girls became pregnant from rape. Do you believe victims of rape have a
right to access emergency contraception?
Answer. The United States is the most generous supporter of global
health assistance, including family planning programs. All people have
a right to compassionate and appropriate medical care. The United
States has led the world in showing that partnerships with faith-
motivated organizations can simultaneously deliver world-class
compassionate care, while also honoring their faith traditions and
protected conscience rights.
Question. According to the World Health Organization, approximately
16 million girls aged 15 to 19 years and 2.5 million girls under age 16
years give birth in developing regions. A United Nations agency
released technical guidance on comprehensive sexuality education last
year, focused on ensuring adolescents have access to evidence-based
information: Do you believe that youth have a right to access to
evidence-based information about sexual and reproductive health and
rights?
Answer. The United States is the most generous funder of maternal
and child health, including family planning programs, in the world. I
agree that this strong record of leadership should continue, and that
it should continue to do so within the longstanding ethical parameters
that govern our foreign assistance today. Those parameters include the
decades-old protections against taxpayer support for abortion, and the
preservation of parental rights when it comes to the information and
care provided to children, including the provision of culturally
sensitive, age-appropriate, optimal health-focused sex education.
Question. In your testimony Thursday, you stated clearly that you
do not believe victims of rape have a right to access abortion: Do you
believe women and girls forced to continue pregnancies should receive
compensation from the state to raise children born from that pregnancy?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you believe that governments should provide financial
and legal assistance to women and girls who deliver children born of
rape to seek payment from the men responsible for the rape?
Answer. Yes.
Question. In the context of conflict, how do you believe this would
work in practice?
Answer. The U.S. is the most generous funder of services for women
and girls who have been victimized by conflict, and I strongly support
continuation of that funding. At the same time, we must continue to
work to prevent such conflicts from occurring.
Question. Returning to the U.S.'s threat to veto a U.N. Security
Council Resolution on gender-based violence in conflict over a
reference to survivors' access to sexual and reproductive health care:
What exact services do you believe survivors of sexual violence in
conflict should have a right to access?
Answer. The United States is the most generous funder of maternal
and child health, including family planning programs, in the world. I
agree that this strong record of leadership should continue, and that
it should continue to do so within the longstanding ethical parameters
that govern our foreign assistance today. Those parameters include the
decades-old protections against taxpayer support for abortion, and the
preservation of parental rights when it comes to the information and
care provided to children, including the provision of culturally
sensitive, age-appropriate, optimal health-focused sex education.
Question. In your pre-hearing QFRs, you wrote about ``collusion
with the global abortion industry in the guise of foreign assistance:''
Please describe how you believe such ``collusion'' has taken place in
the past and define what you mean by the ``global abortion industry.''
Answer. The Mexico City Policy is a critical protection for
taxpayers and for the women and girls that we support around the world.
Foreign assistance overseas raises concerns about the fungibility of
resources that could be used to indirectly support abortion services,
particularly when given to foreign NGOs that perform and promote
abortion as a core part of their work. Taxpayers expect us to use the
billions of dollars managed by our maternal and child health, family
planning, HIV/AIDS, malaria, child nutrition and many other programs to
save lives, not take them.
Question. In your hearing, I asked you repeatedly what your opinion
is on including a citizenship question to the census. You initially
stated that ``I don't think it would be appropriate for me to discuss
the confidential interactions,'' yet you admitted that you were ``not
asserting any privilege.'' Please provide your opinion on including a
citizenship question to the census, and please answer the question
fully. I am not asking about your conversations with the president, or
for any deliberative discussions in the White House.
Answer. My current, personal opinion is that the inclusion of the
citizenship question will provide a more accurate and detailed
accounting of where U.S. citizens live within the United States.
Question. In your opinion, is there any added value? Are there any
risks?
Answer. Yes, there is added value. Inclusion of the question will
provide a more accurate and detailed accounting of where U.S. citizens
live within the United States. Yes, there is some risk the inclusion of
an additional question makes the survey longer and could potentially
reduce the initial response rate, which would require additional
outreach and follow up by the Census.
Question. As I stated in your nomination hearing, I would like more
information about your response to questions I submitted to you in
advance of your nomination hearing.
Specifically, I asked, ``Did you have any contacts or
communications with officials from the Department of Commerce, the
Department of Justice, Steve Bannon, Kris Kobach, or Stephen Miller in
2017 about adding questions about immigration and citizenship status to
the census? If so, please describe.''
You answered: ``Yes, I discussed my opinion on including the census
question with other White House staff. In light of the confidentiality
interests that attach to executive branch decision making, I am unable
to answer this question.'' On what basis are you claiming such
communications would be confidential? Please be specific.
Answer. As I stated during my hearing, I discussed my opinion on
including the census question with other White House staff at the time.
I did not have any communications with Mr. Kobach about adding
questions about immigration and citizenship status to the census. I
also did not participate in any meeting with the Department of
Commerce, the Department of Justice, Steven Bannon, or Stephen Miller
about the census question. I did discuss my personal opinion on
including the census question with Mr. Miller.
Question. Did you ask the President or White House Counsel whether
the President was seeking to exert any privilege over any such
communications?
Answer. No.
Question. On what basis are you claiming that any communications
with Kris Kobach, who is neither a White House nor a government
official, would be subject to any executive branch protections? I note
that an OLC opinion the White House has cited for such broad privilege
claims involved communications regarding a `quintessential and
nondelegable Presidential power,' such as the authority to nominate or
to remove U.S. Attorneys''--here, the subject in question is a
statutorily-designated function delegated to a federal agency, not a
core Presidential power. Please be specific.
Answer. I did not have any communications with Mr. Kobach about
adding questions about immigration and citizenship status to the
census.
Question. Your answer indicates that the White House was engaged in
decision-making on adding a citizenship question to the census. Is that
the case? Please note that the fact of any decision-making is not
subject to any claim of privilege.
Answer. Not that I am aware of.
Question. Did you participate in any meetings with the Department
of Commerce regarding adding a citizenship question to the census?
Answer. No.
Question. Did you participate in any meetings with the Department
of Justice regarding adding a citizenship question to the census?
Answer. No.
Question. Did you participate in any meetings with Steve Bannon
regarding adding a citizenship question to the census?
Answer. No.
Question. Did you participate in any meetings with Kris Kobach
regarding adding a citizenship question to the census?
Answer. No.
Question. Did you participate in any meetings with Stephen Miller
regarding adding a citizenship question to the census?
Answer. No, however, I did discuss my opinion on including the
census question with Mr. Miller.
Question. In response to my question regarding a draft memo
purportedly authored by you, you stated that ``you had never written''
the sentence, ``households headed by aliens are much more likely than
households headed by native-born citizens to use federal means-tested
benefits.''You also stated that, ``when I came into the White House
there were many, many memos and draft executive orders that had been
prepared for consideration for President Trump during the presidential
transition. Many memos and executive orders.'' Was the sentence cited
above drafted before the President took office?
Answer. In light of the confidentiality interests that attach to
executive branch decision-making, I am unable to answer this question.
Moreover, it would be inappropriate for me to comment on an alleged
draft internal White House document.
Question. Who wrote it?
Answer. In light of the confidentiality interests that attach to
executive branch decision-making, I am unable to answer this question.
Moreover, it would be inappropriate for me to comment on an alleged
draft internal White House document.
Question. Did you work, draft, consult, or advise on any draft
memos or executive orders during the transition? If so, which ones?
Answer. Yes, I worked on several draft memos and executive orders
during the transition that dealt with domestic policy issues, but did
not include immigration.
Question. Did you ultimate finalize or submit a memo on means-
tested benefits?
Answer. It would be inappropriate for me to comment on alleged
draft internal White House documents.
Question. Did memos go out with your name on it that you did not
review?
Answer. No.
Question. At your hearing, you stated that you would check your
calendars to confirm whether you ever participated in any meetings
regarding TPS (Temporary Protected Status). Have you consulted your
calendars?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Did you have any record of participating in any meetings
regarding TPS?
Answer. Yes, I participated in one meeting regarding TPS.
Question. Did you review your notes and files to see if you had any
documents related to TPS? Did you?
Answer. Yes. I do not have any documents related to TPS.Question
72:Do you commit to respond promptly to all requests for information by
Members of this committee?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you commit to appear before this committee upon
request?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If you become aware of any suspected waste, fraud, or
abuse in the Department, do you commit to report it to the Inspector
General?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Please list any outside positions and affiliations you
plan to continue to hold during your term of appointment.
Answer. If confirmed, I do not intend to hold any positions or
affiliations that would constitute a breach of my ethics agreement.
Question. Have you ever been an officer or director of a company
that has filed for bankruptcy? If so, describe the circumstances and
disposition.
Answer. No.
Question. If you leave this position before the completion of your
full term of the next presidential election, do you commit to meeting
with the Committee to discuss the reasons for your departure?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. No.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. No.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will make it clear to all employees of
Mission Geneva that they are valued members of the team, and that
retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices are
unacceptable.
Question. What is your assessment of the impact of the
administration's zero-tolerance family separation policy on the
children that were separated from their families and do you believe
that separation caused these children any type of emotional or mental
distress?
Answer. The migration of whole communities and vast numbers of
families throughout the Northern Triangle has had a profound impact on
children. The journey north has been widely documented as one that is
both physically perilous and emotionally taxing. Trauma--including
emotional and mental distress--is seen among both adults and children
who make the dangerous journey to the U.S.
Question. Are you aware that the administration's zero-tolerance
family separation policy separated children under the age of one year
from their parents?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Did you participate in any conversations related to U.S.
policy regarding the care of migrant children that were separated from
their families and what is your assessment about whether these children
received sufficient care while in custody of the U.S. government?
Answer. Yes, I participated in discussions and meetings regarding
the reunification of children and their parents, and in the
implementation of Executive Order 13841.
Question. Did you participate in any conversations related to the
reunification of migrant children and their families that were
separated under the administration's zero-tolerance family separation
policy?
Answer. Yes, I participated in discussions and meetings regarding
the reunification of children and their parents, and in the
implementation of Executive Order 13841.
Question. Is it your assessment that all migrant children that were
separated from their families as a result of the administration's zero-
tolerance family separation policy have been re-united with their
families?
Question. No. I believe the Department of Health and Human Services
is still caring for one child, and is currently working with the ACLU
to help facilitate that reunification.
Question. Did you participate in any conversations related to the
administration's Migrant Protection Protocols and the policy of forcing
asylum seekers to Remain in Mexico while their asylum claims are
adjudicated in the United States?
Answer. No.
Question. Do you assess that individuals requesting asylum in the
U.S. that are forced to remain in Mexico during their adjudication
process are safe in Mexico or whether they face risks to their personal
safety?
Answer. Because I did not participate in conversations related to
the administration's Migrant Protection Protocols I have not made any
assessment.
Question. Did the Domestic Policy Council (DPC) include assessments
about the risks to the personal safety of asylum seekers forced to
Remain in Mexico during their adjudication process in its decision
making process when it formulated the administration's Migrant
Protection Protocols?
Answer. Because I did not participate in conversations related to
the administration's Migrant Protection Protocols I did not make any
assessment.
Question. Did you or anyone on the Domestic Policy Council (DPC)
engage with the Department of State or Department of Homeland Security
regarding the TPS designations for El Salvador, Honduras, or Haiti, or
any other countries? If yes, please describe any such engagement.
Answer. Yes, I participated in one interagency meeting regarding
TPS where the Department of State and Department of Homeland Security
participated.
Question. Did the DPC have a position regarding the termination,
extension or re-designation of the TPS designations for El Salvador,
Honduras, or Haiti? If yes, please describe any such position.
Answer. Yes. In light of the confidentiality interests that attach
to executive branch decision-making, I am unable to further answer this
question.
Question. Did the DPC provide the Department of State or Department
of Homeland Security with any assessment about whether the ongoing
presence in the U.S. of TPS beneficiaries from El Salvador, Honduras
and Haiti posed any challenges to U.S. national interests? If so,
please describe any such assessment.
Answer. I did not.
Question. When providing any input on the TPS designations for El
Salvador and Honduras, did the DPC consider the risks to the personal
safety and well-being of TPS beneficiaries from El Salvador and
Honduras if they were deported to their countries of origin, given the
elevated levels of crime and violence present in both countries?
Answer. Yes.
Question. When providing any input on the TPS designations for El
Salvador and Honduras, did the DPC consider the risks to the personal
safety and well-being of the U.S. citizen children of TPS beneficiaries
from El Salvador and Honduras if they accompanied their parents to
their countries of origin, given the elevated levels of crime and
violence present in both countries?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Did the DPC conduct any assessment of what the impact of
terminating TPS designations for El Salvador and Honduras would be on
the personal safety and well-being of the U.S. citizen children of TPS
beneficiaries? If so, what were those findings, and to whom did DPC
provide them?
Answer. I did not.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Andrew P. Bremberg by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. During my time as the Director of the Domestic Policy
Council, I worked on several issues that speak to human rights:
advocating for the right to life of every human being, protecting
religious liberty, reforming our Federal criminal justice system, the
successful removal from the U.S. of former Nazi labor camp guard Jakiw
Palij to Germany, expanding treatment for mental health, and calling
for the eradication of new HIV infections in the U.S. I am proud to
have helped President Trump advance the cause of unalienable human
rights, particularly in his commitment to protecting the sanctity of
life and human dignity around the world, including his impressive
record on religious liberty and support for persecuted religious
minorities.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues at the
Office of the United Nations? What are the most important steps you
expect to take--if confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy at
the Office of the U.N.? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions?
Answer. Violations and abuses of human rights and fundamental
freedoms are serious and require attention. At present, the most
pressing of these include the massive and systematic violations and
abuses occurring in China, where over one million Uighurs, ethnic
Kazaks, Kyrgyz, and other Muslins in Xinjiang have been detained in
camps since April 2017. We remain gravely concerned by the horrors
perpetrated by the Assad regime in Syria, where hundreds of thousands
of Syrian civilians have been detained, and over 120,000 reportedly
remain missing as a result of an ongoing effort to silence calls for
reform and change. In Venezuela, the illegitimate Maduro regime thwarts
the democratic aspirations of millions through violence and repression,
all the while starving its own people. In Burma, atrocities committed
against Rohingya Muslims have recently displaced more than 730,000
Rohingya refugees to Bangladesh alone.
If confirmed, I will rally fellow U.N. member states to press
jointly for changes in state practice and, as we have recently done
with the case of Burma, to support, on a case-by-case basis,
independent U.N. monitoring and investigation mechanisms to establish
accountability and end impunity.
I would also continue to press U.S. concerns regarding the
violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the
right to freedom of religious belief, peaceful assembly and
association, and freedom of expression. Upholding these fundamental
freedoms is a prerequisite for global development and stability, which,
in turn, helps guarantee U.S. national security.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face at the Office of the
United Nations in advancing human rights, civil society and democracy
in general?
Answer. As we have seen in the unfortunate case of the U.N. Human
Rights Council, it is often too easy for malign actors to become part
of U.N. mechanisms, only to block criticism and thwart consensus on the
need for meaningful engagement and reform.
It will be critical, moving forward, to take a serious look at
reforming the functioning of U.N. mechanisms and, if confirmed, I would
be honored to lead these efforts on behalf of the United States.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S.? If
confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support the Leahy
Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S. security
assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. The United States has made clear its commitment to
protecting and defending the human rights of all. We work closely with
U.S. NGOs in this effort, as demonstrated by our advocacy at the
biannual NGO Committee meetings at the United Nations. The U.S. is also
a strong backer of efforts to deepen human rights in the security
sphere, as evidenced by our support for human rights in U.N.
peacekeeping missions.
Question. Will you and your team actively engage with other nations
to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise
unjustly targeted?
Answer. The United States will remain a leader in human rights
advocacy, including in the multilateral system through our engagement
in the Security Council, General Assembly, and other U.N. and regional
fora. We are a strong advocate for human rights, including support for
political prisoners and human rights defenders, in countries such as
Iran and China.
Question. You have stated your first priority in Geneva will be
advancing human rights. What does term ``human rights'' mean to you?
Answer. Human rights are those rights which are endowed by our
Creator--usually expressed as freedoms that no government anywhere may
abridge, which the U.S. Declaration of Independence speaks of as
``unalienable'' and can also be found in our Bill of Rights. One
definitional source that many look to is the 1948 Universal Declaration
of Human Rights, which includes rights of conscience, expression,
religious exercise, freedom of movement, to marry, to form families
free from government coercion, to be free from slavery and torture, to
own property, and to due process applied equally to all. government
respect for the universal human rights of all citizens fosters free and
open societies in which all people can flourish. Advancing human rights
means committing to defend the human rights and dignity of all people,
no matter who they are. For example, as Secretary Pompeo has said:
``standing up for human rights is hardwired into who we are as
Americans. Promoting human rights is in the best interests of the
United States. Societies that respect human rights and the rule of law
are more stable, and make better allies.'' In accordance with
international human rights treaties, if confirmed, I will vigorously
advocate to protect the inalienable rights that all people share
because of our shared human dignity.
Question. How did you use your role as Director of Domestic Policy
at the White House to advanced human rights in the United States?
Answer. During my time as the Director of the Domestic Policy
Council, I worked on several issues that speak to human rights:
advocating for the right to life of every human being, protecting
religious liberty, reforming our Federal criminal justice system, the
successful removal from the U.S. of former Nazi labor camp guard Jakiw
Palij to Germany, expanding treatment for mental health, and calling
for the eradication of new HIV infections in the U.S. I am proud to
have helped President Trump advance the cause of unalienable human
rights, particularly in his commitment to protecting the sanctity of
life and human dignity around the world, including his impressive
record on religious liberty and support for persecuted religious
minorities.
Question. Would you characterize access to housing as a human
right? Why or why not?
Answer. As set forth in Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights (UDHR), ``everyone has the right to a standard of living
adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family,
including . . . housing.'' Access to housing is therefore facilitated
by realization of the right to an adequate standard of living, as well
as by equality before the law.
Question. Would you characterize access to health services,
including reproductive health services, as a human right? Why or why
not?
Answer. The United States supports the right to the enjoyment of
the highest attainable standard of health. Likewise, the United States
recognizes the importance and challenges of meeting basic needs for
water and sanitation to support human health, economic development, and
peace and security.
Question. International Human Rights NGOs play a critical role in
highlighting abuses and pressing for accountability in many forums
including the United Nations: Will you commit to working closely with
human rights and humanitarian civil society organizations and to
briefing the NGO Working Group on the Security Council?
Answer. The United States will remain a leader in human rights
advocacy, including in the multilateral system through our engagement
in the Security Council, General Assembly, and other U.N. and regional
fora. We are actively involved in the work of the Third Committee of
the U.N. General Assembly, which covers social, humanitarian, and human
rights issues. In that context we are advocating strongly in support of
human rights in Iran, Crimea, Syria, the DPRK, and Burma among others.
We will also continue our efforts to bring human rights issues to the
attention of the Security Council, as we did during our recent
presidency when we held the first ever session on the linkage between
human rights abuses and threats to international peace and security.
Question. Some Human Rights Council critics have argued that the
United States should pursue its human rights priorities in other U.N.
fora. For example, U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations
Nikki Haley has stated that the Security Council should play a greater
role in addressing human rights issues; however, others maintain that
the Council should focus on its mandate of maintaining international
peace and security. Some Administration officials have also raised the
possibility of discussing human rights in the General Assembly's Third
Committee which addresses human rights as part of the Assembly's
broader mandate: What is your view on this issue? What are the
advantages and disadvantages of using these alternate mechanisms?
Answer. The United States will remain a leader in human rights
advocacy, including in the multilateral system through our engagement
in the Security Council, General Assembly, and other U.N. and regional
fora. We are actively involved in the work of the Third Committee of
the U.N. General Assembly, which covers social, humanitarian, and human
rights issues. In that context we are advocating strongly in support of
human rights in Iran, Crimea, Syria, the DPRK, and Burma among others.
We will also continue our efforts to bring human rights issues to the
attention of the Security Council, as we did during our recent
presidency when we held the first ever session on the linkage between
human rights abuses and threats to international peace and security. If
confirmed, I will continue U.S. advocacy for human rights at every
appropriate opportunity.
Question. Please provide your assessment of Human Rights Council
reforms completed so far and what additional reforms the U.S. deems
necessary for its future participation. Have additional reform
benchmarks been laid out? Has a timetable been specified?
Answer. Ongoing reform efforts at the Human Rights Council have
centered on working practices and have refrained from tackling the hard
issues, namely the Council's pervasive anti-Semitic bias and the
structural deficiencies that allow the worst human rights offenders to
simultaneous use the Council as a shield from criticism and a sword for
unjust criticism of U.S. allies. There is no path for U.S.
reconsideration of its withdrawal without significant progress on both
of these fronts. This must include the elimination of the Council's
Agenda Item 7, an agenda item that uniquely and persistently targets
Israel for criticism above all other U.N. member states.
Question. What challenges does the Human Rights Council face in
achieving its reforms and why?
Answer. The chief obstacle to meaningful Council reform is the
self-interest of malign actors, who seek to perpetuate their protected
status on the Council while, simultaneously, using the body as a weapon
with which to attack Israel. Reform is further complicated by those
countries who believe, mistakenly, that even a misguided and fully
inadequate Council is better than none.
Question. Is there a process outlined by which the United States
would return to the Human Rights Council?
Answer. The United States will only consider the possibility of
returning to the Human Rights Council if member states deal
successfully with the bias and structural issues that grossly undermine
the Council's legitimacy. This must include, not only the elimination
of the anti-Semitic Agenda Item 7, but also fundamental changes to the
rules governing election to the Council.
Question. Do you agree with the administration's decision to
withhold assessed funding to the Human Rights Council and OHCHR? Why or
why not?
Answer. The Department withheld from the U.N. regular budget an
amount equivalent to the U.S. proportional share of the funding that
the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights receives from the
U.N. regular budget. This withholding was based on policy
considerations. There should be minimal impact on OHCHR, because the
withholding was from the U.N. regular budget, not from the OHCHR
budget. The Department is continuing to make voluntary contributions to
the OHCHR budget.
Following our withdrawal from the Human Rights Council, we have
also reduced our funding to the U.N. to account for the share of the
U.S. contribution that would have gone to the HRC. We do, however,
remain supportive of specific mandates created by the Council that
support U.S. human rights objectives.
Our approach is to provide targeted voluntary funding towards OHCHR
activities that advance U.S. policy objectives and priorities, such as
focusing on work to address continuing egregious human rights
violations and abuses around the world and to support fundamental
freedoms such as the freedoms of expression, association, and religion
or belief, among others.
Question. To your knowledge, under what authority did the
administration withhold FY2018 funding? What is the impact of the
withholdings on the operations of these bodies?
Answer. The Department withheld from the U.S. assessed contribution
to the U.N. regular budget an amount equivalent to the U.S.
proportional share of the U.N. regular budget funding that the Office
of the High Commissioner for Human Rights receives. This withholding
was based on policy considerations. There should be minimal impact on
OHCHR, because the withholding was from the U.N. regular budget, not
from the OHCHR budget. The Department is continuing to make voluntary
contributions to the OHCHR budget.
Question. To your knowledge, why did the United States withhold
funding from the OHCHR? Do you agree with the decision? If so, what
OHCHR actions do you find most concerning and why? What OHCHR actions,
if any, do you support?
Answer. The Department withheld from the U.N. regular budget an
amount equivalent to the U.S. proportional share of the funding that
the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rightsreceives from the
U.N. regular budget. This withholding was based on policy
considerations. There should be minimal impact on OHCHR, because the
withholding was from the U.N. regular budget, not from the OHCHR
budget. The Department is continuing to make voluntary contributions to
the OHCHR budget.
Our approach is to provide targeted voluntary funding towards OHCHR
activities that advance U.S. policy objectives and priorities, such as
focusing on work to address continuing egregious human rights
violations and abuses around the world and to support fundamental
freedoms such as the freedoms of expression, association, and religion
or belief, among others.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in industries that could compromise your work
at the United Nations?
Answer. No.
Question. In 2017, you authored a memorandum for the President
regarding immigration policy. In the memo, your reasoning for
implementing certain policy was to, ``fulfill several key campaign
promises:'' If confirmed, will your mission be to represent the
American people, or fulfill the agenda and campaign promises of
President Trump?
Answer. If confirmed, I will represent the interests of the
American people by fulfilling the policies of the Trump administration.
Question. As Representative to the U.S. Mission in Geneva, what
will be your commitment to consulting with and engaging in dialogue
with Congress and civil society on critical international issues?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to frequent occasions to
engage with Members of Congress and civil society on important matters
addressed at U.N. venues in Geneva.
Question. How will you avoid alienating other member states that
have traditionally been U.S. allies in the promotion of human rights,
democracy and peace and security?
Answer. If confirmed, I will develop strong working relationships
across the international community in Geneva, including with close
allies and strategic competitors. I believe that among my key roles as
U.S. Permanent Representative to the U.N. is communicating clearly U.S.
values and objectives. Those values formed the foundation of the U.N.
system, and remain a clarion call to the world.
Question. U.S. foreign assistance is vital in helping to reach the
world's most marginalized people living in some of the most challenging
contexts with life-saving health interventions, food assistance, access
to education, and the tools with which to become more self-reliant over
time:
As Representative to the U.S. Mission in Geneva, how will you
ensure that U.S. foreign assistance is used wisely by
international organizations to reach the most vulnerable people
around the world?
Answer. As a major donor to United Nations development assistance,
the United States has a strong interest to ensure our funding is used
to help the most vulnerable and most in need and that U.S. taxpayers'
dollars are used effectively and efficiently to achieve these purposes.
If confirmed, I will work with the United Nations organizations in
Geneva to undertake reforms and improve transparency and accountability
to ensure that our development assistance through these organizations
will continue to reach those most in need.
Question. The Famine Early Warning Systems Network reports,
``Across 46 countries, 85 million people require emergency food
assistance in 2019, 80% more than in 2015.'' Earlier this month, the
U.N. warned that 2 million people in Somalia alone could face
starvation by summer's end if sufficient international humanitarian
assistance does not arrive soon: As Representative to the U.S. Mission
in Geneva, how will you push for a strong collective response to the
most urgent crises impacting food security?
Answer. The United States government is committed to addressing
global crises in food security and is on the Executive Boards of the
U.N. Rome-based agencies: the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO),
the World Food Program (WFP), and the International Fund for
Agricultural Development (IFAD). The United States is the largest donor
to the FAO, providing over $190 million per year: almost 20% of the
total budget. We are the largest donor to the WFP, providing over $2.5
billion in 2018: more than 34% of the budget. We are also the largest
historic donor to IFAD, and contributed $30 million in 2019. If
confirmed, I will work closely with our Ambassador to U.N. Agencies in
Rome Kip Tom to urge other donors to do their fair share as well to
address humanitarian crises around the globe.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor, and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups?
Answer. If confirmed, I will embrace every opportunity to promote
diversity and inclusion in the workplace. I agree with the research
that indicates that diverse teams are richer in creativity and
perspective, and I believe all leaders should embrace a wide range of
input, viewpoints, and backgrounds.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors in your staff are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that all supervisors at Mission
Geneva have undertaken the required workplace management training,
including the Department's Equal Employment Opportunity coursework. In
addition, I will lead by example, creating an inclusive working
environment where all backgrounds and perspectives are treated as
valid.
Question. Religion has played a major role in your higher
education. You attended Franciscan University and Catholic University
during your time as a student. Reports have also stated that these
religious routes are what shape your policy. How will your religion
impact your ability to represent American people of all beliefs in
Geneva?
Answer. I am a person of faith and an American with an abiding
belief in freedoms of religion and expression. If confirmed, I will
welcome people of all faiths to my team and represent proudly Americans
of all backgrounds, religious or otherwise.
Question. The Trump administration has compromised U.S. energy
security interests and our leadership role on climate change in the
eyes of the world. Do you accept climate change is real, is caused by
humans, and that immediate Congressional action is needed to address
it?
Answer. Climate change is a complex global challenge. I believe the
climate is changing, and that there is likely a human component to
that. If confirmed, I will ensure the United States continues to be a
world leader in providing affordable, abundant, and secure energy to
our citizens, while protecting the environment and reducing emissions
through job-creating innovation.
Question. As Representative to the U.S. Mission in Geneva, how will
you repair the United States' standing in multinational climate
discussions now that we have left the Paris Climate Accords?
Answer. The United States will remain a party to the UNFCCC. If
confirmed, I will seek to maintain U.S. leadership to advance and
protect U.S. economic and environmental interests, including by
participating in international negotiations to ensure a level playing
field for all countries.
Question. Do you believe the U.S. should play a leadership role in
addressing climate change?
Answer. The United States is a world leader in reducing emissions.
U.S. energy-related CO2 emissions fell by 14 percent between 2005 and
2017, even as our economy grew by 19.4 percent--largely due to the
development and deployment of innovative energy technologies.
Question. The U.N. plays a large role in global climate change
initiatives. In conjunction with its member states, the U.N. implements
policies aimed at decreased the effects of climate change. On multiple
occasions during your time in the Trump administration, you have
actively sought to repeal regulations aimed at protecting the
environment:
Do you believe in the existence of climate change? Why or why not?
Answer. I believe that climate change is a complex global
challenge. I believe the climate is changing, and that there is likely
a human component to that.
Question. Do you believe climate change is largely a manmade issue
that can be dealt with by changing human behavior? Why or why not?
Answer. I believe the climate is changing, and that there's warming
taking place. There is likely a human component to that. If confirmed,
I support decisions that are informed by the best scientific and
intelligence assessments as we develop and implement relevant
international policies.
Question. Over the last two years, the Center on Family and Human
Rights, better known as C-Fam, has seen its influence grow and was even
part of the official U.S. delegation to the Commission on the Status of
Women (CSW) in 2017. As a Southern Poverty Law Center designated hate
group, whose work focuses disproportionately on denying rights to the
LGBTQ community and demonizing women's health and rights, will you
ensure that C-Fam and other groups that espouse this type of hate and
bigotry will not be given any official capacity in any future
conference?
Answer. The United States opposes violence and discrimination
against all persons. The public delegates to the CSW are not U.S.
government employees, and they are not authorized to negotiate or speak
on behalf of the United States. The Trump Administration continues to
respect the rights of all persons, including women and those who
identify as LGBT. The United States will continue to support the rights
of all people to be free of violence and oppression.
Question. Over the last two years, the U.S. has staked out
positions on sexual and reproductive health and rights during
negotiations on important resolutions and outcome documents that have
alienated our allies. The most egregious example was during the
Security Council resolution on Sexual Violence in Conflict that the
United States almost vetoed until two last-minute changes. The first
was removal of the mechanism that would have allowed women who had been
victims of sexual violence in conflict access to health care and other
forms of redress. The second was removal of the words ``sexual and
reproductive health and rights.'' Can you commit to this committee that
you will work closely with our allies to ensure these important
resolutions and outcome documents will be given the appropriate
attention and that you will protect the rights of women and girls
around the world?
Answer. The United States is committed to promoting the rights and
well-being of women. In negotiating U.N. documents, U.S. delegation
members often include senior officials and subject matter experts who
seek to work constructively with other Member States toward achieving
consensus. The administration has concerns about terminology related to
sexual and reproductive health that do not enjoy international
consensus. The use of these phrases by U.N. agencies and U.N.
affiliates often implies abortion. The administration will do all it
can do to protect and respect the sanctity of life around the globe. In
its advocacy for women, the administration continues to hold to the
commitments laid out in the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women's
Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, as well as in the 1994
International Conference on Population and Development's Programme of
Action. The United States moreover remains the largest bilateral donor
of women's health and family planning assistance worldwide. Moving
forward at the U.N. and elsewhere, the administration will continue to
build consensus with a wide group of Member States on clear terminology
that would better promote women's health without also promoting
abortion. We are committed to focusing on the health care and health
education needs of women, men, girls, and boys, including adolescents
around the globe, while avoiding issues that do not enjoy international
consensus and do not support human dignity.
Question. Armed conflict, political instability, climate change,
and other factors have led to an unprecedented growth in global
humanitarian needs. U.N. agencies like the World Food Program (WFP),
U.N. Refugee Agency (UNHCR), U.N. Children's Fund (UNICEF), and U.N.
Population Fund (UNFPA) are leading the global response, providing
food, shelter, medical care, education, maternal health care, and other
forms of life-sustaining aid to tens of millions of people around the
world. Because the U.S. doesn't have the capacity or reach to lead
every humanitarian response, it works closely with the U.N., which
brings together member states, NGOs, faith-based organizations, the
private sector, and others to address crises. The U.S. helped create
these agencies, and has long been the largest donor to U.N.
humanitarian appeals: Do you believe that it is important for the U.S.
to continue to work with the U.N. to address humanitarian crises around
the world?
Answer. The United States is a global leader in humanitarian
assistance, having provided more than $8 billion in humanitarian aid in
2018. However, despite significant progress in addressing crises,
humanitarian needs remain high and outpace funding levels. Crises
affect more people and for longer periods of time, and the number of
people targeted to receive assistance through U.N.-led humanitarian
response plans increased in 2018 from 77 million in 2014 to 101
million. 2019 is on track to be a year of record high humanitarian
needs, and burden sharing will be more essential than ever. In 2019,
nearly 132 million people will need humanitarian assistance, the
majority as a result of conflict. Per the Global Humanitarian Overview
of 2018, a record $25 billion was needed to meet humanitarian needs in
2018; the U.N. Office of the Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) and other U.N. agencies helped mobilize
funding for $15 billion. The United States is a strong supporter of
U.N. agencies such as OCHA and their work in coordinating and providing
protection and life-saving assistance to the millions of people
displaced by conflict, natural disasters, and other causes. As global
humanitarian needs continue to increase, we will continue to work to
maximize the impact of our collective humanitarian efforts, and we
support the humanitarian reform commitments made by OCHA and other U.N.
agencies to increase efficiency, transparency, accountability, and
effectiveness of humanitarian assistance for improved outcomes for all
populations in need of humanitarian assistance.
Question. Due to the ever-increasing scale of needs in recent
years-brought on by conflict in Yemen, Syria, Iraq, South Sudan, DR
Congo, Myanmar, and Afghanistan, among other places-UN humanitarian
appeals are chronically underfunded: If confirmed, will you press for
the U.S. to continue to provide robust financial support to the work of
these activities, and will you push other countries to do the same?
Answer. Having provided more than $8 billion in humanitarian aid in
2018, the United States is a global leader in humanitarian assistance.
If confirmed, I will push to reinforce U.S. leadership while
encouraging greater burden-sharing from other donors. Despite
significant progress in addressing crises, humanitarian needs remain
high and outpace funding levels. Crises affect more people and for
longer periods of time, and the number of people targeted to receive
assistance through U.N.-led humanitarian response plans increased in
2018 from 77 million in 2014 to 101 million. 2019 is on track to be a
year of record high humanitarian needs, and burden sharing will be more
essential than ever. In 2019, nearly 132 million people will need
humanitarian assistance, the majority as a result of conflict. Per the
Global Humanitarian Overview of 2018, a record $25 billion was needed
to meet humanitarian needs in 2018; the U.N. Office of the Office for
the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) and other U.N. agencies
helped mobilize funding for $15 billion. The United States is a strong
supporter of U.N. agencies such as OCHA and their work in coordinating
and providing protection and life-saving assistance to the millions of
people displaced by conflict, natural disasters, and other causes. As
global humanitarian needs continue to increase, we will continue to
work to maximize the impact of our collective humanitarian efforts, and
we support the humanitarian reform commitments made U.N. agencies to
increase efficiency, transparency, accountability, and effectiveness of
humanitarian assistance for improved outcomes for all populations in
need of humanitarian assistance.
Question. A High-Level Commission on Health Employment and Economic
Growth called by the U.N. Secretary-General in 2016 concluded that
investments in health have a nine-fold return and accounted for about
one quarter of economic growth between 2000 and 2011 in low- and
middle-income countries, having an outsized impact for women, who make
up about 70% of the health and social workforce worldwide. As a result
of the Commission, the WHO, ILO, and OECD have undertaken joint efforts
to address a projected shortfall of 18 million health workers by 2030,
which threatens to derail the tremendous progress the United States has
spearheaded in saving lives around the world and also leaves us more
vulnerable to infectious disease threats like Ebola. How will you
prioritize U.S. leadership in Geneva, especially with the WHO and ILO,
to help focus investments needed in health employment to drive economic
growth and women's economic empowerment while simultaneously tackling
our greatest global health challenges?
Answer. The United States welcomed the Report of the High-Level
Commission on Health Employment and Economic Growth; we continue to
support its important recommendations regarding measures to address the
global shortfall of trained health workers. The Commission's work has
helped guide action that advances employment and economic growth in low
and middle-income countries. The World Health Organization Global
Health Workforce Network is a key mechanism to implement the
Commission's recommendations through a five-year action plan. The
United States will continue to support these focused investments to
help countries increase their health workforce and share data on
workforce issues for decision-making.
Question. A May 2019 report of the Safeguarding Health in Conflict
Coalition documents at least 973 attacks on health workers, health
facilities, health transports, and patients in 23 countries in conflict
around the world in 2018--from the DRC to Yemen, Syria, to the
Philippines. At least 167 health workers died and at least 710 were
injured. This marks an increase in the number of documented attacks
compared to 2017, when the Coalition reported 701 such attacks. In
January 2018 the WHO took an important step to document attacks on
health and provide information for action to protect health services by
launching its Surveillance System for Attacks on Healthcare and
collecting and sharing data on attacks in nine countries in conflict--
but the impact of this system is still very limited:
Will the United States push for expansion of WHO's Surveillance
System for Attacks on Healthcare, including providing
information to describe the basic facts of the incident--
withholding location information if needed for security
reasons--and taking steps to enable identification of the
perpetrator where known? And what more can and should be done
to ensure compliance of U.N. Security Council Resolution 2286
passed in May 2016 to document and conduct investigations of
attacks on health workers and facilities?
Answer. The United States has repeatedly urged member states to
renew their commitment to the implementation of U.N. Security Council
resolution 2286, which the Security Council passed unanimously in 2016.
The Security Council demanded that the international community mobilize
in an effort to prevent attacks on health services in armed conflict
and hold those responsible for such attacks accountable. Three years
later, however, a staggering number of attacks on health facilities,
health workers, ambulances, and patients continue to take place across
the globe. Impunity for such violations and abuses must come to an end.
The United States strongly supports efforts to promote access to
humanitarian relief, including medical care, for civilians in
situations of armed conflict. If confirmed, I will work with other
members of the U.N. Security Council to ensure the full implementation
of resolution 2286.
Question. In 2017, Congress used the Congressional Review Act (CRA)
to repeal fifteen common-sense regulations, including measures to
protect women's health, retirement security, workplace safety, clean
water, and anti-corruption safeguards. What was your role in developing
the CRA strategy and your rationale for undoing regulations including
the rule implementing the Cardin-Lugar 1504 provision on transparency
of global payments by oil, gas and mining companies?
Answer. I worked with other White House and Congressional staff to
identify regulations that were finalized at the very end of the Obama
administration, including many ``midnight regulations'' that were
finalized after the election, that we believed were overly burdensome.
Question. As the Representative to the U.S. Mission in Geneva, you
will be working closely with the U.N. Human Rights commission. The U.N.
has made it clear that the access to an abortion is a human right that
must be protected. The U.N. has even called on the United States to
make sure that Americans still have the right and protections for safe
abortions: In previous works, you have made it difficult for certain
citizens to obtain an abortion. Do you believe abortion is a human
right? If not, will you work to change the declaration by the U.N.?
Answer. In its advocacy for women, the administration continues to
hold to the commitments laid out in the 1995 Fourth World Conference on
Women's Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, as well as in the
1994 International Conference on Population and Development's Programme
of Action. As noted at the time, these documents do not establish a
right to abortion. Similarly, human rights instruments to which the
United States is party do not establish abortion as a right; neither do
binding humanitarian instruments. In short, there is no international
consensus on a right to abortion. Decisions on abortion are those of
individual sovereign states.
Moving forward at the U.N. and elsewhere, the administration will
continue to build consensus with a wide group of Member States on clear
terminology that would better promote women's health without also
promoting abortion. We are committed to focusing on the health care and
health education needs of women, men, girls, and boys, including
adolescents around the globe, while avoiding issues that do not enjoy
international consensus and do not support human dignity.
Question. You have said that the United States ``supports the right
to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of health.''
Currently, roughly half of the world's population--3.5 billion people--
forgoes essential health services due to financial constraints or lack
of accessible facilities. Throughout this year, the international
community is addressing this issue through the consideration of
Universal Health Coverage, culminating in a High Level Meeting at the
United Nations in September. Universal Health Coverage guarantees
access to quality health services, essential medicines, and vaccines,
and insures people against catastrophic and routine health costs,
ensuring they will not face financial ruin because of health care
costs: How will you work toward Universal Health Coverage that ensures
that no one, including women and girls, is left behind?
Answer. The United States looks forward to the U.N. Meeting on
Universal Health Coverage. We believe health care systems must be
accessible by all in a country, including through access to primary
healthcare for women, men, boys and girls, and strong health systems.
We need to accelerate progress toward universal health access, while
understanding efforts to expand access do not imply government-centric
solutions or mandates, and countries will choose to pursue UHC in line
with national contexts and priorities. Pathways to achieving UHC can
include strengthening the role of private markets; innovation and
efficient financing to reduce out of pocket costs; enhancing consumer
choice; and appropriate regulations/governance.
Question. For some time, the United States has been the leading
funder of global health and, specifically, of family planning and
reproductive health. However, this Administration has repeatedly
proposed catastrophic reductions of funding to family planning/
reproductive health programs, zeroing out the program in the first
budget, and this year requesting an over 55 percent reduction compared
to enacted levels. It has also pursuing policies, including the Mexico
City Policy/Global Gag Rule, that numerous studies have shown make
contraception and family planning more difficult and costly for women
to access. Do you believe that the United States can continue to be a
leader on global health if we scale back financial commitments to
programs that have proven critical to promoting the health of women and
girls?
Answer. The United States is the most generous funder of maternal
and child health, including family planning programs, in the world. I
agree that this strong record of leadership should continue, and that
it should continue to do so within the longstanding ethical parameters
that govern our foreign assistance today. Those parameters include the
decades-old protections against taxpayer support for abortion, and the
preservation of parental rights when it comes to the information and
care provided to children, including the provision of culturally
sensitive, age-appropriate, optimal health-focused sex education.
Question. The Trump administration has actively sought to expand
protections for healthcare providers who cite moral or religious
objections to providing certain services or serving certain
populations:
Do you believe that the personal views of a medical provider should
affect an individual's right to access quality and affordable
healthcare? Should providers who refuse to provide critical
services to women, or to LGBTQ persons, or any other population
be allowed to continue to receive U.S. funding? Does that
include a full range of contraceptive methods?
Answer. As the Director of the DPC, I helped coordinate the
development and drafting of several Executive Orders, including
Executive Order 13798 ``Promoting Free Speech and Religious Liberty.''
The order required certain cabinet officials to ``consider issuing
amended regulations, consistent with applicable law, to address
conscience-based objections to the preventive-care mandate promulgated
under section 300gg-13(a)(4) of title 42, United States Code.'' The
order could not and did not contradict any statutes or controlling case
law with respect to employee access to birth control provided or
covered by employers. Congress has passed numerous federal laws
prohibiting discrimination by recipients of federal funds on the basis
of race, color, national origin, disability, age, sex, religion, the
exercise of conscience, and other protected classes. I intend to
continue the administration's policy on this question and abide by all
applicable laws if confirmed.
This administration has and will continue to support policies
furthering the health and wellbeing of all people, including women, and
LGBTI individuals. Congress has passed numerous federal laws
prohibiting discrimination by recipients of federal funds on the basis
of race, color, national origin, disability, age, sex, religion, the
exercise of conscience, and other protected classes. I intend to
continue the administration's policy on this question and abide by all
applicable laws if confirmed.
The United States is the most generous supporter of global health
assistance, including family planning programs that provide a broad
range of family planning methods and services. Congress has passed
numerous federal laws prohibiting discrimination by recipients of
federal funds on the basis of race, color, national origin, disability,
age, sex, religion, the exercise of conscience, and other protected
classes. I intend to continue the administration's policy on this
question and abide by all applicable laws if confirmed.
Question. In addition to threatening funding cuts, the United
States has taken a hard-line against long-standing agreements on sexual
and reproductive health at the United Nations. Specifically, U.S.
negotiators at the U.N. have repeatedly sought the removal of agreed
language on sexual and reproductive access for communities worldwide:
If confirmed, how will you work to ensure that the U.S. upholds and
advances international commitments on sexual and reproductive
health and rights globally, rather than seeking to roll them
back?
Answer. The administration has concerns about the terms ``sexual
and reproductive health services'' and ``sexual and reproductive
rights''. Over the years, these references have become associated with
support for abortion as an alleged right. The administration will do
all it can do to protect and respect the sanctity of life around the
globe.
In its advocacy for women, the administration continues to hold to
the commitments laid out in the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women's
Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action as well as in the 1994
International Conference on Population and Development's Programme of
Action. The United States moreover remains the largest bilateral donor
of women's reproductive health and family planning assistance
worldwide.
Moving forward at the U.N., the administration seeks to find
consensus with a wide group of Member States on clear terminology that
would better promote women's health without promoting abortion. We are
committed to meeting the health care needs of women, men, girls, and
boys, as well as the health-education needs of children and adolescents
around the globe, and avoid issues that offend human dignity.
Question. The U.S. recently made an egregious and extraordinary
threat to veto a U.N. Security Council Resolution on gender-based
violence in conflict over a reference to survivors' access to sexual
and reproductive health care. Media reports also suggest that during
negotiations, the U.S. sought to remove a mechanism that would have
provided funding for survivors of sexual violence in conflict with
services over fears it could be used by survivors for abortions, where
legal. These negotiations at the U.N. have real world impact on women
and girls around the world:
Do you believe victims of sexual violence should be able to
terminate the pregnancy, where legal? The global gag rule
allows international organizations who receive U.S. global
health funding to provide abortions in the case of rape,
incest, and life endangerment of the woman with non-U.S.
funding--do you support these exceptions or would you recommend
and seek to close them?
Answer. I have tremendous sympathy for any woman victimized by
sexual violence and support the U.S. efforts to help victims of sexual
violence become thriving survivors. As I stated during the hearing, I
do not believe that abortion is ever a moral answer to a problem. The
U.S. opposition to the resolution in question was intended to ensure
that U.N. organizations did not interpret that language to begin
assuming a right to abortion as a method of family planning. In
addition, I support the existing Mexico City policy, which includes the
exceptions you identified in the question.
Question. On May 30, 2019, a notice of intent to establish a State
Department Commission on Unalienable Rights appeared on the Federal
Register. According to a version of the draft charter reviewed by Just
Security, the commission's duties include providing ``advice and
recommendations, for the secretary's approval, to guide U.S. diplomatic
and foreign policy decisions and actions with respect to human rights
in international settings.'' According to remarks by Secretary Pompeo,
he is trying to ``make sure that we have a solid definition of human
rights upon which to tell all our diplomats around the world.''
Do you believe that the State Department has failed to provide this
solid definition of human rights in its work, including in its
annual human rights reports? How so? Do you believe the
multilateral human rights institutions are failing in this
regard? Please state how. Also, do you believe that women's
human rights, including the right to be free from domestic
violence and to access reproductive health care, are a part of
a ``solid definition of human rights?''
Answer. The United States has been and remains the world's guiding
force for human rights around the world. This leadership takes many
forms, including through constructive public advocacy, such as the
State Department's annual human rights and religious freedom reporting.
The new Commission on Unalienable Rights extends that leadership by
refreshing our discourse on human rights, including where that
discussion may have departed from our nation's founding principles of
natural law and natural rights.
Human rights are those rights which are endowed by our Creator--
usually expressed as freedoms that no government anywhere may abridge,
which the U.S. Declaration of Independence speaks of as ``unalienable''
and can also be found in our Bill of Rights. One definitional source
that many look to is the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
which includes rights of conscience, expression, religious exercise,
freedom of movement, to marry, to form families free from government
coercion, to be free from slavery and torture, to own property, and to
due process applied equally to all.
government respect for the universal human rights of all citizens
fosters free and open societies in which all people can flourish.
Advancing human rights means committing to defend the human rights and
dignity of all people, no matter who they are. For example, as
Secretary Pompeo has said: ``standing up for human rights is hardwired
into who we are as Americans. Promoting human rights is in the best
interests of the United States. Societies that respect human rights and
the rule of law are more stable, and make better allies.''
In accordance with international human rights treaties, if
confirmed, I will vigorously advocate to protect the inalienable rights
that all people share because of our shared human dignity. I believe
all human beings, including women, are endowed with the same
fundamental rights and liberties. This includes the right to be free
from all forms of violence, including domestic violence, and to access
voluntary reproductive healthcare.
Question. In countries around the world, LGBTQ people are
criminalized for who they love. There are also women who are in jail in
places like El Salvador and Senegal for having miscarriages or
abortions. These are gross human rights violations: If you are
confirmed, will you speak out against laws that criminalize same-sex
relationships and women's personal health decisions in public and
private settings as part of the United States human rights and
diplomacy agenda?
Answer. The United States has made clear its commitment to
protecting and defending the human rights of all, including LGBTI
persons, and has condemned the fact that in many parts of the world,
LGBTI individuals and their supporters continue to face violence,
arrest, harassment and intimidation for standing up for their human
rights, participating in peaceful marches and rallies, and expressing
their views. As Secretary Pompeo has stated, LGBTI persons--like all
persons--must be free to enjoy their human rights and fundamental
freedoms, including freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and
association, without fear of reprisal.
Question. Do you recognize reproductive rights and the rights of
LGBTQ people as human rights? Do you believe that States have human
rights obligations to eliminate gender-based violence, including
domestic violence, sexual violence and harassment, in public and
private life?
Answer. The Department has been clear and consistent in affirming
that human rights are universal, and that no one should face violence,
criminalization, or severe official discrimination because of who they
are. We will continue to stand up and speak out in support of the human
rights and fundamental freedoms of all people, including LGBTI persons
in all corners of the globe, and to press for perpetrators of human
rights violations and abuses to be held accountable.
Question. The Trump administration has twice expanded the global
gag rule--implementing a version of the policy that is unprecedented in
scope. Recent research indicates the global gag rule is disrupting
health care services, weakening civil society, and halting national
policy progress on health and human rights:
Were you involved in decisions to expand the global gag rule? Have
you made any efforts to understand the impact of these
decisions in terms of access to a range of health services,
effective partnership in the field, and the silencing of
medical professionals and advocates? Do you believe the policy
should be expanded even further?
Answer. I was involved in President Trump's decision to reinstate
the Mexico City policy through his Protecting Life in Global Health
Assistance policy. After implementation of the Protecting Life in
Global Health Assistance policy, the administration conducted a review
at all affected departments and agencies. This review found that only
four prime partners declined to agree to the conditions of the policy
out of 733 awards. I support the existing policy.
Question. In your written answers for the committee, you stated
that, ``The administration made a determination that UNFPA's work with
Chinese population authorities violated statutory funding
restrictions:''
Can you explain the how UNFPA has violated Kemp-Kasten because I
have not been able to get a clear answer how the administration
went about making the determination against UNFPA? The U.S.
sits on UNFPA's Executive Board, which approves country
programs. If the U.S. was really concerned about UNFPA's China
country program, wouldn't it use its position to bring the
program into compliance of U.S. statutory funding restrictions?
Answer. The determination to withhold funding from UNFPA was made
based on the fact that China's family planning policies still involve
the use of coercive abortion and involuntary sterilization practices
and that UNFPA partners on family planning activities with the Chinese
government agency responsible for these coercive policies. The
Secretary has determined that UNFPA therefore ``supports or
participates in the management of a program of coercive abortion or
involuntary sterilization.''
If confirmed, I will continue to examine closely the activities of
UNFPA in the context of the funding decision, and will take every
opportunity to remind other nations that the United States is and will
be at the forefront of improving women's health across the lifespan,
including continued access to family planning methods and preventing
maternal and child deaths.
Question. NGOs have already reported that compliance with the
Global Gag Rule has increased their administrative costs due to adding
complicated compliance mechanisms. How much will this broad
interpretation increase this burden for these NGOs? How much will this
new compliance burden affect the amount and quality of health services
this funding is intended for?
Answer. The United States is and will remain the leading funder of
maternal and child health and family planning programs internationally,
and without that support, millions of women would lose access to vital
health programs. After implementation of the Protecting Life in Global
Health Assistance policy, the administration conducted a review at all
affected departments and agencies. This review found that only four
prime partners declined to agree to the conditions of the policy out of
733 awards.
Question. Have you discussed these expansions with our global
bilateral donors like DFID or SIDA? How does this impact our ability to
work and coordinate effectively with their global health and
development programs?
Answer. I have not met with global bilateral donors like DFID or
SIDA. I look forward to learning how this policy could impact our work
with their programs.
Question. The State Department stated they would complete a second
review of the Mexico City Policy, also known as the global gag rule, by
the end of 2018, yet we are still waiting on that report. Recent
research from civil society groups indicates the global gag rule is
disrupting health care services, weakening civil society, and halting
national policy progress on health and human rights. For example, under
the Mexico City Policy, Family Life Association of Swaziland has been
forced to nearly eliminate its services to reach youth with family
planning, treat STIs, screen for reproductive cancers, and provide
maternal and child care:
Especially given the further expansion of the policy, is anyone
able to meet the needs of young people and vulnerable
populations in these specific communities? What actions have
been taken to address these gaps in services and how are these
needs being filled?
Answer. The Mexico City Policy is a critical protection for
taxpayers and for the women and girls that we support around the world.
Taxpayers expect us to use the billions of dollars managed by our
maternal and child health, family planning, HIV/AIDS, malaria, child
nutrition and many other programs to save lives, not take them. After
implementation of the Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance
policy, the administration conducted a review at all affected
departments and agencies. This review found that only four prime
partners declined to agree to the conditions of the policy out of 733
awards. The second review is still underway.
Question. How will the next review assess and evaluate these types
of service disruptions and inefficiencies created by switching health
care service partners?
Answer. If confirmed, as Ambassador to the U.N. in Geneva, I do not
believe that I would be involved in such a review process.
Question. Recent research by amfAR documented that the expanded
global gag rule has resulted in many PEPFAR implementing partners
altering the health services and information that they provide,
including non-abortion related services such as contraception and HIV,
and their partnerships on the ground. These disruptions were reported
in 31 of the 45 countries surveyed and common in areas with high HIV-
prevalence, such as South Africa, Eswatini and Mozambique. The
disruptions span multiple types of services, including altering HIV
programs such as voluntary medical male circumcision. Their research
indicates that there may be a disproportionate impact on key and
vulnerable populations, such as adolescent girls, young women, and men
who have sex with men, who are more reliant on outreach services and
integrated care models that are adversely impacted by the global gag
rule because those organizations who provided comprehensive
reproductive health care are also often the ones to best able to serve
and reach key and vulnerable populations:
How are you monitoring the impact of the expanded global gag rule
on HIV programs and how do you expect to meet the ambitious
goals and targets set out under PEPFAR if the policy impedes
our ability to work with effective partners and prompts
widespread disruption of services and information?
Answer. This administration has and will continue to ensure that
all people living with or at risk of HIV/AIDS, including women, girls,
and LGBTI individuals, have access to comprehensive information on how
to prevent transmission of HIV. Congress has passed numerous federal
laws prohibiting discrimination by recipients of federal funds on the
basis of race, color, national origin, disability, age, sex, religion,
the exercise of conscience, and other protected classes. I intend to
continue the administration's policy on this question and abide by all
applicable laws if confirmed.
Question. In his September 2018 speech to the U.N. General
Assembly, President Trump highlighted the importance of national
sovereignty and emphasized his ``American First'' foreign policy. How
might this impact U.S. participation in the United Nations? How can the
United States balance sovereignty concerns and its engagement with
multilateral institutions such as the United Nations?
Answer. As a founding member of the United Nations, the United
States stands firm on our overall commitment to the core values of the
U.N. Charter--to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war,
to reaffirm faith in human rights and the dignity and worth of the
human person, to maintain international peace and security, and to
promote economic advancement for all people. This commitment is rooted
in U.S. interests, because the U.N. directly advances a number of top
U.S. policy priorities.
While the United States remains committed to advancing the ideals,
President Trump has made clear that we will never surrender our
interests to an unelected, unaccountable, global bureaucracy. The
United States will continue to unapologetically advance its own values
and interests in the U.N. system, and will not hesitate to withdraw
from a U.N. body when we assess our sovereign rights are at risk. The
United States will also continue to press for reforms to the U.N.
system, especially to the U.N. budget and management system. As the
single largest donor to the U.N., the United States will always have a
strong voice in the system--and will raise its voice when decisions
taken in this institution run counter to our value set and our national
interests.
Question. What, if any, are the key U.N. issues that overlap with
U.S. national interests? In what ways do action or inaction by U.N.
bodies affect these interests?
Answer. The United Nations is important to U.S. national security
interests. Engagement in the U.N. multiplies our impact and spreads the
costs of international action. It is in the U.S. national security
interest to partner closely with the United Nations, while working to
reform the institution in a serious and meaningful way, particularly on
peacekeeping, budget, management, and development issues, as well as on
ending the disturbing anti-Israel bias that permeates much of the U.N.
system.
First, U.S. support for U.N. peacekeeping protects our security
interests while sharing costs and risks with other member states. U.N.
peacekeeping missions deploy to countries such as the Central African
Republic and South Sudan, where U.N. troops protect civilians and
promote regional stability.
Second, U.S. engagement in U.N. bodies, including the Security
Council and General Assembly, highlights our priorities and holds
others accountable. For example, the United States has demanded
accountability for the use of chemical weapons in Syria. The United
States has promoted General Assembly resolutions on North Korea, Syria,
and Iran that have been adopted with broad cross-regional support. The
United States actively defends Israel from unbalanced criticism
throughout the U.N. system.
Third, the United States supports the U.N. as it leads the
international response to humanitarian emergencies around the globe,
including South Sudan, the Lake Chad Basin, and many other places. At a
time when the world faces the risk of famine in no fewer than six
countries, as well as the largest movement of forcibly displaced
persons since the Second World War, the U.N.'s humanitarian leadership
role has never been more important.
Finally, the U.N. system includes a range of technical and
specialized agencies that are central to setting international
standards and norms innumerous fields that have a direct impact on the
safety, security, and economic well-being of our citizens, including in
the areas of intellectual property, civil aviation, shipping,
telecommunications, and nuclear safety and security.
Question. What steps, if any, might be taken to strengthen U.S.
influence in U.N. fora, particularly in UNOG?
Answer. Geneva, as the hub for dozens of U.N. and international
organizations, is an important location for promoting U.S. values and
influence throughout the U.N. system--from advocating for human rights,
to helping recruit and place qualified Americans at posts throughout
the multilateral agencies, to countering any nation's attempts to push
agendas that go against U.S. interests and undermine international
norms, standards, and institutions.
If confirmed, I will coordinate closely with my colleagues in the
State Department as well as with other U.S. agencies to promote U.S.
interests in Geneva, including with the U.N. Office at Geneva.
Question. What, if any, are the priorities the United States shares
with U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres of Portugal? How do you
plan to work with the Secretary-General and the Director-General of
UNOG to further U.S. interests in the United Nations?
Answer. The United States is committed to advancing the U.N.
Secretary-General's reform agenda throughout the U.N. system through
U.S. representation in the U.N. General Assembly and relevant governing
bodies, as well as direct engagement with U.N. agencies, including in
Geneva.
The United States continues to promote the modernization of
management practices within the U.N. and other international
organizations. This includes successful functioning of audit processes,
timely public access to audit reports, robust protections for
whistleblowers, and increased transparency and oversight by member
states.
If confirmed, I will closely monitor these issues, including
raising shortcomings in these and other management categories with
senior leadership and other member states at the Geneva organizations,
including with the Director General of the U.N. Office at Geneva.
Question. How, if at all, will the U.N. Secretary-General's reform
priorities impact UNOG operations and procedures?
Answer. The impact on UNOG will be similar to that at other U.N.
duty stations. Changes such as increased delegations of authority
should improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the office.
Question. To what extent, if any, is UNOG involved in broader, U.N.
system-wide reforms? To your knowledge, is the U.S. Mission in Geneva
participating in these discussions?
Answer. The U.S. Mission in Geneva and UNOG are both highly
involved in U.N. reform discussions, especially the management reforms
related to the U.N. secretariat. The U.S. Mission is also highly
involved in discussions about the reforms underway in the U.N.
Development System, such as creation of the new Resident Coordinator
System.
Question. What do you view as reform priorities for UNOG and the
broader U.N. system?
Answer. The highest reform priority is ensuring that the United
Nations is efficient, effective and accountable. The reform efforts
underway throughout the U.N. System are working toward those ends.
Question. U.N. members have been unable to achieve consensus on how
to implement certain elements of U.N. reform. These disagreements have
emerged in the General Assembly and other U.N. fora-particularly
between developing countries and developed countries:
Please discuss how these disagreements have impacted progress. Can
these differences be overcome? Why or why not?
Answer. The differences in the General Assembly and other U.N. fora
are often an obstacle to achieving meaningful reform. Developing
countries have the greatest interest in seeing the U.N. become more
efficient and effective, because they benefit directly from much of the
work that the U.N. and U.N. agencies do. The United States and other
developed countries share that interest. Yet the divide remains great
over how to make changes to the status quo.
Question. The United States has withdrawn from the U.N. Human
Rights Council, but appears to be participating in the Council's
Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process. What is your assessment of the
UPR? Do you think it is an effectiveness mechanism for addressing human
rights?
Answer. The UPR process is an invaluable tool: each of the 193 U.N.
member states reviewed has the opportunity to state actions taken to
improve the human rights situations in their countries, and to provide
an assessment of the human rights situation in other countries. We take
this process seriously, as we view it as a powerful means to shine a
spotlight on human rights violations and abuses, recommend concrete
actions to prevent such violations and abuses, and to follow up on
implementation of recommendations.
Question. The last time the United States was reviewed by the
Universal Periodic Review (UPR) Committee was in May 2015. Should the
United States undergo another review? Why or why not?
Answer. Yes. The United States is rightfully proud of its human
rights record. It has served and will continue to serve as a model for
other nations. Our previous reports have discussed that record,
including areas of strength, such our record on core freedoms of
speech, association and belief. We have also previously addressed a
range of challenges, including issues of discrimination and topics
related to civil liberties in the context of national security.
The U.S. UPR report is just one element of a broad U.S. effort to
engage broadly, substantively, and constructively on human rights
issues.
Question. What role can the United Nations play in maintain
international peace and security when the perceived interests of a
permanent member and those of other Security Council members diverge?
How do you plan to portray the role of the Security Council in
discussions with the President and other senior administration
officials? What factors influence U.S. policy to seek Security Council
action?
Answer. While imperfect, the U.N. Security Council remains one of
the United States' most effective tools in tackling international
crises and confronting threats to U.S. national security. There is no
equivalent mechanism to harness international consensus and obligate
U.N. member states to support U.S-led efforts to resolve crises. The
Security Council utilizes U.N. Charter Chapter VII powers to authorize
the use of military force; establish, modify, and draw down U.N.
peacekeeping operations; and impose U.N. sanctions that all member
states are legally required to implement. Under President Trump, the
United States has used the Security Council to advance U.S. priorities,
including non-proliferation, human rights, and anti-corruption.
The Security Council, however, has failed to confront many of the
most pressing challenges to global peace and security in the 21st
century, from Venezuela to Syria to Ukraine. Despite this paralysis,
the United States will continue to bring issues of concern to us--and
to many around the world--before the Security Council, even if other
member states threaten to block our efforts. If confirmed, I will
ensure that my team in Geneva works closely on these matters with
colleagues at the U.S. Mission to the U.N. in New York and in
Washington.
Question. President Trump has suggested tying U.S. foreign
assistance to recipient countries' voting records in U.N. fora such as
the Security Council and General Assembly. What is your opinion of this
proposal?
Answer. Representatives of the U.S. government have a
responsibility to ensure that taxpayer resources are advancing U.S.
national interests. As such, I agree that the practice of voting for or
against U.S. priorities in U.N. fora should be a consideration in
government decision-making about the best use of taxpayer resources.
Question. Over the years, U.S. policymakers have debated
appropriate levels of U.S. funding to the United Nations. Do you think
the current U.S. assessment rates for the U.N. regular budget and U.N.
peacekeeping are fair? Should other countries pay more? Why or why not?
Answer. Since the inception of the United Nations, multiple
administrations have asserted that the United Nations and other
international organizations should not be overly dependent on a single
major contributor. We have also seen that countries that increase the
amounts of their financial contributions take a greater interest in the
good stewardship of resources and achievement of results by
international organizations.
Question. The United States is currently assessed 22 percent of the
U.N. regular budget (which includes funding for UNOG), and 28.4 percent
of the U.N. peacekeeping operations budget. Over the years, U.S.
policymakers have debated appropriate levels of U.S. funding to the
organization:
Are you satisfied with the current process and formulas for
determining U.S. assessments? Why or why not? If not, what
alternative processes would you propose, if confirmed?
Answer. Since the inception of the United Nations, multiple
administrations have asserted that the United Nations and other
international organizations should not be overly depending on a single
major contributor. The current scale of assessments methodology has led
to a situation where one country contributes significantly more than
any other country, and the vast majority of countries contribute very,
very small amounts.
Question. The ``Strategic Heritage Plan (SHP)'' is a multiyear
project to renovate and construct new buildings at the United Nations'
Palais des Nations complex in Geneva, which is home to UNOG. The plan
was approved by the U.N. General Assembly in 2013 due to health and
safety concerns stemming from the overall deterioration of the existing
buildings:
To your knowledge, what steps is the U.S. government taking to
ensure the Strategic Heritage Plan runs efficiently and
effectively?
Answer. The U.S. Missions to the United Nations in New York and
Geneva are closely monitoring the Strategic Heritage Plan. Since the
U.S. government will contribute 22 percent of the costs of the project,
both missions are working to ensure that the project is accomplished
within budget and on schedule.
Question. In a March 2019 report to the U.N. General Assembly, U.N.
Secretary-General (SG) Antonio Guterres expressed concern regarding the
``deteriorating financial health'' of the United Nations. He stated
that the organization's financial challenges were not only the product
of U.N. member state ``payment patterns and arrears,'' but also
``structural weaknesses in [UN] budget methodology.'' What is your view
on the SG's statement?
Answer. Secretary-General Guterres is correct that the current
financial difficulties at the U.N. are the result of both
irregularities in the receipt of member state contributions and also a
lack of flexibility with respect to utilizing the financial resources
that are within the U.N.'s control. This issue is currently being
discussed in the Fifth Committee of the General Assembly.
Question. Many experts agree that U.N. peacekeeping operations need
to strengthen and modernize to develop the capacity, flexibility, and
resources to fulfill their increasingly broad and challenging mandates.
Common weaknesses identified by experts include troop shortages, slow
deployments, and lack of critical equipment and other materiel:
What steps have U.N. members taken to combat these problems, and
were they effective? In your view, how can these efforts be
improved, and what areas should be prioritized?
Answer. While the U.N. has made strides to ensure peacekeeping
missions have the capabilities they need to achieve increasingly
complex mandates, we continue to see examples of poorly trained, poorly
equipped, and underperforming units. There remain challenges in
soldiering and policing skills, human rights and protection of
civilians, logistics and sustainment operations, and availability of
key enablers such as aviation, medical, and counter-IED resources. The
United States' peace operations capacity building efforts--like the
Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI) and the International Police
Peacekeeping Operations Support (IPPOS) program--are playing a
significant role in helping troop and police contributing countries
realize their pledges. Our programming also works to strengthen the
operational readiness and performance of contributors already deploying
to missions. We are also working at the U.N. to enhance the role of
performance-data driven decision-making in the force generation,
deployment, and evaluation processes.
Question. Congress has been particularly interested in U.N. reforms
related to sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) and exploitation by U.N.
peacekeepers. Recent legislation requires that the United States
withhold assistance from ``any unit of the security forces of a foreign
country'' if the Secretary of State determines such unit has engaged in
sexual abuse while serving in a U.N. peacekeeping operation:
What is your perspective on these efforts? Do you think they will
be effective in combatting SEA by peacekeepers? Why or why not
Answer. The United States takes incidents of SEA very seriously and
is committed to supporting the U.N.'s zero tolerance policy. While the
U.N. has taken important recent steps to strengthen accountability
measures, there is still work to be done. The U.N. now regularly
updates information on SEA allegations online, including progress on
investigations, the nationality of alleged perpetrators and any
accountability measures taken by the U.N. and sending countries. While
the U.N. has responsibility for administrative accountability and
conducting certain investigations, responsibility for criminal
accountability lies with the sending country. Many investigations
remain pending for far too long and pursuing legal action against
perpetrators can be difficult. As such, the United States engages
bilaterally with countries to press for credible investigations and
accountability for individuals who have been found to commit SEA. If
confirmed, I commit to continuing these efforts to hold the U.N. and
troop- and police-contributing countries accountable.
Question. Although the U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestine
Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) managed to secure enough funding to
cover its costs for 2018, are there strategies under consideration for
the longer-term financial stability of the organization?
Answer. I understand that for years, the United States has urged
UNRWA to seek out new voluntary funding streams, increase financial
burden-sharing among donors, and find ways to reduce expenditures. The
USG reiterated this when it made its final $60 million contribution to
UNRWA in January 2018, and stressed the need to institute such reforms
directly to UNRWA, as well as to the regional and international
stakeholders who make up UNRWA's largest contributors. I understand the
USG is ready to explore with key regional partners how the United
States can assist in transitioning UNRWA services to host governments,
or to other international or local non-governmental organizations as
appropriate.
Question. What challenges does U.N. Relief and Works Agency for
Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) face as a humanitarian
organization working in such a highly politicized environment? What are
the potential security concerns and risks?
Answer. The U.N. General Assembly gave UNRWA a mandate that the
international community has not been able or willing to sustain.
Cyclical budget shortfalls that routinely threaten essential services
do not help to build a brighter future for the Palestinian people. If
confirmed, I will continue to work closely with Israel and key regional
partners on ways to improve economic and humanitarian conditions in
Gaza. Hamas is primarily responsible for those conditions, having put
its own interests above those of Gaza's residents.
Question. Under what circumstances, if any, do you think the United
States should fund U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees
(UNRWA)?
Answer. I understand the USG has made it clear that the United
States will no longer bear a disproportionate share of UNRWA's costs.
While several donors increased their contributions in 2018, including
UAE, Kuwait, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, UNRWA's business model--which is
tied to an expanding community of beneficiaries--is unsustainable.
Palestinians deserve better than a service provision model that
operates in permanent crisis mode.
Question. In recent years, Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)
Chairman and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas has sought
to achieve international recognition for Palestinian statehood by
changing its status in the United Nations:
Question. Please comment on these efforts. What is your view on the
role of the United Nations in recognizing statehood, and how, if at
all, does it apply to the PLO's membership efforts?
Answer. I believe that efforts by the Palestinians to join
international entities are premature and counterproductive. The United
States does not currently recognize a Palestinian state and does not
believe that it is eligible to join U.N. organizations as a Member
State. The United States opposes the treatment of the Palestinians as a
``state'' in multilateral meetings and Palestinian accession to, or
membership in, treaties and organizations open only to States. I agree
with and will uphold these policies if confirmed.
Question. On December 19, 2018, the U.N. General Assembly voted to
endorse the Global Compact on Migration (GCM). The U.S. was one of the
few countries that voted against. The GCM paves the way for an ordered
international response to migration and would serve as a template to
ensure the rights and dignity of migrants around the world:
Question. Do you support U.S. opposition to the GCM?
Answer. The United States does not support the Global Compact on
Migration (GCM) or the process that led to it, because they included
goals and objectives inconsistent and incompatible with U.S. law,
policy, and the interests of the American people.
As the U.S. national statement on the GCM noted, ``While the United
States honors the contributions of the many immigrants who helped build
our nation, we cannot support a `Compact' or process that imposes or
has the potential to impose international guidelines, standards,
expectations, or commitments that might constrain our ability to make
decisions in the best interests of our nation and citizens.'' Further,
I understand there is lack of consensus among U.N. member states
regarding the GCM. When it came up for endorsement at the U.N. General
Assembly on December 19, 2018, the United States, the Czech Republic,
Hungary, Israel, and Poland voted against it, another 12 other
countries abstained, and 24 did not vote.
Question. The U.N. Migration agency defines a migrant as any person
who is moving or has moved across an international border o within a
State away from his/her habitual place of residence, regardless of (1)
the person's legal status; (2) whether the movement is voluntary or
involuntary; (3) what the causes for the movement are; or (4) what the
length of the stay is. The IOM agenda states that one of the core
principles is to ``leave no one behind'' including migrants:
Question. The immigration policy you proposed has done more than
leave migrants behind. If confirmed, would you continue an agenda that
is tough on migrants trying to enter the U.S. and globally?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to support the
administration's approach to this complex challenge, framed by the
President's tireless commitment to the safety and security of the
American people.
Question. What is your view on a path to citizenship for
undocumented people living in the United States?
Answer. I support the President's vision for legal immigration to
this country.
Question. What is your view on undocumented people living in the
United States being able to work? Should undocumented migrants in other
countries be allowed to work?
Answer. I support the President's vision for legal immigration to
this country.
Question. The Trump administration continues to request that
Congress completely cut funding to International Organizations and
Programs Account and severe cuts to the Contributions to International
Organizations Account. While even allies of the administration continue
to call these budget cuts dead on arrival, they do represent this
administration's priorities. As you said in earlier conversations, the
U.S. is the most generous country in the world:
Question. How will you be able to confidently work with our allies
in multilateral forums when the administration continues to threaten
the stability of these bodies with these massive funding cuts?
Answer. As stated in the President's budget request to Congress,
the administration is calling on other countries to take on more of the
financial responsibility at international organizations. This call for
increased burden sharing is occurring within the context of
multilateral and bilateral working relationships where there are many
overlapping interests beyond the distribution of financial
responsibility.
Question. How might the administration's proposed funding cuts to
international organizations negatively impact the work of the
International Bureau of Education, which is headquartered in Geneva?
Answer. The International Bureau of Education appears to be an
affiliate of UNESCO. As such, the Department may not be able to make
financial contributions to the Bureau as a result of the legislative
restrictions on funding for U.N. entities that grant the Palestinians
membership.
Question. How might the administration's proposed funding cuts to
international organizations negatively impact the work of the
International Labour Organization, which is headquartered in Geneva?
Answer. As stated in the President's budget requests to Congress,
the administration is calling upon other countries to assume greater
financial responsibility at international organizations. The
International Labor Conference has recently agreed to a 2020-2021
increase that includes an increase in member contributions and does not
reflect increased burden sharing.
Question. How might the administration's proposed funding cuts to
international organizations negatively impact the work of the
International Trade Centre, which is headquartered in Geneva?
Answer. As stated in the President's budget requests to Congress,
the administration is calling upon other countries to assume greater
financial responsibility at international organizations. The
International Trade Centre receives the vast majority of its funding
from the U.N. regular budget and the regular budget of the World Trade
Organization.
Question. How might the administration's proposed funding cuts to
international organizations negatively impact the work of the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, which is headquartered in
Geneva?
Answer. As stated in the President's budget requests to Congress,
the administration is calling upon other countries to assume greater
financial responsibility at international organizations. The Office of
the High Commissioner for Refugees receives voluntary contributions
from a large array of governments and non-governmental donors.
Question. How might the administration's proposed funding cuts to
international organizations negatively impact the work of the United
Nations Office on Sport for Development and Peace, which is
headquartered in Geneva?
Answer. News reports indicate that the Office on Sport for
Development and Peace closed in 2017.
Question. How might the administration's proposed funding cuts to
international organizations negatively impact the work of the World
Health Organization, which is headquartered in Geneva?
Answer. As stated in the President's budget requests to Congress,
the administration is calling upon other countries to assume greater
financial responsibility at international organizations. The World
Health Organization receives voluntary contributions from a large array
of governments and non-governmental donors.
Question. How might the administration's proposed funding cuts to
international organizations negatively impact the work of the World
Intellectual Property Organization, which is headquartered in Geneva?
Answer. As stated in the President's budget requests to Congress,
the administration is calling upon other countries to assume greater
financial responsibility at international organizations. The World
Intellectual Property Organization depends on fees from trademark and
patent applicants for over 95 percent of its revenue.
Question. How might the administration's proposed funding cuts to
international organizations negatively impact the work of the World
Meteorological Organization, which is headquartered in Geneva?
Answer. As stated in the President's budget requests to Congress,
the administration is calling upon other countries to assume greater
financial responsibility at international organizations. The World
Meteorological Organization receives contributions from a variety of
governmental and non-governmental donors.
Question. How might the administration's proposed funding cuts to
international organizations negatively impact the work of the United
Nations Research Institute For Social Development, which is
headquartered in Geneva?
Answer. As stated in the President's budget requests to Congress,
the administration is calling upon other countries to assume greater
financial responsibility at international organizations. The Research
Institute For Social Development depends entirely on voluntary
contributions from governments and non-governmental donors for its
financing.
Question. How might the administration's proposed funding cuts to
international organizations negatively impact the work of the United
Nations Human Rights Council, which is headquartered in Geneva?
Answer. As stated in the President's budget requests to Congress,
the administration is calling upon other countries to assume greater
financial responsibility at international organizations. The Human
Rights Council, which the United States is no longer part of, receives
funding from the U.N. regular budget and from governments and non-
governmental donors.
Question. How might the administration's proposed funding cuts to
international organizations negatively impact the work of the United
Nations Economic Commission for Europe, which is headquartered in
Geneva?
Answer. As stated in the President's budget requests to Congress,
the administration is calling upon other countries to assume greater
financial responsibility at international organizations. The Economic
Commission for Europe receives funding primarily from the U.N. regular
budget.
Question. How might the administration's proposed funding cuts to
international organizations negatively impact the work of the Joint
United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS, which is headquartered in Geneva?
Answer. As stated in the President's budget requests to Congress,
the administration is calling upon other countries to assume greater
financial responsibility at international organizations. The U.N.
Program on HIV/AIDS receives funding from a wide array of governmental
and non-governmental donors.
Question. How might the administration's proposed funding cuts to
international organizations negatively impact the work of the United
Nations Non-governmental Liaison Service, which is headquartered in
Geneva?
Answer. As stated in the President's budget requests to Congress,
the administration is calling upon other countries to assume greater
financial responsibility at international organizations. The Department
does not contribute funding directly to the Non-governmental Liaison
Service.
______
responses to follow-up questions from senator benjamin l. cardin
Question. In response to my question about your role in developing
the CRA strategy and your rationale for undoing regulations including
the rule implementing the Cardin-Lugar 1504 provision, you stated that
you, ``worked with other White House and Congressional staff to
identify regulations that were finalized at the very end of the Obama
administration, including many `midnight regulations' that were
finalized after the election, that we believed were overly
burdensome.''
Were you aware that the 1504 regulation was mandated by a
bipartisan Congressional provision of the Dodd-Frank Act, which
was passed into law in 2010, and therefore not a ``midnight
regulation'' nor sought solely by the Obama administration ? If
not, why not? Were those factors at all considered in your
strategy?
Answer. Yes. I would not characterize the Extraction Payment
Disclosure Rule as a midnight regulation.
Question. When you identified the 1504 regulation as a target for
your CRA strategy, were you aware that the 1504 provision, and
subsequent rulemaking was supported by human rights and anti-corruption
advocates as well as by investors, many major oil and mining companies,
think tanks, and academics? If not, why not? Was that factor at all
considered in your strategy?
Answer. No, as this was not my area of expertise. When I worked on
the administration's overall CRA strategy, I did not personally provide
policy advice or analysis of every regulation that was considered.
Other White House components would work with the SEC on this issue.
Question. When you identified the 1504 regulation as a target for
your CRA strategy, were you aware that disclosure sought by the 1504
rulemaking has been happening for up to 4 years in other countries--
including by European subsidiaries of U.S.-based international
companies Exxon and Chevron, so American companies are complying with
these transparency disclosure requirements elsewhere? If not, why not?
Was that factor at all considered in your strategy?
Answer. No, as this was not my area of expertise. When I worked on
the administration's overall CRA strategy, I did not personally provide
policy advice or analysis of every regulation that was considered.
Other White House components would work with the SEC on this issue.
Question. Note that U.S.-based companies like Kosmos Energy had
already voluntarily disclosed for years. What is particularly
burdensome about the SEC requiring disclosures that American companies
are already complying with in 30 other countries?
Answer. The Extraction Payment Disclosure Rule was estimated to
have an initial cost of up to $700 million and put domestic extraction
companies and their employees at an unfair disadvantage compared to
foreign government owned companies. The regulation would have been less
burdensome if it had been more similar to the European Union's
disclosure rules, or built off of the Extractive Industries
Transparency Initiative.
Question. Were you aware that thirty other countries, including the
28 members of the European Union, Canada and Norway are implementing
mandatory disclosure? If so, was that factor at all considered in your
strategy?
Answer. No, as this was not my area of expertise. When I worked on
the administration's overall CRA strategy, I did not personally provide
policy advice or analysis of every regulation that was considered.
Other White House components would work with the SEC on this issue.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Andrew P. Bremberg by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. This administration has taken a hardline against long-
standing agreements on sexual and reproductive health at the United
Nations. Specifically, U.S. negotiators at the U.N. have repeatedly
sought the removal of agreed language on sexual and reproductive access
for communities worldwide. If confirmed, will you work to ensure that
the U.S. upholds and advances international commitments on sexual and
reproductive health and rights globally, rather than seeking to roll
them back? If so, what specifically will you do?
Answer. The administration has concerns about the terms ``sexual
and reproductive health services'' and ``sexual and reproductive
rights''. Over the years, these references have become associated with
support for abortion as an alleged right. The administration will do
all it can do to protect and respect the sanctity of life around the
globe.
In its advocacy for women, the administration continues to hold to
the commitments laid out in the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women's
Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action as well as in the 1994
International Conference on Population and Development's Programme of
Action. The United States moreover remains the largest bilateral donor
of women's reproductive health and family planning assistance
worldwide.
Moving forward at the U.N., the administration seeks to find
consensus with a wide group of Member States on clear terminology that
would better promote women's health without promoting abortion. We are
committed to meeting the health care needs of women, men, girls, and
boys, as well as the health-education needs of children and adolescents
around the globe, and avoid issues that offend human dignity.
Question. The U.S. recently made an egregious and extraordinary
threat to veto a U.N. Security Council Resolution on gender-based
violence in conflict over a reference to survivors' access to sexual
and reproductive health care. Media reports also suggest that during
negotiations, the U.S. sought to remove a mechanism that would have
provided funding for survivors of sexual violence in conflict with
services over fears it could be used by survivors for abortions, where
legal. These negotiations at the U.N. have real world impact on women
and girls around the world.
Do you believe victims of sexual violence should be able to
terminate a pregnancy where legal? The global gag rule allows
international organizations who receive U.S. global health
funding to provide abortions in the case of rape, incest and
life endangerment of the woman with non-U.S. funding. Do you
support these exceptions or would you recommend and seek to
close them?
Answer. I have tremendous sympathy for any woman victimized by
sexual violence and support the U.S. efforts to help victims of sexual
violence become thriving survivors. The United States will not support
abortion services, but that does not equate to denying women who have
been raped access to legal medical care. The U.S. opposition to the
resolution in question was intended to ensure that U.N. organizations
did not interpret that language to begin assuming a right to abortion
as a method of family planning. Additionally, I support the existing
Mexico City policy, which includes the exceptions noted.
Question. Over the last few years, the U.N. has played an important
role in the fight against opioids and synthetics. For example, in 2017,
for example, the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) voted to put
international controls on two primary ingredients that are used to
produce fentanyl. As the State Department made clear at the time,
``This action will make it harder for the criminals that are illicitly
producing fentanyl to access the necessary resources,'' while
simultaneously making it easier for countries to monitor suspicious
orders and transactions.''
The State Department and U.N. are working together on this issue--
will you support this work and ensure that funding levels
aren't cut which may make progress more difficult?
Answer. If confirmed, I will be actively engaged on this important
matter, as I was during my tenure at the Domestic Policy Council.
Question. You praised the U.S. decision to pull out of the
Universal Postal Union (UPU). Besides that it may lead to higher costs
for U.S. consumers, pulling out of this will set back our efforts to
combat the opioid crisis. By pulling out of the UPU, the White House
would negate U.S. Postal Service ability to access the advanced
electronic data (AED) shared by all those within the UPU. Such a move
would harm individuals and businesses across the country. Given the
severity of the opioid crisis, why pursue an approach that could make
the situation worse?
Answer. The administration is hopeful that its efforts to reform
international postal rates will result in our continuing membership in
the Universal Postal Union. Should those efforts prove unsuccessful,
any and all resulting postal agreements established on a bilateral
basis would unquestionably include required access to advanced
electronic data.
Question. Last June, the Trump administration withdrew the U.S.
from the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC), citing anti-Israel bias and
concerns over the composition of the Council's membership. While the
UNHRC is certainly not a perfect institution, U.S. engagement with and
membership on the Council did deliver a number of positive results over
the years. The Council voted to dispatch a team to investigate
atrocities committed by ISIS in Iraq; continues to scrutinize and bring
attention to the dire human rights situation in Iran; authorized a
groundbreaking investigation into human rights violations in North
Korea; and has taken action on a variety of other human rights crises
in Myanmar, Yemen, South Sudan, DR Congo, Burundi, and Eritrea, to name
a few. At the same time, U.S. membership on the Council helped us more
effectively push back against instances of anti-Israel bias. According
to the American Jewish Committee's Jacob Blaustein Institute for the
Advancement of Human Rights, there was a 30 percent decline in country-
specific resolutions on Israel during U.S. membership versus the period
when we were off the Council. The number of special sessions on Israel
also dropped significantly--six during the three years before we joined
the Council in 2009 versus one in the last four years. In March 2018,
the State Department itself reported that the UNHRC saw ``the largest
shift in votes towards more abstentions and no votes on Israel related
resolutions since the creation of the [Council].''
Do you agree that there is a positive correlation between U.S.
engagement and policy outcomes that reflect our nation's
interests and values?
Answer. The United States withdrew from the U.N. Human Rights
Council (HRC) because of concerns related to its focus and composition,
We noted then that ``Countries that aggressively violate human rights
at home should not be in a position to guard the human rights of
others'' and that the Council's persistent, unfair bias against Israel
detracts attention and resources away from the HRC's mandate to promote
universal respect for the protection of human rights and fundamental
freedoms. If meaningful reforms are undertaken by member states that
address our longstanding concerns with the Human Rights Council, we
would consider the possibility of re-engaging at that time.
The United States has, for decades, led global efforts to promote
human rights, including through multilateral institutions. We will
continue to pursue a robust human rights agenda at the United Nations
General Assembly's Third Committee as well as other U.N. bodies, as we
did during other periods we were not a HRC member. We will also
redouble our efforts to bring human rights issues to the attention of
the Security Council, as we did during our 2018 presidency, when we
held the first ever session on the linkage between human rights abuses
and threats to international peace and security.
Question. The UNHRC was established in 2006 to replace a previous
U.N. human rights body which had been criticized as ineffective,
politicized, and biased against Israel. During its first several years,
the U.S. refused to run for a seat on the Council, fearing it would be
no better than its predecessor. This became a self-fulfilling prophecy:
in 2007, the Council voted to place ``the human rights situation in
Palestine and other occupied Arab territories'' on its permanent
agenda, in effect making Israel the only country subject to scrutiny
under a stand-alone agenda item (also known as ``Item 7''). More than a
decade later, the U.S. is once again side-lining itself in Geneva, with
a familiar pattern of consequences: during the Council's most recent
regular session, a representative of a pro-Israel NGO was prevented
from completing a speech at the Item 7 debate after several member
states, including Cuba, challenged his remarks on procedural grounds.
Had the U.S. actually been in the room and able to intervene, it's
unlikely this incident would've played out the way it did.
Unfortunately, it seems as though history is repeating itself: just
like in 2006, the U.S. is forfeiting its seat at the table, and as a
result, Israel is left even more isolated and exposed to criticism than
before. What makes this all the more frustrating is that, during the
years when we engaged constructively with the Council (2009-2018),
UNHRC actions targeting Israel actually declined.
The U.S. is the strongest country in the world, shouldn't we fight
for our allies?
Answer. When the United States made the decision to withdraw from
the U.N. Human Rights Council, the Israel government called it a
``courageous decision against hypocrisy and lies.''
Question. In response to the decision to withdraw from the Council,
12 civil society organizations sent a letter to Secretary Pompeo urging
the Department of State to review this decision, to seek reelection to
the U.N. Human Rights Council in 2019, and to continue to advance
reforms in the Human Rights Council. These groups noted that the
``decision is counterproductive to American national security and
foreign policy interests and will make it more difficult to advance
human rights priorities around the world. In fact, a 2017 study by the
Council on Foreign Relations found that two successive terms of U.S.
membership on the U.N. Human Rights Council improved its performance in
several ways. First, U.S. involvement strengthened the council's
commitment to action within specific countries like Burundi, Iran,
Myanmar, North Korea, and Syria; fortifying norms like freedom of
association, assembly and religion; as well as the protecting the
rights of at-risk populations. Second, the CFR Report noted a
significant decline in anti-Israel resolutions during U.S. membership
and concluded, U.S. participation in the UNHRC can advance U.S.
interests and lessen anti-Israel bias while supporting measures to
avert and de-escalate human rights crises, thus reducing the likelihood
of costly military interventions.''
Do you agree that being part of body that enhances our interests
and reduces anti-Israel bias is a good outcome? Given the
recent attack on human rights globally, shouldn't we pursue
policies that human rights organizations deem in our interest?
Answer. The administration made a concerted effort to encourage
Human Rights Council members to undertake significant reforms to
improve its membership guidelines and end its history of anti-Israel
bias. When those reform recommendations fell on deaf ears, the United
States decided the time had come to withdraw.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Andrew P. Bremberg by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. In 2017, nearly 29,000 Americans died from overdosing on
a synthetic opioid, such as fentanyl. To date, the administration's
policies have not been effective in stemming the flow of fentanyl into
the United States. If confirmed, how would you use your role at the
U.N. to advocate for meaningful diplomatic action to stop fentanyl from
entering this country?
Answer. If confirmed, I would use the existing U.N. drug control
treaty framework to facilitate international cooperation to curb the
illicit production, trafficking, and distribution of fentanyl, and to
accelerate the rate at which dangerous synthetic drugs are placed under
international control. I would also promote cooperation with the
Universal Postal Union to increase the exchange of advanced electronic
data that can detect and deter fentanyl in the international mail.
I would urge countries to support programming within the World
Health Organization, U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime, and International
Narcotics Control Board to build foreign capacity to stop fentanyl
before it reaches our shores.
Question. If confirmed, you will also be working with the World
Health Organization to address U.S. health priorities. The WHO says
that preventing opioid overdoses will involve increasing access to
treatment for opioid dependence. Medicaid is the U.S.'s largest payer
of mental health services, which include treatments for substance use
disorder. And the Affordable Care Act included key consumer
protections--like guaranteed coverage for individuals with pre-existing
conditions--that makes access to opioid use disorder treatment much
easier for the individuals who need it most. As the Director of the
Domestic Policy Council, you signed off on policies that would
undermine these health care lifelines and would ultimately hamper our
domestic response to the opioid overdose crisis. How would you
reconcile the differences between the WHO's recommendations to expand
access to opioid treatment and your support of policies that would
restrict access to this life-saving treatment?
Answer. The Trump administration has led unprecedented efforts to
ensure that everyone who needs treatment for opioid use disorder (OUD)
receives it. We have emphasized that medication-assisted treatment
(MAT) is the cornerstone of treatment for OUD, and now over 1.1 million
people are receiving MAT. Since President Trump's inauguration, there
has been a 25 percent increase in patients receiving buprenorphine, and
monthly prescriptions for naltrexone are up 48 percent. Most
importantly, overdose deaths have begun to decline.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Philip S. Goldberg by Senator Robert Menendez
Colombia Peace Process
Question. Achieving peace after decades of conflict is always a
challenging and complicated endeavor, but during the last several
months, implementation of Colombia's historic peace accord has been
uneven and the subject of intense debate between political stakeholders
in Colombia. After an initial phase of demobilization and disarmament,
Bogot is struggling with the more costly stages of reintegration of
ex-fighters, soaring illicit drug production, rural underdevelopment,
and reparations to victims. Meanwhile, some combatants are returning to
arms and human rights defenders and social leaders are being killed at
alarming rates:
If confirmed, what steps will you take as Ambassador to support the
Colombian government in its efforts to overcome these obstacles
and help ensure full implementation of the peace accord?
Answer. The United States strongly supports a sustainable peace in
Colombia, one of our strongest partners in the Western Hemisphere. If
confirmed, I will maximize the embassy's use of available resources,
use funding as efficiently as possible to support the Colombian
government in its pursuit of peace, and continue longstanding U.S.
support for peace in Colombia. U.S. assistance to Colombia is vital to
our efforts to combat narcotics trafficking and achieve lasting peace
in Colombia. Our assistance constitutes only a fraction of Colombia's
own investment in its peace, but between FY 2000 and FY 2017, U.S.
assistance totaled roughly $10 billion to support Plan Colombia and its
follow-on programs. At the same time, Colombia invested billions more,
achieving notable progress in combating drug trafficking and terrorist
activities and reestablishing government control over much of its
territory.
Colombian Coca Cultivation and Cocaine Production
Question. Colombian coca cultivation and cocaine production are at
historic levels. While the Duque administration is expanding Colombia's
response, the effects are widespread. More coca yields more cocaine,
which yields more illicit profits and, in turn, leads to greater
violence and criminal activity. It would seem that we've thrown
everything at the problem and it continues unabated.
As our next Ambassador, if you are confirmed, what concrete steps
would you take to ensure that we are working in close
collaboration with our Colombian partners to on a comprehensive
response that attacks every link of the production chain,
including cultivation, interdiction, violence, and related
money laundering and financial crimes?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to ensure effective U.S.
support for Colombia's whole-of-government counternarcotic strategy in
order to meet the U.S.-Colombia goal to cut coca cultivation and
cocaine production by half of 2017 levels by the end of 2023. Because
of the U.S.-Colombia partnership, there is already progress towards
this goal. For example, Colombia destroyed over 60 percent more coca in
2019 than the same period in 2018. Still, the Colombian and U.S.
governments need to do more to meet our goal.
If confirmed, I will encourage the Colombian government to increase
civilian eradication groups, maritime interdiction, push for the
extradition to the United States of high-level drug traffickers, and
strengthen support for rule of law programs that will help Colombians
prosecute complex money laundering and financial crimes cases. If
confirmed, I would also work to ensure the United States supports
Colombians' efforts to expand state presence into rural areas to
enhance development and security in high-coca growing regions.
The Impact of Venezuela's Crisis on Colombia
Question. Venezuela's tragic humanitarian crisis is having a
destabilizing impact on the region and the U.N. reports that more than
four million Venezuelans have fled their country in recent years.
Colombia is the largest recipient of Venezuelan refugees, with more
than one million Venezuelan migrants now residing there. This year, the
World Bank announced concessional funding for Colombia to respond to
the Venezuelan migrant and refugee crisis-a process that was supported
by various countries, even though the U.S. abstained. While the
Administration has provided approximately $250 million to respond to
this humanitarian crisis, I'm concerned that more will be needed to
address the crisis:
What is your assessment of the role the United States in addressing
the Venezuelan crisis, particularly as it refers to the more
than one million Venezuelans that now reside in Colombia? In
your view, what else can the United States do to support
Colombia in addressing this issue?
Answer. The USG has committed nearly $130 million in aid to respond
to the influx of Venezuelans in Colombia since FY 2017, including
approximately $37 million in development assistance and more than $91
million in humanitarian assistance. This funding supports Colombia's
efforts to assist Venezuelan refugees and the communities that host
them. In addition to this support, the FY 2019 appropriation includes
$418.3 million in bilateral assistance for Colombia. This includes
robust support for priorities such as our joint goal to reduce coca
cultivation and cocaine production by 50 percent by the end of 2023, as
well as peace implementation.
If confirmed, I would encourage Colombia to increase Colombia's
regional collaboration with international partners to address the
crisis.
Responsiveness
Question. Do you commit to respond promptly to all requests for
information by Members of this committee?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you commit to appear before this committee upon
request?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If you become aware of any suspected waste, fraud, or
abuse in the Department, do you commit to report it to the Inspector
General?
Answer. Yes.
Administrative
Question. Please list any outside positions and affiliations you
plan to continue to hold during your term of appointment.
Answer. I do not have any outside positions and affiliations I plan
to continue to hold during my term of appointment.
Question. Have you ever been an officer or director of a company
that has filed for bankruptcy? If so, describe the circumstances and
disposition.
Answer. No.
Question. If you leave this position before the completion of your
full term of the next presidential election, do you commit to meeting
with the committee to discuss the reasons for your departure?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. No.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. No.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. Yes, I agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Philip S. Goldberg by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. The promotion of human rights and democracy has been
central to my career as a Foreign Service Officer, Chief of Mission,
and Assistant Secretary of State for INR. In Colombia, I worked with
former M-19 guerrillas returning to the legal, democratic political
process: they ultimately took seats in the constitutional assembly and
integrated into civilian life. During the lead up to democratic, non-
racial elections in South Africa, I was a liaison with the African
National Congress, working with USAID and other U.S. agencies to
prepare the party's economic officials on free market and democratic
principles, as they got ready to enter government. As a Chief of
Mission in Kosovo, I was an advocate for promoting minority rights in
the Serb community and assuring the transition to democratic elections
and independence. In Bolivia, I maintained contact with the democratic
opposition and independent journalists despite fierce resistance from
the Morales government. In the Philippines, I helped the Aquino
government establish a unit to investigate human rights cases involving
attacks against journalists and reinstated assistance to NGOs to serve
as election observers. When President Duterte came to office, I
challenged publicly and privately the human rights abuses associated
with his anti-drug campaign and authorized increased human rights
training for police officials.
Under my leadership in INR, we expanded the work of our
Humanitarian Affairs Unit, focusing on the crisis in Syria and other
war zones, and increased efforts on the treatment of women and minority
groups around the world.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in
Colombia? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in Colombia? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Colombia continues to make progress on human rights issues,
including through its efforts to implement the historic 2016 peace
accord with the FARC. It is hard to overstate the human rights benefits
of ending the hemisphere's longest-running armed conflict, which cost
the lives of more than 250,000 and displaced millions. Ending this
conflict has permitted the Colombian government to take steps to bring
justice to victims and their families, fight narcotrafficking and
organized crime by extending the reach of state institutions to former
conflict zones, reduce violence, and protect human rights in Colombia.
The United States has a clear interest in supporting a stronger,
stable Colombia that protects human rights. The implementation of a
comprehensive plan to provide government services in remote areas will
be important to sustain peace, increase counternarcotics and counter-
transnational crime efforts, ensure citizen security, and prevent
violence against defenders of human rights and social activists.
Addressing human rights challenges is essential to build the just and
lasting peace the Colombian people deserve. If confirmed, I will engage
with the Colombian government, civil society, the private sector,
journalists, and the international community to support and encourage
Colombia's efforts to secure continued progress on human rights.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Colombia in
advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. Colombia is a consolidated democracy undertaking laudable
efforts to improve the transparency and accountability of its own
governance and defend democracy abroad. The Colombian government has
prioritized human rights and made advances on some important cases, but
some challenges remain. I consider human rights and social inclusion to
be issues central to Colombia's ability to secure a just and lasting
peace. If confirmed, I would stress to the Colombian government the
need to fill power vacuums in areas formerly controlled by the FARC.
The Colombian government's challenge is to establish a comprehensive
state presence to provide not only security services but also
education, infrastructure, local governance, and victims' assistance to
deny criminal groups a foothold. I would also continue to support the
Colombian government's efforts to dismantle the illegal armed groups
responsible for many crimes against human rights defenders, and to urge
thorough investigations and prosecutions into these crimes.
Colombia's marginalized populations, including Afro-Colombians,
indigenous people, internally displaced persons, women, and children,
continue to suffer disproportionately from forced displacement, sexual
violence, and social exclusion. If confirmed, I will encourage the
Colombian government to implement measures to guarantee the rights of
those most affected by conflict and include marginalized populations in
all phases of peace implementation.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Colombia? If confirmed, what steps will you
take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. Yes. The protection of human rights has long been a core
component of U.S.-Colombian relations and a central value of our
foreign policy. The NGO community plays a vital role in shining a light
on human rights issues and challenges, and has valuable contributions
and perspectives to share. There is a vibrant community of NGOs and
civil society organizations focused on human rights issues in Colombia.
If confirmed, I will continue the United States' longstanding tradition
of engaging regularly on these issues with NGOs based in the United
States and in Colombia and Colombian civil society organizations to
understand their concerns and seek their input and proposals.
The Leahy Law not only advances our human rights agenda but also
promotes the professionalization of the security forces with which we
partner, making them better security partners. If confirmed, I will
work closely with the Embassy Team, Colombian government, and civil
society to ensure we direct all U.S. assistance to rights-respecting
security forces in an efficient and effective manner in accordance with
U.S. law. In accordance with the Leahy law, I will ensure no assistance
or equipment is provided to Colombia security forces that commit gross
violations of human rights. Leahy vetting plays an important role in
furthering U.S. government programs and objectives on human rights and
encourages security force professionalization.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Colombia to address cases of key political prisoners or persons
otherwise unjustly targeted by Colombia?
Answer. It is my understanding that the United States is not aware
of any political prisoners in Colombia, or unjust targeting of
individuals. If confirmed, I would certainly engage the government in
the event this becomes an issue.
Question. Will you engage with Colombia on matters of human rights,
civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will engage with Colombia on matters
of human rights, civil rights, and governance as part of our bilateral
mission. Colombia is a close friend of the United States, and our
countries have long enjoyed outstanding cooperation on a range of
issues. As a close partner, I will work with the Colombian government
to continue to encourage improvements on matters of human rights, civil
rights, and governance through a variety of approaches, including
programming, regular diplomatic engagement, and high-level dialogues
with the Colombian government. I look forward to continuing and
expanding upon our close collaboration on these issues in multiple
fora.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Colombia?
Answer. No. Nonetheless, I am committed to ensuring that my
official actions will not give rise to a conflict of interest and I
will remain vigilant with regard to my ethics obligations.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to promote, mentor and support all
staff, including those from diverse backgrounds and underrepresented
groups. I will be guided by U.S. law and policies, but also by my
personal appreciation that discrimination can harm not only individual
employees but also the workplace and the larger institution. I
recognize that each individual employee brings unique strengths and
weaknesses; and I will encourage each to do, and achieve, their best,
and to help foster a work environment that both reflects and draws upon
the rich composition of America's citizenry.
I assure you that, if confirmed, I will consider diversity when
seeking to fill high-level positions at the U.S. Mission in Colombia,
as I have done in past assignments. I am committed to mentoring all
staff members, but especially those from diverse backgrounds and under-
represented groups.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that Embassy supervisors hear
from me, and see from my own behavior, that encouragement of such an
environment is expected from all Embassy leaders. I will ensure that
Country Team members--as well as lower-level supervisors--understand
their individual responsibilities to provide mentoring and guidance to
all members of their teams, with specific emphasis on diversity and
inclusiveness. I will ensure that performance, as it relates to such
issues, is covered as appropriate, in ratings and evaluations, as these
supervisors seek to advance their own careers and serve as examples for
their employees and our institution.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in Colombia
specifically?
Answer. Corruption is a worldwide problem and a growing political
issue in many nations. Combatting corruption is linked closely to
strengthening justice and rule of law. In Colombia, revenues from
transnational organized crime, including drug trafficking, also
exacerbate corruption challenges. Expanding justice services to rural
areas, combatting narcotrafficking, and strengthening rule of law have
been essential components of peace implementation efforts and are key
to continued progress on combatting corruption.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Colombia
and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. Colombia has undertaken serious efforts to address
corruption concerns. The breaking of the Odebrecht scandal launched
corruption to the forefront of Colombia's political dialogue. In 2018,
Colombian voters made clear that they strongly supported anti-
corruption measures, with more than 11.5 million citizens voting in
favor of proposals on accountability and transparency measures.
Since taking office, President Duque has sought congressional
support for his anti-corruption initiatives. The offices of the
attorney general and inspector general have publicly identified
anticorruption efforts as priorities for their institutions and have
achieved some important results. At a June 2018 forum, the Inspector
General signed a transparency and anti-corruption pact with business
community representatives. The Attorney General's office launched the
``Bolsas de Cristal'' anticorruption initiative and it continues to
investigate and prosecute cases related to the Odebrecht scandal. In
March 2018, the Colombian Supreme Court sentenced former top
anticorruption official Luis Gustavo Moreno Rivera to four years and 10
months in prison on corruption charges. Reducing corruption in Colombia
will require continuing and building on such efforts.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in Colombia?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the Colombian government and
its citizens to promote public transparency, accountability, and
integrity. Key to advancing these priorities, in partnership with the
Department of Justice, would include programming and efforts to
strengthen rule of law and the capacity of our law enforcement
partners; ensuring a level playing field for U.S. investors; and
denying corrupt individuals access to U.S. financial systems and
resources.
Venezuela Crisis
Question. Colombia's response to the Venezuelan migration crisis
should serve as a model to other countries:
How can we highlight Colombia's example to other countries in the
region?
Answer. Colombia's leadership on Venezuela is extraordinary and
their generosity in hosting fleeing Venezuelans has been a vital
component of the regional response to the Venezuelan crisis. The United
States strongly supports Colombia and governments in the region. If
confirmed, I will work with them to restore democracy to Venezuela and
mitigate the ongoing humanitarian crisis.
Question. How can the United States support Colombia's efforts?
Answer. The U.S. government has committed nearly $130 million in
aid to respond to the influx of Venezuelans in Colombia since FY 2017,
including $37.1 million in development assistance and $91 million in
humanitarian assistance. This funding supports Colombia's efforts to
assist Venezuelan refugees as well as the communities that host them.
The United States continues to encourage additional contributions from
donors to international organizations to meet growing needs. If
confirmed, I will work with Colombia on efforts to restore democracy to
Venezuela and mitigate the ongoing humanitarian crisis.
Question. Are you concerned that the Venezuela crisis could detract
from Colombia's ability to fully implement the peace accords?
Answer. Colombia is a vital strategic partner. The United States
and Colombia share many priorities, including coordinating a regional
response to the crisis in Venezuela, supporting sustainable peace in
Colombia, and combatting narcotics trafficking and transnational crime.
U.S. foreign assistance is crucial to support Colombia's efforts both
to respond to the Venezuela crisis and to implement peace.
The FY 2019 appropriation includes $418.3 million in bilateral
assistance for Colombia, which includes robust support for priorities
such as peace implementation and our joint goal to reduce coca
cultivation and cocaine production by 50 percent by the end of 2023.
Separately, to support Colombia in its response to the Venezuelan
crisis, the U.S. government has committed nearly $130 million in aid to
respond to the influx of Venezuelans in Colombia since FY 2017. If
confirmed, I will work with the Colombian government to advance peace
implementation and to work with partners to ensure a coordinated
regional response to the Venezuelan crisis.
Question. If so, how would you work to help Colombia balance these
competing priorities?
Answer. The United States strongly supports Colombia's efforts to
secure a lasting peace. Colombia remains one of our strongest partners
in the region, including on pressuring the former Maduro regime and
responding to the Venezuelan crisis, and successful implementation of
the peace accord is in the national interest of both our nations.
If confirmed, I will work with the Colombian government to support
our joint efforts to implement the peace accord and to restore
democracy to Venezuela. Regarding Venezuela, if confirmed, I will work
with partners to encourage a coordinated regional response to the
Venezuelan crisis, as well as encourage additional contributions from
donors to international organizations such as IOM, PAHO, and UNCHR to
meet growing needs and effectively support efforts--particularly those
of front-line states such as Colombia.
Question. Colombia is increasingly serving as a strategic partner
for the United States internationally from Central America to
Afghanistan:
Where do you anticipate us expanding this cooperation in coming
years?
Answer. Colombia is one of our strongest and most capable partners
in the hemisphere. If confirmed, I would encourage Colombia's continued
support for U.S. regional and global security objectives. For example,
if confirmed, I would work with the Colombian government to advance the
administration's strategy to enhance regional cooperation against
transnational criminal networks and expand the promotion rule of law
and democracy in the region. In addition, Colombia's efforts in areas
such as U.N. peacekeeping operations, security force training in
Central America, and sharing peace-building expertise in Afghanistan
are complementary and advance security throughout the hemisphere and
beyond.
Question. I am concerned about the high number of attacks against
human rights defenders.
How would you engage with the Colombian government to protect those
facing threats?
Answer. A strong, stable Colombia that protects human rights is in
the U.S. interest. I share your concern for the killing of human rights
defenders, who have an essential role to play in building a durable
peace in Colombia. I understand the Attorney General's Office has made
important efforts to improve accountability by prioritizing
investigations into recent cases of killings of human rights defenders.
It is important that those responsible for these crimes be held
accountable. I understand the U.S. government is supporting the
Colombian government's efforts to carry out prompt and effective
investigations of these cases, and to improve the security situation
where these killings are taking place and disrupt the illegal activity
that contributes to continued violence. Introducing state services and
extending economic opportunity in conflict-affected areas is
fundamental to ensure that citizens' rights are protected and to deny a
foothold to illegal armed groups and criminal organizations.
The U.S. government has long encouraged Colombia to improve its
human rights environment through a variety of approaches, including
foreign assistance programming, regular diplomatic engagement, and
high-level dialogues with the Colombian government and civil society.
If confirmed, I will continue to support Colombia's efforts to ensure
human rights defenders and social leaders can accomplish their vital
work towards a just and lasting peace.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Philip Goldberg by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. How would you propose expanding efforts to intercept
ships heading out of Colombian waters, and how best can we increase
coordination between Colombia, SOUTHCOM, the Mexican government and
other Central American governments?
Answer. If confirmed, I would make the Colombian Pacific coast an
area of key focus for our joint counternarcotics efforts, since the
majority of cocaine shipped to the United States flows through this
corridor. The best way to tackle this challenge is by helping Colombia
expand its multilateral approach to maritime interdiction and go after
key drug traffickers in this region. Over the past year, the Colombian
Navy led three impressive multi-nation maritime interdiction
operations, which included Mexico and several Central American
countries, and led to the seizure of nearly 100 metric tons of cocaine,
denying narcotraffickers approximately $3.2 billion in revenue. If
confirmed, I would support efforts to build on these successes and
increase coordination between Colombia, SOUTHCOM, Mexico, and Central
America to better disrupt the flow of drugs and prevent siphon off
revenue to these criminal groups.
Question. What additional steps would you recommend in order for
the U.S. to provide resources and technical assistance to the
government of Colombia to investigate and, if necessary, freeze assets
and step up asset forfeiture procedures?
Answer. The United States and Colombia have both provided
significant resources to address our shared priorities. In particular,
the Colombian government is a committed partner in cracking down on
money laundering. President Duque's counternarcotics strategy
prioritizes countering money laundering and financial crimes as one of
its five pillars. If confirmed, I would work with the Colombians to
develop mechanisms to re-invest liquidated assets into the relevant
institutions in order to transform its asset forfeiture system into a
self-sustaining ``virtuous circle'' that can further support
counternarcotics efforts.
Question. How would you assess the commitment and capability of the
Colombian government to crack down on money laundering?
Answer. Colombia is one of our strongest partners in the Western
Hemisphere, and President Duque's government has demonstrated
commitment in cracking down on money laundering. Specifically,
President Duque's counternarcotics strategy prioritizes countering
money laundering and financial crimes as one of its five pillars. If
confirmed, I would ensure the U.S. government continues to work closely
with Colombia to support this pillar with robust law enforcement and
judicial support in order to expand Colombia's capacity to investigate
and prosecute complex financial crimes and most effectively address
money laundering challenges.Question 4:
Colombia has taken in thousands of Venezuelan refugees since the
escalation of the crisis there. In your assessment, does Colombia have
the assistance and resources it needs to meet the needs of the refugee
population?
Answer. Colombia's leadership on Venezuela is extraordinary and the
generosity of Colombians in hosting fleeing Venezuelans has been a
vital component of the regional response to the Venezuelan crisis. To
help Colombia respond to this influx of Venezuelans, the U.S.
government has committed nearly $130 million in aid to Colombia since
FY 2017, including approximately $37 million in development and
economic assistance and more than $91 million in humanitarian
assistance. This funding complements Colombia's own efforts to assist
Venezuelan refugees and migrants and the communities that host them.
Question. If confirmed, how will you work to ensure that U.S.
policy in Colombia and across the region addresses the root causes of
migration?
Answer. The United States continues to engage all diplomatic and
economic options to support Venezuela's Interim President Guaido. Only
through a peaceful democratic transition can Venezuela resolve the root
causes of the forced displacement of millions of migrants and refugees.
To that end, the United States government has made clear that all
options remain on the table while it continues to engage on all
diplomatic and economic fronts to support Interim Venezuelan President
Juan Guaido and the Venezuelan people's pursuit of freedom.
If confirmed, I will work with Colombia on efforts to restore
democracy to Venezuela and encourage Colombia to continue their strong
engagement with regional partners to ensure a coordinated regional
response to the Venezuelan crisis.
__________
Response to an Additional Question for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Philip Goldberg by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. Should you be confirmed, you will need to address human
rights concerns that the United States has in Colombia, including
reports of abuses by security forces and threats against human rights
defenders, journalists, and indigenous groups. During your time as
ambassador to the Philippines, you saw first-hand a government that was
committing similar forms of abuses. The Duterte government, which has
carried out extrajudicial killings in its war on drugs, has weaponized
the legal system to go after journalists and opposition leaders.
Can you give us your assessment of the state of human rights in the
Philippines, and how your experience there will affect how you
handle human rights issues in Colombia, if you are confirmed?
Answer. Under my tenure as Ambassador to the Philippines, the
United States consistently engaged the Philippine government on human
rights issues. This was particularly true during my last few months in
the Philippines, when I and the embassy engaged publicly and privately
on many occasions to address the new Duterte government's actions. The
U.S.-Philippines relationship is built on a history of shared values
for democracy and human rights. The United States supported the
capacity of Philippine institutions, including through U.S. judicial
sector training aimed to strengthen the rule of law, due process, and
respect for human rights.
If confirmed, as in the Philippines, I will continue to engage with
the Colombian government, civil society, the private sector, and the
international community to support Colombia's efforts to secure
continued progress on human rights.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Douglas Manchester by Senator Robert Menendez
Addressing Employee Complaints
Question. In a Washington Post article describing the work
environment at the San Diego Union-Tribune and U-T-TV, you were quoted
as saying when you learned of ``egregious mistakes'' by staff, you took
action.
What were those mistakes?
Answer. I did not manage the day-to-day operations of the company
and its subsidiary, but when I learned of the possible mistakes, I
directed Human Resources personnel to take appropriate action towards
those individuals. Please see, as an addendum to this answer, the San
Diego Union Tribune, LLC Employee Handbook, page 24. According to Human
Resources, there were violations of our policies as stated in the
Employee Handbook.
Question. What actions, specifically, did you take? Did you
institute any disciplinary actions? Did you fire anyone?
Answer. I advised Human Resources to take appropriate disciplinary
action including termination. I was advised there were two
terminations.
Question. Did you institute any reforms or training in response to
the concerns that were raised at the San Diego Union-Tribune or U-T-TV?
Answer. Yes, we instituted mandatory multi-hour sexual harassment
training required of each employee within six months of employment and
continued training every two years.
Question. Did anyone ever raise complaints or concerns with you
personally? Did you learn of concerns or complaints through others?
Answer. I have never had any complaints or concerns raised about me
personally. In 55 years of business, having founded 27 companies and
employed over 6,000 employees, I have never personally been named in
any sexual misconduct claims.
Question. Do you commit that, if confirmed, you will take
immediate steps to address any claims of harassment or discrimination
brought to your attention, and that you will work to foster a
professional environment for all employees, regardless of gender or
background?
Answer. Yes, you have my commitment that, if confirmed, I will take
immediate steps to address any claims of harassment or discrimination
brought to my attention, and I will work to foster a professional
environment for all employees, regardless of gender or background.
Question. If confirmed, you will be chief of mission in the
Bahamas, meaning you will be in charge of a large staff of U.S. and
foreign service national employees, men and women from all different
backgrounds.
What are your plans to foster a healthy and inclusive work
environment? Please provide concrete examples indicative of your
thinking in this area.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work extremely hard to remind everyone
that they are doing an incredible job for our country and to build a
cooperative team environment that is all-inclusive to all genders,
religions and ethnic backgrounds. I will work to foster mutual respect
and will remind the employees that their work is appreciated by all
those in the United States and the Sovereign nation of the Bahamas. To
achieve this I will adopt an open door policy and encourage direct
communication.
Question. Have you familiarized yourself with federal government
rules and regulations designed to prevent sexual and other forms of
harassment and to appropriately respond to claims of such harassment?
Answer.Yes, I have familiarized myself with federal government
rules and regulations designed to prevent sexual and other forms of
harassment and to appropriately respond to claims of such harassment.
Question. What assurances can you provide to this committee that
you will treat all employees, regardless of gender, race, ethnicity, or
background, fairly, equally, and with respect?
Answer. With a proven record of 55 years in business, I have always
believed that two heads are better than one and three are better than
two, etc. I would encourage a team-like atmosphere that would call on
all mission personnel to contribute to the success of the mission.
Specifically, I would create an environment where all personnel are
encouraged to express any concerns or criticism without fear of
reprisal.
Question. Did you, in your personal capacity, hire a lobbying or
public affairs group to support your nomination process? If so, please
provide the name of the entity, the dates of the contract, payment
amounts and dates.
Did Manchester Financial Group hire a lobbying or public affairs
group to support your nomination process? If so, please provide
the name of the entity, the dates of the contract, and payment
amounts and dates.
Answer. Manchester Financial hired Banner Public Affairs in March
2018, initially for a two-month period for an amount of $20,000. Their
professional services have included discussions about options for
branding and marketing hotels owned by Manchester Financial Group,
advocacy options for regulatory issues related to the construction and
operation of hotels, public affairs issues related to the nomination of
the company's founder to be Ambassador to The Bahamas, rebuttal of
inaccurate and misleading statements about the chairman emeritus that
appeared in the media as a result of his nomination, and
representational contact to gain information about the status of the
nomination and seek a vote on the nomination.
Question. In the event that the Manchester Financial Group hired a
lobbying or public affairs group to support your nomination process:
Did you direct the Manchester Financial Group to hire a lobbying or
public affairs group to support your nomination? If not, who
made that decision?
Answer. Yes
Question. What benefit did the Manchester Financial Group stand to
gain from hiring a lobbying or public affairs group on your behalf?
Answer. Manchester Financial Group benefitted from better awareness
of options related to its brand and marketing activities, as well as
the accurate public perception of its operations and chairman emeritus,
including as a result of media stemming from his nomination, which is
essential to the operations of the company.
Question. Did you or Manchester Financial Group seek guidance,
authorization, or approval from the U.S. Department of State prior to
hiring a lobbying or public affairs group to support your nomination
process? If not, why not? If yes, did you receive guidance,
authorization, or approval from the U.S. Department of State? If so,
please provide a copy and any supporting documentation.
Answer. No, I was not and am not aware of any requirement to do so.
Question. Did a lobbying or public affairs group assist you with
your answers to these questions or any other written questions for the
record submitted to you by members of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee related to your confirmation hearing on June 20, 2019? If so,
please describe what assistance the entity provided you.
Answer.Yes, the lobbying and public affairs group listed above
reviewed questions and answers related to its services and provided
feedback on questions stemming from media reports.
Question. Do you commit to respond promptly to all requests for
information by Members of this committee?
Answer.Yes. I will work through the Department's Bureau of
Legislative Affairs to respond to Congressional requests.
Question. Do you commit to appear before this committee upon
request?
Answer.Yes.
Question. If you become aware of any suspected waste, fraud, or
abuse in the Department, do you commit to report it to the Inspector
General?
Answer.I am committed to the highest standards of government
accountability. Should I become aware of any waste, fraud, or abuse, I
will report it to the appropriate Department authorities to include the
Inspector General.
Question. Please list any outside positions and affiliations you
plan to continue to hold during your term of appointment.
Answer. I do not plan to hold any positions or affiliations during
my term of appointment and if confirmed, I commit to fully comply with
all stipulations as outlined in my ethics agreement.
Question. Have you ever been an officer or director of a company
that has filed for bankruptcy? If so, describe the circumstances and
disposition.
Answer.No, I have not been an officer or director of a company that
has filed for bankruptcy.
Question. If you leave this position before the completion of your
full term of the next presidential election, do you commit to meeting
with the committee to discuss the reasons for your departure?
Answer.Yes.
Question. Other than the claims referred to above, has anyone ever
made a formal or informal complaint or allegation of sexual harassment,
discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace or any other setting?
If so, please describe the nature of the complaint or allegation, your
response, and any resolution, including any settlements.
Answer. I have never had any complaints or concerns raised about me
personally in a workplace or any other setting. In 55 years of
business, having founded 27 companies and employed over 6,000
employees, I have never personally been named in any sexual misconduct
claims.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of
sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious,
etc.), or inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you
had supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and
actions taken.
Answer. I did not manage the day-to-day operations of the company,
but when I learned of possible accusations of sexual harassment,
discrimination or inappropriate conduct by any employee, I directed
Human Resources personnel to investigate the allegations and if
necessary, take appropriate action towards those individuals, including
termination. Please see, as an addendum to this answer, the San Diego
Union Tribune, LLC Employee Handbook, page 24.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation
against career employees based on their perceived political beliefs,
prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is
wholly inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If
confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all employees under your
leadership understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other
prohibited personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. Yes, I do agree that any targeting of or retaliation
against career employees based on their perceived political beliefs,
prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is
wholly inappropriate and has no place in the federal government.
I will follow established procedures necessary to assure that
anyone that feels that they have been subjected to any retaliation,
blacklisting or other prohibited personnel practices is aware of the
Department's policies, resources, and procedures that ensure reporting
without retaliation.
Question. Following up on one of the answers from Manchester's
QFRs, we would like to review copies of any contracts between
Manchester Financial Group and Banner Public Affairs.
Answer. Manchester Financial Group entered into an oral contractual
agreement with Banner Public Affairs in March 2018. Banner Public
Affairs was to advise regarding options for branding and marketing
hotels owned by Manchester Financial Group, advocacy options for
regulatory issues related to the construction and operation of hotels,
public affairs issues related to the nomination of the company's
founder to be Ambassador to The Bahamas, rebuttal of inaccurate and
misleading statements about the chairman emeritus that appeared in the
media as a result of his nomination, and representational contact to
gain information about the status of the nomination and seek a vote on
the nomination.
I personally paid Banner Public Affairs $10,000.00 on behalf of
Manchester Financial Group on March 27, 2018 by wire transfer.
Manchester Financial Group also paid a total of $30,000.00 to Banner
Public Affairs. The first check was for $10,000.00 on May 14, 2018 and
the second check was for $20,000.00 on July 31, 2018.
Relevant Excerpts from the San Diego Union-Tribune Employee Handbook
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
----------
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Douglas Manchester by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. With a long history in the newspaper business, I am a firm
believer that an independent media plays a critical role in exposing
human rights violations and building strong democratic systems. If
confirmed, I will leverage my experience to address concerns in The
Bahamas about due process for migrants without legal status and rights
of the Haitian community; judicial system reforms; conditions in
prisons and detention centers; and gender-based violence. I believe
these challenges to human rights and democracy require close U.S.
coordination with local human rights organizations, civil society, the
media, international organizations, and the Bahamian government, and if
confirmed, I will look to leverage my background in the media to
support the Bahamian government in addressing these challenges.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in the
Bahamas? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in the Bahamas? What
do you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. The Bahamas is a constitutional, parliamentary democracy
with a long history of respect for the rule of law, human rights, and
effective civilian control over the security forces. Nevertheless,
several human rights issues deserve attention. If confirmed, I will
engage with the government on ensuring due process for migrants and
rights of the Haitian community; judicial system reforms; improving
conditions in prisons and detention centers; and working to end gender-
based violence.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in the Bahamas in
advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. The Bahamas' challenge is to use its limited resources to
promote respect for the rule of law while respecting human rights in a
high-crime environment. If confirmed, I will work with my embassy staff
to ensure existing training programs for Bahamian justice-sector
officials are as effective as possible, and I would champion U.S.
efforts to promote human rights in the country and support the Bahamian
government's efforts in this area to achieve lasting results.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in the Bahamas? If confirmed, what steps will
you take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. Yes. I am committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society, and non-governmental organizations in the United States and
The Bahamas. If confirmed, I would champion U.S. efforts to promote
human rights in the country, as well as comply with all requirements
under the Leahy Law to ensure provisions of U.S. security assistance
and security cooperation activities reinforce human rights.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with the
Bahamas to address cases of key political prisoners or persons
otherwise unjustly targeted by the Bahamas?
Answer. The State Department's 2018 Human Rights Report states
there were no political prisoners or detainees in The Bahamas in 2018.
If confirmed, I will work actively with the embassy team to address any
cases of political prisoners or persons unjustly targeted by government
entities to ensure their rights and fundamental freedoms are respected.
Question. Will you engage with the Bahamas on matters of human
rights, civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will engage with The Bahamas on
matters of human rights, civil rights, and governance as part of my
bilateral mission.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to comply with all relevant federal
ethics laws, regulations, and rules and to raise concerns that I may
have through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in the Bahamas?
Answer. I have owned a home in The Bahamas for many years. My
investment portfolio includes diversified mutual funds that may have
investments in companies with a presence in The Bahamas; however, these
funds are exempt from the conflicts of interest rules. I am committed
to ensuring that my official actions will not give rise to a conflict
of interest and I will remain vigilant with regard to my ethics
obligations.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. As the owner of multiple businesses across many sectors, I
am a firm believer in a well-managed, diverse workforce. I have
promoted to the highest levels of my companies employees and
supervisors of all races, gender, ethnicity, religions, national
origin, and sexual orientation. If confirmed, I commit to promote,
mentor and support all staff, including those from diverse backgrounds
and underrepresented groups. I will be guided by U.S. law and policies,
but also by my personal appreciation that discrimination can harm not
only individual employees but also the workplace and the larger
institution. I recognize that each individual employee brings unique
strengths and weaknesses; and I will encourage each to do, and achieve,
their best, and to help foster a work environment that both reflects
and draws upon the rich composition of America's citizenry.
I assure you that, if confirmed, I will consider diversity when
seeking to fill high-level positions at the U.S. Mission in The
Bahamas. I am committed to mentoring all staff members, but especially
those from diverse backgrounds and under-represented groups.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. I believe a diverse and inclusive environment is critical
to ensuring every person at our Embassy has the tools necessary to do
their work and advance the interests of the United States. If
confirmed, I will set the example encouraging such an environment and
letting supervisors know it is expected from all Embassy leaders. I
will ensure that all Embassy supervisors understand their individual
responsibilities to provide mentoring and guidance to all members of
their teams, with specific emphasis on diversity and inclusiveness and
that performance as it relates to such issues is covered, as
appropriate, in ratings and evaluations, as these supervisors seek to
advance their own careers and serve as examples for their employees and
our institution.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in the Bahamas
specifically?
Answer. Corruption saps economic growth, hinders development,
destabilizes governments, undermines democracy, and provides openings
for dangerous groups like criminals, traffickers, and terrorists. The
Department has made anti-corruption efforts a national security
priority and works across the globe to prevent graft, promote
accountability, and empower reformers. Ranking 29 out of 180 on
Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index, The Bahamas
faces continued challenges in addressing corruption and lack of
transparency with the aim of leveling the playing field and improving
ease of doing business for both domestic investment as well as ensuring
The Bahamas' reputation as a good place to do business and maintain
access to international financial markets. Prime Minister Hubert Minnis
has indicated that anti-corruption efforts are a priority for his
administration. If confirmed, I commit to working to address any
corruption and strengthen democratic governance and rule of law in The
Bahamas.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in the
Bahamas and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. According to Transparency International's Corruption
Perception indices, the Bahamas ranks 29 out of 180. Prime Minister
Hubert Minis of the Free National Movement won elections in a landslide
in May 2017 on an anti-corruption, pro-reform platform. The Prime
Minister has stated his intent to instill greater transparency and
accountability in government operations, reduce the debt and grow the
economy, and improve citizen security. If confirmed, I am committed to
working with the Bahamian government to address any corruption and
strengthen democratic governance and rule of law in The Bahamas.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in the Bahamas?
Answer. If confirmed, I would prioritize issues of good governance
and anti-corruption in U.S. relations with The Bahamas. Prime Minister
Minnis has made fighting corruption a key focus of his administration.
Working with my Embassy team, I would draw on the expertise and
resources of the U.S. government to support those efforts where
appropriate. I would also work with civil society and the private
sector to promote transparency and good governance and ensure the U.S.
Embassy's programs and actions support strong democratic institutions,
rule of law, free press, and respect for government transparency and
accountability.
Question. I have long advocated for more strategic U.S. diplomatic
engagement in the Caribbean. The region is geographically close to the
United States and share so many of our values. It is unacceptable that
so many have become susceptible to outside foreign interests and vote
against the United States and its partners in multilateral fora. If
confirmed, how would you help to ensure a closer U.S.-Bahamas
partnership?
Answer. The United States and The Bahamas enjoy a deep, broad
relationship driven by geographic proximity as well as social,
economic, and cultural ties that enable close cooperation and make The
Bahamas one of our most enduring partners in the Western Hemisphere.
This partnership includes promoting our shared values throughout the
region on important U.S. policy priorities such as Venezuela and
Nicaragua. If confirmed, I would consult with experts in the
Department, in the U.S. interagency community, and this committee on
additional ways to advance key U.S. priorities for the bilateral
relationship. I would also engage with the U.S. private sector and the
Bahamian diaspora to build and strengthen those bilateral ties. I would
also consult with my Embassy team to implement the integrated country
strategy, promote U.S. goals, and draw on my knowledge of the country
to engage with the government and the people.
Question. How would you engage with your fellow chiefs of mission
in other Caribbean island nations as part of a concerted effort to
engage the region?
Answer. As I understand it, under the new U.S.-Caribbean Resilience
Partnership the Department launched a few months ago, the U.S.--
Caribbean 2020 Strategy, the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative
(CBSI), and multiple other U.S. lines of effort, the United States is
deepening its engagement across the Caribbean on both bilateral and
regional issues. I would support those efforts and coordinate with my
fellow Chiefs of Mission to help promote and implement issues jointly
as appropriate. The new U.S.-Caribbean Resilience Partnership offers
opportunities to collaborate closely across U.S. embassies in the
Caribbean, as does the security-focused Caribbean Basin security
initiative. I would also work to support The Bahamas as a leader in
CARICOM to advance our shared foreign policy priorities and address
challenges in the region.
Question. The Bahamas faces high levels of insecurity that pose a
risk to the United States by facilitating drug trafficking and a direct
threat to the safety of millions of American visitors every year. What
is your assessment of the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI),
our primary program for addressing regional citizen security?
Answer. It is my understanding that the United States has advanced
U.S. security priorities in the Caribbean through the Caribbean Basin
Security Initiative (CBSI) since 2010. CBSI has provided more than $600
million in foreign assistance programming to counter the flow of
narcotics, combat transnational criminal organizations, strengthen
judicial systems, and engage in crime and violence prevention programs
targeting at-risk youth and their communities. A key way to counter
organized crime is to go after the assets of Transnational Criminal
Organizations (TCOs). An example of a successful CBSI multinational
interdiction effort is Operation Bahamas, Turks & Caicos (OPBAT), in
which U.S. and local law enforcement have worked together to increase
interdictions by 755% in FY2019, compared to that seized in all of
FY2018. Programs and engagement under CBSI work in concert with efforts
to increase engagement with the region. The government Accountability
Office issued a review of CBSI in early 2019 that called for increased
monitoring and evaluation (M&E) of CBSI programs. If confirmed, I would
work closely with the Embassy team to ensure CBSI programs are as
effective as possible, that M&E is coordinated among all U.S. agencies
working in this space to achieve sustainable results, and that CBSI
efforts are connected with increased U.S. engagement in the region.
Question. What adjustments, if any, need to be made to CBSI's
implementation in the Bahamas?
Answer. It is my understanding that through CBSI in the Bahamas, we
have strengthened our mutual national security and increased citizen
security through programs that have effectively worked to dismantle
transnational criminal and terrorist organizations, curb the
trafficking and smuggling of illicit goods and people, strengthen the
rule of law, improve citizen security, and counter vulnerability to
terrorist threats. It is also my understanding that CBSI in the Bahamas
has worked to professionalize the Royal Bahamas Police Force (RBPF) and
Royal Bahamas Defense Force (RBDF) so that they are better able to
prevent, disrupt, and dismantle violent and transnational criminal
activity, particularly via OPBAT. In particular, as I understand it,
U.S. assistance through CBSI has grown the capacity of the RBPF Marine
Support Services Unit (MSSU), Canine Unit (K-9), and Drug Enforcement
Unit (DEU), and Firearms Tracing and Investigation Unit (FTIU) to stem
the flow of trafficking through The Bahamas, enhance citizen security,
and improve security along the United States' ``Third Border.'' CBSI
has also funded Foreign Military Financing (FMF) projects with the RBDF
to enhance maritime domain awareness, long range communications, and
maintenance to improve interoperability and combined operations with
U.S. forces in the region. While I will want to assess these efforts
personally if confirmed, I do plan to prioritize ensuring that all U.S.
programs in the Bahamas are effective in meeting U.S. interests.
Question. How would you utilize your position and the Embassy's
resources to improve citizen security?
Answer. If confirmed, I will prioritize cooperation with The
Bahamas on efforts to strengthen citizen security, promote social and
economic development, and reduce illicit trafficking and other
transnational crime because a safer Bahamas makes the United States
more secure. If confirmed, I do plan to prioritize ensuring that all
U.S. programs in the Bahamas are effective in meeting U.S. interests,
including those focused on improving citizen security.
Question. As many as 80,000 Haitians currently reside in the
Bahamas given the poor economic and security circumstances in Haiti.
What is the Bahamian government's ability to address these high
migration figures?
Answer. It is my understanding that irregular migration has long
been among The Bahamas' highest national priorities, particularly given
the large number of Haitians living there without legal status.
Interdictions of nationals from other countries such as Cuba, China,
and the Dominican Republic occur as well. An estimated 60-80,000
Haitians live in The Bahamas, many of them without legal status. The
Bahamas views the magnitude of Haitian migration as a crisis given its
population of 351,000. The Bahamas has partnered with the United States
to deal effectively with such large migrant flows, taken steps to
regularize the status of certain Haitian migrants, and provided due
process to those newly interdicted. The government has also reached out
to international organizations for assistance in providing humanitarian
services to migrants after they arrive. If confirmed, I commit to
working with the Bahamian government and international organizations to
address this issue.
Question. What is your assessment of the current migration trends?
Do you expect the numbers to continue to rise?
Answer. It is my understanding that addressing irregular migration
has long been among The Bahamas' highest national priorities given the
relatively large number of migrants traveling to and through The
Bahamas. The majority of these migrants are Haitian although
interdictions of nationals from other countries such as Cuba, China,
and the Dominican Republic occur as well. From December 2018 to
February 2019, there was a surge in Haitian migration there illegally,
and further flows from Haiti will depend on the political and economic
situation in Haiti. An estimated 60-80,000 Haitians live in The
Bahamas, many of them without legal status. Other countries in the
Caribbean have seen increased Venezuelan migrant flows; however, this
has not been the case in The Bahamas.
Question. If confirmed, how would you work with the Bahamian
government to address these migration flows and ensure adequate
protections for those Haitians already in the Bahamas?
Answer. It is my understanding that addressing irregular migration
has long been among The Bahamas' highest national priorities given the
relatively large number of migrants traveling to and through The
Bahamas. The Minnis government is taking steps to regularize the status
of certain Haitian migrants while providing both humanitarian services
and due process to those newly interdicted. If confirmed, I commit to
working with The Bahamas and international organizations, such as the
International Organization for Migration and the U.N. High Commissioner
for Refugees in this effort, as well as continue our strong cooperation
under Operation Bahamas Turks & Caicos (OPBAT). Since October 2018, our
joint forces interdicted 41 migrant sea vessels, resulting in the
repatriation of over 1,700 migrants there.
Question. Millions of Americans visit the Bahamas every year and
the mission you would be running would be responsible for providing a
range of consular services to the many visitors who find themselves in
need of assistance. How has your experience helped prepare you for this
major responsibility?
Answer. Given my long experience in the hospitality and tourism
business, I am well prepared to lead the U.S. Embassy team to ensure
the safety and security of American citizens visiting The Bahamas. The
Bahamas is one of the top overseas tourist destinations for U.S.
citizens with over six million Americans visiting The Bahamas in 2018
mostly by cruise ship. Estimates are similar for 2019. Nassau is one of
the busiest cruise ship ports in the world. I understand the Embassy is
in direct communication with the shipping agents and cruise ship
companies about safety and security concerns of U.S. citizens on those
ships. Embassy consular officers also work with the Bahamian government
to provide services to incarcerated U.S. citizens. If confirmed, I
would make the Mission's top priority the safety and security of the
large numbers of U.S. citizens traveling through or residing in The
Bahamas.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Douglas Manchester by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. In September 2017, President Trump designated The Bahamas
as a major illicit drug producing and money laundering country due to
its role as a significant transshipment point for illicit drugs bound
for the U.S. I appreciate that there appears to be strong political
will within the government of The Bahamas to tackle drug trafficking an
organized crime, and U.S. law enforcement agencies have worked closely
with their counterparts in The Bahamas to target trafficking
organizations. If confirmed as Ambassador, how will you use the post to
facilitate the continued coordination between U.S. and Bahamian
agencies and officials, including the use of U.S. financial and
technical assistance?
Answer. Although Volume I of the 2019 Money Laundering and
Financial Crimes Report lists The Bahamas as a major illicit drug
producing and money laundering country, its inclusion on the Majors
List is not necessarily a reflection of the Bahamian government's
counternarcotics efforts or level of cooperation with the United
States. The Bahamas remains one of our most enduring partners in the
Western Hemisphere, especially in our efforts to counter illicit
trafficking to the United States.
Anti-money laundering and counter terrorist financing (AML/CFT) has
been a priority for the Bahamian government as it works to come off the
Financial Action Task Force's gray-list in October 2019 and generally
meet international standards. If confirmed, I will build on the
Embassy's strong relationships with the Bank Supervision Department of
the Central Bank of The Bahamas, the Financial Investigations Unit, and
the Identified Risk Framework (IRF) Steering Committee, all government
institutions that focus on AML/CFT, as well as the Bahamas Financial
Services Board, an independent association of local financial
institutions, including foreign companies with Bahamian operations, to
monitor AML/CFT, identify areas for technical assistance, and convey
U.S. expectations and requirements.
It is my understanding that through the Caribbean Basin Security
Initiative (CBSI), we cooperate closely with The Bahamas to counter the
flow of narcotics, combat transnational criminal organizations,
strengthen judicial systems, and engage in crime and violence
prevention programs targeting at-risk youth and their communities. An
example of a successful CBSI multinational interdiction effort is
Operation Bahamas, Turks & Caicos (OPBAT), in which U.S. and local law
enforcement have worked together to increase interdictions by 755% in
FY 2019, compared to that seized in all of FY 2018.
If confirmed, I will prioritize these programs and coordinate
closely with the Department of Treasury, the private sector, and other
agencies and regulatory bodies to provide U.S. financial and technical
assistance to Bahamian institutions that combat drug trafficking and
money laundering in the country.
Question. Do you have any concerns about the use of financial
institutions in the Bahamas to launder money related to drug-
trafficking?
Answer. As noted in Volume II of the 2019 Money Laundering and
Financial Crimes Report, due to its proximity to Florida, The Bahamas
remains a transit point for trafficking in illegal drugs, firearms, and
persons to and from the United States. Money may be laundered through
purchase of real estate, as well as through Designated Non-Financial
Businesses or Professions. As an international financial center, the
country is also vulnerable to money laundering through financial
service companies.
In 2018, The Bahamas took significant steps toward strengthening
identified Anti-Money Laundering (AML) deficiencies. The government
passed an enhanced Financial Transactions Reporting Act strengthening
rules, procedures, and risk assessment obligations for financial
institutions and Designated Non-Financial Businesses or Professions. An
enhanced Proceeds of Crime Act introduced unexplained wealth orders and
non-conviction-based forfeiture, while a comprehensive Anti-Terrorism
Act addresses terrorist financing and proliferation. However, The
Bahamas needs to address recognized deficiencies in its AML/CFT regime
by demonstrating risk-based supervision of non-bank financial
institutions and ensuring timely access to adequate beneficial
ownership information. If confirmed, I will work with relevant U.S.
government departments and agencies, the private sector, and the
Bahamian government to make progress in these areas and advance key
U.S. priorities.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Adrian Zuckerman by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. American businesses have faced serious challenges in
Romania. I appreciate that during your hearing you committed to making
this issue your highest priority if confirmed. What specific steps will
you take to encourage the Romanian government to create a fair
environment for U.S. businesses if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will coordinate with the relevant agencies
in Washington to advocate for a fair, expeditious, and transparent
resolution of the existing or future concerns of U.S. companies, as
appropriate. I will also work closely and diligently with the business
community to ensure that Romania complies with its bilateral and
multilateral trade obligations, and to minimize market access problems
affecting U.S. firms. If confirmed, I will encourage Romania to
implement policies and practices to improve its business and investment
climate and foster a stronger environment for entrepreneurship and
innovation.
Question. In April when Romania proposed emergency decrees that
would have made it harder to tackle corruption and undermined the
judicial system, the U.S. Embassy in Bucharest issued a joint statement
with 11 other embassies urging Romania not to enact the decrees. I
would expect that as Ambassador, you would take a similar action in
such a situation. If confirmed, do you commit to doing everything in
your power to oppose efforts, such as those decrees, that would
undermine the rule of law in Romania?
Answer. Recent legislative amendments and emergency ordinances
issued by the Romanian government threaten the independence of the
judiciary and have prompted widespread protests by members of the
public and magistrates. The National Anticorruption Directorate is
unable to effectively pursue prosecutions against corrupt officials. If
confirmed, I will seek to strengthen Romania's democratic institutions
and support Romania's progress in fighting corruption.
Question. What specific steps will you take, if confirmed, to
support rule of law and anti-corruption efforts in Romania? What would
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. If confirmed, supporting Romania's progress on fighting
corruption and supporting rule of law will be among my top priorities.
Fighting corruption and supporting judicial independence are vital to
the region's long-term prosperity and security as well as to the
extraordinary law enforcement and security cooperation between the
United States and Romania. I will support Romania's efforts to fight
corruption and strengthen its democratic institutions through my
advocacy, as well as a whole-of-Mission approach that encompasses our
law enforcement programs, security cooperation and other assistance,
and Mission Bucharest's cooperation with Romania's anticorruption
institutions. If confirmed, I will continue to pay close attention to
developments in areas such as court reform, criminal code reform, and
media legislation. I will also continue to coordinate closely with our
partners in the international community to help strengthen democratic
institutions and the rule of law.
Question. On August 22, 2018, President Trump's personal lawyer,
Rudy Giuliani, sent a letter to Romania's president, Klaus Iohannis,
criticizing Romania's National Anticorruption Directorate (DNA) and
supporting amnesty for individuals who had been prosecuted and
convicted by the DNA. Mr. Giuliani sent his letter less than two months
after the U.S. Embassy in Romania published a joint statement declaring
that ``Romania has shown considerable progress in combatting corruption
and building effective rule of law.'' Do you believe it is proper for
individuals who represent President Trump in his personal capacity to
publicly oppose U.S. foreign policy in Romania, or any other country?
Answer. The United States is concerned about the deterioration of
rule of law in Romania. If confirmed, I will support Romania's efforts
to fight corruption and strengthen its democratic institutions through
my advocacy, as well as a whole-of-Mission approach that encompasses
our law enforcement programs, security cooperation and other
assistance, and Mission Bucharest's cooperation with Romania's
anticorruption institutions. The U.S. government, as a general matter,
does not endorse or support the views or conclusions of private
citizens.
Question. If confirmed as Ambassador, would you make a point in
such a situation to publicly state that the views of individuals who
represent President Trump in his personal capacity do not reflect the
views of the U.S. government?
Answer. As a general matter, the U.S. government does not endorse
or support the views or conclusions of private citizens. If confirmed,
it is my role to represent the American people and advance the U.S.
government's policy in Romania.
Question. If confirmed as Ambassador, would you direct or allow
U.S. Embassy staff to provide support to individuals who represent
President Trump in his personal capacity if they planned to travel to
Romania?
Answer. It is the role of U.S. embassies to assist private citizens
traveling abroad in the event of an emergency or a need for routine
assistance, but it is not the role of embassies to facilitate private
citizens' personal travel outside of emergency situations.
Question. Romania announced that it will auction off the frequency
spectrum needed for 5G wireless networks in the fourth quarter of this
year, and it will allow companies that use Huawei technology to
participate. Romania is a member of NATO, and I am deeply concerned
about the security implications of a company using Huawei technology
winning this auction. If confirmed, how would you communicate the
U.S.'s security concerns regarding Huawei to the Romanian government
and urge them to reconsider allowing companies that use Huawei
technology to potentially control their 5G frequency?
Answer. The United States advocates for secure telecoms networks
and supply chains that are free from suppliers that are subject to
foreign government control or undue influence in order to reduce the
risks of unauthorized access and malicious cyber activity. If
confirmed, I will urge Romania, as a NATO ally, to consider such risks
and exercise vigilance in ensuring the security of its own telecoms
networks and supply chains. U.S. concerns related to the security and
resiliency of 5G systems are applicable to any supplier or vendor that
is subject to inappropriate influence or that has a demonstrated record
of malign or deceptive behavior. In making decisions on suppliers or
vendors for 5G systems, all countries, including Romania, should take
prior behavior into account. I will make this a top priority consistent
with the Administration's position.
Question. I understand that in recent years that American companies
and business people have expressed concern about the rule of law and
due process in Romania. This, combined with ongoing corruption concerns
in the country, only serve to diminish U.S. business investment and
engagement with Romania. Are you familiar with these concerns?
Answer. I am aware of concerns about respect for rule of law in
Romania. If confirmed, I would be an advocate for anti-corruption,
transparency, and good governance efforts that increase public
confidence in democratic institutions and the rule of law. If I am
confirmed as ambassador, assisting U.S. businesses in Romania will be a
top priority for me.
Question. What will you do to encourage the Romanian government to
create a fair environment for U.S. businesses?
Answer. If confirmed, I will be personally involved in advocating
and supporting our companies to promote prosperity for the American
people. Developing the economic dimension of the U.S.-Romania Strategic
Partnership is a key priority. Business plays an important role in
advancing our partnership. I also will encourage and promote Romania's
efforts to foster a more investment-friendly and transparent business
climate that will help Romania prosper and provide a predictable and
legally sound environment in which U.S. companies may operate.
Additionally, I will work to promote U.S. values related to
entrepreneurship and innovation.
Question. Mr. Zuckerman, in 2008, you were sued for sexual
harassment by a legal secretary at your former firm. A number of the
claims are very disturbing. The case was settled in 2009, and I
understand you maintain the claims are false, but they are a matter of
public record and I would like to you ask you a few questions related
to that. Have you ever engaged in any inappropriate discussions or
behavior with any women that you have worked with, such as showing
pictures of women that are not fully clothed, or joking about someone
carrying your child?
Answer. I have never engaged in any inappropriate discussions or
behavior with any women that I have worked with, such as showing
pictures of women that are not fully clothed, or joking about someone
carrying my child.
Question. Do you think that type of behavior is appropriate in a
work setting?
Answer. I do not think that type of behavior is appropriate in a
work setting.
Question. Would you have any objection to Diplomatic Security or
the FBI examining this matter prior to your committee vote?
Answer. I do not have any objection to Diplomatic Security or the
FBI examining this matter prior to my committee vote.
Question. Does the settlement agreement in the sexual harassment
lawsuit include a confidentiality provision that would prevent the
plaintiff from speaking to the committee and/or discussing the case
publicly? If yes, will you agree to waive that provision in writing
prior to the committee vote?
Answer. Yes. Yes, I agree to waive that provision in writing prior
to the committee vote.
Question. Has anyone, other than the plaintiff in that case, ever
told you that you have engaged in inappropriate behavior or made them
feel uncomfortable in the workplace?
Answer. No.
Question. Have you engaged in any other behavior in the workplace
that may be viewed as unacceptable?
Answer. No.
Question. Have you entered into any other settlements, other than
the 2009 settlement I mentioned, regarding any claims of sexual
harassment, workplace discrimination, or inappropriate conduct against
you?
Answer. No.
Question. Do you commit to respond promptly to all requests for
information by Members of this committee?
Answer. Yes, I will work promptly through the Department's Bureau
of Legislative Affairs to respond to Congressional requests.
Question. Do you commit to appear before this committee upon
request?
Answer. Yes, I commit to appear before this committee upon request.
Question. If you become aware of any suspected waste, fraud, or
abuse in the Department, do you commit to report it to the Inspector
General?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal laws,
regulations, and rules, including with regard to waste, fraud, and
abuse, and to raise concerns that I may have through appropriate
channels.
Question. Please list any outside positions and affiliations you
plan to continue to hold during your term of appointment.
Answer. Except for maintaining my bar admissions to the Courts of
the State of New York, Federal Courts for the Eastern and Southern
District of New York, Second Circuit Court of Appeals and Supreme Court
of the United States, I will not hold any outside positions and
affiliations if confirmed.
Question. Have you ever been an officer or director of a company
that has filed for bankruptcy? If so, describe the circumstances and
disposition.
Answer. No.
Question. If you leave this position before the completion of your
full term of the next presidential election, do you commit to meeting
with the committee to discuss the reasons for your departure?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Other than the claims referred to above, has anyone ever
made a formal or informal complaint or allegation of sexual harassment,
discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace or any other setting?
If so, please describe the nature of the complaint or allegation, your
response, and any resolution, including any settlements.
Answer. No.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. No.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. I believe, as Secretary Pompeo has outlined in his policy
on diversity and equal employment opportunity, that all employees
should work in a professional, supportive, and teamwork-oriented
community where everyone can contribute to the mission. The workplace
should be an environment of civility and respect. If confirmed, I would
hold myself and all U.S. Embassy staff accountable to uphold equal
employment opportunity principles by promoting fairness, equity, and
inclusion in the workplace and to help ensure a workplace free of
discrimination and bullying. I would not tolerate retaliation and other
prohibited personnel practices.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Adrian Zuckerman by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. In my over thirty years of legal practice, I have
represented corporate and individual clients in a wide variety of
transactional and civil litigation matters. The fair, transparent, and
impartial administration of justice in all legal matters is a bedrock
of democracy. In 2017, I chaired the Democratic Party civil court
judicial screening committee for the 18th judicial district in New York
City--I am proud to say that I was able to guide the twelve-member
panel representing the diverse constituencies of New York City to
achieve unanimity in its recommendations. To promote human rights, I
represented various clients on a pro bono basis. Among those was a
Jewish congregation I represented in the purchase of a building to be
used as its synagogue and community center and a Korean religious group
I represented against efforts of having it evicted from the space it
used for church/religious purposes as a result of neighborhood
residents alleging various violations of zoning and land use laws and
regulations. I have also supported various charitable causes. I was a
member of the board of Kids' Corp. which provided support to Newark, NJ
underprivileged children to stay in school by providing books,
tutoring, clothes, medical care, and summer camp programs.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in
Romania? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in Romania? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Among the challenges Romania faces, according to the State
Department's annual Human Rights and International Religious Freedom
Reports, are endemic official corruption, police violence against the
Roma, and Holocaust-era restitution issues. Romania has established a
working group made up of the local Jewish community, World Jewish
Restitution Organization, and the government, under the leadership of
the Secretary General of the government, to make progress on pensions
for Holocaust survivors and the resolution of private properties,
communal properties and conduct research into heirless property. In
addition, trafficking in persons is also of great concern, as Romania
was downgraded to Tier 2 Watch List in the 2019 Trafficking in Persons
Report. If confirmed, I will support Romania's efforts to fight
corruption, protect members of vulnerable minorities, and strengthen
its democratic institutions and urge that Romania resolve its remaining
restitution issues. I will also work with the government to combat and
prevent trafficking in persons.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Romania in
advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. Romania and the United States share common values,
including the importance of respecting human rights and supporting
democracy. The country has a diverse and active civil society, with
independent groups that report and advocate on the issues they care
about around the country. If confirmed, I will continue the U.S.
Embassy's regular engagement with these groups on some of the most
pressing issues, and I will continue our work with Romania to ensure
the coordination of our efforts on promoting tolerance through civil
society empowerment and coalition building. By ensuring that we keep
lines of communication open, we will maximize our joint impact on this
and other challenges.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Romania? If confirmed, what steps will you
take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to sustaining engagement with
a broad spectrum of civil society in Romania, including human rights
activists and religious groups and the organizations that represent
them. I will also make sure the Embassy follows all appropriate laws
and regulations to ensure compliance with the Leahy law.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Romania to address cases of key political prisoners or persons
otherwise unjustly targeted by Romania?
Answer. The State Department's 2018 Human Rights Report states that
there were no reports of political prisoners in Romania.
Question. Will you engage with Romania on matters of human rights,
civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to sustaining engagement with
a broad spectrum of civil society in Romania, including human rights
activists and religious groups, and the organizations that represent
them.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Romania?
Answer. My investment portfolio includes interests in diversified
mutual funds which may hold an interest in companies with a presence in
Romania, but which are exempt from the conflict of interest laws by
regulation. My investment portfolio also includes a security interest
in a company that has a presence in Romania. If confirmed, I have
already undertaken that I will divest of this interest. I am committed
to ensuring that my official actions will not give rise to a conflict
of interest. I will divest all investments the State Department Ethics
Office deems necessary to avoid a conflict of interest, and I will
remain vigilant with regard to my ethics obligations.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. If confirmed I will implement the same principles of
diversity, inclusivity, and respect that I have put into place during
my over thirty years of law practice and civic engagement. I have
worked with and enjoyed the support of people of different ethnic
groups, different genders and different gender identities, various ages
and various seniorities throughout my professional life. I will
continue to emphasize teamwork, implement a set of values that applies
to all, and seek to recruit staff that reflects a priority on diversity
and inclusivity.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work diligently to make sure that all
people working in the embassy are treated with respect, civility and
dignity. I believe, as Secretary Pompeo has outlined in his policy on
diversity and equal employment opportunity, that all employees should
work in a professional, supportive, and teamwork-oriented community
where everyone can contribute to the mission. I will work with
supervisors, as well as with the rest of our team, to create an
environment that is inclusive for all. All staff regardless of
seniority will enjoy an inclusive work environment that complies with
our shared values and expectations.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in Romania
specifically?
Answer. Despite numerous high-profile prosecutions of officials for
corruption, corrupt practices remain widespread in Romania. Bribery is
common in the public sector, especially in health care. Corruption is
widespread in public procurement. Laws were not always implemented
effectively, and officials sometimes engaged in corrupt practices with
impunity. Verdicts in corruption cases were often inconsistent, with
sentences varying widely for similar offenses. Enforcement of court
procedures lagged mostly due to procedural and administrative problems,
especially with respect to asset forfeiture.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Romania
and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. The United States is concerned about the deterioration of
rule of law in Romania. Recent executive orders by the current
administration in Romania have threatened the independence of the
judiciary and prompted widespread protests by members of the public and
magistrates. The National Anticorruption Directorate is unable to
pursue effectively prosecutions against corrupt officials. If
confirmed, I will seek to strengthen Romania's democratic institutions
and support Romania's progress in fighting corruption.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen
good governance and anticorruption programming in Romania?
Answer. If confirmed, supporting Romania's progress on fighting
corruption and supporting rule of law will be among my top priorities.
Fighting corruption and supporting judicial independence are vital to
the region's long-term prosperity and security as well as to the
extraordinary law enforcement and security cooperation between the
United States and Romania. I will support Romania's efforts to fight
corruption and strengthen its democratic institutions through my
advocacy, as well as a whole of Mission approach that encompasses our
law enforcement programs, security cooperation and other assistance,
and Mission Bucharest's cooperation with Romania's anticorruption
institutions. If confirmed, I will continue to pay close attention to
developments in areas such as court reform, criminal code reform, and
media legislation. I also will encourage and promote Romania's efforts
to foster a more investment-friendly and transparent business climate
that will help Romania prosper and provide a predictable and legally
sound environment in which U.S. companies may operate.
Question. In early 2017 and again in the summer of 2018, the
Romanian government faced large public protests against legislative
proposals to decriminalize corruption offenses and possibly constrain
the independence of the judiciary. How do you assess the judicial
reforms being pursued by the current government?
Answer. Recent executive orders by the current administration in
Romania have threatened the independence of the judiciary and prompted
widespread protests by members of the public and magistrates. The
National Anticorruption Directorate is unable to pursue effectively
prosecutions against corrupt officials. If confirmed, I will seek to
strengthen Romania's democratic institutions and support Romania's
progress in fighting corruption.
Question. What steps, if any, is the Trump Administration taking
to support the rule of law and judicial independence in Romania?
Answer. The U.S. government supports Romania's efforts to fight
corruption and strengthen its democratic institutions through advocacy,
as well as a whole of Mission approach that encompasses law enforcement
programs, security cooperation, and other assistance, and Mission
Bucharest works in cooperation with Romania's anticorruption
institutions. If confirmed, I will continue to pay close attention to
developments in areas such as court reform, criminal code reform, and
media legislation.
Question. If confirmed, how would you advance ongoing efforts to
support the rule of law and judicial independence in Romania?
Answer. If confirmed, supporting Romania's progress on fighting
corruption and supporting rule of law will be among my top priorities.
Fighting corruption and supporting judicial independence are vital to
the region's long-term prosperity and security as well as to the
extraordinary law enforcement and security cooperation between the
United States and Romania.
Question. Romania has the largest Romani minority of any country
in the EU and Roma are the largest minority in Romania. Many American
Roma trace their roots to Romania. If confirmed, will you maintain
robust engagement with Romani civil society and elected officials in
Romania?
Answer. Embassy Bucharest has played an active role in promoting
Roma rights and showing our support for the community, and if
confirmed, I will ensure that the Embassy continues this work.
Marginalization of the Roma minority remains among the most pressing
human rights concerns in Romania. In Romania and elsewhere, the United
States calls on governments to take steps to combat intolerance against
the Roma and other marginalized groups and enable their full
participation in civic and economic life, as doing so promotes
stability and democracy.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Adrian Zuckerman by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. How has Russia been using different forms of soft power
in Romania and the region and how have these efforts been working
against the priorities of the United States and its allies?
Answer. Russia uses disinformation and other malign tactics in
Romania to exploit historical and cultural ties, which include similar
eastern Orthodox Christian traditions. Russia also exploits official
corruption accompanying political unrest within Romania to erode
Romanian citizens' confidence in democratic institutions as well as the
progress Romania has made as a member of the Transatlantic community.
Our Embassy in Bucharest works closely with Washington and other
embassies throughout the region to counter Russian destabilization
efforts. If confirmed, I will engage with civil society and government
counterparts to counter disinformation and malign propaganda in
Romania. I also will continue to highlight the shared values, history,
and experiences that unite the American and Romanian people.
Question. What do you think are the most vulnerable sectors of
Romanian society to Russian influence and meddling?
Answer. Romania's view of Russia has been shaped by history.
Repeated Russian incursions into historically Romanian territory
throughout the past 200 years have left many Romanians wary of Russia.
The imposition of the communist regime upon Romania after World War II
continues to inform Romanian perceptions about Russia's malign role in
the region. In general, Romanians view Russia as their greatest threat.
Romania seeks to cooperate with Russia where it can, especially given
that the two countries share a maritime border, the Black Sea. Romania
remains highly skeptical of Russian intentions, however, especially of
the Russian military buildup in Crimea.
One potential vulnerability for Romania, remains endemic
corruption. Corruption erodes public confidence in democratic
institutions and poses a serious challenge to the rule of law and could
open the door for malevolent actors like enemy states, terrorists, and
organized criminal elements to influence Romanian decision makers. If I
am confirmed, I will make it a top priority to continue the Embassy's
strong support for Romania's anti-corruption initiatives and encourage
Romanian leaders to undertake reforms in a transparent manner.
Additionally, Russia's efforts encompass a suite of ``hybrid''
tools used to gain influence. Disinformation poses problems throughout
the world: its origins are often hard to trace, affording a degree of
deniability. We have seen disinformation that questions the motives
behind the presence of U.S. and NATO troops in Romania and suggests
that American troops somehow endanger Romania. We have also seen
disinformation that tries to sow distrust between Romania and its
neighbors, especially between Romania and ethnic Hungarians living in
Transylvania.
Question. In your written testimony, you note both the progress
that has been made in Romania in the last 30 years as well as what
still needs to be done. You mention fighting corruption, creating a
business-friendly environment, investing in infrastructure, health and
education and strengthening public administration. But last October,
Romania held a failed referendum to essentially ban gay marriage, which
I find very concerning. If confirmed, will you use your post to support
civil society in Romania, including same-sex advocacy groups? Will you
fully support LGBTI staff who work for you at the Embassy in Bucharest?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to sustaining engagement with
a broad spectrum of civil society in Romania. I am also committed to
using my position, if confirmed, to defend the human rights and dignity
of all people in Romania, no matter their sexual orientation or gender
identity. While Romanian law prohibits discrimination based on sexual
orientation, there is still societal discrimination. If confirmed, I
will pay close attention to developments in this sector and I am
prepared to speak privately--and publicly if necessary--about the
importance of human rights and dignity of all people in Romania, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity.
Yes, I will fully support LGBTI staff. I believe, as Secretary
Pompeo has outlined in his policy on diversity and equal employment
opportunity, that all employees should work in a professional,
supportive, and teamwork-oriented community where everyone can
contribute to the mission. The workplace should be an environment of
civility and respect. If confirmed, I would hold myself and all U.S.
Embassy staff accountable to uphold equal employment opportunity
principles by promoting fairness, equity, and inclusion in the
workplace and to help ensure a workplace free of discrimination and
bullying.
Question. Romania joined NATO in 2004 along with six other
countries from Eastern and Central Europe. This round of enlargement
brought into NATO several of the smallest members of the Alliance-both
geographically and in terms of military capability. What has NATO
membership meant for Romania in the fifteen years since it joined the
Alliance?
Answer. Romania is a reliable NATO Ally that bears its fair share
of NATO's defense burden, contributing to the strength and security of
the Alliance. Along with the U.S.-Romania bilateral security
partnership and membership in the European Union, NATO membership is
one of the three pillars of Romanian foreign policy and has provided
the country with enhanced security, opportunities for multilateral
engagement and cooperation, and greatly strengthened its military
modernization and procurement programs. Romania fully supports U.S. and
NATO actions to bolster collective defense in Eastern Europe, and it is
doing its part as well. In 2018 the Romanian Parliament budgeted 2
percent of its estimated GDP to defense. Of this money, more than 34
percent went to buying new military equipment, much of it from American
companies. Romania leads NATO's tailored Forward Presence (tFP)
initiatives to protect the southeast flank. tFP efforts include a
Multinational Brigade, a Combined Joint Enhanced Training Center, and
enhanced Air Policing activities in the Black Sea region. Romania's
involvement in the Bucharest Nine, an effort by Eastern Flank countries
to coordinate policies and priorities to be more effective members of
NATO, reaffirms Romania's commitment to NATO. Romania has undertaken an
ambitious multi-year, multi-billion dollar defense modernization
program across all of its services. This modernization program reflects
Romania's commitment to share defense burdens and enhance NATO
capabilities.
Question. How should NATO's experience with the 2004 enlargement
not only inform our evaluation of North Macedonia but also other
potential candidates in the Balkans or Eastern Europe?
Answer. Since its founding in 1949, NATO's membership has increased
from 12 to 29 countries through seven rounds of enlargement. The 2004
round of enlargement included Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia, and it demonstrated that NATO's door
is open to European democracies that can meet NATO's high standards and
contribute to our common security. Since that time, Romania has been an
active and engaged Ally that has contributed to the strength and
security of the Alliance.
The invitation to North Macedonia illustrates that NATO's Open Door
policy remains strong and will inspire other countries to undertake the
reforms and commitments necessary to enhance domestic and regional
stability. North Macedonia's membership in the Alliance will solidify
two decades of positive momentum towards regional security in the heart
of the Balkans, advance the Balkans towards Western integration, and
help to ensure long-term self-sustaining stability in the region.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Richard Norland by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Libya's stability continues to deteriorate, with
implications for regional security across the North Africa, the Middle
East, and Southern Europe. General Haftar's advance on Tripoli against
the internationally recognized government of National Accord has dealt
a tremendous setback to U.N.-brokered peace talks while constant and
ongoing violations of the U.N. arms embargo sustain the fighting. What
are the prospects for a ceasefire and resumption of the U.N.-led
political process? What compromises must each side make?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support efforts to achieve an
immediate ceasefire agreement and return to U.N. political mediation as
soon as possible. U.N. Special Representative of the Secretary-General
Ghassan Salame remains in contact with leaders on all sides of the
conflict as he works toward a de-escalation of the violence. However, I
am under no illusion that a ceasefire will be easy to achieve. The
United States should continue to use its influence to get the parties
back to the negotiating table and to ensure international unity in
support of the U.N.'s efforts. Until negotiations have restarted, I
believe it is prudent to refrain from prejudging the specific
compromises each side will need to make.
Question. What steps can the U.S. take to enforce the U.N. arms
embargo on Libya?
Answer. The United States supports Security Council Resolution
2292, which provides vital authorities for member states to limit the
destabilizing flows of arms to and from Libya. The Security Council
renewed these authorities most recently in June 2019. If confirmed I
would carefully consider how these authorities could be used to hold
individuals responsible for arms embargo violations accountable.
Question. Until recently, the U.S. was consistent in its support
for the internationally recognized government of National Accord as
well as the U.N.-brokered political process. However, that record was
muddied by President Trump's April 15 telephone call with General
Heftar, which appeared to embolden the General in his advance on
Tripoli. Soon after that, the U.S. reportedly vetoed a U.K.-drafted
U.N. Security Council Resolution calling for a ceasefire in Libya. What
is the Administration's current approach to Libya?
Answer. The United States did not veto a U.N. Security Council
Resolution on Libya and, if confirmed, I would support U.S. engagement
with partners on the Security Council to advance a Libyan peace
process. Consistent with the longstanding approach of the United States
with regard to Libya, the U.S. government engages with a range of
Libyan leaders, including Prime Minister al-Sarraj and General Haftar,
to press all parties to agree to a ceasefire and return to political
mediation.
Question. Is it still U.S. policy to back the GNA?
Answer. There has been no change to U.S. policy with regard to
recognition of the Libyan government of National Accord (GNA).
Question. It appears the U.S. has not publicly called for a
ceasefire since Secretary Pompeo's April 7 press statement. Why?
Answer. In May 21 remarks at a U.N. Security Council briefing on
the U.N. Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), Ambassador Jonathan Cohen,
the Acting U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations, stated,
``All parties should return to U.N. political mediation, the success of
which depends upon a ceasefire in and around Tripoli.'' Ambassador
Cohen made a similar statement on U.S. policy at a May 8 U.N. Security
Council meeting on Libya and the International Criminal Court. Then-
Charge d'Affaires Ambassador Peter Bodde stated on May 23, ``I firmly
believe that lasting peace and stability in Libya will only come
through a political solution derived from an inclusive dialogue
representing the perspectives and concerns of communities across Libya:
North, South, East and West. The success of that dialogue will depend
upon a ceasefire in and around Tripoli.'' I echoed this position in my
own remarks to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on June 20, and
if confirmed would make achieving a ceasefire the principal task at
hand.
Question. Does the U.S. support a ceasefire and resumption of U.N.-
brokered talks in Libya
Answer. Yes. The United States continues to make clear this
position, in public and private.
Question. The U.S. has not had a permanent presence in Libya since
the assassination of Ambassador Christopher Stephens on September 11,
2012. If confirmed, what steps will you take to increase U.S.
diplomatic presence in Libya?
Answer. The United States suspended Embassy operations in Tripoli
in July 2014 due to significant fighting in the capital. If confirmed,
my highest priority will be the safety and security of U.S. citizens,
including U.S. government personnel. I am very mindful of my nomination
for the position once held by Ambassador Stevens, who together with
three colleagues gave his life in pursuit of U.S. efforts in Libya. The
volatile security situation has thus far prevented the return of a
permanent U.S. diplomatic presence in Libya. While the Libya External
Office has conducted a number of ``daytrips'' into Libya, this lack of
a permanent presence is a significant obstacle to achieving our foreign
policy objectives there. If confirmed, I will work toward the
reestablishment of a U.S. presence in Libya when security conditions
allow.
Question. What conditions are necessary in order to resume a
permanent U.S. diplomatic presence in Tripoli?
Answer. The most important factors in order to resume a permanent
U.S. diplomatic presence in Tripoli are the security situation and the
availability of adequate facilities. If confirmed, I will work closely
with the Department's Bureaus of Diplomatic Security and Overseas
Building Operations, among others, to determine appropriate steps that
can be taken toward an eventual resumption of a permanent U.S.
diplomatic presence in Libya.
Question. Recognizing that diplomatic security must be a top
priority for all our foreign service posts, what are the implications
of not having a permanent U.S. presence?
Answer. The Libya External Office in Tunis is advancing U.S. policy
priorities in Libya, and its relationships with key Libyan political,
commercial, and civil society leaders are strong. Nevertheless, the
lack of a permanent U.S. diplomatic presence in Libya is a significant
obstacle to the realization of U.S. foreign policy objectives in Libya.
It is impossible to fully replicate the access to local leaders and
citizens, influence, public diplomacy opportunities, and deep
understanding of a country that an in-country diplomatic presence
provides.
Question. Regional actors have invested significant resources in
support of various political actors and militias across the country,
sometimes at cross-purposes with United States efforts. Given the
current constraints on our diplomatic presence in Libya, how will you
engage with all Libyan and regional stakeholders, specifically Egypt,
the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar?
Answer. Senior Department officials are engaging with a range of
international partners to press them to support a de-escalation of the
conflict, including a ceasefire, and the establishment of the
conditions necessary for a return to the political process. If
confirmed, I will continue this work through direct engagement with the
range of international actors with interests in Libya, including
through the P3+1 (Italy) and P3+3 (Egypt, Italy, UAE) formats, as well
as with Turkey and Qatar among others.
Question. Which of Haftar's external backers holds the most
influence with him? How will you engage with those backers to push
Haftar to agree to a ceasefire and reaffirm the U.N. process?
Answer. General Haftar maintains relationships to varying degrees
with a range of countries. It is not clear that any single country
holds outsized influence over him. If confirmed, I will prioritize
engagement with foreign backers of the Libyan parties as an essential
part of our diplomatic strategy to press for a ceasefire and a return
to U.N.-facilitated political mediation. It is important to emphasize
to these countries that the ongoing conflict is endangering our shared
interests, particularly by degrading counterterrorism cooperation,
fostering instability in Libya's oil sector, and renewing migration
pressures across the region.
Question. Libya has long been a destination for migrants seeking
work as well as a transit country for migrants, asylum seekers, and
refugees. There are currently a few thousand refugees in Libya, but
close to 700,000 migrants and IDPs. How would you plan to work with
Libyan authorities to ensure that the human rights of ALL those
forcibly replaced are protected?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with my team to continue to
address the plight of migrants and refugees detained in Libya and
continue to encourage Libyan authorities to coordinate closely with
international humanitarian organizations to ensure migrant protection,
prevent human rights abuses including human trafficking, and provide
humanitarian assistance to vulnerable migrants, IDP's, and refugees.
The current conflict in and around Tripoli has exacerbated this
problem, highlighting the urgent need for a de-escalation of the
violence and achievement of a ceasefire.
Question. What plans would you have for engaging Libyan authorities
to improve oversight of and humane treatment in refugee detention
centers?
Answer. I take very seriously the troubling allegations of
mistreatment and inadequate conditions for migrants and refugees in
detention centers in Libya. If confirmed, I will prioritize this issue
in my engagements with Libyan authorities at the most senior levels.
Targeted U.S. assistance also plays a critical role in addressing
humanitarian needs, including of migrants and refugees. Our ability to
make progress on these issues will also depend on prospects for ending
the current fighting.
Question. How would you diplomatically engage with European
governments to persuade humane treatment of refugees and migrants
rescued at sea as well as to permit humanitarian NGOs to conduct search
and rescue operations without fear of reprisal?
Answer. The Libya External Office meets regularly with European
partners on foreign assistance issues, providing a useful forum to
address these concerns at the embassy-level in Tunis. If confirmed, I
will also work with my colleagues in the Bureau of European Affairs to
engage European countries and the European Union to ensure humane
treatment of migrants and refugees.
Question. Do you commit to respond promptly to all requests for
information by Members of this committee?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you commit to appear before this committee upon
request?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If you become aware of any suspected waste, fraud, or
abuse in the Department, do you commit to report it to the Inspector
General?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Please list any outside positions and affiliations you
plan to continue to hold during your term of appointment.
Answer. None.
Question. Have you ever been an officer or director of a company
that has filed for bankruptcy? If so, describe the circumstances and
disposition.
Answer. No.
Question. If you leave this position before the completion of your
full term of the next presidential election, do you commit to meeting
with the committee to discuss the reasons for your departure?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. No.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. No.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. I would not tolerate retaliation and, if confirmed, would
ensure embassy employees are aware of their responsibilities and are
held accountable, including through the rating and evaluation process.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Richard Norland by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. Advancing human rights has been an important thread
throughout my Foreign Service career, from battling apartheid while on
the South Africa Desk, to taking part in the struggle against Soviet
communism while in Moscow, to promoting an end to sectarian violence in
Northern Ireland while in Dublin, to resisting the Taliban while in
Afghanistan, to promoting democracy and civil society in Uzbekistan and
Georgia. I believe my involvement contributed in some measure to the
progress American foreign policy has made in each of these cases. I
take particular satisfaction in having helped secure the release of
political prisoner Sanjar Umarov in Uzbekistan in 2010.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Libya?
Answer. The ongoing fighting in Tripoli has resulted in nearly 700
fatalities, including more than 40 civilians, and displaced over 90,000
people. Indiscriminate attacks have been reported on civilian
infrastructure including schools, hospitals, migrant detention centers,
and public utilities. International NGOs state there has also been an
increase in the number of arbitrary detention, abduction, and
kidnapping cases as well as the targeting of health professionals in
Libya. Migrants and refugees have experienced deteriorating conditions
and abuses in detention centers. Impunity for human rights violations
is commonplace.
Question. What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in Libya? What do you
hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. A ceasefire in Tripoli and a return to U.N. political
mediation is necessary to address the deteriorating humanitarian
situation, support human rights, and build democratic institutions in
Libya. If confirmed, I will make the promotion of human rights in Libya
one of my highest priorities and work closely with Libyan leaders to
press for prompt and transparent government investigations to hold
perpetrators of abuses accountable. U.S. assistance also plays a
critical role in addressing humanitarian needs, supporting national
reconciliation and good governance, and empowering civil society and
journalists. Since 2011, the State Department and USAID have provided
over $383 million in non-security assistance to Libya in addition to
over $169 million in humanitarian assistance. If confirmed, I will
continue to ensure U.S. funds are well spent to promote political
reconciliation and human rights in Libya.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Libya in advancing
human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. Ongoing conflict and instability in Libya limit the ability
of Libyan authorities to address a deteriorating humanitarian
situation, advance human rights, and build democratic institutions. The
United States has called for an immediate ceasefire and a return to
U.N.-facilitated political mediation to allow Libyans to rebuild
infrastructure and improve governance. Only a political solution can
bring lasting peace and stability to Libya. If confirmed, this goal
will be one of my highest priorities.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Libya? If confirmed, what steps will you
take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing my predecessors'
tradition of meeting with key human rights, civil society, and other
non-governmental organizations that work in Libya. The U.S. Libya
External Office (LEO) in Tunis regularly engages with Libyan civil
society and human rights defenders to learn about alleged human rights
abuses and hear their views on how the United States can be more
effective in promoting our human rights agenda in Libya. U.S.
assistance and public diplomacy programs also work closely with civil
society actors by partnering with international and local NGOs in Libya
to carry out activities. If confirmed, I plan to regularly engage with
non-governmental organizations that work on Libya.
The Department of State is committed to ensuring that security
force units or members that commit gross violations of human rights do
not receive U.S. training or assistance. If confirmed, I will continue
our strong compliance with the Leahy law, including maintaining robust
vetting procedures.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Libya
to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise
unjustly targeted by Libya?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, my embassy team and I will engage with
Libyan authorities to free any political prisoners unjustly detained by
Libya. We will also continue to address the plight of migrants and
refugees detained in Libya and continue to encourage Libyan authorities
to coordinate closely with international humanitarian organizations to
ensure migrant protection, prevent human rights abuses including human
trafficking, and provide humanitarian assistance to vulnerable migrants
and refugees.
Question. Will you engage with Libya on matters of human rights,
civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will make promoting human and civil
rights and good governance one of my highest priorities. The United
States supports a political solution to the conflict in Libya that
would allow Libya to transition to a stable, unified, and inclusive
government capable of providing security and prosperity for its people
and responding to citizens' needs.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Libya?
Answer. Neither I nor any member of my immediate family has any
financial interests in Libya.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. I fully recognize the importance of promoting diversity and
as Ambassador will prioritize efforts to ensure that all laws and
regulations that promote diversity, protect against discrimination and
enhance equal opportunity for all employees are observed and enforced.
If confirmed, this will begin with introductory calls with all new
members of the staff in which I will remind incoming officers of the
standards to which we will all be held, and it will extend to the
rating and evaluation process as well. Town hall meetings and mentoring
sessions with entry level as well as supervisory staff will also be
useful tools in this regard. I will work to ensure that violations of
Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO) principles and merit system
principles are reported and investigated in accordance with Department
policy.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. I will make clear to all section chiefs and agency heads
that they have a responsibility to help foster a diverse and inclusive
work environment, that the Deputy Chief of Mission and I will be
reviewing their performance in this respect as well as with respect to
upholding equal employment opportunity principles, and that the rating
and evaluation process will reflect supervisors' performance in these
areas.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in Libya
specifically?
Answer. I believe corruption fundamentally undermines the
democratic process and rule of law. With respect to Libya specifically,
corruption, lack of transparency in distribution of Libya's oil wealth,
and graft by political and non-state actors fuel the conflict in Libya
and limit Libya's economic potential. Alleged infiltration by militias
of key government economic institutions, including the Central Bank of
Libya and Libya's sovereign wealth fund, presents a significant
challenge for effective governance and future efforts at security
sector reform and disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration of
armed groups (SSR/DDR).
The United States has continually engaged Libyan authorities to
encourage increased fiscal transparency and a dialogue on equitable
resource distribution between regions. The Department of State,
together with the Department of Treasury, has convened a series of
``Economic Dialogues'' bringing together Libyan economic actors,
government officials, and international experts from the World Bank and
International Monetary Fund (IMF) to discuss needed economic reforms to
combat corruption and increase transparency. The United States has also
supported a U.N. effort to launch an audit of the Central Bank of Libya
and its rival in the east.
U.S. assistance programs support efforts to improve public
financial management at the national and municipal level, rule of law
development, and planning for eventual SSR/DDR.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Libya and
efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. Ongoing conflict and instability in Libya has limited the
government of Libya's ability to address issues related to corruption
and diversion of economic resources by state and non-state actors.
Militias' role providing security in Tripoli allows them to exert
control over economic resources. Lack of rule of law and effective
policing has also contributed to economic diversion outside of Tripoli.
The National Audit Bureau in Libya investigates and documents cases of
illegitimate use of government funds, but has limited ability to
investigate such offenses or refer them for prosecution.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in Libya?
Answer. If confirmed, I will encourage Libyan authorities to adopt
measures aimed at increasing fiscal transparency, fighting corruption,
and limiting militia influence. As conditions allow, I will continue to
convene Libyan actors in the ``Economic Dialogue'' format to address
these issues. Under my leadership, the State Department and USAID will
also continue to support assistance programs aimed at improving public
financial management and rule of law development and capacity building.
Question. Human Rights Watch's World Report 2019 outlines the
Libyan National Army's documented record of indiscriminate attacks on
civilians, summary executions of captured fighters, and arbitrary
detention. According to the U.N. Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) there have been a minimum of 167 civilian
casualties, including 42 civilian deaths as of June 10.
If confirmed, will you ensure that the United States seeks to hold
individuals responsible for human rights abuses in Libya accountable?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed I will engage Libyan authorities to press
for accountability for individuals responsible for human rights abuses
in Libya. I will also carefully evaluate the applicability of the many
tools the United States has to hold individuals responsible for human
rights violations accountable.
Question. If confirmed, will you ensure that the United States
seeks to hold individuals responsible for arms embargo violations
involving Libya accountable? If so, how?
Answer. The United States supports U.N. Security Council Resolution
2292, which provides vital authorities for member states to limit the
destabilizing flows of arms to and from Libya. On June 10, the United
States voted in favor of U.N. Security Council Resolution 2473, which
extends authorizations for Member States to inspect vessels on the high
seas off the Libyan coast when reasonable grounds exist to believe they
violated the arms embargo. These measures are important tools to
prevent a destabilizing flow of weapons to Libya. If confirmed I would
carefully consider how these authorities could be used to hold
individuals responsible for arms embargo violations accountable.
Question. If confirmed, what will be your human rights priorities
as Ambassador to Libya?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the U.S. government's efforts
to assist all parties to achieve an immediate ceasefire in Tripoli and
return to U.N. political mediation, which is crucial to restore
stability and address violations of human rights in Libya. Impunity is
a major concern in Libya and I will work closely with Libyan leaders,
including civil society, to press for prompt and transparent government
investigations to hold perpetrators of abuses accountable.
Question. How will you engage with the Libyan government to advance
those priorities?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue my predecessors' efforts to
engage a range of Libyan authorities to address both specific cases of
human rights violations as well as systemic problems. I will encourage
Libyan authorities to coordinate closely with international
humanitarian organizations and international human rights organizations
to ensure protection of vulnerable populations and prevention of human
rights abuses.
Question. Should the Libyan National Army Forces of Khalifa Haftar
cease their operations near Tripoli? Under what conditions, if any?
Answer. Yes, military operations in and around Tripoli should cease
in the context of U.N.-facilitated political mediation. The United
States continues to press the parties to agree to a ceasefire, ideally
without conditions, and return to U.N.-facilitated political mediation.
Question. If confirmed, how will you propose to better assist
Libyan authorities in eliminating the role of militias in security in
the capital, Tripoli?
Answer. The role of militias in Libya, including in Tripoli, poses
a number of challenges for Libyan authorities. Armed groups have
engaged in economic predation of resources that should rightfully
benefit the Libyan people, as well as violence against and arbitrary
detention of civilians. The lack of effective government control has
led to impunity in many cases. If confirmed, I will support efforts to
end the current conflict in Tripoli, which is further entrenching the
role of militias. I plan to work closely with the U.N. Support Mission
in Libya on future security sector reform and disarmament,
demobilization, and reintegration (SSR/DDR) activities. The Department
is currently implementing FY 2017 Peacekeeping Operations programming
that aims to develop and implement a comprehensive Libyan SSR/DDR
strategy, by providing technical advisory mechanisms and other
strategic-level support.
Question. What is your view of the continuation of the U.N. arms
embargo and asset freeze for Libya?
Answer. On June 10, the United States voted in favor of U.N.
Security Council Resolution 2473, which extends authorizations for
Member States to inspect vessels on the high seas off the Libyan coast
when reasonable grounds exist to believe they violated the arms
embargo. These measures are important tools to prevent a destabilizing
flow of weapons to Libya, and to protect Libyan assets for the benefit
of the Libyan people.
Question. If confirmed, will you propose that the President use
U.S. executive orders to impose additional sanctions against those
undermining Libya's transition? If so, what sanctions would you
suggest?
Answer. As part of a broader diplomatic strategy and in
coordination with international partners, U.S. sanctions have been an
important tool in preventing the misuse of Libyan resources, upholding
human rights, and imposing consequences for those who threaten Libya's
peace, security, and stability or undermine its transition. If
confirmed, I will follow the proper interagency process for the
consideration of potential sanctions and ensure any proposed sanctions
support our broader strategic objectives of restoring stability
andabling Libyan authorities to provide a more secure and prosperous
future for all Libyans.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Richard Norland by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. In your view, what is the potential risk of a
humanitarian disaster with General Haftar's recent advance on Tripoli
and how can U.S. leadership in the international community mitigate
that risk?
Answer. Ongoing fighting in Tripoli between the ``Libyan National
Army'' and government of National Accord has resulted in nearly 700
fatalities, including more than 40 civilians, and displaced over 90,000
people. Attacks on critical infrastructure have resulted in electricity
and water interruptions among other services. Prolonged fighting risks
fueling a greater humanitarian emergency that could affect as many as
1.5 million civilians, including 500,000 children based on U.N.
estimates. To help address the deteriorating humanitarian situation,
the United States has called for an immediate ceasefire in Tripoli and
a return to U.N.-mediated political negotiations. The United States has
also provided more than $36 million in humanitarian assistance for
Libya since fiscal year 2018, including to those affected by the
conflict in Tripoli. If confirmed, I will work with our Libyan and
international partners to press for a cessation of hostilities in
Tripoli and a return to the political process.T
Question. The Administration took an important step by unveiling
the mandated Women, Peace and Security Strategy, but now we need to
implement that policy in the most serious conflicts that we face. As
Ambassador, how would you ensure that women are involved in any
negotiation that finally brings peace and stability to Libya?
Answer. The Women, Peace, and Security Strategy shows U.S.
leadership in promoting women's equality and increasing women's
leadership in political and civic life in conflict environments like
Libya. The meaningful inclusion of women in the political and peace
processes in Libya is critical to building a stable, inclusive
government in Libya. If confirmed, I will advocate for women's
participation in political negotiations, as well as for a reduction in
barriers that prevent women from having a formal say in the shaping of
their society. Libyan women have long been active in informal peace
processes, and must now be included at the negotiating table to inform
the conflict resolution and decision-making processes. U.S. assistance
to Libya promotes inclusion of women in political reconciliation and
governance at the national and sub-national level. U.S. public
diplomacy programs complement these foreign assistance efforts, with a
focus on outreach to women and programs to advance their contributions
to civil society.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Hon. Richard Norland by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. In your view, what is the potential risk of a
humanitarian disaster with General Haftar's recent advance on Tripoli
and how can U.S. leadership in the international community mitigate
that risk?
Answer. Ongoing fighting in Tripoli between the ``Libyan National
Army'' and government of National Accord has resulted in nearly 700
fatalities, including more than 40 civilians, and displaced over 90,000
people. Attacks on critical infrastructure have resulted in electricity
and water interruptions among other services. Prolonged fighting risks
fueling a greater humanitarian emergency that could affect as many as
1.5 million civilians, including 500,000 children based on U.N.
estimates. To help address the deteriorating humanitarian situation,
the United States has called for an immediate ceasefire in Tripoli and
a return to U.N.-mediated political negotiations. The United States has
also provided more than $36 million in humanitarian assistance for
Libya since fiscal year 2018, including to those affected by the
conflict in Tripoli. If confirmed, I will work with our Libyan and
international partners to press for a cessation of hostilities in
Tripoli and a return to the political process.T
Question. The Administration took an important step by unveiling
the mandated Women, Peace and Security Strategy, but now we need to
implement that policy in the most serious conflicts that we face. As
Ambassador, how would you ensure that women are involved in any
negotiation that finally brings peace and stability to Libya?
Answer. The Women, Peace, and Security Strategy shows U.S.
leadership in promoting women's equality and increasing women's
leadership in political and civic life in conflict environments like
Libya. The meaningful inclusion of women in the political and peace
processes in Libya is critical to building a stable, inclusive
government in Libya. If confirmed, I will advocate for women's
participation in political negotiations, as well as for a reduction in
barriers that prevent women from having a formal say in the shaping of
their society. Libyan women have long been active in informal peace
processes, and must now be included at the negotiating table to inform
the conflict resolution and decision-making processes. U.S. assistance
to Libya promotes inclusion of women in political reconciliation and
governance at the national and sub-national level. U.S. public
diplomacy programs complement these foreign assistance efforts, with a
focus on outreach to women and programs to advance their contributions
to civil society.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jonathan Cohen by Senator Robert Menendez
Sinai/Security Assistance/Human Rights
Question. In addition to the worrying state of human rights in
mainland Egypt, I am increasingly concerned about civilian casualties
and other human rights abuses in the north of the Sinai Peninsula as
Egypt continues its campaign against ISIS there.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to increase U.S. oversight
over the use of U.S. weapons systems in North Sinai and to
ensure that all Egyptian military units that receive U.S.-
origin weapons receive appropriate vetting, including Leahy
vetting, when appropriate?
Answer. Egypt faces a real terrorist threat in the Sinai, which
U.S.-Egypt counterterrorism cooperation and the continuing strong
military-to-military partnership is helping to counter. Egypt has
increasingly acknowledged the need for a more comprehensive approach in
its Sinai counterterrorism campaign and announced its intent to use
economic and social development to counter the effects of the campaign
on Sinai residents.
If confirmed, I look forward to discussing these development
efforts with the Egyptian government, and will continue to emphasize
the need for protection of the civilian population and the importance
of implementing a more holistic counterterrorism approach. To help the
United States have greater insight into the Sinai Peninsula to verify
whether U.S.-provided weapons are being used appropriately, I also will
continue to request appropriate travel for relevant U.S. officials into
the Sinai as security conditions permit, and urge Egypt to grant
journalists and NGOs more access to the Sinai.
Question. Do you believe that withholding some foreign military
financing, as required under current appropriations law, is a useful
point of leverage in pushing the Egyptian government to improve human
rights and political freedom in Egypt? What other points of leverage
are available?
Answer. Our support to Egypt furthers U.S. national security
interests by countering terrorism and its causes in Egypt and by
accelerating Egyptian recovery from the effects of terrorism. If
confirmed, I will uphold all laws pertaining to our assistance and
continue to ensure that we work with Egypt in planning for the
effective use of U.S. security assistance to support counterterrorism,
border security, and other shared security interests, and I will work
with Egypt both publicly and privately to encourage Egypt's respect for
and protection of basic rights and freedoms. I will take up the message
Secretary Pompeo delivered in his speech in Cairo in January,
encouraging President al-Sisi to ``unleash the creative energy of
Egypt's people, unfetter the economy, and promote a free and open
exchange of ideas.'' I also will discuss with civil society and NGO
leaders as well as members of Congress how else we can advance the
human rights agenda, and will carefully consider relevant suggestions.
Question. Do you believe that the end of cash flow financing for
Egypt and the provision of foreign military financing for specific
categories such as counter terrorism and border security have been
helpful in addressing Egypt's current security threats? How will you
engage with the Egyptian government to ensure that these two assistance
policies remain and increase in effectiveness?
Answer. To support Egypt's counterterrorism efforts, U.S.
government assistance should remain flexible and responsive to Egypt's
fluid security requirements. The Department has found that we can help
Egypt plan for emerging threats, secure its borders, and counter
terrorism and its causes without cash flow financing. If confirmed, I
will work with Egypt to ensure U.S. security assistance is well
targeted to achieve bilateral security objectives. I also will work
with Egypt to ensure our counterterrorism partnership continues to
reduce threats to U.S. interests.
Question. As the United States provides significant military
assistance to Egypt, I am concerned about their deepening relationship
with Russia. I am specifically concerned about Egypt's reported
purchase of 20 Russian Sukhoi SU-35s and the loan that Moscow has
provided to construct the nuclear power plant at Dabaa. If confirmed,
how will you engage with the Egyptian government to stress that these
sorts of deals run against the spirit of that partnership and, in the
case of the Sukhois, make it liable for sanctions under CAATSA?
Answer. As Secretary Pompeo testified on April 9, we have been very
clear with senior levels of the Egyptian government that CAATSA Section
231 requires the imposition of sanctions on any person that knowingly
engages in a significant transaction with the Russian defense or
intelligence sectors. Egyptian officials have indicated that they
understood. U.S.-Egypt ties remain strong, and if confirmed, I will
continue to engage Egypt to ensure the United States remains its
partner of choice.
Question. How much influence does Egypt have with General Haftar?
Answer. Egypt has a national security interest in Libyan security
and stability. Within that context, Egypt has influence with a number
Libyan parties and leaders including Khalifa Haftar. The Department is
encouraging Egypt and other partners to use their influence to press
Libyans including Haftar and Prime Minister al-Sarraj to de-escalate
the conflict and support implementation of an immediate ceasefire and
work for a peaceful solution.
Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with the Egyptian
government, to push for a ceasefire and political solution in Libya?
What leverage do you think we have to do that?
Answer. Egypt is a key partner in seeking regional stability and
building a sustainable government in Libya and has said that Libya is
its number one security concern. This shared interest provides space
for us to work jointly to engage Libyan leaders to de-escalate the
conflict and support implementation of an immediate ceasefire and work
for a peaceful solution. If confirmed, I will prioritize further
outreach with Egypt to align our approaches to Libya
Question. What are Egypt's main interests in Sudan and what
leverage do we have to encourage the Egyptians to support fully the
establishment of a civilian-led transitional authority in keeping with
the calls from the AU PSC?
Answer. We believe that a civilian-led government in Sudan is not
only in the best interest of the Sudanese people, but also necessary
for the stability of the region, which is key for Egypt. The United
States is actively and frequently engaging Egypt on the Sudan crisis
via our Undersecretary for Political Affairs, Special Envoy to Sudan
Ambassador Booth, and our U.S. Embassy. In our discussions, we have
encouraged coordination of effort and the use of our collective
leverage to press the Transitional Military Council to stop violence
and come to agreement with the Forces for Freedom and Change on a
civilian-led government, and we welcomed Egypt's recent statements
condemning the June 3 violence and calling for renewed dialogue. As
Sudan's neighbor and current chair of the African Union Assembly, Egypt
is in a position to encourage collaborative efforts with the African
Union and to influence other Gulf States' thinking on transition
efforts in Sudan.
Question. What specific steps will you take, if confirmed, to bring
Egypt in line with U.S. diplomatic efforts related to a democratic
transition in Sudan?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to raising the issue of Sudan
at the highest levels with Egyptian officials and working with Special
Envoy Ambassador Booth and other U.S. officials to help align efforts
and coordinate international support.
Question. What immediate steps, if confirmed, will you take to
prevent Egypt from engaging in efforts that encourages ``forum
shopping'' by parties to the political dialogue in Sudan?
Answer. We have encouraged Egypt to engage with the Forces for
Freedom and Change directly, and welcomed its recent engagement. Our
Embassy in Cairo is supporting the travel of U.S. Envoy to Sudan
Ambassador Booth to Cairo to engage directly and influence helpful
behavior from Egyptian interlocutors who have insights and direct
contacts with the various parties in Sudan.
Question. Will you commit to raising the need for a civilian-led
transition in Sudan at the highest levels in Egypt upon your arrival
and accreditation as ambassador to Egypt?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to raising at the highest
levels in Egypt the need for a civilian-led transition in Sudan and the
need for Egypt to work with us to promote regional cooperation and
security.
Question. Do you commit to respond promptly to all requests for
information by Members of this committee?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you commit to appear before this committee upon
request?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If you become aware of any suspected waste, fraud, or
abuse in the Department, do you commit to report it to the Inspector
General?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Please list any outside positions and affiliations you
plan to continue to hold during your term of appointment.
Answer. None.
Question. Have you ever been an officer or director of a company
that has filed for bankruptcy? If so, describe the circumstances and
disposition.
Answer. No.
Question. If you leave this position before the completion of your
full term of the next presidential election, do you commit to meeting
with the committee to discuss the reasons for your departure?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. No.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. No.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. Yes, I agree. The commitment to diversity, inclusiveness
and EEO will be embedded in the work requirements of each supervisor
under my charge, will be raised by me often, from introductory meetings
to counseling sessions to routine work reviews, and will be underscored
by my own comportment and my insistence that all employees under my
supervision take required courses relevant to these principles. Plus, I
will uphold and publicly underscore my insistence on a zero tolerance
policy when it comes to retaliation, blacklisting, and other prohibited
personnel practices.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jonathan Cohen by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. Through 33 years in the Foreign Service, I have promoted
human rights and democracy in virtually every assignment, including by
contributing to country human rights, trafficking in persons and
religious freedom reports: as a refugee protection officer in Thailand;
as the Desk Officer responsible for the OSCE's Human Dimension at the
State Department; developing Holocaust Education, Remembrance, and
Research to counter the growth of neo-Nazism in Sweden; helping to
establish the first post-Saddam government in Iraq as part of the
Coalition Provisional Authority; supporting the Committee on Missing
Persons and preserving cultural heritage in Cyprus; hosting programs to
support women's rights, speaking out in support of minorities and
religious freedoms, and developing a stabilization program to get
Internally Displaced People home to areas liberated from ISIS as DCM in
Baghdad; leading U.S. delegations seeking the liberation from wrongful
imprisonment of U.S. citizens and U.S. government employees in Turkey;
pressing the Turks to end their extended State of Emergency; arguing
for the restoration of press freedoms in Turkey and testifying before
the Helsinki Commission on the weakening of democracy in Turkey under
the State of Emergency. In my current position, I have used the
Security Council to shine a light on world's most egregious human
rights abuses and have hosted events on human rights in Burma and North
Korea, as well as a commemoration of the Minsk Ghetto's liberation and
a window display seen by thousands in USUN's First Avenue windows to
commemorate Tiananmen Square.
I believe my contributions in this field have underscored the
commitment of the U.S. government and the American people to advancing
human rights and democracy, improved conditions for thousands of
Vietnamese, Cambodia and Lao refugees in Thai camps, put neo-Nazism in
context for school children throughout Europe, placed Iraq on a path
toward democratic governance, helped over a million Iraqi IDPs get home
quickly and safely after ISIS had deprived them of their most basic
human rights and caused them to flee their homes, and underscored the
impact of human rights abuses on international peace and security and
the merit of addressing human rights in the U.N. Security Council. If
confirmed, I will continue to champion human rights and democracy in
Egypt.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Egypt?
What are the most important steps you expect to take--if confirmed--to
promote human rights and democracy in Egypt? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions?
Answer. The Egyptian political environment has become severely
constrained in recent years, leaving limited outlet for peaceful
dissent. To ensure Egypt's long-term stability and prosperity, it is
crucial that the Egyptian people be allowed space to express their
views without reprisal and that the security forces be held accountable
for any abuses of power. If confirmed, I will continue to work with
Egypt to advance our strategic partnership and address our common
challenges, which includes encouraging Egypt's respect for and
protection of basic rights and freedoms. I will emphasize the vital
role that respect for fundamental freedoms and rule of law have played
in the progress of democracies and building prosperous and stable
nations.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Egypt in advancing
human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. I share your concerns about the human rights situation in
Egypt. If confirmed, I will deliver sensitive messages about our
concerns, in public and private, and I trust that diplomatic engagement
on these issues can make an impact. One of my most important
responsibilities would be to deliver these messages, and I would look
forward to leading the Mission in engaging with civil society and
government counterparts consistently and at the highest possible levels
on these issues.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Egypt? If confirmed, what steps will you
take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. A critical component of stability is respect for and
protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, accountability,
and greater political space for civil society and dissenting views. If
confirmed, I will welcome meetings with a diverse array of
stakeholders, including Egyptian human rights, civil society, and other
activists to hear their valuable perspectives.
All security assistance, including to Egypt, is subject to the
Leahy laws and end use monitoring requirements. Units that commit gross
violations of human rights are ineligible for assistance. Embassy
Cairo, and the Department as a whole, continues to vet such assistance
and to develop and implement procedures to enhance this vetting. If
confirmed, I will join their efforts and continue to ensure that our
assistance meets these requirements.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Egypt
to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise
unjustly targeted by Egypt?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to raise our concerns with
the Egyptian government's restrictions on peaceful dissent in general,
as well as specific cases of key political prisoners or persons
otherwise unjustly targeted by Egypt.
Question. Will you engage with Egypt on matters of human rights,
civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Societies are strengthened by expressions of opinion and
dissent, and freedom of expression plays an important role in ensuring
more prosperous, stable countries--a key U.S. goal for Egypt. The
United States continues to encourage Egypt to allow space for its
citizens to express their views without reprisal and hold security
forces accountable for any abuses of power. As the Secretary said in
his speech in Cairo in January, ``we encourage President Al-Sisi to
unleash the creative energy of Egypt's people, unfetter the economy,
and promote a free and open exchange of ideas.'' If confirmed, I will
continue to raise these issues to the Egyptian government at senior
levels.
Question. In many ways, Egypt is a strong U.S. partner, but their
record on human rights, including religious freedom and freedom of
expression, is concerning to say the least. According to an April
report from Reuters, Egypt blocked a petition website after it reached
60,000 signatures against an upcoming constitutional referendum. This
is not the first time such action has been taken. If confirmed, how
would you use our partnership with Egypt to advocate for better human
rights protections?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to continuing to work with
Egypt to advance our strategic partnership and to strengthen Egypt's
stability and prosperity. Ensuring that fundamental human rights are
respected and space is allowed for Egyptians to express their views is
a vital part of that, and in Egypt's own interest. I look forward to
working with you on ways to advance these fundamental freedoms in
Egypt, including raising these issues both publicly and privately.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Egypt?
Answer. Neither I nor any members of my immediate family have any
financial interests in Egypt.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. In 2017-2018, I was selected and served actively as a
mentor in a pilot program connecting underrepresented groups in the
Foreign Service with senior officers to help them chart a course to the
senior ranks. I have played similar mentoring roles for subordinates of
diverse backgrounds throughout my career and will continue to do so in
the future. I highly value the diversity of our outstanding workforce
at USUN and am a strong supporter of EEO. I will ensure that EEO
principles are applied enthusiastically without exception in any
workplace I supervise.
In 2011, I was nominated for the Arnold Raphel Award given to the
State Department's most outstanding mentor. The nomination cited me for
``sustained and exemplary leadership and mentoring of Foreign Service
employees in all phases of career development.'' I was also commended
for mentoring by the Office of Inspector General, whose lead for the
2010 Embassy Nicosia inspection wrote, ``I have not seen a more
conscientious or effective mentor of First and Second Tour employees in
the many embassies I have inspected over the last five years.''
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. The commitment to diversity, inclusiveness, and Equal
Employment Opportunity (EEO) will be embedded in the work requirements
of each supervisor under my charge, will be raised by me often, from
introductory meetings to counseling sessions to routine work reviews,
and will be underscored by my own comportment and my insistence that
all employees under my supervision take required courses relevant to
these principles.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in Egypt
specifically?
Answer. Political corruption constrains citizens' ability to
participate in their government and advocate for needed change. The
Egyptian government has spoken out publicly against corruption. If
confirmed, I will raise these issues to the Egyptian government
consistently and at the highest possible levels.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Egypt and
efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. Over the past few years, the Egyptian political environment
has become increasingly constrained, impeding citizens' ability to act
as watchdogs on their government. Egypt has, however, minimized its
off-budget accounts, authorized government institutions to combat
corruption, and expressed interest in moving toward more transparent,
less corruptible government processes, which the U.S. supports,
including through assistance.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in Egypt?
Answer. If confirmed, I will advocate at the highest levels for the
Egyptian people to be allowed space to express their views about their
government without reprisal and for the Egyptian government to move
toward greater fiscal transparency--not only because these are the
right things to do, but also because they will make Egypt more stable
and prosperous in the long-term.
Question. A 2016 GAO report detailed major gaps in Egypt's
compliance with end-use verifications of the use and security of
certain equipment transferred or sold to the Egyptian military. What
specific can the State Department take to improve verification of U.S.
weapons and equipment transferred to Egyptian security forces to ensure
that weapons have not been transferred illegally to pro-government
militias in North Sinai?
Answer. The Department examines all-source information reporting
for evidence of misuse of U.S. weapons and equipment. As we examine
this all-source information reporting, if we identify potential
incidents of concern, we attempt to investigate further to identify any
additional information that might corroborate the allegations, and we
respond to discourage any misuse in the future. If confirmed, I will
continue to implement end-use monitoring procedures, and to help the
United States have greater insight into the Sinai Peninsula to verify
whether U.S.-provided weapons are being used appropriately, I will
continue to request appropriate travel for relevant U.S. officials into
the Sinai as security conditions permit, and I will urge Egypt to grant
journalists and NGOs more access to the Sinai to increase the chances
of observing misuse.
Question. What additional steps would you recommend be taken to
ensure that U.S. weapons and equipment are not being used to further
human rights abuses in North Sinai?
Answer. Egypt faces a real terrorist threat in the Sinai, which
U.S.-Egypt counterterrorism cooperation and the continuing strong
military-to-military partnership is helping to counter. To help the
United States have greater insight into the Sinai Peninsula to verify
whether U.S.-provided weapons are being used appropriately, if
confirmed, I will continue to request appropriate travel for relevant
U.S. officials into the Sinai as security conditions permit, and I will
urge Egypt to grant journalists and NGOs more access to the Sinai to
increase the chances of observing misuse.
Question. If confirmed, what specific steps will you recommend that
the administration take to improve processes of end-use verifications
of equipment used by the Egyptian army in North Sinai? What specific
steps will you recommend that the administration take to improve the
vetting of Egyptian military units per Leahy law requirements?
Answer. All security assistance, including to Egypt, is subject to
the Leahy laws and end use monitoring requirements. Units that commit
gross violations of human rights are ineligible for assistance. Embassy
Cairo, and the Department as a whole, continues to vet such assistance
and to develop and implement procedures to enhance this vetting. If
confirmed, I will join their efforts and continue to ensure that our
assistance meets these requirements, and to help the United States have
greater insight into the Sinai Peninsula to verify whether U.S.-
provided weapons are being used appropriately, I will continue to
request appropriate travel for relevant U.S. officials into the Sinai
as security conditions permit, and I will urge Egypt to grant
journalists and NGOs more access to the Sinai to increase the chances
of observing misuse.
Question. President Trump has hosted Egyptian President al-Sisi at
the White House multiple times since coming into office, most recently
in April 2019, two days prior to a public referendum in Egypt on
constitutional amendments that dramatically expanded President Sisi's
power. Do you believe that the Trump administration has been successful
in utilizing private tactics to encourage Egyptian officials to be
rights-respecting? If so, please outline specifically how these tactics
have been successful.
Answer. The Administration continues to work with President al-Sisi
to advance our strategic partnership and address our common challenges,
which includes encouraging Egypt's respect for and protection of human
rights and fundamental freedoms, accountability, and greater political
space for civil society and dissenting views. The Administration
engages publicly and privately with the Egyptian government on these
issues, including regarding our serious concerns about restrictions on
civil society and cases concerning American citizens. Egypt has
released detained American citizens and in December 2018, an Egyptian
court acquitted U.S. NGO employees previously convicted in the Case 173
NGO trial. President al-Sisi has spoken out publicly about the need for
religious equality, and Egypt has continued the steady if slow
licensing of new churches.
Question. Will you commit to using, if confirmed, both public and
private tactics to advocate for human rights protections?
Answer. I share your concerns about the human rights situation in
Egypt. If confirmed, I will work with Egypt both publicly and privately
to advance our strategic partnership and address our common challenges,
which includes encouraging Egypt's respect for and protection of basic
rights and freedoms. I will emphasize the vital role that respect for
fundamental freedoms and rule of law have played in the progress of
democracies and building of prosperous economies. One of my most
important responsibilities would be to deliver that message, and I
would look forward to leading the Mission in engaging with civil
society and government counterparts on these issues.
Question. Egypt is a vital ally for regional stability and, in
fact, after a recent visit to the White House a statement was released
noting ``Egypt's longstanding role as a lynchpin of regional
stability.'' What is your assessment of how Egypt, under President al-
Sisi, can be an essential ally for regional stability given the
dramatic uptick in repression over the last few years, draconian
restrictions on civil society, and ongoing crisis in the Sinai?
Answer. Egypt remains an important partner and its stability is
critical to U.S interests. To aid Egypt's and the region's stability,
including Egypt's maintenance of a productive relationship with Israel,
we focus on strengthening Egypt's counterterrorism effectiveness and
border security, economic reforms that attract investment and lead to
inclusive growth, and encouraging Egypt to play a constructive role
regionally. Addressing challenging human rights issues is a component
of each of these lines of effort, such as encouraging the Egyptian
government to allow space for its people to express their views without
reprisal and to hold security forces accountable for any abuses of
power. If confirmed, I will take up the message Secretary Pompeo
delivered in his speech in Cairo in January, encouraging President al-
Sisi to ``unleash the creative energy of Egypt's people, unfetter the
economy, and promote a free and open exchange of ideas.''
Question. In late April, Egypt hosted African leaders on emergency
talks on the upheavals in Sudan and Libya, at which time Sisi called
for ``African solutions to African problems'' and urged the country's
political actors to ``safeguard the state's institutions . . . in order
to prevent a slide into chaos.'' What role is Egypt playing with regard
to the unrest and transition in neighboring Sudan?
Answer. The United States is actively and frequently engaging Egypt
on the Sudan crisis via our Undersecretary for Political Affairs,
Special Envoy to Sudan Ambassador Booth, and our Embassy in Cairo. In
our discussions, we have encouraged coordination of effort and the use
of our collective leverage to press the Transitional Military Council
to stop violence and come to agreement with the Forces for Freedom and
Change on a civilian-led government. As Sudan's neighbor and current
chair of the African Union Assembly, Egypt is in a position to
encourage collaborative efforts with the African Union and to influence
other Gulf States' thinking on transition efforts in Sudan.
Question. How could Egypt play a more constructive role in Sudan's
transition?
Answer. We believe that a civilian-led government in Sudan is not
only in the best interest of the Sudanese people, but also necessary
for the stability of the region, which is key for Egypt. We have
encouraged Egypt to engage with the Forces for Freedom and Change
directly, and welcome its recent engagement and its statements
condemning the June 3 violence and calling for renewed dialogue. Our
Embassy in Cairo is supporting the travel of U.S. Envoy to Sudan
Ambassador Booth to Egypt to engage directly and influence helpful
behavior from Egyptian interlocutors who have insights and direct
contacts with the various parties in Sudan.
Question. During the late April talks, President Sisi met with
Khalifa Haftar, the commander of eastern-based Libyan forces, who is
under international pressure to halt an advance on the capital Tripoli:
What role is Egypt playing with regard to the Libyan National
Army's operations in neighboring Libya?
Answer. Egypt has a national security interest in Libyan security
and stability. Within that context, Egypt has influence with a number
Libyan parties and leaders including Khalifa Haftar. The Department is
encouraging Egypt and other partners to use their influence to press
Libyans including Haftar and Prime Minister al-Sarraj to de-escalate
the conflict and support implementation of an immediate ceasefire and
work for a peaceful solution.
Question. How could Egypt play a more constructive role in bringing
peace to Libya?
Answer. Egypt is a key partner in seeking regional stability and
building a sustainable government in Libya and has said that Libya is
its number one security concern. This shared interest provides space
for us to work jointly to engage Libyan leaders to de-escalate the
conflict and support implementation of an immediate ceasefire and work
for a peaceful solution. If confirmed, I will prioritize further
outreach with Egypt to align our approaches to Libya.
Question. As you know, the Egyptians have recently allowed a few
U.S. government officials--including the USAID administrator--into
Sinai. These are important but insufficient developments given the
opacity that surrounds the situation in the Sinai:
What steps would you take to convince the Egyptians to go a step
further and grant regular and consistent access to humanitarian
organizations, human rights organizations, and independent
media to North Sinai?
Answer. Egypt faces a real terrorist threat in the Sinai, which
U.S.-Egypt counterterrorism cooperation and the continuing strong
military-to-military partnership is helping to counter. Egypt has
increasingly acknowledged the need for a more comprehensive approach in
its Sinai counterterrorism campaign and announced its intent to use
economic and social development to counter the effects of the campaign
on Sinai residents.
If confirmed, I look forward to discussing these development
efforts with the Egyptian government, and will continue to emphasize
the need for protection of the civilian population and the importance
of implementing a more holistic counterterrorism approach. To help the
United States have greater insight into the Sinai Peninsula to verify
whether U.S.-provided weapons are being used appropriately, I also will
continue to request appropriate travel for relevant U.S. officials into
the Sinai as security conditions permit, and urge Egypt to grant
journalists and NGOs more access to the Sinai.
Question. Will you commit to raising this in each meeting with
Egyptian officials, if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to raising this matter with senior
Egyptian officials. I would look forward to discussing development
efforts with the Egyptian government, and will continue to emphasize
the need for protection of the civilian population and the importance
of implementing a more holistic counterterrorism approach. To help the
United States have greater insight into the Sinai Peninsula to verify
whether U.S.-provided weapons are being used appropriately, I also will
continue to request appropriate travel for relevant U.S. officials into
the Sinai as security conditions permit, and urge Egypt to grant
journalists and NGOs more access to the Sinai.
Question. Egypt has been a strong ally in combatting ISIS in the
Sinai Peninsula and other terrorist groups, but there have similarly
been reports of human rights abuse and civilian targeting by security
forces:
If confirmed, how would you work to ensure Egypt's security
services better respect human rights in their counter-terror
efforts?
Answer. Egypt faces a real terrorist threat in the Sinai, which
U.S.-Egypt counterterrorism cooperation and the continuing strong
military-to-military partnership is helping to counter. Egypt has
increasingly acknowledged the need for a more comprehensive approach in
its Sinai counterterrorism campaign and announced its intent to use
economic and social development to counter the effects of the campaign
on Sinai residents. If confirmed, I look forward to discussing these
development efforts with the Egyptian government, and will continue to
emphasize the need for protection of the civilian population and the
importance of implementing a more holistic counterterrorism approach.
To help the United States have greater insight into the Sinai Peninsula
to verify whether U.S.-provided weapons are being used appropriately, I
also will continue to request appropriate travel for relevant U.S.
officials into the Sinai as security conditions permit, and urge Egypt
to grant journalists and NGOs more access to the Sinai.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted Jonathan Cohen to by Senator Edward J. Markey
Question. Could you give me your assessment of how Egypt, under
President al-Sisi, can be an essential ally for regional stability
given the dramatic uptick in repression over the last few years,
draconian restrictions on civil society, and ongoing crisis in Sinai?
Answer. Egypt remains an important partner and its stability is
critical to U.S interests. To aid Egypt's and the region's stability,
we focus on strengthening Egypt's CT effectiveness and border security,
economic reforms that attract investment and lead to inclusive growth,
and encouraging Egypt to play a constructive role regionally.
Addressing challenging human rights issues is a component of each of
these lines of effort, such as encouraging the Egyptian government to
allow space for its people to express their views without reprisal and
to hold security forces accountable for any abuses of power. If
confirmed, I will take up the message Secretary Pompeo delivered in his
speech in Cairo in January, encouraging President al-Sisi to ``unleash
the creative energy of Egypt's people, unfetter the economy, and
promote a free and open exchange of ideas.''
Question. If confirmed, how specifically do you intend to use your
public position and the resources of the embassy to address Egypt's
troubling human rights and democracy record?
Answer. I share your concerns about the human rights situation in
Egypt. If confirmed, I will continue to work with Egypt to advance our
strategic partnership and address our common challenges, which includes
encouraging Egypt's respect for and protection of basic rights and
freedoms. I will emphasize the vital role that respect for fundamental
freedoms and rule of law have played in the progress of democracies and
building of prosperous economies. One of my most important
responsibilities would be to deliver that message, and I would look
forward to leading the Mission in engaging with civil society and
government counterparts on these issues.
Question. Do you believe that the Trump Administration has been
successful in utilizing private tactics to encourage Egyptian officials
to be rights-respecting? If so, please outline specifically how these
tactics have been successful.
Answer. The Administration continues to work with President al-Sisi
to advance our strategic partnership and address our common challenges,
which includes encouraging Egypt's respect for and protection of human
rights and fundamental freedoms, accountability, and greater political
space for civil society and dissenting views. The Administration
engages publicly and privately with the Egyptian government on these
issues, including regarding our serious concerns about restrictions on
civil society and cases concerning American citizens. Egypt has
released detained American citizens and in December 2018, an Egyptian
court acquitted U.S. NGO employees previously convicted in the Case 173
NGO trial.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to John Rakolta, Jr. by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. UAE involvement in a number of regional conflicts risks
prolonging or intensifying them. From Yemen where they are a major
partner in the Saudi-led coalition to Libya, where they have provided
significant support, including airstrikes for General Khalifa Heftar to
Sudan, where UAE support for the Transitional Military Council has
emboldened the delay to a civilian-led transition, facilitating a
violent crackdown on peaceful protesters.
What steps can the UAE take to play a more productive role in each
of these conflicts?
Answer. I understand the UAE regularly participates in multilateral
diplomatic fora such as the Yemen Quad (US-UK-Saudi Arabia-UAE) and
with the P3+3 on Libya (France, Italy, UK, Egypt, the UAE, and the
United States). The UAE government has publicly expressed continued
support for the efforts of the U.N. Special Envoy to Yemen, and in
April 2019 the UAE issued a joint statement on Libya with France,
Italy, the UK, and the United States, urging all parties to immediately
de-escalate tensions and expressing strong support for the efforts of
U.N. Special Representative Ghassan Salame. The Administration is
engaged with the UAE on Sudan issues, including high-level calls and a
recent Quad meeting on Sudan in London. The UAE should continue to
closely coordinate its humanitarian assistance to Yemen with the United
Nations and its Humanitarian Response Plan. Constructive actions such
as these are more likely to lead to a negotiated peace process in all
three conflicts.
Question. If confirmed, how will you engage with the UAE government
to push it to take those steps?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek opportunities to engage regularly
with diplomatic and military leadership to encourage them to coordinate
closely.
Question. Foreign diplomacy under this Administration has been
frequently carried out by unofficial diplomats, including Jared
Kushner, the president's son-in-law and White House senior advisor.
Given Kushner's close relationship with senior Emirati leaders, how to
you plan to navigate those challenges?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to developing good working
relations with senior Emirati leaders in my capacity as the President's
official envoy to the United Arab Emirates.
Question. The Associated Press, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty
International, and the U.N. Panel of Experts on Yemen have all issued
reports detailing the torture of Yemeni detainees by Yemeni forces
receiving support from the UAE. There are also allegations that at
times UAE forces themselves have directly participated in the torture
and illegal detention of Yemeni detainees in a network of secret
prisons. Have you read these reports?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Given the findings of these reports, do you agree or
disagree with their conclusions that the UAE has responsibility for the
torture and disappearances of detainees in Yemen by its own forces or
by Yemeni forces under the UAE's effective control or direction?
Answer. The United States takes all allegations of abuse seriously.
These reports are disturbing, however, I am not in a position to make
such a determination at this time. If confirmed, I would consult with
experts in the Department of State and the Administration in order to
better understand the allegations and underlying facts. Once I have a
more complete understanding, I will urge UAE officials to take
appropriate actions, which could include conduct a thorough
investigation.
Question. If confirmed as the Ambassador to the UAE, what will your
role be in investigating the allegations of illegal detention and
torture?
Answer. If confirmed, I would consult with experts in the
Department of State and the Administration in order to better
understand the allegations and underlying facts. Once I have a more
complete understanding, I will urge UAE officials to conduct a thorough
investigation.
Question. What steps will you take to push the UAE to release any
and all unjustly held individuals in UAE-run facilities in Yemen and to
hold accountable those responsible for arbitrary detention and torture?
Answer. I understand that the administration has raised concerns
about these allegations with UAE government and military officials. If
confirmed, I will seek to better understand the underlying facts and
will urge UAE officials to conduct a thorough and transparent
investigation and to hold those responsible accountable.
Yemen Weapons Transfers
Question. I remain concerned over reports that the UAE has
transferred U.S. origin weapons, including small arms, anti-tank
missiles and armored vehicles to armed Yemeni groups that include
affiliates of al Qaeda fighters and hardline Salafi militias. Such
transfers are in direct violation of sales agreements made between the
U.S. and the UAE.
To date, I do not have confidence that the Department's
investigation is sufficiently thorough. If confirmed, what will
your role be in ensuring there is a thorough investigation into
these transfers and ensuring that they do not happen again?
Answer. I understand the Department continues to investigate the
allegations regarding transfers from the UAE to groups in Yemen. If
confirmed, I will ensure that we continue to reiterate our end-use
requirements to our partners, and to facilitate investigations in the
event that we become aware of allegations of end-use violations.
Question. Going forward, what steps should the U.S. take to prevent
such transfers that were not taken in this instance?
Answer. If confirmed I would seek to reiterate the end-use
responsibilities of our partners, resolve any potential
misunderstandings our partners may have regarding their end-use
obligations, and promptly investigate any allegations of violations in
the future.
Question. I am very concerned by reports that the UAE has hired a
U.S. firm with retired U.S. military personnel to conduct
assassinations in Yemen and has hired former National Security Agency
employees to build a mercenary cyberespionage/hacking unit that has
targeted dissidents and opposition figures, including U.S. citizens.
Please confirm that you are now familiar with these reports.
Answer. I am now familiar with these reports and share your
concerns. Reports of the extrajudicial killings of clerics in and
around Aden are very troubling. The Administration condemns all
unlawful or extrajudicial killings, including the killing of religious
or political rivals. These acts greatly undermine the prospects for a
Yemen political settlement that is legitimate and representative. The
security situation in Aden continues to be tenuous. Presence of a
variety of violent extremist organizations and the lack of U.S.
government representation on the ground in Yemen hampers our ability to
get more information to make relevant assessments. I also agree reports
of NSA employee involvement in building UAE hacking units are
disturbing. If confirmed, I will give them greater scrutiny.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to investigate the
role that U.S. citizens have played in these efforts and to ensure that
they are not involved in assassinations or cyber-espionage?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work within the Department of State
and in coordination with other relevant U.S. government agencies to
evaluate any evidence of violations of law as they become available.
Question. The 2018 State Department Human Rights report highlighted
human rights concerns in the UAE that included allegations of torture
in detention as well as arbitrary arrest and detention, including
incommunicado detention, by government agents.
If confirmed, what steps will you take to push the UAE government
to address these and other allegations of human rights abuses?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make clear that the United States
takes all allegations of abuse seriously. I will urge the government of
the United Arab Emirates to ensure freedom from arbitrary and unlawful
detention, transparency, and rule of law. If confirmed as Ambassador, I
will call on the government of the United Arab Emirates to treat
prisoners and detainees humanely, and to ensure that allegations of
abuse are investigated quickly and thoroughly and anyone found
responsible is held accountable.
Question. China's interest in the Persian Gulf has expanded beyond
the region's hydrocarbon resources to encompass its One Belt One Road
project. Chinese companies have recently signed a number of deals in
the Persian Gulf, including a new terminal for COSCO Shipping Ports in
Abu Dhabi's al-Khalifa Port.
What challenges does Chinese expansion into the UAE and the rest of
the Persian Gulf raise for U.S. interests in the UAE and the
region as a whole?
Answer. The UAE has an expanding trade and investment relationship
with China.
If confirmed, I look forward to learning more about the ways in
which this relationship is growing, and to working with our embassy
staff to ensure U.S. business interests, policy priorities, and
national security concerns are clearly communicated to the UAE
government.
Question. What are the prospects for limiting Chinese influence in
the UAE and how will you engage with the Emirati government to counter
growing Chinese influence there?
Answer. The UAE is an important trade and security partner of the
United States. Open and fair competitiveness is the strength of U.S.
business. If confirmed, I will work to ensure U.S. business interests
and policy priorities are prioritized. This includes U.S. concerns
about non-proliferation as well as U.S. commercial interests.
Question. The UAE has sided firmly with Saudi Arabia in the GCC
rift with Qatar, which shows no sign of ending even as tensions rise
with Iran.
What steps do you think the UAE can take to resolve the conflict?
What steps do you think the UAE wants to see Qatar take?
Answer. The President and Secretary Pompeo have been clear that the
Gulf dispute has gone on too long. The dispute benefits our adversaries
and harms our mutual interests. The Administration continues to
underscore to the parties the shared political, economic, security, and
social benefits of Gulf unity, especially in light of the threat from
Iran.
Question. If confirmed, what role do you think you can play in
facilitating a resolution? How will you engage with the Emirati
government to push them to resolve the conflict?
Answer. I understand there have been some positive signs, but no
moves by any of the parties that would suggest a readiness to address
and resolve rift's core issues. GCC+2 countries have participated
together in many events and exercises, most recently at a June meeting
of the Middle East Strategic Alliance in Washington. While aware of the
deep divisions that led to the rift, I am hopeful the parties will take
additional steps to build confidence and end the dispute, and if
confirmed I look forward to engaging with the Emirati government on
this and other matters. Significant political, economic, security, and
human linkages underpin Gulf relations, and an immediate end to the
dispute will help all parties involved and rekindle the unity of the
Gulf.
Question. Are you familiar with the financial and business
interests of the Trump Organization in the UAE, including former and
current business partners?
Answer. My knowledge of the Trump Organization's financial and
business interests in the UAE is limited to public media reporting.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure that you do not in any
way provide preferential treatment to the President's financial
interests or business partners?
Answer. If confirmed, I will adhere to all applicable ethics rules,
legal standards of neutrality, and due diligence when performing my
duties as the Chief of Mission.
Question. The U.N. Special Rapporteur for extrajudicial, summary or
arbitrary executions released her report this week. She found that
there is ``credible evidence warranting further investigation of high-
level Saudi officials' individual liability, including the crown
prince's.''
Have you read the report? If not, will you commit to reading it
before you arrive at post?
Answer. I have not read the report. If confirmed, I commit to
reading it before I arrive at post.
Question. Do you commit to assisting any U.S. government efforts to
investigate the cause of Khashoggi's murder?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you believe that any individuals, regardless of who
they are, should be held responsible?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you commit to advocating within the Emirati government
to urge Saudi Arabia to conduct trials that are free and fair, and to
investigate the individuals responsible for Khashoggi's murder?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates agreed to
provide $3 billion in aid to the Sudanese military junta that took
power after ousting longtime President Omar al-Bashir. Critics suggest
that the financial lifeline along with hosting Abdul Fattah al-Burhan,
head of Sudan's Transitional Military Council. What is the relationship
between UAE and leaders of the Transitional Military Council-
specifically al-Burhan, and Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, or ``Hemeti'', and
how is that impacting UAE's actions with regards to the political
crisis in Sudan?
Answer. The UAE has been active in Sudan, including after the April
11, 2019 ouster of former President Bashir and through the tenure of
the Transitional Military Council (TMC). Sudan provides military
personnel to the Saudi-led Coalition's operations in Yemen, which gives
Sudan some leverage with the UAE and Saudi Arabia.
Question. What leverage do we have to encourage the Emiratis to
fully support the establishment of a civilian-led transitional
authority in keeping with the calls from the African Union Peace and
Security Council?
Answer. The Administration has met with all stakeholders to press
for a political outcome that is acceptable to the people of Sudan. The
Sudanese demonstrators and political negotiators have demanded a
civilian-led government, achieved through either a majority on a
sovereign council or through a free and fair electoral process.
It is my understanding that the U.S. has engaged with the UAE on
its policy in support of a transition to a civilian-led interim
government as soon as possible. As part of those discussions, I
understand that the Administration has encouraged the UAE to be prudent
in its support of the Transitional Military Council, including by way
of judicious handling of the reported $3 billion assistance package
reported in late April. I further understand that the Administration
welcomed and encouraged the UAE's participation in dialogue with
international partners such as the late June ``Friends of Sudan''
meeting hosted by the German government.
Question. What specific steps will you take, if confirmed, to bring
the Emirates in line with U.S. diplomatic efforts related to a
democratic transition in Sudan?
Answer. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with my
Department colleagues to continue to engage Emirati leadership on this
important issue, through consistent messaging and regular discussions
with senior UAE officials, participation in multilateral engagements,
and close coordination.
Question. What immediate steps, if confirmed, will you take to
prevent the Emirates from engaging in efforts that encourages ``forum
shopping'' by parties to the political dialogue in Sudan?
Answer. I am not in a position at this time to develop a specific
plan of diplomatic engagement with the Emiratis on this question.
Question. Will you commit to raising the need for a civilian-led
transition in Sudan at the highest levels of government upon your
arrival and accreditation as ambassador to the United Arab Emirates?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you commit to respond promptly to all requests for
information by Members of this committee?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you commit to appear before this committee upon
request?
Answer. Yes.
Question. If you become aware of any suspected waste, fraud, or
abuse in the Department, do you commit to report it to the Inspector
General?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Please list any outside positions and affiliations you
plan to continue to hold during your term of appointment.
Answer. I hold membership in the following organizations which will
continue during my term of appointment. I intend to ask if my
membership can be inactive during my absences.
Oakland Hills Country Club--Bloomfield, MI
Bloomfield Hills Country Club--Bloomfield Hills, MI
The Bear's Club--Jupiter, FL
Harbor Point Golf Club--Harbor Springs, MI
Detroit Athletic Club--Detroit, MI
Question. Have you ever been an officer or director of a company
that has filed for bankruptcy? If so, describe the circumstances and
disposition.
Answer. No.
Question. If you leave this position before the completion of your
full term of the next presidential election, do you commit to meeting
with the committee to discuss the reasons for your departure?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. No.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. There have never been any concerns or allegations of
harassment, discrimination or inappropriate conduct against any
employee over whom I have direct supervisory authority. With respect to
individuals over which I do not have direct supervisory authority there
is a strict code administered by the HR department of my company. Every
employee is required to sign this code. It emphasizes respect for
people, values diversity and contains a strong policy against
harassment and discrimination. It includes a ``hotline'' where
individuals can anonymously report a concern. Every employee is
required to review and re-affirm their commitment to the code of
conduct every year, as part of mandatory training.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. I agree that targeting or retaliation against individuals
due to their political beliefs, role in policy-making, or involvement
in prior administrations is wholly inappropriate and has no place in
the federal government or elsewhere. In my role as CEO of Walbridge, I
have always had direct reports that do not share my political views and
I welcome their opinions. I have championed dissenting and alternative
viewpoints as they are the bedrock of any society and organization.
They are essential to successfully capture the best ideas and create an
culture of equal opportunity, innovation, respect and world class
results. If confirmed, I will continue this philosophy and will strive
to make sure that all individuals feel safe with their beliefs and
understand that their differing views are welcomed and valued.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to John Rakolta, Jr. by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. I was chairman of New Detroit, Inc., an organization whose
purpose was to close the gap in terms of income, education and health
care between Detroit citizens and others, from 2003 to 2010. This
organization was formed after the riots in Detroit in 1967. I ushered
in a new era of commitment, responsibility, transparency and openness
to difficult dialogue. I started a ``Dinner Series'' that brought 800
corporate, government, labor, education, and not-for-profit individuals
together for over 80 dinners to discuss race and its impact not only on
Detroit, but on America today. It was a defining moment for our
community, as it opened a pathway for Detroit to move forward. In doing
so, it opened my eyes to the possibility of identifying and
implementing far-reaching solutions never before thought possible.In
2014, the Detroit Public School System was on the verge of bankruptcy
and collapse. Successive administrations of Emergency Managers had
failed to turn the system around academically; instead of focusing on
the schoolchildren, they focused on balancing an impossible budget at
the expense of what they should have been doing. If you can't master
the fundamentals of education there is no hope of a bright and thriving
future. Eighth grade proficiency level in 12th grade just won't cut it
in today's world. There is no way out for them. I was asked to join the
Coalition for the Future of Detroit's Schoolchildren (CFDSC) and help
save the system and put it on a more successful pathway. I was one of
five co-chairs and, more importantly, the public face of the effort to
convince the Republican-controlled Legislature to save the system
through a massive injection of new capital by the State of Michigan. I
used my political capital, hard work and sound arguments and was proud
to take a public position on this. Children of Detroit have a right to
a bright future. Despite staggering odds, we prevailed and won
legislation that was landmark in nature. The effort also led to Launch
Michigan tackling the broader issue of K-12 education on a statewide
basis.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in the
U.A.E.? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in the U.A.E.? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. The State Department's most recent Human Rights Report on
the United Arab Emirates documents significant restrictions on freedom
of expression and civil society. Human rights issues included
allegations of torture in detention. arbitrary arrest, and detention.
The United Nations, human rights groups, and others alleged that some
UAE military operations as part of the Saudi-led Coalition in Yemen
have killed civilians, damaged civilian infrastructure, and exercised
bias in the delivery of humanitarian aid. Further, human rights groups
alleged UAE-backed security forces in Yemen committed torture, sexual
assault, and mistreatment against detainees. The UAE government
rejected allegations that members of its security forces serving in
Yemen had committed human rights abuses, and there was no publicly
available information on whether the government carried out any
investigations into these reported incidents.If confirmed, I will make
clear that the United States takes all allegations of abuse seriously.
I will urge the government of the United Arab Emirates to thoroughly
and quickly investigate allegations of abuse, ensure fair trial
guarantees, freedom from unlawful and extrajudicial detention,
transparency, and rule of law. If confirmed as Ambassador, I will call
on the government of the United Arab Emirates to treat prisoners and
detainees in line with international obligations and
commitments.Questions for the Record Submitted to
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in the U.A.E. in
advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. I am not currently in a position to speak authoritatively
to these questions, however, I understand that the ongoing conflict in
Yemen presents challenges for those seeking to ascertain the underlying
facts with respect to the treatment of detainees. In addition, the
Administration's advocacy is challenged by the absence of any UAE law
protecting freedoms of religion and thought, expression, peaceful
assembly, and association.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in the U.A.E.? If confirmed, what steps will
you take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I intend to meet with the full range of
Emirati society, as well as non-governmental organizations in the
United States that work on issues related to the United Arab Emirates.
I will make clear to Emirati leadership that the United States supports
the important role civil society plays in every country. I will commit
to uphold the Leahy Law, and will also commit to our Conventional Arms
Transfer policies that require human rights to be considered as a
factor in any arms transfer or licensing decision.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with the
U.A.E. to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise
unjustly targeted by the U.A.E.?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Will you engage with the U.A.E. on matters of human
rights, civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Yes.
Question. As the world's oldest democracy and the largest arms
exporter, would you agree that the human rights standards the U.S. sets
on arms transfers has global ramifications?
Answer. I understand the United States weighs human rights in arms
transfer decisions. This reflects our values, serves our nationals
security interests, and sets an important model for the world. If
confirmed, I will keep human rights issues and U.S. security in mind on
all potential arms sales.
Question. Should the United States continue to facilitate arms
sales to foreign governments like the U.A.E credibly suspected of acts
that may amount to war crimes?
Answer. I understand the United States weighs human rights in arms
transfer decisions, and is working with partners including the UAE to
provide training and other support related to human rights and avoiding
civilian harm in combat. If confirmed, I will support these efforts.
Question. What are your views on the position put forth by
Secretary Pompeo that, in effect, continuing to arm and otherwise
support Saudi Arabia and the U.A.E in Yemen is the best way to support
human rights there?
Answer. Our military cooperation with the UAE supports U.S.
strategic interests. We provide training and other support related to
human rights and avoiding civilian harm in combat. If confirmed, I will
support these efforts.
Question. Conflicts of Interest: Do you commit to bring to the
committee's attention (and the State Department Inspector General) any
change in policy or U.S. actions that you suspect may be influenced by
any of the President's business or financial interests, or the business
or financial interests of any senior White House staff?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in the U.A.E.?
Answer. Yes. In 2014 I made a passive private equity commitment to
Abraaj Growth Markets Trust, a Delaware statutory trust feeder
constructed to invest all of its investible assets in Abraaj Global
Growth Markets Fund, L.P., a Cayman Island exempted limited
partnership. To the best of my knowledge, the fund previously owned
three investments based in the UAE, all of which have been divested.
Abaaj Growth Markets Trust is on my OGE Ethics Agreement Divestiture
list, meaning I will divest from this fund within 90 days if confirmed.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. It is my firm belief, based on years of successful efforts
in my own company that all stakeholders to any effort should benefit
from their collective efforts. Only when all stakeholders have equal
access to opportunity and success does the ``extended enterprises
chain'' stay competitive and sustainable for the long term. There are
no shortcuts; I don't believe in them. When harmony is threatened,
results are compromised. Diverse thinking makes for better decisions.
As a society we have a lot of work to do in this realm. I feel an
inherent responsibility to this and it is foundational to my very
being. It starts with core values, embraced by and fully supported by
the leadership. It must be implemented across all management and
endorsed by all employees and other stakeholders. If confirmed, I
pledge to lead from the top, as the Ambassador.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I would begin with a written plan, personal
involvement, and sufficient resources. I would follow my tried and
proven methodology of PDCA--Plan (in writing), Do (assign
implementation responsibility), Check (short time out to measure
results), Act (make corrections and start the process again). I would
assign a senior level embassy officer the responsibility to manage its
implementation. My leadership team and I would provide mentoring and
networking opportunities. I would work closely with section chiefs to
ensure that all supervisors foster a diverse and inclusive environment.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in the U.A.E.
specifically? What is your assessment of corruption trends in the
U.A.E. and efforts to address and reduce it by that government? If
confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good governance and
anticorruption programming in the U.A.E.?
Answer. Political corruption undermines the legitimacy of any form
of governance, especially democratic governance, by eroding support for
public institutions and undermines popular confidence in the rule of
law. If confirmed, I will engage with the UAE authorities to encourage
increased political and fiscal transparency and a dialogue on
responsive governance. I will also work to ensure that U.S. assistance
programs promote professionalism among the UAE's public servants and
efforts to improve public financial management as well as rule of law
development.
Question. U.A.E and Saudi Arabia have come under substantial
international criticism for contributing to a humanitarian crisis in
Yemen. Both chambers of Congress have separately passed resolutions
directing the Trump Administration to reduce logistical support for the
Arab coalition fighting in Yemen. To what extent are the humanitarian
effects and other consequences of the war in Yemen an irritant in the
U.S.-U.A.E relationship?
Answer. I am told the UAE has been among the largest donors to
international efforts to provide relief to Yemenis affected by the
ongoing conflict. We have encouraged Saudi Arabia and the UAE to
contribute to the humanitarian response in Yemen by channeling
contributions through the United Nations; on February 26, the U.N.
announced that Saudi Arabia and the UAE each pledged $750 million
toward the 2019 response. The UAE is also an important political,
economic, and military partner of the United States on our most
pressing regional challenges, including Syria, Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan,
and in the global fight against ISIS and al-Qa'ida. I understand the
Administration coordinates closely with UAE leadership on its policy in
Yemen, as it does on other key areas of concern.
Question. In your view, should the U.S. contemplate changing its
level of support for the Saudi-led coalition in that war, of which the
U.A.E is a key part?
Answer. As I understand it, U.S. support to and engagement with the
Coalition has played an important role in facilitating the U.N.-led
political track to end the Yemen conflict, minimizing harm to
civilians, addressing the dire humanitarian crisis. The Coalition
partners have engaged the parties at key junctures to ensure their
constructive participation in the U.N. process, and the threat of
Coalition military pressure has ensured the Houthis--who have backed
out of numerous prior agreements--remain at the negotiating table.
Ongoing U.S. support to the Coalition is also vital to deterring Iran's
ambitions on the Arabian Peninsula. If confirmed, I will work through
my offices to ensure U.S. support to the Coalition promotes long-term
U.S. interests of stability in Yemen and in the region as a whole.
Question. Should the U.S. push to have the U.A.E commit additional
funds for U.N. humanitarian operations in Yemen and to ensure low food
prices so that Yemeni people can afford to feed their families?
Answer. I understand that the Emiratis have been among the largest
humanitarian donors to Yemen, but that they are still in the process of
disbursing the funds they pledged during the February 26 U.N.
Conference in Geneva, and that State Department officials support calls
for the Saudis and Emiratis to disburse the remaining funds immediately
to avoid a gap in the humanitarian response. If confirmed, I will
continue to emphasize to my Emirati counterparts the important role
that their humanitarian contributions play in preventing the worsening
of the humanitarian crisis, and explore the potential for greater UAE
engagement with the Central Bank of Yemen on capacity building to
forestall the depreciation of the Yemeni riyal, so that Yemenis can
afford the food they desperately need.
Question. The 2018 State Department Country Reports on Human Rights
list several human rights issues associated with the U.A.E. Among them
include allegations of torture in detention, arbitrary arrest and
detention, undue restrictions on free expression and the press, and
substantial interference with the rights of peaceful assembly and
freedom of expression. If confirmed, what is your plan to tackle this
list of issues? To what extent is the country's treatment of dissenters
and activists who a factor in U.S. policy toward the U.A.E? If
confirmed, how would you wish to change this, if at all?
Answer. I understand from the Human Rights Report released by the
State Department that the UAE's constitution prohibits torture and
arbitrary arrest and detention, but authorities reportedly often hold
persons in custody for extended periods without charge, access to an
attorney, or a preliminary judicial hearing--including some reportedly
detained because of their political views or affiliations. I also
understand citizens and noncitizens have access to the courts to seek
damages for, or cessation of, human rights violations. If confirmed, my
embassy team and I will engage with credible civil society groups and
human rights advocates, as well as UAE authorities to uphold their
constitutional obligations to respect human rights and civil
liberties.Questions for the Record Submitted to
Question. To date, the GCC rift has defied U.S., Kuwaiti, and other
mediation efforts. If confirmed, what further steps would you take to
advance the U.S. objective of ending the intra-GCC rift with Qatar?
What are the key obstacles to resolving that dispute?
Answer. The President and Secretary Pompeo have been clear that the
Gulf dispute has gone on too long. The dispute benefits our adversaries
and harms our mutual interests. The Administration continues to
underscore to the parties the political, economic, security, and social
benefits of Gulf unity, especially in light of the threat from Iran. I
believe having the Ambassador at post will add strength and frequency
to our argument. If confirmed, I would make this a top priority.
Question. To your knowledge, what are the Administration's main
goals for a U.S.-GCC summit that has been long delayed?
Answer. Significant political, economic, security, and human
linkages underpin Gulf relations, and the Administration's view is that
greater cooperation and more dialogue between the Gulf countries is in
U.S. interests. The U.S. is actively working to strengthen our
partnership with the GCC states via significant engagement on regional
security, nonproliferation, alternative energy development (including
nuclear energy and renewables), and support for economic
diversification.
On the political front, I understand the Administration consults
with our Gulf partners to coordinate efforts to manage regional
political, diplomatic, and security challenges, including threats posed
by Iran.
Question. What preconditions are there, if any, for the summit? Do
you believe there should be preconditions?
Answer. I am not aware of any preconditions for a GCC Summit. If
confirmed, I look forward to learning more about the underlying
positions and policy concerns of individual GCC member countries. I
believe dialogue is important and if confirmed, I would fully support
the Administration's efforts to bring the GCC countries together for a
summit.
Question. Do you expect the meeting to be held in 2019?
Answer. I am not yet in a position to predict when such a meeting
might be held. The Administration hosted a successful GCC+2 (Egypt and
Jordan) Ministerial in September 2018, and GCC members have convened
since then in several different fora. On that basis, it seems
reasonable to expect the GCC Summit could be held in 2019.
Trafficking in Persons
Question. The U.A.E is considered a ``destination country'' for
women trafficked from Asia and the former Soviet Union. In your view,
what does the U.A.E need to do to improve its efforts to counter
trafficking in persons?
Answer. In the annual Trafficking in Persons report it releases to
the public, the Department said the UAE continued to make important
progress toward meeting the minimum standards for the elimination of
trafficking enshrined in the Trafficking Victims Protection Act. The
report states that in order to continue to improve on their ongoing
efforts, the UAE needs to increase the number of investigations,
especially by investigating potential forced labor crimes indicators,
the trafficking of domestic workers, and officials complicit in
trafficking crimes, and that it also needs to finish implementing
regulations and implement the domestic worker law that expands
protections for domestic workers, expand reforms to the sponsorship-
based employment system, and regularly employ standard victim
identification procedures. If confirmed, I will seek to better
understand the ways in which sponsorship laws contribute to
vulnerability to trafficking, particularly for domestic employees, by
restricting the ability of employees to leave or change employers, and
giving employers the power to cancel residence permits, deny employees
permission to leave the country, and threaten employees with abuse of
legal processes.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted John Rakolta, Jr. to by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. In the fiscal year 2019 National Defense Authorization
Act, Congress established firm benchmarks for recipients of U.S.
military sales on avoiding civilian casualties in Yemen.
In your view, has the UAE in its coalition with Saudi Arabia
undertaken appropriate measures to mitigate humanitarian strife
and to support a diplomatic solution?
Answer. I understand the UAE pledged to contribute $750 million in
2019 to support United Nations efforts to provide relief to Yemenis
affected by the ongoing conflict. I also understand the Department has
encouraged Saudi Arabia and the UAE to fulfill these pledges
immediately. These contributions are critical to enable the U.N. to
continue supporting life-saving health, nutrition, and food assistance
programs. The UAE continues to support U.N.-led efforts to bring both
sides to the conflict together for negotiations. I understand the
Administration coordinates closely with UAE leadership on its policy in
Yemen, as it does on other key areas of concern.
Question. As Ambassador, how would you ensure that the UAE adheres
to its commitments on humanitarian concerns?
Answer. I understand that the Emiratis are still in the process of
disbursing the funds they pledged during the February 26 U.N.
Conference in Geneva, and that State Department officials support calls
for the Saudis and Emiratis to disburse the remaining funds immediately
to avoid a gap in the humanitarian response. If confirmed, I will
emphasize to my Emirati counterparts the important role that their
humanitarian contributions play in preventing the worsening of the
humanitarian crisis, and explore the potential for greater UAE
engagement with the Central Bank of Yemen on capacity building to
forestall the depreciation of the Yemeni riyal, so that Yemenis can
afford the food they desperately need.
__________
Letter from Ranking Member Senator Robert Menendez to Andrew Bremberg
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Amnesty International Report Submitted for the Record by Senator Markey
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Relevant Excerpts from the San Diego Union-Tribune Employee Handbook
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, JULY 17, 2019
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:05 p.m. in Room
SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Lindsey Graham,
presiding.
Present: Senators Graham [presiding], Gardner, Young,
Shaheen, Coons, and Kaine.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. LINDSEY GRAHAM,
U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH CAROLINA
Senator Graham. Thank you. Sorry we are late. We had to
vote.
My opening remarks will be very quick. I have been working
with Senator Coons and many others, and Senator Kaine has a lot
of interest in this. From an American point of view, our
policies in Africa, we need to up our game, and it is a
wonderful opportunity for the United States to be a better
partner for the continent of Africa, a lot of opportunities, a
lot of challenges. This is where the war against radical Islam
is going to go, as you make it harder for them to reside in the
Mideast. And I just cannot tell you how much I enjoyed visiting
the continent. And each of you in your own way will be our
voice, and I just hope you will understand that from American
point of view, the 21st century, the big prize is trying to
have a better relationship with Africa before the Chinese take
the place over.
Senator Kaine?
STATEMENT OF HON. TIM KAINE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
And it is good to be with each of you. Congratulations on
your nominations.
This is my first time in the Senate where I am serving on
the Africa Subcommittee, and I am really looking forward to
learning from my colleagues and learning from you.
To Ambassador Leonard, Mr. Bell, and Ms. Lapenn, you have
all recently left leadership positions in Africa to come here.
Your careers in representing our country all over the world are
very long and very impressive, and I am very appreciative of
the opportunity and the experience that each of you bring from
your service on the continent.
Ambassador Leonard served as our representative to the
African Union in Addis Ababa and previously as Ambassador to
Mali, as well as service in South Africa, Togo, Namibia,
Cameroon.
Mr. Bell was charge d'affaires in N'Djamena in Chad, also
having served in Niger, Ethiopia, Madagascar, and then at
AFRICOM.
Ms. Lapenn, charge d'affaires in Pretoria, having also
served in Rwanda, and this in addition to many other positions.
And I want to acknowledge, Ms. Lapenn, you are a former Pearson
Fellow on Capitol Hill with this committee, and I have a
Pearson Fellow, Mimi Estes, behind me, and today is her last
day before she goes back to the State Department. And it is a
wonderful, and the State Department folks who are loaned as
Pearson Fellows to the Hill--we could not get our work done
without them.
To Ms. Bekkering, you have been doing the job for which you
have been nominated in an acting capacity and we thank you for
your service both to this administration and also to the
administration of President George W. Bush. I look forward to
sharing your insider's perspective on USAID operation and
funding.
And finally, Ms. Marks, we look forward to hearing about
your unique background and experience and your thoughts on the
important U.S. relationship with South Africa.
Many challenges. Senator Graham addressed a few. I have
heard him talk in the past and share his concern about
instability in the Sahel and how that could pose a threat to
the relative stability, good governance, and economic revival
in Cote d'Ivoire. The African Union is an important body
managing significant crises, numerous crises and conflicts
affecting its members, and we need to figure out the right way
to strategize to work in partnership going forward.
I think this is going to be a good hearing. I, again,
congratulate each of you on your nomination and look forward to
hearing your opening statements and moving to questions.
Senator Graham. Thank you. That was a good overview.
You do not have to get sworn in, but do not lie.
[Laughter.]
Senator Graham. All right. Ms. Marks, go ahead.
STATEMENT OF LANA MARKS, OF FLORIDA, TO BE AMBASSADOR
EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA
Ms. Marks. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished
members of the committee, I am honored to appear before you
today as President Trump's nominee to be the next U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of South Africa. I am thankful to
the President and to Secretary Pompeo for the confidence and
trust they have placed in me through my nomination to this very
important role.
My family is here with today, and I would like to thank my
husband, Dr. Neville Marks, who has stood by my side for 43
years of marriage; my son, Martin Marks, for his tireless
support throughout this process; and my amazing daughter,
Tiffany Marks; my son-in-law Simon; and my grandchildren,
Asher, Skyla, and Mia.
I am blessed in my family. For many reasons, we represent
the American dream, one that has been achieved through hard
work, determination, and perseverance.
My father was a good and fair man. He escaped the anti-
Semitism of Lithuania in the 1930s and emigrated to South
Africa where he worked his way through university, earned a
degree in engineering, and then went into real estate
development. When the apartheid laws came into effect, he
realized that the values of his adopted country did not match
the values he held dear.
I married my husband when I was 22 years old, and we moved
to Bermuda where he established himself as a psychiatrist. When
my husband was offered a professorship in America, we decided
to leave everything behind for our new home. We settled in
Miami where I started a small artisanal handbag business from
the kitchen table of our two-bedroom apartment. In the last 15
years, I visited 110 countries as I grew that business into a
global brand. I am honored to have served as a member of
Harvard University's Kennedy School of government's Women's
Leadership Board, as a distinguished speaker for Georgetown
University's Women's Leadership Initiative, and to have
represented the United States in Helsinki, Finland for the
Women Business Leaders Summit.
In 1994, I became an American citizen. By coincidence, this
is also the year that Nelson Mandela became President of South
Africa. In just 25 years, the country of my birth has undergone
a miraculous transformation through its peaceful transition
away from the brutal apartheid regime and now stands as a
pillar of democracy. It fills me with great personal pride to
witness the legacy of Nelson Mandela in this remarkable
evolution of South Africa.
South Africa has joined the ranks of the G-20 group of the
world's most important economies, and it currently sits on the
United Nations Security Council as an elected member. It has
not only become an engine of economic growth for Africa and
beyond, but also leads by example in the region, including by
contributing over 1,000 troops to peacekeeping operations in
the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
If confirmed, my top priority would undoubtedly be the
safety and security of all Americans in South Africa, a
priority enunciated by Secretary Pompeo. I would also work to
further cultivate the already robust relationship the United
States enjoys with South Africa, deepening both our government
dialogue and our important trade and investment ties. South
Africa is our most developed trading partner in sub-Saharan
Africa. American firms contribute about 10 percent of South
Africa's GDP, and I will work tirelessly to expand markets in
South Africa for American businesses.
The ongoing battle against HIV and AIDS, which affects more
than 7 and a half million South Africans, is one that we can
win. Since 2004, Congress has appropriated more than $6 billion
in funding through the U.S. President's Emergency Plan for AIDS
Relief, or PEPFAR, just in South Africa. We should use the
momentum of this generous funding and continued bipartisan
support to put an end to the scourge of HIV and AIDS and to
reach epidemic control by 2020.
The issues of women's and youth empowerment,
entrepreneurship, and economic opportunities are ones that I
personally hold dear. The future of South Africa can be seen in
the faces of its young citizens, and I will work tirelessly, if
confirmed, to ensure that the prospects every person deserves
should not be out of reach for any South African.
I have witnessed both the struggles and the triumphs of the
land that Archbishop Desmond Tutu called ``the rainbow
nation.'' After centuries of hardship and colonialism, South
Africa has embraced democratic ideals and serves as a beacon of
hope for the rest of Africa. It is further heartening to see
the recent election of President Ramaphosa. In this renewed era
of democracy, we must reinforce that we are true partners on
the road ahead.
There are deep, longstanding, and genuine ties of affection
that bind Americans and South Africans. If confirmed, I would
be deeply honored to use my knowledge and skills to strengthen
these ties.
Thank you for the honor and privilege of allowing me to
appear before the committee today. I welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Marks follows:]
Prepared Statement of Lana J. Marks
Mr Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
committee: I am honored to appear before you today as President Trump's
nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of South Africa.
I am thankful to the President and to Secretary Pompeo for the
confidence and trust they have placed in me through my nomination to
this very important role.
My family is here with me today, and I would like to thank my
husband, Dr. Neville Marks, who has stood by my side for 43 years of
marriage; my son, Martin Marks, for his tireless support throughout
this process; my amazing daughter, Tiffany Isaacs; my son-in-law,
Simon; and my grandchildren, Asher, Skyla, and Mia.
I am blessed in my family. For many reasons, we represent the
American Dream, one that has been achieved through hard work,
determination, and perseverance.
My father was a good and fair man. He escaped the antisemitism of
Lithuania in the 1930s, and emigrated to South Africa, where he worked
his way through university, earned a degree in engineering, and then
went into real estate development. When the apartheid laws came into
effect, he realized that the values of his adopted country did not
match the values he held dear.
I married my husband when I was 22 years old, and we moved to
Bermuda, where he established himself as a psychiatrist. When my
husband was offered a professorship in America, we decided to leave
everything behind for our new home. We settled in Miami, where I
started a small, artisanal handbag business from the kitchen table of
our two-bedroom apartment. In the last 15 years, I visited 110
countries as I grew that business into a global brand. I am honored to
have served as a member of Harvard University's Kennedy School of
government's Women's Leadership Board, as a distinguished speaker for
Georgetown University's Women's Leadership Initiative, and to have
represented the United States in Helsinki for the Women Business
Leaders Summit.
In 1994, I became an American citizen. By coincidence, this was
also the year that Nelson Mandela became president of South Africa. In
just 25 years, the country of my birth has undergone a miraculous
transformation through its peaceful transition away from the brutal
apartheid regime, and now stands as a pillar of democracy. It fills me
with great personal pride to witness the legacy of Nelson Mandela in
this remarkable evolution of South Africa.
South Africa has joined the ranks of the G-20 group of the world's
most important economies, and it currently sits on the United Nations
Security Council as an elected member. It has not only become an engine
of economic growth for Africa and beyond, but also leads by example in
the region, including by contributing over 1,000 troops to peacekeeping
operations in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
If confirmed, I will work to encourage the government of South
Africa to continue its leadership in the region, including by promoting
respect for human rights and good governance.
If confirmed, my top priority would undoubtedly be the safety and
security of all Americans in South Africa, a priority well-enunciated
by Secretary Pompeo. I would also work to further cultivate the already
robust relationship the United States enjoys with South Africa,
deepening both our government dialogue and our important trade and
investment ties. South Africa is our most developed trading partner in
sub-Saharan Africa; deepening those ties would directly support one of
the Administration's key objectives in the Africa Strategy. Considering
that American firms already contribute about 10 percent of South
Africa's GDP and employ about 200,000 South Africans in direct and
indirect positions, I will work tirelessly to expand markets in South
Africa for American exporters and ensure our businesses and products
are treated fairly.
The ongoing battle against HIV and AIDS, which affects more than
seven and a half million South Africans, is one that we can win. Since
2004, Congress has appropriated more than $6 billion in funding through
the U.S. President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, or PEPFAR, just in
South Africa. We should use the momentum of this generous funding and
continued bipartisan support to put an end to the scourge of HIV and
AIDS once and for all. If confirmed, I will work intensively with our
PEPFAR team and our South African partners and the government to ensure
our funding is applied in the most efficient and effective ways
possible to reach epidemic control by 2020.
The issues of women's and youth empowerment, entrepreneurship, and
economic opportunities are ones that I personally hold dear. The future
of South Africa can be seen in the faces of its young citizens, and I
will work tirelessly, if confirmed, to ensure that the prospects every
person deserves should not be out of reach for any South African.
I have witnessed both the struggles and the triumphs of the land
that Archbishop Desmond Tutu called ``the rainbow nation.'' After
centuries of hardship and colonialism, South Africa has embraced
democratic ideals, and serves as a beacon of hope for the rest of
Africa. It is further heartening to see the recent election of
President Ramaphosa. In this renewed era of democracy, we must
reinforce our message to the South African people that we are true
partners on the road ahead.
There are deep, long-standing, and genuine ties of affection that
bind Americans and South Africans. If confirmed, I would be deeply
honored to use my knowledge and skills to strengthen these ties.
Thank you for the honor and privilege of allowing me to appear
before the committee today. I welcome your questions.
STATEMENT OF JESSICA E. LAPENN, OF NEW YORK, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR, TO BE
REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE AFRICAN
UNION, WITH THE RANK AND STATUS OF AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY
Ms. Lapenn. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Kaine,
distinguished members of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, thank you for this opportunity to appear before you
today. I am honored to be the President's nominee for the
position of U.S. Ambassador to the African Union and
Representative to the United Nations Economic Commission for
Africa. I am grateful for the trust and confidence the
President and Secretary Pompeo have placed in me. If confirmed,
I pledge to work with you to advance our nation's interests at
these institutions.
My parents, Joyce and Jim Lapenn, are with me today, as
they have been every step of my almost 25 years in the Foreign
Service. In country after country, they have visited me, often
volunteering in local organizations, helping me more fully
reflect American values of service, of generosity, and
partnership.
I am not joined today by my 10-year-old son Jasper, though
he has fully shared in my Foreign Service life. He was born in
Jerusalem and has spent almost half his life on the African
continent. He is not here because he is reconnecting to
American life at summer camp in New Hampshire.
I entered the Foreign Service for both the ``foreign'' and
the ``service.'' I was attracted by the prospects of foreign
experiences and by the opportunities for meaningful service,
and I have found both in equal measure. Across my posts, I have
had the privilege to represent, to advance vital American
security, political, and economic interests. From Jerusalem to
Johannesburg, I have strived to do so in a way that
communicated shared American values and in service to the
American people. If confirmed by this body, my tenure in Addis
would be defined and shaped by those experiences.
The African Union is a unique and influential forum. It
brings together 55 member states to discuss and take action on
the continent's foremost issues and to formulate and establish
standards by which all members can hold each other accountable.
It is a forum where our voice needs to be heard.
If confirmed, I would focus on three key priorities:
expanding trade and investment; advancing peace and security;
and supporting democracy, human rights, and good governance
across the continent.
Africa is, in part, defined by its youthful population.
Economic transformation is essential to ensure that this is an
asset, not a vulnerability. The private sector can generate the
jobs that young Africans need and want. By helping American
business and investment succeed in Africa, we can foster
prosperity on the continent, as well as here at home. From the
passage by this body the BUILD Act to the recent rollout of
Prosper Africa, the United States has expanded its toolkit for
economic engagement. We have done so in stark contrast to the
more predatory and debt diplomacy of others.
The recent establishment of the African Continental Free
Trade Area, or AfCFTA, represents an exciting opportunity for
African governments to reduce trade barriers and increase trade
and investment. The AU will be at the center of its
implementation. If confirmed, I will focus on creating
opportunities for U.S. business and expanding U.S.-Africa trade
and investment.
My second priority, if confirmed, will be advancing peace
and security. Fragility, ongoing conflicts threaten global and
national security. The African Union has made significant
strides to prevent, respond to, and resolve armed conflict and
counter transnational threats. Over the past decade plus, the
AU, sub-regional organizations, and member states have played a
key role as first responders to regional conflicts, and we have
been with them throughout. If confirmed, I will continue
building and integrating the AU's counterterrorism and conflict
prevention capabilities.
Finally, if confirmed, I will work with the AU to encourage
democracy and good governance practices, which are so critical
for peace, security, and sustained economic growth. Our shared
commitment to democratic principles, including open and
accountable governance, credible elections, peaceful
transitions of power and respect for human rights and the rule
of law--these are the very foundation of the U.S.-AU
relationship.
The outstanding USAU team has been dedicated to partnering
with the African Union and its member states to ensure a secure
and prosperous future and to deepening U.S.-African ties. If
confirmed, I look forward to leading their efforts.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Kaine, members of the
committee, thank you again for this opportunity. I look forward
to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Lapenn follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jessica Lapenn
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the Foreign
Relations Committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today. I am honored to be the President's nominee for the position of
the U.S. Ambassador to the African Union and Representative to the
United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. I am grateful for the
trust and confidence the President and Secretary Pompeo have placed in
me. If confirmed, I pledge to work with you to advance our nation's
interests at these institutions.
My parents, Joyce and Jim Lapenn, are with me today--as they have
been every step of my career for the last almost twenty-five years. In
country after country, they have visited me and often volunteered in
local organizations, helping me to more fully reflect American values
of service, generosity, and partnership.
I'm not joined today by my ten-year-old son Jasper, who has fully
shared in my Foreign Service life. Indeed, he has lived more than half
his life on the African continent. Unfortunately for me, Jasper isn't
here because he's at summer camp, reconnecting to American life.
Today is significant for me. I entered the Foreign Service for both
the ``Foreign'' and the ``Service.'' I was attracted by the prospects
of foreign experiences and by the opportunities for meaningful service,
and I have found both in equal measure over nearly a quarter of a
century in posts in the Middle East, the United Nations, Washington,
DC, and Africa. Across my posts, I have had the privilege to represent
and advance vital American security, economic, and political interests.
From Jerusalem to Johannesburg, I have strived to do so in a way that
communicated shared American values and in service to the American
people. If confirmed by this body, my service in Addis Ababa would be
defined and shaped by these experiences.
The African Union (AU) is a unique and influential forum that
brings together all 55 member states to discuss and take action on the
continent's foremost issues, and to formulate and establish standards
by which all members can hold each other accountable. It is a forum
where our voice needs to be heard.
If confirmed, I would focus on three key priorities: expanding
trade and investment opportunities; advancing peace and security; and
supporting democracy, human rights, and good governance across the
continent.
One of Africa's greatest assets is its youth. An estimated 70
percent of sub-Saharan Africa's population is under the age of 30.
Economic transformation is essential to ensure that Africa's youth is
an asset, not a vulnerability.
Only the private sector can generate the jobs that young Africans
need and want. By helping American business and investment succeed in
Africa, we can foster prosperity on the continent and here at home.
From the passage by this body of the BUILD Act to the recent rollout of
Prosper Africa, the United States has expanded its tool-kit for
economic engagement with Africa, and we have done so in stark contrast
to the more predatory debt diplomacy of other countries.
The recent establishment of the African Continental Free Trade Area
(AfCFTA) represents an exciting opportunity for African governments to
reduce trade barriers and increase trade and investment, and the AU
will be at the center of its implementation. If confirmed, my
leadership of the U.S. Mission to the African Union will focus on
building bridges between the U.S. and African private sectors, reducing
barriers to American investment, and fostering entrepreneurship to
deepen and expand U.S.-Africa trade and investment.
If confirmed, I will also prioritize advancing peace and security.
Fragility and ongoing conflicts in Africa threaten global and U.S.
national security. They stifle economic growth, enable the spread of
radical extremism and pandemic disease, and trigger destabilizing
migration flows. The African Union has made significant strides to
prevent, respond to, and resolve armed conflict and to counter
transnational threats. Over the past decade plus, the AU, sub-regional
organizations, and AU member states have played a key role as first
responders to regional conflicts, and we have been with them
throughout. We have provided capacity building in peacekeeping and
counterterrorism and supported almost all current and past AU-
sanctioned operations. Because of U.S. support, Africans now comprise
more than 60 percent of peacekeepers on the continent, up from 40
percent just ten years ago. If confirmed, I intend to continue building
and integrating the AU's counterterrorism and conflict prevention
capabilities.
Finally, if confirmed, I will work with the AU to encourage
democracy and good governance practices, which are critical for peace,
security, and sustained economic growth. Our shared commitment to
democratic principles--including open and accountable governance;
credible elections and peaceful transitions of power; respect for human
rights and the rule of law; and expanding access to justice--are the
foundation of the United States and African Union's excellent
relationship. If confirmed, I will work to facilitate frank dialogue
around these goals--which will necessarily entail communicating clearly
to AU members the need for inclusive and transparent democratic
processes that include civil society and youth participation.
The outstanding USAU team in Addis is dedicated to partnering with
the African Union and its member states to ensure a secure and
prosperous future for the continent's 1.3 billion people and to
deepening U.S.-African ties. If confirmed, I will look forward to
leading their efforts.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and members of the committee, thank
you again for the opportunity to appear before you today. I look
forward to answering your questions.
STATEMENT OF RICHARD K. BELL, OF PENNSYLVANIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF COUNSELOR, TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF COTE D'IVOIRE
Mr. Bell. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished
members of the committee, I am honored and humbled to appear
before you today and I am grateful to the President and
Secretary Pompeo for the confidence they have placed in me as
their nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of
Cote d'Ivoire. If confirmed, I will dedicate myself to
furthering this important bilateral relationship and advancing
America's interests in Cote d'Ivoire.
I would like to thank my parents, Bill and Cathy Bell, who
gave my brothers and me an enriching upbringing on three
continents, an unwavering example of integrity, humility, and
grace, and a love for our country that our international
experiences only served to strengthen. My brothers, Mark and
Paul, have been inspiring me for decades.
I am the proud father of Annis and Will and so grateful to
their mother Vicky, without whom I probably never would have
joined the Foreign Service.
I would like to say a special thanks to Ambassador Don
Yamamoto, currently our Ambassador in Somalia. When he was
running the Africa Bureau, he really went above and beyond
advocating for an ambassadorship for me.
I would also like to note the presence of Ms. Hannah
Ingleton, the desk officer for Cote d'Ivoire, who has done such
a fine job preparing me for this hearing.
In my 28 years as a Foreign Service officer, I have had the
privilege of serving on or near four continents, including
three full tours in Africa: Madagascar, Ethiopia, and Niger
where I was charge d'affaires for a year. Since September, I
have been serving as the charge d'affaires in Chad.
Cote d'Ivoire has seen immense success since 2011 after
emerging from civil conflict and is once again an engine of
growth in West Africa. The country went from negative growth
and stagnation during a decade-long conflict to real GDP growth
of 7 to 9 percent annually since 2012. Cote d'Ivoire is the
world's largest exporter of cocoa beans and raw cashews and one
of the best performing economies in the world. The U.S.
government is supporting the Ivoirians in this growth. In 2017,
a $525 million Millennium Challenge Corporation Compact was
signed to support the country's education and transportation
sectors. In addition, in December 2018, Secretary of Commerce
Wilbur Ross and the foreign minister of Cote d'Ivoire signed a
memorandum of understanding which aims to help U.S. companies
increase investment in Cote d'Ivoire. And Cote d'Ivoire will
host the 2019 African Growth and Opportunity Act Annual Forum
in Abidjan next month.
Cote d'Ivoire is the United States' largest Francophone
Africa trading partner, and the United States imports 15
percent of Cote d'Ivoire's cocoa. Almost every M&M and Snickers
bar that Mars sells here in the United States contains Ivoirian
cocoa. I am aware of concerns about child labor in the cocoa
sector and know that the embassy is working closely with the
Ivoirian government, NGOs, and the chocolate industry to
address these concerns. Much of our engagement with Cote
d'Ivoire addresses factors that can contribute to child labor.
We are thus active in supporting women's economic empowerment,
improving access to education, and improving health services.
Our efforts to increase law enforcement capacity will help Cote
d'Ivoire deal with those who use child labor and exploit
children in forced labor.
Cote d'Ivoire aims to become an emerging economy by 2020,
but to meet this goal, the country must sustain its impressive
economic growth, distribute benefits more broadly, improve
government services, strengthen democratic institutions,
improve security sector governance, and conduct free and
credible elections in 2020.
A strong democracy, political inclusiveness, and
reconciliation will be necessary to solidify Cote d'Ivoire's
economic success and ensure the country does not fall back into
civil conflict. If confirmed, I will work with the government
of Cote d'Ivoire to strengthen governance, enhance
transparency, and become increasingly responsive to citizen
needs. I will also support democratic institutions and advocate
for 2020 presidential elections that are free, fair, and thus
credibly reflect the will of the Ivoirian people.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished
members of the committee, for this opportunity to appear before
you. The Ivoirian people from the president and his government
to the humblest cocoa farmers are friends of America. If
confirmed, I will strive to keep it that way, to reinforce our
interests in a stable, prosperous, and peaceful Cote d'Ivoire.
I warmly welcome any questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Bell follows:]
Prepared Statement of Richard Bell
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, I am humbled to have been selected to appear before you
today and am grateful to the President and Secretary Pompeo for the
confidence they have placed in me as their nominee to be the next U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Cote d'Ivoire. If confirmed, I will
dedicate myself to furthering this important bilateral relationship,
and advancing America's interests in Cote d'Ivoire.
I would like to thank my parents, Bill and Cathy Bell, who gave my
brothers and me an enriching upbringing on three continents, an
unwavering example of integrity, humility and grace, and a love for our
country that our international experiences only served to strengthen.
My brothers Mark and Paul have been inspiring me for decades. I am the
proud father of Annis and Will, and so grateful to their mother Vicky,
without whom I probably never would have joined the Foreign Service. I
would also like to thank Ambassador Don Yamamoto, now our ambassador to
Somalia: when he was running the Africa Bureau of the State Department,
he went above and beyond in advocating for an ambassadorship for me.
In my twenty-eight years as a Foreign Service Officer, I've had the
privilege of serving on or near four continents, including three full
tours in Africa: Madagascar, Ethiopia, and Niger--where I was Charge
d'Affaires for a year. Since September 2018, I've been serving as the
Charge d'Affaires in Chad. Not coincidentally, three of those African
postings were in Francophone countries, where I was able to put my
French fluency to good use. I look forward to getting to know
personally the ``jewel of West Africa,'' Cote d'Ivoire.
Cote d'Ivoire has seen immense success since 2011, after emerging
from civil conflict, and is once again an engine of growth in West
Africa. The country went from negative growth and stagnation during a
decade-long conflict, to real GDP growth of seven to nine percent
annually since 2012. Cote d'Ivoire is the world's largest exporter of
cocoa beans and raw cashews, and one of the best-performing economies
in the world. The U.S. government is supporting the Ivoirians in this
growth. In 2017, a 525 million dollar Millennium Challenge Corporation
Compact was signed to support the country's education and
transportation sectors. In addition, in December 2018, Secretary of
Commerce Wilbur Ross and the Foreign Minister of Cote d'Ivoire signed a
memorandum of understanding which aims to help U.S. companies increase
investment in Cote d'Ivoire. Cote d'Ivoire will host the 2019 African
Growth and Opportunity Act Annual Forum in Abidjan this August.
Cote d'Ivoire is the United States' largest Francophone Africa
trading partner, and the United States imports 15 percent of Cote
d'Ivoire's cocoa. Almost every M&M and Snickers bar that Mars sells
here in the United States contains Ivoirian cocoa. I am aware of
concerns about child labor in the cocoa sector and know that the
Embassy is working closely with the Ivoirian government, NGOs and the
chocolate industry to address these concerns. Much of our engagement
with Cote d'Ivoire addresses factors that can contribute to child
labor. We are thus active in supporting women's economic empowerment,
improving access to education, and improving health services. Our
efforts to increase law-enforcement capacity will help Cote d'Ivoire
deal with those who use child labor and exploit children in forced
labor.
Energy and economic growth are key areas of engagement for the
U.S.-Ivoirian relationship. USAID supports the expansion of the Power
Africa initiative to Cote d'Ivoire, with a focus on helping the
Ivoirian government's program to increase connectivity to the national
power grid, especially in rural areas. In 2019, the U.S. Trade and
Development Agency approved three feasibility-study projects in
biomass, hydro, and smart grid. USAID is implementing a Trade Africa
program that includes promoting regional trade in key value chains
under the Ivoirian national export strategy.
If confirmed, I will support Cote d'Ivoire's economic efforts to
achieve inclusive growth through a diversified, modern economy. I would
encourage Cote d'Ivoire to create an environment that is even more
conducive to private-sector-led growth and that creates employment
opportunities for its people, including women and youth.
Cote d'Ivoire aims to become an emerging economy by 2020, but to
meet this goal the country must sustain its impressive economic growth,
distribute benefits more broadly, improve government services,
strengthen democratic institutions, improve security sector governance,
and conduct free and credible elections in 2020.
Our Embassy is actively promoting good governance and respect for
human rights in Cote d'Ivoire. USAID, for example, supports an
increasingly capable, professional, and organized civil society and
media active across the political landscape. USAID focuses on
strengthening the electoral process and encouraging greater voter
participation, particularly among youth and women, urgent needs in the
lead-up to the 2020 presidential election.
A strong democracy, political inclusiveness, and reconciliation
will be necessary to solidify Cote d'Ivoire's economic success and
ensure the country does not fall back into civil conflict. If
confirmed, I will work with the government of Cote d'Ivoire to
strengthen governance, enhance transparency, and become increasingly
responsive to citizen needs. I will also support democratic
institutions and advocate for 2020 presidential elections that are
free, fair, and thus credibly reflect the will of the Ivoirian people.
I would also continue U.S. support for the Ivoirian people through
our significant investments in Health. U.S. global health assistance is
by far the largest area of U.S. development assistance in Cote
d'Ivoire, programmed through multiple U.S. agencies, including CDC,
USAID and DoD. The U.S. government, through the President's Emergency
Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), supports the majority of Cote d'Ivoire's
national HIV response, nearly $1.6 billion since 2004 in assistance
provided by the United States to help Cote d'Ivoire achieve control and
eventual elimination of its HIV/AIDS epidemic.
Cote d'Ivoire is entering a critical phase in its post-conflict
recovery process. The country will need strong support and smart
bilateral cooperation from the United States and other international
partners to consolidate the democratic and economic gains it has made
since the end, in 2011, of more than a decade of conflict. With the
right support, Cote d'Ivoire will serve as an engine for economic
growth and a model for private-sector-led development in West Africa.
We are expanding our security cooperation with Cote d'Ivoire--a troop-
contributing country to the U.N. peacekeeping mission in neighboring
Mali--to strengthen its capacity to play a crucial stabilizing role in
a region that is increasingly at risk due to terrorism and other
transnational threats.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members
of the committee for this opportunity to appear before you. The
Ivoirian people--from the president and his government to the humblest
cocoa farmers--are friends of America. If confirmed, I will strive to
keep it that way, to reinforce our interests in a stable, prosperous
and peaceful Cote d'Ivoire. I warmly welcome any questions.
STATEMENT OF HON. MARY BETH LEONARD, OF MASSACHUSETTS, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
COUNSELOR, TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY
OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF
NIGERIA
Ambassador Leonard. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member,
distinguished members of the committee, I am so deeply honored
to appear before you today as the nominee to be the next U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Nigeria.
I would like to thank my family, who are with me through
the miracle of live-streaming, and I would also like to thank
some Foreign Service family who are here today, including among
my most cherished mentors, Ambassador Johhny Young and Terry
McCulley, who was a distinguished past Ambassador in both
Nigeria and Cote d'Ivoire.
I am grateful to President Trump and Secretary Pompeo for
the trust and confidence they have shown in nominating me for
this position. If confirmed, I will strive to marshal the
experiences from over 2 decades of African postings in a 31-
year Foreign Service career, including two tours as chief of
mission. As U.S. Ambassador in Mali, I addressed converging
issues of governance and security. In my current assignment as
Ambassador to the African Union, I have regularly witnessed
Nigeria's diplomatic heft and agility, as well as regional
coordination to address its security challenges. If confirmed,
I look forward to working closely with members of the committee
and your staffs to promote and protect U.S. interests with
Nigeria.
Nigeria is a country of many paradoxes. Its vast oil
revenues help fuel a huge economy. Yet corruption and failures
of governance have blocked meaningful health services,
educational opportunities, and prosperity for too many of its
citizens. Serious security challenges stand in counterpoint to
vibrant entrepreneurs and cultural achievements. The challenge
for the U.S. relationship with this strategically important
partner is how Nigeria can successfully validate its
inestimable promise for peace and prosperity for its citizens
and the broader region. President Buhari shares our priorities
of expanding economic growth, increasing security, and
countering corruption. If confirmed, I will be committed to
harnessing U.S. diplomacy, foreign assistance, and the
ingenuity and appeal of the U.S. private sector to partner with
Nigeria toward these goals.
Nigeria is our second largest trading partner on the
continent with over $8 billion in two-way trading. In President
Trump's April 2018 meeting with President Buhari at the White
House, the first African head of state to be welcomed there, he
emphasized the potential for expanded U.S.-Nigerian trade. That
is why the U.S. government welcomes Nigeria's recent decision
to sign on to the African Continental Free Trade Area. As I
have stated often in my role as Ambassador to the AU, by
opening African markets and lowering barriers to trade and
investment, this agreement can pave the way for increased U.S.-
Africa trade. If confirmed, I would look to harness U.S. tools
ranging from the African Growth and Opportunity Act to the
coming Development Finance Corporation's increased budget for
insurance, loans and loan guarantees, and equity investments to
promote our mutual prosperity.
Nigerians in nearly all of the country's 36 states are
plagued by insecurity, from terrorism in the northeast to
militant attacks and maritime piracy in the south, to inter-
communal violence, kidnapping and crime across the country.
Vice President Pence and Nigerian Vice President Osinbajo
discussed these security challenges as well as ways to better
protect citizens during their June 26 White House meeting. If
confirmed, I will keep firmly in mind our long-term goal of a
more operationally capable and professional military and police
services that respect human rights, protect civilians, and hold
those responsible for abuses and violations to account, as only
such forces can truly deliver security to the people of
Nigeria.
Escalating inter-communal conflict is frequently based in
resource competition, but inflamed by conflation of ethnic and
religious overlays. If confirmed, I will work to ensure the
U.S. government helps Nigeria address these conflicts' root
causes, enhance the security and justice sector response, and
support Nigerian inter-faith efforts.
Nigeria needs to build trust between the government and its
people to succeed in fulfilling its great promise and to
strengthen its democracy. A large share of our roughly $500
million annual bilateral assistance portfolio targets Nigerian
human capital to create a more productive and stable African
partner. Nigeria's 2015 elections contributed to positive
democratic trends in much of West Africa, and despite some
flaws, the 2019 elections demonstrated Nigeria's commitment to
improving its democracy. If confirmed, as Nigeria passes the
20-year mark of a return to democratic rule, I will ensure the
United States continues to be a stalwart partner of the
Nigerian people as they work to solidify their country's place
a democratic leader in Africa.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, I
would be honored to be confirmed to the privilege of directing
the U.S. relationship with Nigeria. I thank you for this
opportunity to appear before you, and I look forward to your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Leonard follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mary Beth Leonard
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee,
I am so deeply honored to appear before you today as the nominee to
serve as the U.S. Ambassador to the Federal Republic of Nigeria. I
would like to thank my family, of both the actual and Foreign Service
trees, who are with me in spirit and virtually through the magic of
live streaming.
Indeed, the list of prior U.S. ambassadors to Nigeria includes many
of my most valued mentors and professional idols in the Foreign
Service, and I am grateful to President Trump and Secretary Pompeo for
the trust and confidence they have shown in nominating me for this
position. Having completed seven tours in Africa and two domestic
Africa-related assignments in the course of my 31-year Foreign Service
career, if confirmed I will strive to marshal these experiences to
follow successfully in their storied footsteps. As U.S. Ambassador in
Mali, I addressed converging issues of governance and security; in my
current assignment as Ambassador to the African Union, I have regularly
witnessed Nigeria's diplomatic heft and agility, as well as regional
coordination to address its security challenges. If confirmed, I look
forward to working closely with members of the committee and your
staffs to promote and protect U.S. interests with Nigeria.
With the continent's largest population, democracy, and economy,
Nigeria fully merits the sobriquet of ``Africa's giant,'' and our
relationship with Nigeria is arguably the most important one in sub-
Saharan Africa. It is no understatement to say that overarching U.S.
policy priorities for Africa in trade, counter-terrorism, good
governance, human rights, and responsible use of U.S. government
resources can only be met if we meet them in Nigeria.
As I began my preparations for the confirmation process, I was
struck by the depth of passion evinced by those who follow Nigeria's
many paradoxes. Its vast oil revenues help fuel a huge economy, yet
corruption and failures of governance have blocked meaningful health
services, educational opportunities, prosperity, and access to justice
for too many of its citizens. Security challenges including communal
violence and terrorism stand in counterpoint to wellsprings of vibrant
entrepreneurs and cultural achievements in film, literature, and
academia more broadly. The challenge for this strategically important
partner--and the U.S. relationship with it--is how Nigeria can
successfully validate its inestimable promise for peace and prosperity
for its own citizens and the broader region. President Buhari, recently
elected to a second term, shares our priorities of expanding economic
growth, increasing security, and countering corruption. If confirmed, I
will be committed to harnessing U.S. diplomacy, foreign assistance, and
the ingenuity and appeal of the U.S. private sector to partner with
Nigeria toward these goals.
Nigeria is our second-largest trading partner in Africa with over
$8 billion in total trade in goods in 2018; hundreds of U.S. companies
do business in Nigeria. President Trump in his meeting with President
Buhari at the White House in April 2018--the first African head of
state he welcomed there--emphasized the potential for expanded U.S.-
Nigerian trade. By adopting more market-oriented economic policies,
improving infrastructure and the investment climate, and tackling
corruption, the government of Nigeria can present great opportunities
for both of our countries. That is why the U.S. government welcomes
Nigeria's recent decision to sign on to the African Continental Free
Trade Area. As I've stated often in my role as Ambassador to the
African Union, by opening African markets and lowering barriers to
trade and investment, this agreement can pave the way for increased
U.S.-Africa trade. If confirmed, I would look to harness U.S. tools--
from existing ones like the African Growth and Opportunity Act and our
hard-working Foreign Commercial and Agriculture Service Officers--to
newer ones like Prosper Africa and the Development Finance
Cooperation's increased budget for insurance, loans and loan
guarantees, and equity investments to promote our mutual prosperity.
Nigerians in nearly all of the country's 36 states are plagued by
insecurity: terrorism in the Northeast, banditry and inter-communal
conflict in the Northwest and Middle Belt, militant attacks in the
Niger Delta, maritime crime and piracy in the Gulf of Guinea, and
kidnapping and criminal gangs throughout the country. Vice President
Pence and Nigerian Vice President Osinbajo discussed these security
challenges as well as ways to better protect civilians during their
June 26 White House meeting. Nigeria is working with its neighbors to
improve the stability of the Lake Chad Basin, counter Boko Haram, and
put down the attempted rise of ISIS- West Africa. If confirmed, I will
keep firmly in mind our long-term goal of a more operationally capable
and professional Nigerian military and police services that respect
human rights, protect civilians, and hold those responsible for abuses
and violations to account, as only these kinds of security forces can
truly deliver security to the people of Nigeria. The Nigerian
government must continue to work to ensure that the almost eight
million people still reliant on humanitarian assistance can safely
return to their communities and restart their livelihoods. Separately,
I have also been alarmed by reports of escalating farmer-herder and
inter-communal conflict frequently based in resource competition, but
enflamed by conflation of ethnic and religious overlays. If confirmed,
I will work to ensure the U.S. government is using its full range of
tools to help Nigerians address these conflicts' root causes, enhance
security and justice sector response, and support Nigerian inter-faith
and inter-communal efforts.
Nigeria's ability to succeed in fulfilling its inestimable promise
depends heavily on building trust between the government and its
people, as well as strengthening its democracy and respect for human
rights. A large share of our almost $520 million FY 2018 bilateral
assistance portfolio helps Nigeria build human capital, fight poverty
and promote health, and it creates a more productive and stable African
partner. Youth employment and education for women and girls are also
key elements of these efforts. Nigeria's 2015 elections contributed to
a positive West African trend toward increasingly democratic elections
and peaceful transfers of power.
Despite some flaws, the 2019 elections demonstrated Nigeria's
commitment to improving its democracy. As it passes the 20-year mark of
a return to democratic rule, I, if confirmed, will ensure the United
States continues to be a stalwart partner of the Nigerian people as
they work to solidify their country's place as a democratic leader in
Africa.
Nigeria's regional and global impact is enormous, and its dynamic
people are the greatest asset of a nation whose resources are equal in
scale to its considerable challenges. Like Americans, Nigerians are
hard-working, inventive, and entrepreneurial. Nigeria's youth are
fueling exceptional endeavors in areas from Information Technology to
agriculture, offering the promise of the opportunities the country will
need to meet the challenge of its youthful demographics. If confirmed
to the privilege of directing the U.S. relationship with Africa's
giant, I look forward to channeling our own nation's dynamism with the
full range of our diplomatic, assistance, and commercial tools to
support Nigeria toward the prosperity and security on which our and the
continent's shared futures depend.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, I thank you
for this opportunity to appear before you, and I look forward to your
questions.
STATEMENT OF MICHELLE A. BEKKERING, OF THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA, TO BE AN ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR OF THE UNITED STATES
AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, ECONOMIC POLICY, ECONOMIC
GROWTH, EDUCATION, AND ENVIRONMENT
Ms. Bekkering. Senator Graham, Ranking Member Kaine,
distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today as the President's nominee for Assistant
Administrator for Economic Growth, Education and Environment at
the U.S. Agency for International Development.
I would like to start by thanking President Trump and
Administrator Mark Green for their support and confidence in my
ability to serve in this role.
I would also like to thank E3's Acting Assistant
Administrator Carrie Thompson and the entire E3 management team
for their outstanding leadership.
I am pleased to be joined here today by my friends and
colleagues who took the time to come and cheer me on. I want to
especially note Eddy Acevedo, Casey Redmon, Curtrice Dorsey,
Elizabeth Montgomery, and Ranta Russell, who have shepherded me
throughout this nomination process.
I also want to recognize my parents, family, and friends
back home in Iowa who are here with me in spirit and watching
this via video stream.
And most importantly, I would like to thank my husband Mark
and our 4-year-old daughter Hadley who are here with me today.
This moment was made possible because of your love,
encouragement and support, and for that I thank you.
My career path has uniquely prepared me for this position.
I have had the pleasure of serving at USAID for the past 2
years, and I share Administrator Green's mission and vision for
international development and the values this agency holds
dear. Prior to joining USAID, I spent 12 years at the
International Republican Institute, or IRI, which is an
international democracy development organization dedicated to
promoting democracy and freedom across the world. I carried out
assignments in both Washington, as well as in the field, which
provided me with a greater appreciation and understanding of
how to work with our partners to foster locally led development
and achieve sustainable impact in our shared development goals.
If confirmed, I will also bring my previous U.S. government
experience to this position. I spent several years working in
the House of Representatives, and during the Bush
administration, I worked in the European and Eurasian Affairs
Directorate of the National Security Council. If confirmed, I
look forward to working closely with Congress to advance our
shared priorities in a bipartisan manner.
This professional experience will serve me well if I am
confirmed as Assistant Administrator for E3. The E3 Bureau is a
complex portfolio of offices that cut across all aspects of our
development work to tackle the key challenges that inhibit a
country's ability to meet its development goals. We do this by
providing technical leadership, research, and field support to
our regional missions across the world.
If confirmed, I will focus on the following priority areas.
Economic growth and trade. We will continue to help our
partner countries catalyze and sustain growth while building
their capacity to mobilize and manage domestic resources in an
effective, transparent, and accountable manner that benefits
all citizens. We will continue to work with our partner
governments to ensure that their trade and regulatory regimes
are efficient and transparent in order to level the playing
field and promote the access of U.S. business interests to
markets overseas. We will continue to support energy programs
that help our partner countries transition to a more secure,
reliable, affordable, and sustainable sector. Finally, we are
committed to working hand in hand with the private sector to
design and deliver our development and humanitarian programs in
all areas.
Education. We will continue working towards the goals
outlined in the U.S. government Strategy on International Basic
Education, as mandated by the READ Act of 2017. The goal of the
strategy and our new education policy is to achieve a world in
which educational institutions enable all individuals to
acquire the education and skills necessary to be productive
members of society, with a particular focus on the marginalized
and vulnerable populations.
Environment and natural resources. We will continue to
invest in the conservation of our natural resources while
simultaneously tackling environmental crimes, including
wildlife trafficking, illegal fishing, and illegal logging. We
will also continue our quest to reduce ocean plastics pollution
by working with our local partners to stop waste from entering
the oceans while improving recycling and the proper collection
of waste. Finally, we recognize that changes in climate pose
new challenges for development, and we will continue to assist
our partner countries' capacity to anticipate and withstand
weather extremes which can reduce the need for costly
humanitarian response.
And finally and maybe most importantly, we recognize that
promoting the equality and empowerment of women and girls is
not simply a part of development, but the core of all of our
development work. To that end, we will continue our commitment
to supporting women and girls by integrating gender equality
and women's empowerment across every sector of our work.
As you are aware, through the USAID transformation, the E3
Bureau will change structurally, but the new successor bureau,
the Bureau for Development, Democracy, and Innovation, will
continue E3's focus on technical leadership. If confirmed, I
look forward to implementing Administrator Green's vision for a
transformed USAID.
Senator Graham, Ranking Member Kaine, distinguished members
of the committee, as you can see, the leadership of the E3
bureau is critical to our development goals at USAID. It is,
therefore, my honor to be here today as the administration's
nominee for the position of Assistant Administrator of E3. If
confirmed, I will work tirelessly on behalf of the American
people to carry out USAID's mission to promote and demonstrate
our democratic values abroad, while advancing a free,
prosperous, and peaceful world.
Thank you and I look forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Bekkering follows:]
Prepared Statement of Michelle A. Bekkering
Senator Graham, Senator Kaine, and distinguished members of the
committee, I am honored to appear before you today as the President's
nominee for Assistant Administrator for Economic Growth, Education and
Environment (E3) at the United States Agency for International
Development (USAID). I thank President Trump and Administrator Green
for their support and confidence in my ability to serve in this role.
I would like to start by thanking Acting Assistant Administrator
Carrie Thompson and the entire E3 management team for their outstanding
leadership. E3 consists of more than 200 of the most experienced and
passionate development officials with whom I have had the pleasure of
working, and I look forward to re-joining this incredible team if
confirmed.
I am pleased to be joined here today by my friends and colleagues
who took the time to come and cheer me on. I also want to recognize my
parents, family and friends back home in Iowa who are here with me in
spirit and watching this via videostream. And most importantly, I would
like to thank my husband, Mark, and our four-year-old daughter, Hadley,
who are here with me today. This moment was made possible because of
your love, encouragement and support, and for that I thank you.
I have had the pleasure of serving at USAID for the past two years,
and I share Administrator Green's mission and vision for international
development, and the values this Agency holds dear: excellence,
integrity, respect, empowerment, inclusion, human dignity, and a
commitment to learning.
My career path has uniquely prepared me for this position. I spent
twelve years at the International Republican Institute (IRI), an
international democracy-development organization dedicated to promoting
freedom and democracy worldwide. During my career at IRI, I managed a
variety of programs, including cross-sectoral global ones, with a focus
on citizen-responsive, democratic governance; civil-society and
parliamentary strengthening; leadership development; and people-to-
people exchanges. I carried out assignments in both Washington, as well
as in the field, which provided me with valuable experience across the
entire cycle of program design, implementation and management. In my
role as Residential Country Director for Indonesia, I developed a
greater appreciation and understanding of how to work with our partners
to foster locally-led development and achieve sustainable impact in our
shared development goals.
Importantly, I also was charged with increasing the political
inclusion of women and youth; causes about which I am passionate. I
have had the great privilege of working with women all around the world
who are striving to make a positive difference in their communities and
countries, often in the face of great adversity. Their endurance,
passion, and commitment inspire me to this day. If confirmed, I look
forward to continuing to champion USAID's programming to promote gender
equality and female empowerment.
If confirmed, I will also bring my previous U.S. government
experience to this position. I spent several years working in the House
of Representatives, and during the Bush Administration, I worked in the
European and Eurasian Affairs Directorate of the National Security
Council. Having served in both the legislative and executive branches
of the U.S. government, I have a deep understanding of the relationship
between the branches of our government, as well as profound respect for
the responsibilities endowed upon each. If confirmed, I look forward to
working closely with Congress to advance our shared priorities in a
bipartisan manner.
This professional experience will serve me well if I am confirmed
as Assistant Administrator of the Bureau for Economic Growth, Education
and Environment (E3). The E3 Bureau is a complex portfolio of offices
that cut across all aspects of development and aim to tackle the key
challenges that inhibit a country's ability to meet its development
goals by providing technical leadership, research, and field support to
our geographical bureaus and regional missions across the world. In
many ways, the breadth and depth of the technical leadership embedded
in E3 is the engine that drives USAID forward in advancing the Journey
to Self-Reliance and ending the need for foreign assistance.
I would like to briefly highlight a few of the issues I will
prioritize if confirmed as Assistant Administrator for E3.
Economic Growth and Trade: Broad-based economic growth is critical
for creating high-quality livelihoods, fostering stability, and helping
countries become increasingly self-reliant. As an economy grows, so
does a country's ability to provide for the needs of its people--such
as basic education, clean drinking water, and high quality health care.
We need to continue to help our partner countries catalyze and sustain
growth, while building their capacity to mobilize and manage domestic
resources in an effective, transparent, and accountable manner that
benefits all citizens.
As our partner countries' economies grow, so does their demand for
U.S. exports, which multiplies opportunities for U.S. firms and creates
more jobs for American workers. We will continue to work with our
partner governments and the private sector to promote business-
friendly markets, including fair and efficient regulatory and trade
regimes that encourage competition, safeguard private property, and
allow commercial enterprises to grow. These actions support U.S.
business interests by leveling the playing field and promoting market
access overseas.
Finally, we recognize the role of the private sector in meeting our
vast array of development goals. Today, over 90 percent of resource
flows to emerging and developing economies comes from the private
sector. The private sector also creates nine out of every ten jobs in
the developing world. These facts prove what our Administrator Mark
Green has often said, that ``Private enterprise is the single most-
powerful force for lifting lives, strengthening communities, and
accelerating self-reliance.'' Through USAID's new Private-Sector
Engagement Policy, we are institutionalizing private-sector engagement
as a core tenet of our operating model. We are committed to working
hand-in-hand with the private sector to design and deliver our
development and humanitarian programs in all areas. This policy signals
an intentional shift towards enterprise-driven development as a more
sustainable way to assist countries on their Journey to Self-Reliance.
Education: Education is a foundational driver of development, and
transformational for individuals and societies, because it creates
pathways to better health outcomes, economic opportunities, and
peaceful, democratic societies. In 2018, E3 led the development of the
U.S. government Strategy on International Basic Education mandated by
the READ Act of 2017. The goal of the Strategy is to achieve a world in
which educational institutions in partner countries enable all
individuals to acquire the education and skills needed to be productive
members of society, with particular focus on improving learning
outcomes and expanding access to education for all, particularly the
most marginalized and vulnerable populations. It also served as the
foundation for USAID's new Education Policy, which sets priorities and
direction for our investment in this sphere. I want to thank this
committee for its support of USAID's education programming and look
forward to continuing USAID's strong partnership with Congress on
education.
Environment and Natural Resources: Prosperity and peace depend on
healthy ecosystems, and the conservation of biodiversity is critical to
achieving equitable and sustainable development. We will continue to
invest in this sector as fundamental to achieving our objectives in
public health, food security and economic growth, while simultaneously
tackling environmental crimes, including wildlife trafficking, illegal
fishing, and illegal logging. We will also continue our quest to reduce
ocean plastics pollution by working with our local partners to stop
plastics and other mismanaged waste from entering the ocean while
improving recycling and the proper collection and disposal of solid
waste. We also recognize the importance of a water-secure world, in
which people and nations have the water they need to be healthy,
prosperous, and resilient. We will continue to lead the Agency's
implementation of the Water for the World Act of 2014, by assisting
governments, civil society, and the private sector in our partner
countries to plan, finance, and deliver safe water and sanitation
services for the neediest, while sustainably managing water resources.
Finally, we also recognize that changes in climate pose new challenges
for development, and we will continue to assist our partner countries'
capacity to anticipate and withstand weather extremes, which can reduce
the need for costly humanitarian response.
Energy and Infrastructure: Resilient infrastructure, including a
sustainable energy sector, is the critical foundation for inclusive,
sustainable growth and essential to a country's self-reliance. We will
continue to help utilities in partner countries procure and produce
sufficient power at affordable prices and institute the internal
reforms necessary to improve their delivery of service, while
supporting financially self-sustaining operations. We will also
continue to support the establishment of strong legal and regulatory
frameworks necessary to strengthen international energy systems and
create economic opportunity for U.S. entities.
Gender Equality and Female Empowerment: Finally, at USAID, we
recognize that promoting the equality and empowerment of women and
girls is not simply a part of development, but the core of our
development work. As the President's 2017 National Security Strategy
notes, ``Societies that empower women to participate fully in civic and
economic life are more prosperous and peaceful.'' To that end, we will
continue our commitment to supporting women and girls by integrating
gender equality and female empowerment across every sector of USAID's
work.
As you aware, through the USAID Transformation, USAID is re-
orienting our structure and processes around the Administrator's vision
for ending the need for foreign assistance. The E3 Bureau will change
structurally, but the new successor bureau--the Bureau for Development,
Democracy, and Innovation--will continue E3's focus on technical
leadership, research, and field support across these sectors. If
confirmed, I look forward to implementing Administrator Green's vision
for a transformed USAID.
Senator Graham, Senator Kaine, and distinguished members of the
committee, as you can see, the leadership of the E3 Bureau is critical
to achieving our development goals at USAID. It is therefore my honor
to be here today as the Administration's nominee for the position of
Assistant Administrator for Economic Growth, Education and Environment.
If confirmed, I will work tirelessly on behalf of the American people
to carry out USAID's mission to promote and demonstrate our democratic
values abroad, while advancing a free, peaceful, and prosperous world.
I look forward to your questions.
Senator Graham. Well, thank you all. Congratulations to you
and your family members. This is a big day in your life, and I
think you have earned this honor. A very impressive group of
people.
So you have a job to do in Africa. Here is my question. If
we reduce the developmental aid budget by 22 to 24 percent, Ms.
Bekkering, does that help your job or does it hurt it?
Ms. Bekkering. Well, thank you, Senator Graham, for your
continued support of USAID funding, and I know as Administrator
Green has told you before, there is probably never going to be
enough resources to meet all the development challenges we are
facing.
Senator Graham. Is it a good time to cut funding?
Ms. Bekkering. We will continue to program efficiently and
effectively the dollars you are so generously providing to us.
Senator Graham. I just think it is nuts to do that.
So, Ms. Leonard, 90 percent of the revenue for Nigeria is
the oil economy. Right?
Ambassador Leonard. Yes.
Senator Graham. It is their country to run, but part of
what she wants to do is try to diversify economies. Do you
think it would be a good place to start is Nigeria?
Ambassador Leonard. Absolutely, and I think the government
of Nigeria is overwhelmingly dependent, as you mentioned, on
oil revenues. But there is also--and the U.S. mission also
supports efforts to diversify the economy, including through
agriculture, which is the occupation of many Nigerians.
I think an interesting new wrinkle in this is, as I
mentioned in my remarks, Nigeria's adherence to the African
Continental Free Trade Area. Nigeria has often taken a rather
protectionist view----
Senator Graham. Can you do me a favor and report back to
the committee in 6 months your efforts to help Nigeria
diversify their economy?
Ambassador Leonard. If I am confirmed, I would be delighted
to get back to you in 6 months.
[Laughter.]
Senator Graham. Good answer. Assuming you get the job. If
not, do it anyway.
[Laughter.]
Senator Graham. Mr. Bell, I just got back from Cote
d'Ivoire with Senator Coons on a trip. A beautiful place. One
of the things that we are talking about is there is a coastal
road being envisioned in West Africa that could actually
connect up to some of the countries of the Sahel. Are you
familiar with this project?
Mr. Bell. Thank you, Senator.
I am aware of interest in a road across the coastal part of
West Africa and of the MCC compact----
Senator Graham. So here is what I want you to do. I want
you to make this like a big priority because I want us to do
this, not the Chinese. I think it will transform that part of
western Africa, and there really is no port for the Sahel
unless it is Cote d'Ivoire. So I think this committee is very
interested in that project.
Ms. Lapenn, what is the Trump administration's policy
toward Africa?
Ms. Lapenn. Thank you, Senator. The priorities that I laid
out are fully consistent with the administration's agenda. It
is a focus on opening up politically, on, as you just talked
about, diversifying economy, and supporting market reforms, and
also ensuring security.
Senator Graham. Do you think it is smart to cut the
developmental budget by 22 percent?
Ms. Lapenn. So for me in the field, my role is to use the
money that you give us, taxpayer money, as well as I possibly
can, and I will do that, if confirmed.
Senator Graham. So the African Union is marching down the
road of trying to create a more professional peacekeeping
force. They are talking about trying to collect $400 million
among the member nations of the African Union. I am very
excited about this. They want sort of a regular funding from
assessed contributions to the U.N. I do not know if that is a
good idea or not. Do you think this is a great step in the
right direction?
Ms. Lapenn. Thanks, Senator. I do. I think the instinct to
self-finance and have regular, predictable, sustainable
financing is exactly right. It is one that we can be supportive
of. And then how we get there, as you say, we will need to work
out.
Senator Graham. From a national security perspective,
Africa is a place to keep our eye on. Do you agree with that?
Ms. Lapenn. Yes, I do, sir.
Senator Graham. There is a lot of opportunity for
terrorists to go there, and I want to get ahead of--get there
before they do.
South Africa. Ms. Marks, you are the only non-career person
here. How did you get the nomination and why should I vote for
you?
Ms. Marks. Thank you for the question, Senator.
The day after the election, I called the President to
congratulate him and was told I would make an ideal candidate
for an ambassador and would I be interested. And I said I was
deeply honored, and yes, of course, I would be interested.
I have started a business from scratch throughout the
United States and globally. I have set up all the supply chains
for everything. I have done all the negotiations throughout the
United States and globally. And I feel this would hold me in
good stead in increasing business between the United States and
South Africa, if confirmed.
I have also had a knowledge of South Africa, born and
raised in South Africa. I speak three of the four most widely
spoken of the 11 official languages. I have a knowledge of
South Africa, and I feel this would hold me in good stead. I
have also served on various boards internationally. I have
interfaced socially and with media and communications, and all
of these together, if confirmed, I would utilize to the best of
my ability in that position. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Graham. Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
And again, congratulations to the nominees.
Ms. Marks, I want to follow up with you on South Africa.
President Trump waded into a controversy about a year ago
when he tweeted that he had instructed Secretary Pompeo to,
quote, closely study the South Africa land and farm seizures
and expropriations and the large-scale killing of farmers. That
quote was widely condemned. The Anti-Defamation League said
that it was deeply troubling and that it was a white
supremacist talking point.
You mentioned positively the administration of President
Ramaphosa. The land reform, as I understand it, is an effort to
deal with the situation. Whereas, because of a 1913 Native
Lands Act, Africans were prohibited from owning land. And so
today in 2019, 80 percent of the population of the nation is
black South Africans and they own 4 percent of the land.
Domestic politics are for the country, not the Ambassador
to figure out. But from your understanding of South Africa, do
you generally support the efforts to find some equity in land
that President Ramaphosa's proposes and what might the U.S. do
to be helpful in that regard so that if it is done, it is done
the right way?
Ms. Marks. Senator Kaine, you have raised two issues. One
with the land. It is a historically fraught issue, a
complicated issue in which there are legitimate grievances by
the majority. And on the other hand, you have to consider
security, economy, productivity not only for South Africans but
American companies doing business there. That is on the one
hand. It is being dealt with in a transparent manner, which the
administration approves of, and I think it is important that we
engage them with this going forward to the best of our ability.
If confirmed, I will put all my efforts in that regard with our
policy.
And then second of all, no farms have been confiscated at
this time. But second of all, with murders and all of that, it
is shocking--the murders in South Africa. It is unacceptable.
Farm murders and other murders. And the new President Ramaphosa
has said that it is a very, very consideration of his to get
this under control.
We have the program, the facility Illia in Botswana and we
have other facilities. I would encourage the police force there
to get involved in this in a much more meaningful way. And if
confirmed, I will engage and I would very much appreciate,
Senator Kaine, if I could engage with you going forward on this
issue.
Senator Kaine. Excellent.
I do not know the answer to those questions. Is it your
understanding that murders of farmers are dramatically higher
than they were decades ago, dramatically lower, about the same?
Ms. Marks. Senator, any murders of farmers is shocking. Any
murders in general are shocking.
Senator Kaine. Absolutely.
Ms. Marks. The ratio goes up. It goes down. It is less than
1 percent of the total murders of the country, but they are all
unacceptable.
Senator Kaine. But I am talking about trends. Is this a
trend that you understand is getting worse, getting better, or
about the same?
Ms. Marks. The trend has gone down. However, it is not
acceptable.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
Let me ask, if I could, Ambassador Leonard a question about
Nigeria. In 2015, the leaders of Boko Haram pledged that they
were a unit of ISIS. Talk a little bit about the Boko Haram-
ISIS connection. Is that just a claimed affiliation or is there
something more to it than that? Boko Haram, obviously, is such
a problem in Nigeria and surrounding nations as well.
Ambassador Leonard. Thank you, Senator, for the question.
In terms of the security threats in the north of Nigeria,
the two organizations of concern are, of course, Boko Haram and
ISIS West Africa. And I think that the latter is perhaps the
one with the more pernicious connections or potential
connections. And if confirmed, I would continue to work very
hard to help the government of Nigeria to address those
security threats, making sure that they do so in ways that
respect human rights of citizens, that protect civilians, that
hold people who committed abuses to account.
Senator Kaine. Can I just interrupt you there and ask you
about that? I think that is a very good point because some
allege that human rights abuses by the Nigerian Security Forces
can be a driver of extremism. So what might the U.S. do in
partnership with Nigeria to make sure that the appropriate
focus on security includes respect for human rights?
Ambassador Leonard. Absolutely. Yes, it can become a
driver, which is a reason why it needs to be fixed.
The way that the mission has approached this to date is to
keep our security assistance to date in a very defensive
posture in the sense of defensive as in providing intelligence,
air surveillance, anti-mining, and making sure that all of our
security assistance contains a component of human rights
compliance and training. You know, there is the obvious
incentive for the government of Nigeria, who needs to make this
problem smaller not bigger, to make sure that their security
forces adhere to that and, by the way, that we structure our
rather narrowly focused security assistance. We can help bring
that along.
Senator Kaine. Great. Thank you.
Senator Graham. Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you, Chairman Graham. Thank you,
Ranking Member Kaine. Thank you to all of you for your
willingness to serve our nation and for those of you who have
dedicated decades of your lives to careers in foreign service
across the continent.
As some of you know, I have traveled to 30 countries on the
continent. I have visited several of you in posts overseas. I
look forward to visiting several of you in posts overseas, and
time spent in South Africa and in Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania as a
young man really shaped my life and gave me deep insights into
the promise, the potential, and the challenges that face
Africa.
I am particularly concerned with working in a bipartisan
and sustained way for us to promote the most positive aspects
of the U.S.-Africa relationship both in public health, in
prosperity, and security and in the promotion of democracy and
human rights.
I am going to work from the right to the left, if I might,
and try and stay within my time, but I may go a minute or 2
over, Mr. Chairman, if you will forgive me.
Ms. Bekkering, in USAID, one of the, I think, more
significant bills of this Congress will be the work that
Chairman Graham is leading, which I am supporting, on a
bipartisan, bicameral bill called the Global Fragility Act.
This would require a coordinated strategy between our
Department of Defense, State Department, and USAID, and it
would invest in stabilizing the most fragile countries that are
most at risk of the destabilizing forces of terrorism,
extremism, poverty, desertification, and poor governance.
Can I count on your support for this effort? Can you tell
me how you would see this effort playing out and what, if any,
questions or concerns you have about an effort that would seek
to better coordinate the currently siloed efforts of DOD,
State, and AID in this area?
Ms. Bekkering. Well, first of all, thank you for your
support on this issue and Senator Graham as well.
You know, it is a matter of fact that a majority of the
countries right now where USAID has programming are conflict-
affected. And so this is really not only restricting our
development--or the success of our development goals, but in
many cases, it is reversing it. So for us, it is necessary that
we work with the interagency and civil society because there
are roles for all of us to play here, increasingly since that
nexus between development assistance, conflict and humanitarian
assistance is becoming blurred.
For us, yes, we would support the bill. I think we would
say that we just would want to continue to have the flexibility
needed to adjust since the situations on the ground do change
so rapidly.
Senator Coons. And how can we ensure that the new
Development Finance Corporation that is the outcome of the
BUILD Act actually gets stood up by October 1st and is as
effective as it can possibly be? You will play a significant
role because this is $60 billion worth of new potential private
sector investment in doing development and infrastructure
right.
Ms. Bekkering. And again, we want to thank Congress, the
Senate. This is another great example of bipartisan support for
a bill.
So we are on track to stand up the new DFC by October 1st.
There is still more work to be done. Since the passage of the
bill, we have worked very closely with our colleagues in OPIC
on the operational aspects of setting up the new DFC, as well
as working in the interagency through a policy process which is
being led by the NSC and OMB.
Our chief concern is that the DFC remain what it is in
name, which is a development corporation. And so we are working
very hard to ensure linkages to make sure that development
remains the first goal.
It also dovetails really nicely: as you know, in December,
we launched our new private sector engagement strategy at
USAID. So these two things tied together are very significant
for us as an agency as we carry out our work. It frankly
recognizes that 90 percent of the resource flows around the
world are now not from the public sector. And so we need to be
better at working with the private sector in co-designing and
co-financing our initiatives, and better asking them up front
what their interests are and better understanding of where we
as a government come in and what specific role we have to play.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Ms. Marks, if I might, you are nominated for literally one
of the best jobs in the world, which is U.S. Ambassador to
South Africa. And I hope you appreciate, as I believe you do
from your testimony, the long and deep and significant ties
between the United States and South Africa and the ways in
which we can and should grow together as we seek to address
both the legacy of apartheid and the potential of a country
with a remarkable constitution, a multi-lingual, multi-ethnic,
multi-faith nation endowed with tremendous human resources and
natural resources.
During the reauthorization of AGOA, I worked closely with
my friend and colleague, Senator Isakson, to eliminate
longstanding barriers to the export of U.S. poultry to the
South African market. Today poultry producers in my home State
of Delaware, as well as many other States, are now benefiting
from a quota of U.S. poultry into South Africa that are
excluded from an antidumping tariff. And South Africa is now
one of the top 10 export markets for U.S. poultry.
But there are some recent tensions, understandable
discomfort or unhappiness on the part of South Africans with
the steel and aluminum tariffs that were applied by the
administration, as well as pressure from domestic partners in
South Africa producers.
How will you work to sustain this critical market
opportunity? I heard your passion for keeping markets open. How
will you focus on this one in particular? And what would be
your broader priorities for the U.S.-South Africa relationship
economically?
Ms. Marks. Senator Coons, thank you for this very important
question.
I followed your trip recently when you went to the South
African constitution, by the way.
Senator Coons. The Constitutional Court.
Ms. Marks. The Constitutional Court, yes.
Senator Coons. A wonderful visit.
Ms. Marks. Yes.
I have been following the poultry exports and your
interests and Senator Isakson's, and if confirmed, I will
ensure South Africa continues to fulfill this very important
quota. And if there are any problems or any rumblings, I will
immediately address those, if confirmed. And I would very much
if I could engage with you going forward and Senator Isakson on
this matter and possibly even come and visit in Delaware to
have an even greater understanding of this, if confirmed.
In terms of the greater trade, I think we have to, if
confirmed, look across Africa at all the different tools that
we have within the mission, within South Africa, with the
United States, and with South Africa and once--if I am
confirmed--on the ground look at all of these tools and see
where we can dramatically increase trade in all the different
areas whether it is manufacturing, whether it is energy,
whether it is services, whether it is a communication
technology, all these areas that we in the United States are
interested in in increasing our trade with South Africa. If
confirmed, I would look at that very carefully.
Senator Coons. Thank you. I think there are huge
opportunities for us to strengthen South Africa's economy, its
potential both for historically disadvantaged populations and
for those who have long experience in agriculture and in other
sectors. And I think it is a tremendous export opportunity for
the entire American economy. So I look forward to working with
you on this.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Graham. Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you all very much for being here today and for
your willingness to consider taking on these tremendous
responsibilities at this challenging time.
Ms. Lapenn, you have considerable experience in Africa, and
I am sure that you know the importance of the United States'
role in mediating and being engaged in conflict negotiations.
As you are probably aware, in 2017, the President signed into
law the Women, Peace, and Security Act. And the administration
has now unveiled its strategy for implementing that law. And we
know from data the importance of having women at the table when
we are negotiating an end to conflict.
So as Ambassador, how would you work with the leadership of
the African Union to ensure that women are involved in any
conflict mediation, and where do you think those efforts could
be most effective today as we look at the challenges on the
African continent?
Ms. Lapenn. Thanks so much, Senator.
I am familiar with the legislation and the strategy and
some of the history on UNSCR 1325.
I think the story in Addis right now has been a pretty good
one. There has been work being done by the AU, including with
U.S. support particularly around the Continental Results
Framework, basically holding the regional economic communities
and member states accountable for their commitments under WPS.
The AU has also created a special envoy.
So I think there is interest, there is openings, and if
confirmed, it is an area that I would certainly be focused on
and looking towards the 2020 anniversary as well as hopefully a
forcing function to continue the good work the team has already
been doing.
Senator Shaheen. Are the particular conflict areas
countries where you think it is particularly important to
ensure that the strategy is implemented?
Ms. Lapenn. I think there is interest in encouraging the AU
to engage more in Cameroon. There was discussion about the
fragility risks, and we are watching that closely. And so I
would seek to engage the AU at the commission and members of
the PSC on that issue.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I think that is going to be
particularly important as we look at the challenges ahead in
Africa.
My next question is going to be for Ambassador Leonard
because one thing that I had been very concerned about is the
impact of the current administration's expanded global gag
rule. The information that we have on Nigeria is that as the
result of this expanded global gag rule, one of the
organizations has lost millions of dollars for programs to
deliver counseling and long-acting reversible contraceptives.
They are forced to end a project that engaged close to 2,000
government health care providers to be able to provide
competent, voluntary, balanced counseling, and that program has
ended and the women who were participating have lost access to
those services.
So if confirmed, will you work with USAID, with the
Nigerian government, and civil society to try and lessen the
harmful impacts of this policy? And can you tell me how you
envision possibly doing that?
Ambassador Leonard. Thank you for that question, Senator.
I will tell you I was not aware of a specific organization
losing funding as you have described, although I am obviously
familiar with----
Senator Shaheen. We are happy to share with you our
information on that.
Ambassador Leonard. Thank you.
The lion's share of U.S. government bilateral assistance in
Nigeria is in the area of health. And clearly, I agree with you
entirely that women's health and its various ramifications are
an enormously important part of that. So I would be very happy
to work hard to be able to address the needs of women in such
circumstances. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
I should ask each of you who are going to be serving as
Ambassadors in Africa, if you are confirmed, if you will take a
look at these policies as well because the information we have
received--and this is something that I have had an opportunity
to ask Administrator Green about in terms of USAID's
information. But our information is that it is having a
tremendous impact on access to health care in a variety of
areas not just reproductive health, but because of the impact
of this new expanded gag rule, it is having impacts in other
areas as well.
So, Ms. Marks, would you take a look at what the impact of
that policy is?
And I guess I would ask, Mr. Chairman, if since they are
going to be reporting back to you in 6 months, maybe they could
report back to the entire committee on this issue so that we
would all have that information.
Ms. Marks. Senator Shaheen, if confirmed, I do undertake to
look into this and report back within 6 months. And thank you
for that question.
Senator Shaheen. And Mr. Bell?
Mr. Bell. Yes, Senator, absolutely. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. And Ms. Leonard, I would assume that based
on your previous response, you would agree with that. Thank you
very much.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Graham. Thank you.
I think we have a few more questions. Senator Gardner is on
the way.
Ms. Bekkering, I really appreciate what you an Ivanka Trump
have been doing, trying to look at laws in Africa but really
throughout the world, but particularly in Africa because this
is what the hearing is about, about laws that deny women the
ability to inherit property, to do certain kind of jobs. You
know, it is a big impediment to economic growth of that country
and certainly a big impediment to women having a stronger
voice.
Where do you see that going if you get this job?
Ms. Bekkering. Well, thank you for your support of the
Women's Economic Empowerment Initiative, which I know is shared
by Senator Shaheen and the other members.
So the initiative you are referring to, the Women's Global
Development and Prosperity Initiative is something we are very
excited about. It was launched in February. It is a whole-of-
government approach to women's economic empowerment.
We have lofty goals. We aim to economically enable 50
million women in the developing world by 2025. And we feel good
about our prospects of doing this. This is in line with the
work at USAID that we have long focused on, which is
recognizing that investing in women and girls, frankly, has a
multiplier effect, and it does have a return on our investment
no matter in what sector we are looking at.
So we are going to focus on three things.
The first is workforce development. We need to make sure
women have the skills and the opportunities necessary to enter
the formal labor market.
Number two, we need to recognize there is a huge credit gap
for women entrepreneurs. Estimates vary, but it is around $300
billion. So we need to connect them to support, to finance, to
networks.
And third, in an area that I am really passionate about
with my background in democracy, rights and governance is, as
you said, the regulatory, and legal environments that are
restricting women. We also recognize that there is a huge role
to play here working with our partners in civil society as we
are working on cultural and social issues as well that may
prevent women from realizing their goals.
Senator Graham. Ms. Lapenn, if confirmed, which I am sure
you will be, you will be the Ambassador to the African Union.
What I want to know from you is if you can kind of give us some
idea of how prevalent these laws are and take it up with the
member nations of the African Union. It is not our job to run
other people's countries, but if I have a limited amount of
dollars to invest in, I do not want to invest in an environment
where half the population really cannot succeed. So we can let
them know that this subcommittee and the appropriators, which
most of us are on the Appropriations Committee, will be looking
long and hard at laws and practices that stifle business
opportunities and economic opportunity in general for women. So
if you could deliver that message, I would appreciate it.
And with that, I am done.
Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Just quickly, Ms. Bekkering, you are
involved in a current restructuring effort, as I understand,
that the Economic Growth, Education, and Environment Bureau
that you are nominated to lead is being consolidated in with
some other entities to create a new Bureau for Democracy,
Development and Innovation. Could you just report to the
committee on the status of that restructuring effort?
Ms. Bekkering. Yes, that is correct, Senator.
So right now all congressional holds have been lifted and
so we are working on what we are calling a standup package at
USAID to put the new bureau into place. As you can imagine,
there are a lot of aspects we are looking at, such as staffing,
budgets, operational policies, et cetera. We are currently in
the process of that, and I would be happy to follow back up
with you and your staff in writing as we continue to progress
with our benchmarks.
Senator Kaine. I think that is something that the entire
committee would be interested in. We would appreciate that.
Mr. Bell, in your opening comments, you talked about some
real positive economic and other advances in Cote d'Ivoire.
Regional issues will intrude and there is instability in the
region. Talk to us about Cote d'Ivoire's strategy for dealing
with instability in the Sahel and Mali and how are they
prepared and what can we do to help them?
Mr. Bell. Thank you very much, Senator.
Until last August, I was the foreign policy advisor at
AFRICOM, and so I have some familiarity with this issue.
Just next month, Cote d'Ivoire is going to something like
triple its contribution to the U.N. peacekeeping mission in
Mali, from a company to a battalion. And tragically, MINUSMA
has become the deadliest U.N. peacekeeping mission in the
world. So that is a significant contribution.
I firmly believe that the more the U.S. military is able to
work with these African partner militaries, the better it is
for the entire country because of the professionalism that our
people bring to that. In every training we do, we always
emphasize the importance of protecting the civilian population,
respecting human rights. These are insurgencies, and rule
number one of counter-insurgency is it has to be you and the
population against the enemy.
So I hope that addresses your question, sir.
Senator Kaine. I think some of the best investments that we
make in my other committee, the Armed Services Committee, is
the work that we do in tandem with partners around the world,
that we are still such a partner of choice for nations in
Africa and elsewhere on training, including human rights
training. It is something as a portion of the Pentagon's budget
is just a fraction of a fingernail, but it actually produces
real value. And your experience in AFRICOM I think will be very
valuable in that.
Ms. Lapenn, in the African Union, my understanding is that
the current chair or incoming chair is President el-Sisi of
Egypt, and there are a number of issues that the African Union
are dealing with on Egypt's borders, Libya and Sudan. And in
some of those issues, Egypt's position and the U.S. position is
not quite aligned.
Could you share with us what you would predict or project
about President el-Sisi's leadership, chairmanship of the
African Union?
Ms. Lapenn. Thanks, Senator.
Yes, he is the current chair of the African Union.
If confirmed, my approach would be, I would say, similar at
the AU effectively to a bilateral mission, trying to move our
agenda where and how we can through relationships, through
getting a sense of who is who, who are our partners, where can
we move the needle. So, if confirmed, I would look seriously at
those particular policy issues and see how we can move African
Union members along with us, as well as others at the
commission.
Senator Kaine. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Senator Graham. Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you, Chairman Graham.
Let me ask just a follow-up question for each, if I might.
Ms. Lapenn, thank you again for your excellent to my visit
to South Africa and your service as charge in Pretoria. And I
am encouraged that you are going on to what I think is, as I
think Ambassador Leonard will tell you, a wonderful and a
challenging post. I would be interested in hearing from both
Ambassador Leonard, as you depart the AU, and you as you head
there. I think, as Chairman Graham mentioned, that the AU and
the U.N. should deepen our collaboration. I think our
engagement in supporting and funding and assisting AU-led
peacekeeping efforts is a great way to facilitate African-led
solutions to African security challenges.
How would you plan to use your role, if confirmed as our
Ambassador to the African Union, to support peacekeeping
operations? And to you and to Ambassador Leonard, do you think
the United States should provide increased financial support
for the AU peace support operations through the U.N. budget,
and do you think we have made enough progress in providing
accountability around a number of very troubling incidents of
misbehavior by peacekeepers, criminal and abusive and
inappropriate behavior by peacekeepers, of a variety of
nations, both Western, African, and otherwise?
Ms. Lapenn, if I might, first.
Ms. Lapenn. Thank you, Senator.
On the peacekeeping support, I think we are doing a lot of
good work particularly around training, around the capacity
building that a number have spoke to already, and particularly
with a focus on human rights, which is a U.S. value. It is
something that we bring. I think we have done a lot of good
work on that, and the results are positive.
We are seeing three things, I would say, in the
peacekeeping space from the African Union. We are seeing the
AMISOM mission in Somalia, political support for non-AU, non-UN
missions in the Sahel, and then also an identification of
standards, of norms, of institutions that are required. And we
are a crucial partner in all those efforts.
On your question about accountability, I think we need to
hold firm. We need to be very, very strong on this issue. And
that is additionally a reflection of our values, but it is also
what peacekeepers need to do to keep populations safe. And so
that I think will also have to be considered as our
conversations around the funding, conversations that
necessarily will come back here requiring congressional
consent.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Ambassador Leonard, if you would.
Ambassador Leonard. Thank you for that question. It is
providing me the opportunity to feel, I do not know,
valedictory or something.
[Laughter.]
Ambassador Leonard. But I think that part of the story line
of my time in the last 3 years at the AU was their successful
efforts to build a much closer working relationship with the
U.N. I think the Secretary-General and the chairperson at the
commission worked very well together, and that is a very
positive trend for thinking about the way that the world
addresses the challenges that face us.
The issue of accountability is huge. During the various
sort of U.N. operation renewals that have come up, we have
worked very hard, for example, like in a unibid, to have a lot
of granularity in the discussion about what it is that we mean
by the performance indicators to find things that are
achievable.
I think that the AU, in terms of the current conversation
going on about how we might change or what other approaches
might be taken to providing money for AU-led peace support
operations, has been working hard to come up with the answers
to the question, how have they further institutionalized those
performance standards. I think there is an interesting debate
to be had about what is the most productive way in which to
fund. Is it through our bilateral efforts or is there a case to
be made through the U.N.?
And in any of those circumstances, and particularly for the
U.N. there is also the question of financial accountability of
how those funds are used. That is a question that is posed by
us and other U.N. members. It is also the question being posed
by AU member states as they are being asked to contribute more.
So I think it is a conversation that is going in a positive
direction, and it is sort of a watch this space to see how it
ends, but probably in the near term.
Senator Coons. Well, thank you, Ambassador. You have
represented us well in Addis, and I think the AU is a
particularly important mission and relationship. And if
confirmed, you go to Abuja, which is in some ways an equally,
if not more, challenging and important post, a very complex
nation, Nigeria, with huge potential.
If confirmed, how will you ensure that Nigeria continues on
the path towards democracy and use the tools that you will have
available to you to ensure that we confront together what I
think is the serious security challenge of ISIS West Africa and
promote transparency and human rights compliance by the
Nigerian Security Forces?
Ambassador Leonard. Thank you for those very seminal
questions.
I think on the question of promoting democracy, I think the
best thing that we have going for us in our relationship with
Nigeria on the issue of democracy is the overwhelming support
of Nigerians towards that. You know, in sort of Afro-barometer
polling, there is a great attachment to the idea of elections
matter, results should be respected. This is something that
Nigerian citizens want.
Before I went to Mali, I was the Director for West African
Affairs, and I think the 2000 elections were the first time
that, although not anywhere near as good as the 2015--it was
the first time that things like parallel vote counts--this is
when Ambassador McCulley was there--were being used and having
measures to sort of track how that was going. I think people
were all very satisfied with what happened in 2015.
And in 2019, the issues of delay and some logistics
problems and some intimidation factors disappointed a lot of
people. I sometimes wonder if that disappointment is--you know,
it is not as if nothing better happened between 2015 and 2019.
There were a lot of process issues that were improved,
automaticity in registering new voters. And I sometimes wonder
if the disappointment was absolute or just that one had gotten
used to seeing a much increased trajectory across the
elections, and maybe we did not quite go there.
But as people in this room know, elections every 4 years
happen very quickly. So there is an awful lot of work to be
done to help that as we look towards 2023.
And the other part of your question was on peace and
security, yes. And as I mentioned before previously, I think
there is an incentivizing factor in the idea of focusing quite
narrowly now on the capabilities that we can provide that
encourage the Nigerian military and security services towards a
better approach to their duties and making sure that we are not
giving any assistance that can aid and abet some of the more
pernicious behaviors as a way to move it forward in a positive
direction. And so I think that, obviously, one does need to
continue to engage with them because the security challenges
such as ISIS West Africa are significant, not going to go away,
and cannot be ignored. But I think that we have come on a good
construct for moving forward with them both in terms of
addressing that challenge and in terms of reforming the way
they do business.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
I think the Global Fragility Act approach that Chairman
Graham and I are working on will help significantly with
stabilizing northern Cote d'Ivoire, northern Nigeria, and some
of the regional issues.
Mr. Bell, I will talk to you afterwards, if I can, about
the cocoa industry and child labor. I know I am well over my
time and am delaying my colleagues. But I am quite concerned
about the ways in which the industry has missed a number of key
deadlines, and I think there continue to be concerns about how
we work together to assure that children are not mistreated in
labor in the cocoa industry. We had a wonderful meeting with
the First Lady of Cote d'Ivoire about this issue, and I am
optimistic it is possible, but we need engagement.
And I think South Africa is a country of enormous
potential. I am encouraged, Ms. Marks, to hear you recognize it
correctly as a model that many other countries can learn from
of reconciliation after periods of great tension and
difficulty. And I look forward to meeting with you before we
get to a vote.
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Graham. Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Ms. Bekkering, a year or so ago, along with another of
other women Senators, I had a chance to meet with two young
women who had been kidnapped by Boko Haram. They were both from
Nigeria. And they had tragic stories to tell about seeing
family members murdered in front of them, being raped, being
taken away, being kidnapped and held in captivity for several
years.
And I asked them at the end of their story what they would
like us to tell the people of this country and the government
about what we should do to respond to that kind of situation
and to help young women in their situation. And they were both
very clear. They said education is the most important thing you
can do to help us.
So I know that that is part of your portfolio in your new
position, if you are confirmed. So can you talk about how
important education is for girls and young women in empowering
them and ensuring economic opportunities for them?
Ms. Bekkering. Well, thank you, Senator Shaheen, for
meeting with and being a voice for those young women.
This is an area of critical importance. 132 million girls
around the world are out of school. When we look at areas of
conflict and crisis, they are 90 percent more likely to be out
of school than boys. So it is a pervasive issue for us. We know
education is foundational to all of our development goals.
And so when we are looking at these staggering statistics,
the first thing we are doing is asking ourselves what are the
barriers that are keeping girls from going to school? We need
to first assess what those barriers are, and those barriers are
many, as I am sure you know, as is the whole field of women's
empowerment. We are looking at, first of all, can girls go to
school safely? Is there gender-based violence? Do they have
adequate water, sanitation, hygiene (WASH) facilities that
allow them to go to school? And then thirdly and very
importantly, we are looking at the cultural aspects, which
might say, ``a girl is not as important as a boy to go to
school or our family does not have the money to send both of
them.'' So in all of our programming, we do these analyses to
look at what are the various factors that are keeping girls
from being able to go to school and then working with our
partners to design the correct interventions to address those
barriers.
If confirmed, this is an area I confirm to you right now
that I will give utmost importance, and I look forward to
working with you and your staff very closely on this issue.
Senator Shaheen. So one of the things that I was surprised
at is looking at the World Economic Forum's Global Gender Gap
report and seeing that Pakistan has come in second to last on
that report, that USAID's own journey to self-reliance country
road map shows Pakistan lagging behind the world on gender
equality.
Can you speak to why it may be worse in Pakistan than some
other countries and what specifically we can do there to
support more education and closing that gap between girls and
boys?
Ms. Bekkering. So the Global Gender Gap Report is something
that we also look at, and it looks at four areas, as you know.
It is political participation and representation. It is health.
It is education, and it is economic participation.
So for Pakistan, I will be honest. I am not quite familiar
with why they rank so low. Is it on education specifically or
is it an average of the four pillars?
Senator Shaheen. I do not know the answer to that. I cannot
tell that from what I have in my briefing here. Roughly 50
percent of women and girls over the age of 10 have never
attended school, and 96 percent drop out by grade 12.
Ms. Bekkering. So let us talk about education, and that
makes sense. One of the areas that we have been increasingly
concerned about especially in Pakistan and other areas where we
have seen prolonged conflict is, first of all, simply that
there was such a huge destruction of schools. And in Pakistan,
as you know, especially in the regions, there were not girls-
only schools, and in a lot of areas, there were not schools
that were safe or of easy access to girls. This was one of our
big problems.
So we have invested significant funding in Pakistan. While
I am not the lead on those issues, since our mission takes the
lead on those issues, I do know that we have offered them
support on how to, one, re-enroll girls in schools, especially
in areas where they may have, for a time, been prohibited from
going to schools. We are also looking, of course, at the
economic opportunities since there is such a linkage there. But
I would be happy to talk to my colleagues in the Regional
Mission and Geographic Bureau and come back to you with some
more specifics.
Senator Shaheen. I think that would be helpful. Do we think
that the growth of madrasas and having so many children in
madrasas to go to school as opposed to in other schools is part
of what is contributing to this since girls would not be
included there?
Ms. Bekkering. That could very well be a factor. I am not
sure of the particulars, and I would rather be well informed
with my answers. So let me commit to looking into that and
coming back to you.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Graham. Thank you all very much. You accorded
yourselves well. Congratulations to you and your family.
We will keep the record open for questions until July the
18th.
The hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 4:40 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
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Additional Material Submitted for the Record
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Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Lana Marks by Senator Robert Menendez
U.S.-South Africa Relations
Question. U.S.-South Africa bilateral relations are generally
friendly, but there are periodic differences over foreign policy
issues. In multilateral forums, South Africa often backs developing
country and emerging country positions that are sometimes at odds with
stated U.S. interests. What do you view as the Trump Administration's
main bilateral priorities vis-a-vis South Africa? How would you seek to
advance them if confirmed?
Answer. A top priority in South Africa is to strengthen and deepen
our important trade and investment ties. Trade between our two
countries grows every year, and the United States remains South
Africa's third largest bilateral trading partner. We are major
investors in South Africa, where over 600 American companies account
for an estimated 10 percent of South Africa's gross domestic product.
In Cape Town, for example, U.S. investments over the last 15 years are
currently valued at U.S. $2.3 billion and have created nearly 8,000
jobs. For their part, South African investors, such as the energy and
chemical company Sasol, have mounted major projects in the United
States. Another South African firm, Nando's Peri-Peri Chicken, has
brought South African cuisine to American consumers. This economic
relationship creates opportunities for American companies, and jobs for
American workers. If confirmed, I would seek to make the United States
the number one trading partner for South Africa and the partner of
choice for the growth of its vibrant economy.
Another top priority is the decades-long U.S. investment in the
health of South Africans, specifically in fighting the HIV epidemic
that continues to affect over seven million South Africans. If
confirmed, I would uphold our vital effort in partnership with the
South African government to achieve epidemic control by the end of
2020.
In addition, the Trump Administration seeks to cultivate the long-
standing, deep, and genuine ties of affection that bind the American
and South African people. If confirmed, I would promote cultural ties
through youth-oriented programs like the Young African Leaders
Initiative, and through programs that share American music, sports, and
dance with local audiences. I would deepen our educational ties with
South Africa, which proudly stands as the number one contributor of
sub-Saharan African exchange students in our U.S. universities. I would
strengthen university partnerships, scholarships, and exchange programs
to ensure strong collaborative relationships between South African
researchers and their American counterparts. I would give special
attention to integrated projects, like the IBM Research Lab in
Johannesburg, that focus on innovation and opportunity for South
Africa's youth.
Question. What is the status of and what has been accomplished
under the bilateral Strategic Dialogue? Around what issues can the
U.S.-South African relationship be strengthened? What issues will you
recommend be part of the Dialogue if confirmed?
Answer. The United States and South Africa held ministerial-level
Strategic Dialogue (SD) meetings in 2010, 2012, and 2015. As a sub-
component of the SD, we have also held three Under Secretary-level
Working Group on African and Global Issues (WGAGI) meetings, in 2012,
2013, and 2019. The Annual Bilateral Forum (ABF), another component of
the SD process, involves South Africa-based staff from the U.S. Mission
and South African government officials and has taken place in Pretoria
every year since 2010. SD meetings have involved a wide range of
interlocutors from a variety of U.S. and South African government
agencies, and discussions have ranged from trade, investment,
agriculture, and health, to transportation, law enforcement, and cyber
security. Special sessions have focused on multilateral relations,
human rights, and African peace and security.
If confirmed, I would seek to continue our important bilateral
Strategic Dialogue and focus on key priority issues including trade and
investment, multilateral affairs, peace and security, and information
technology.
Question. What outcomes have resulted from the trilateral program,
under which the United States supported South African aid to other
African countries to address shared U.S.-South African concerns? Should
this program be continued? If so, what should be the areas of focus?
What will your role be if confirmed as Ambassador?
Answer. The Trilateral Assistance Program has supported South
Africa as a leader in regional and continental contexts in a manner
that is consistent with broader U.S. foreign policy objectives. For
example, In FY 2017, USAID supported South Africa to expand solar
resource mapping in Botswana and Namibia to help move the entire region
toward exploitation of renewable sources of energy for the future.
USAID also collaborated with South African universities and the South
African Department of Science and Technology to partner with numerous
African universities to expand knowledge on soil chemistry and
microbiology for improved agricultural production. If confirmed, I
would welcome a dialogue about programming in this area.
Question. President Donald J. Trump threatened to withhold U.S. aid
from countries that voted in favor of a non-binding resolution
rejecting the Administration's rejection of Jerusalem as the capital of
Israel, or otherwise vote against U.S. positions in the United Nations.
South Africa is currently on the United Nations Security Council.
Should the U.S. cut off aid to South Africa if it votes against U.S.
positions in the Security Council? If so, should that extend to
assistance provided under the Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief?
Answer. I have taken note of South Africa's voting record at the
United Nations. In 2018, 110 resolutions required a vote in the U.N.
General Assembly, and voting coincidence between the United States and
South Africa on those votes was 21 percent. It is important for South
Africans to consider whether their government's voting record
accurately reflects their values and commitment to human rights. If
confirmed as Ambassador to the Republic of South Africa, I would build
upon efforts already underway to improve multilateral cooperation with
South Africa and seek to work closely with the South African government
during its current tenure on the U.N. Security Council.
Question. Last August, President Trump tweeted, ``I have asked
Secretary of State @SecPompeo to closely study the South Africa land
and farm seizures and expropriations and the large scale killing of
farmers. South African government is now seizing land from white
farmers.'' @TuckerCarlson @FoxNews. What was the reaction to this tweet
in South Africa, to the best of your knowledge? To your knowledge, did
Secretary Pompeo examine the issue? If so, what were the findings?
Answer. The President asked the Secretary to look closely at the
current state of action in South Africa related to land reform. In a
statement, the South African foreign ministry indicated it was
``disappointed'' with the President's message.
Yes, the State Department has continued to follow these issues
closely. Deputy Secretary of State Sullivan visited South Africa in
March, followed by a visit by Assistant Secretary for African Affairs
Tibor Nagy in June. Both senior officials met with a wide range of
stakeholders to discuss the issue of land reform in order to increase
our understanding of this sensitive and important issue. I am aware
that the U.S. Mission to South Africa also engages on a regular basis
with South Africans on all sides of the debate in order to inform our
position. There is no doubt that debates on land reform in post-
apartheid South Africa are difficult and longstanding. South Africa is
working through this difficult process, and we are encouraged that it
is happening in an open manner, including through public hearings.
Question. ANC-led efforts to address the country's many challenges
have had a mixed record of success, and citizen expectations for rapid,
positive socio-economic transformation have broadly exceeded what the
state has been able to provide. Despite large state investments in
housing, services, and infrastructure, the quality of public goods and
services has often been poor, often spurring protests. In recent years,
university students protesting education fees also mounted large
protests. Recurrent allegations of corruption and cronyism at various
levels of government have also fueled public discontent. Opposition
parties have successfully exploited growing voter discontent with the
ANC, and won significant victories in local elections in 2016,
suggesting challenges for the ANC ahead of 2019 elections.
How do you interpret the meaning and extent of ``state capture''
under former president Zuma? In what ways, if at all, does Zuma remain
politically influential? In what ways, if any, do you expect that
influence to affect policies developed by the President Cyril
Ramaphosa's Administration?
Answer. I understand "state capture" to refer to systemic political
corruption, in which private interests shape the rules of the game and
influence decision-making processes to their own advantage. From 2010
to 2018, South Africa suffered from state capture under the
administration of former President Jacob Zuma, resulting in a series of
high-profile scandals, diminished economic opportunity, and a loss of
confidence in government institutions. In February 2018, President
Cyril Ramaphosa replaced Zuma and began taking steps to counter
corruption, such as by appointing a widely respected (independent)
National Director of Public Prosecutions and a new commissioner of the
South African Revenue Service. In addition, several high-level judicial
commissions of inquiry are underway. However, Zuma remains politically
influential among some factions of the ruling African National
Congress, as well as among some in his home province of KwaZulu-Natal.
His continued political influence could stymie or prevent the full
implementation of anti-corruption policies.
Question. What are the Ramaphosa Administration's main governance
reform priorities? What role if any, should the United States play in
assisting with reforms?
Answer. President Ramaphosa has pledged to undertake good
governance, anti-corruption, and market-friendly reforms in order to
rebuild trust in institutions and set the economy on a path toward
growth. President Ramaphosa's efforts signal a promise to put in place
sustainable anti-corruption structures, for the benefit of South
Africa's voting public as well as investors who point to anti-
corruption measures as key to economic growth.
If confirmed, I will build on the efforts already underway across
the U.S. Mission in South Africa to report and engage on good
governance and anti-corruption efforts. I will ensure top-level support
for the Mission's good governance working group, an interagency
mechanism that leverages expertise across agencies and sections. I will
support ongoing programs that address corruption and governance, and I
will advocate for additional resources in these areas.
Question. What is the status of efforts to amend the constitution
to allow for expropriation of private land without compensation? What
impact might such a change have on racial relations and private sector
investment, including potential investment from the United States?
Answer. At this time efforts to amend the constitution have paused.
The previous Parliament created the Ad Hoc Committee to Amend Section
25 of the Constitution and tasked it with drafting language for the
proposed constitutional amendment. The new Parliament has yet to issue
a mandate to reconvene the Ad Hoc Committee to continue the prior
committee's work. We expect to see some movement when Parliament
returns for its second term on August 20.
A multiplicity of land reform initiatives have been ongoing since
the end of apartheid, and most South Africans support such efforts.
However, the prospect of land expropriation without compensation
specifically is contentious because it creates economic uncertainty
around the country's protection of property rights. The South African
government is aware of the formidable challenge of finding solutions to
redress a century of wrongs to black South Africans without
compromising property rights, and has moved forward through
consultations with broad and diverse stakeholders. While a legal
framework for land reform continues to be worked out through a
legislative process, President Ramaphosa and other members of his
administration have publicly discussed expropriation in the context of
targeted circumstances, such as on abandoned buildings or underutilized
land. President Ramaphosa has repeatedly stated his commitment to
ensuring that land reform efforts do not undermine future investment,
agricultural production, or food security.
Question. How would you approach USG work to counter the violent
crime challenges in South Africa, and support the country's criminal
justice capacity?
Answer. South Africa faces daunting, complex challenges of violent
crime and an overburdened criminal justice system. If confirmed, I
would support the U.S. government's multi-pronged engagement on these
issues. For example, I would seek to increase South African
participation in U.S. training programs, such as through judicial
sector participation in U.S. public affairs exchange programs and
security force participation in the International Law Enforcement
Academy (ILEA) in Gaborone, Botswana. Moreover, I would search for
strategic windows of opportunity to further support South Africa's
National Prosecuting Authority, independent judiciary, and civil
society organizations, each of which plays a critical role in promoting
accountability and supporting victims of violent crime.
Question. What efforts is the U.S. government making to assist with
anti-corruption and transparency efforts in South Africa? Are our
actions commensurate with the challenge facing South Africa in these
areas?
Answer. If confirmed, I will build on the efforts already underway
across the U.S. Mission in South Africa to report and engage on good
governance and anti-corruption efforts. I will ensure top-level support
for the Mission's good governance working group, an interagency
mechanism that leverages expertise across agencies and sections. I will
support ongoing programs that address corruption and governance, and I
will advocate for additional resources in these areas.
Question. In mid-2018, the State Department reported that South
Africa's government does not meet minimum U.S. standards for the
elimination of trafficking in persons (TIP), a longstanding problem in
the country. The Department reports that the government is making
significant efforts to address TIP activity, but has insufficiently
funded anti-trafficking efforts for a second year in a row. It was thus
downgraded to U.S. Tier 2 Watch List country under a system set out in
the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, as amended.
How would you describe the scope of trafficking in persons (TIP) in
South Africa?
Answer. As reported in the 2019 Trafficking in Persons Report for
South Africa, human traffickers exploit domestic and foreign victims in
South Africa, and traffickers exploit victims from South Africa abroad.
Traffickers recruit victims from poor countries and poor and/or rural
areas within South Africa to urban centers, such as Johannesburg, Cape
Town, Durban, and Bloemfontein, where traffickers force victims into
sex trafficking, domestic servitude, criminal activities, and
agriculture. Syndicates-often dominated by Nigerians-facilitate
trafficking in the commercial sex industry. Traffickers increasingly
force women from Lesotho into sex trafficking in South Africa. To a
lesser extent, syndicates recruit South African women to Europe and
Asia, where traffickers force some into prostitution, domestic
servitude, or drug smuggling.
Question. What specific actions will you recommend we undertake to
support South Africa in improving its efforts to stop trafficking in
persons if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will recommend a set of specific goals and
objectives to further the government of South Africa's anti-trafficking
efforts. Key lines of effort will include investigating and prosecuting
officials suspected of complicity in trafficking crimes; increasing
efforts and capacity to investigate, prosecute, and convict traffickers
involved in organized crime syndicates that facilitate trafficking;
and, improving implementation of a variety of South African TIP-related
legislation. If necessary, I will advocate for U.S. government funding
to help advance these goals.
Question. What support have we provided to train officials to
investigate and prosecute those facilitating child sex trafficking or
adult forced prostitution?
Answer. The State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat
Trafficking in Persons currently has two projects, totaling U.S.
$1,575,000 that support the training of officials to investigate and
prosecute traffickers.
In 2019, the State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat
Trafficking in Persons awarded U.S. $825,000 to the United Nations
Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) for an anti-TIP program focused on
southern Africa, including South Africa. The program will train
criminal justice personnel, including judges, magistrates, prosecutors,
and law enforcement at the national and regional level to increase the
number of systematized, victim-centered human trafficking
investigations and prosecutions.
UNODC was also awarded U.S. $750,000, in 2016, to build the
capacity of the INTERPOL Regional Bureau for Southern Africa to support
the Southern Africa Development Community member states in victim-
centered investigations and prosecutions of trafficking in persons
cases. This project seeks to develop skills and support intelligence
driven bilateral and regional operations to combat TIP.
Question. What additional activities should we be undertaking to
assist South Africa in these areas?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that the U.S. Mission in South
Africa provides policy and, if possible, program support to further the
goals of the South African Department of Justice's National Policy
Framework on Trafficking in Persons. We will commit to routine
engagement with our South African counterparts to stress the importance
of these actions and in support of a robust partnership between our
governments for progress in addressing this crime.
Question. What U.S. assistance activities will be cut off should
South Africa be sanctioned under the Trafficking Victims Protection Act
for being on Tier Three?
Answer. The Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) restrictions
apply to the obligation of non-trade, non-humanitarian U.S. assistance
to the governments of Tier 3 countries. Trade-related and humanitarian
assistance are excepted from the restrictions, as are specific types of
security assistance related to counter narcotics, anti-terrorism, and
nonproliferation. The applicability of the restrictions, or a waiver
from the restrictions, is subject to a Presidential determination each
year.
Question. What specific actions will you take to help address the
scourge of trafficking if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the efforts of the State
Department's Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons to
address the scourge of trafficking. This will include setting goals and
objectives to further the government of South Africa's anti-trafficking
efforts and, if necessary, advocating for U.S. government funding to
help advance these goals.
While the South African economy is large and complex, annual real
Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth (i.e., growth as output as measured
in constant Rand) has been far lower in recent years than it was in the
mid-2000s, when growth in the 5% range was typical. Growth averaged
1.3% from 2014 through 2017 and is forecast at 0.8% in 2018. GDP as
measured in dollars-a key factor in current account transactions,
notably trade-also trended downward between 2011 and 2016 due to a weak
Rand. Domestic factors include high public deficits and debt, an
inadequately educated workforce, and rigid labor markets. In addition,
in 2014 and 2015 electricity generation deficits led to rolling power
blackouts, and such power shortages have recently resumed. The country
has also faced significant droughts, including one that caused severe
water shortages in Cape Town, a major global tourist destination.
Question. Why has South Africa's economy grown so slowly?
Answer. Although South Africa is the United States' most developed
trade and investment partner on the continent, it continues to struggle
with low economic growth and profound fiscal challenges. Forecasts for
economic growth generally are in the 1.3%-1.5% range for 2019 and 1.5%-
1.7% range for 2020, and for the budget deficit to be between 4.5%-4.9%
in 2019. In the first quarter of 2019, the unemployment rate in the
country rose to 27.6% (up half a percentage point from the previous
quarter) and to 55.2% for youth (aged 15-24), who represent 17 percent
of the population. The reasons for South Africa's economic challenges
are many and complex, but international ratings agencies have often
cited concern that the government's budget is increasingly
unsustainable, driven in part by large contingent liabilities to the
country's many large state-owned enterprises (SOEs). In addition, South
Africa's education system struggles to produce the number of high
school graduates needed for employment by key sectors of the economy.
The country's former engines of growth and tax revenue--manufacturing
and mining--still account for 70% of total exports, but have declined
in recent years. Over the last 30 years, manufacturing has fallen from
30% of GDP to 12% today, mining has fallen from 13% of GDP to 7.5%, and
services have grown from 51% to 65%.
Question. What are President Ramaphosa's economic reform and growth
priorities? What are the most promising areas for greater bilateral
trade, both regarding U.S. export opportunities and South Africa
exports to the United States, including under AGOA?
Answer. President Ramaphosa has indicated his plans to implement
structural economic reforms such as reducing the public sector wage
bill and restructuring state-owned enterprises (SOEs). These reforms
could help put the economy on a sustainable path of growth, but are
controversial.
As the largest export market for U.S. goods in sub-Saharan Africa,
South Africa has the greatest potential for growth of U.S. exports and
investment in our key sectors of economic strength, including
information and communication technologies (ICT), advanced
manufacturing, energy, and services.
South Africa is the greatest non-oil beneficiary and the most
diversified exporter under the African Growth and Opportunity Act
(AGOA). South African exports under AGOA totaled U.S. $1.5 billion in
2018. South Africa is the world's fourth biggest citrus exporter to the
United States.
Question. What are the implications of the Trump Administration's
tariff increases on U.S.-South Africa trade relations? How would
potential new tariffs on U.S. imports of South African autos affect
South Africa's economy?
Answer. The President's action under Section 232 is to protect U.S.
national security given massive and persistent global excess capacity
for, and resulting excessive imports of, steel and aluminum. Countries
have discussed with us possible alternative means to address our
concern. The President is considering the national security aspects of
these alternatives on a case-by-case basis.
On May 17, the President issued a proclamation that concurs with
the findings and conclusion of the Secretary of Commerce that the
quantities and circumstances of imports of automobiles and certain
automobile parts have weakened our internal economy and threaten to
impair the national security. Pursuant to Section 232 the President has
determined to pursue negotiation of agreements to address the
threatened impairment to national security.
The President has directed the United States Trade Representative
to lead the negotiation process and to update him within 180 days of
the status of those negotiations. If no agreements are reached by that
time, the President could decide then whether further action under
section 232 is appropriate.
Question. Mark Green launched Prosper Africa in Maputo, Mozambique
in June. Please explain how Prosper Africa is supposed to operate, and
how you as Ambassador will take advantage of the initiative in South
Africa if confirmed.
Answer. Prosper Africa will mobilize resources from across the U.S.
government to unlock the United States' unmatched competitive
advantages to vastly accelerate two-way investment and trade with
Africa states.
Prosper Africa draws on a broad range of tools, including the new
Development Finance Corporation, both to help African governments
improve the business environment in their countries and to support U.S.
companies interested in investing in Africa.
By expanding investment and trade with partner countries in Africa
and establishing a more level playing field for American businesses,
Prosper Africa aims to create jobs and strengthen African countries'
progress towards self-reliance.
If confirmed as Ambassador to the Republic of South Africa, I will
aggressively use Prosper Africa and other mechanisms to expand markets
in South Africa for American exporters and ensure our businesses and
products are treated fairly.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff when you are in Washington
for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador to South
Africa?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would be pleased to appropriately
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff during my tenure as
Ambassador to South Africa when I am in Washington.
Question. What do you consider the status of South Africa's state
of gender equality? What actions and programs will you promote to
support the improvement of the status of women and girls if confirmed?
Answer. South Africa's constitution contains strong protections for
human rights, including for gender equality. Women's rights are also
protected and upheld in South Africa by the Minister of Women in the
Presidency, the Commission for Gender Equality, the Commission for
Employment Equity, and a number of other government bodies, numerous
non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and labor unions. The U.S.
government, through the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief
(PEPFAR), also invests in protecting adolescent girls and young women
in South Africa through its DREAMS (Determined, Resilient, Empowered,
AIDS-free, Mentored, and Safe) public-private partnership to address
many of the factors that make girls and young women particularly
vulnerable to HIV, including gender-based violence and exclusion from
economic opportunities.
However, South Africa continues to struggle with gender-based
violence against women: between 25 and 40 percent of South African
women have experienced sexual and/or physical violence at the hands of
an intimate partner, according to the South African government's
Demographic and Health Survey.
Question. How will you ensure that existing and longstanding U.S.
policy commitments to ending gender-based violence, advancing the
rights of adolescent girls, and promoting women's leadership and
participation will be respected and advanced in South Africa?
Answer. While sexual violence is a global issue, the rate of sexual
violence in South Africa is among the highest in the world. If
confirmed, I would seek to leverage all U.S. government programs,
including development programs, exchange programs, security assistance,
and our sizeable HIV/AIDS assistance to deepen the impact of U.S.
support to help South Africa address many of the factors that impede
women's advancement in South Africa. This includes addressing factors
that make girls and young women particularly vulnerable to HIV,
including gender-based violence and exclusion from economic
opportunities, as well as promoting more broadly efforts to prevent
gender-based violence against women and assist those women who seek
counseling, medical, legal, or financial assistance. Additionally, I
would use public statements, speeches, and the press to add my voice--
and that of the United States of America--to this cause.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. My professional experience is based entirely in the private
sector, where I started an artisanal handbag business in Miami, Florida
and grew it into a global brand. My work involved global travel, cross-
cultural negotiation, and hard-nosed advocacy for my own rights and
intellectual property.
In business negotiations across the span of my career, I have
always advanced the values of honesty, fairness, and a firm belief in
the power of free markets. In certain countries where I did business,
these values had not fully taken hold, and it is no coincidence that
these countries tended to fall short on human rights and democracy.
Although I was operating in the capacity of a business leader, not an
activist or government official, I would like to think that my
adherence to these values-honesty, fairness, and free markets-served to
move the hearts and minds of my interlocutors in a direction more
favorable to human rights and democracy.
In addition, in my career I have negotiated with foreign public and
private sector leaders who were unaccustomed to the sight of women in
power. I dealt with these individuals personally, and in doing so, I
believe I influenced their views on the role of women in society. In
this way I contributed to the promotion of global women's rights, a key
component of human rights and democracy.
I have shared lessons learned through these experiences through my
participation in Harvard University's Kennedy School of government's
Women's Leadership Board, as a distinguished speaker for Georgetown
University's Women's Leadership Initiative, and by representing the
United States in Helsinki for the Women Business Leaders Summit.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in South Africa? These challenges might
include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as
possible.
Answer. Although South Africa is a vibrant democracy with a free
press and strong democratic institutions, it continues to face
challenges including corruption, gender-based violence against women,
attacks on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI)
persons, and trafficking in persons (TIP).
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in South Africa? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to the Republic of South Africa,
I would make the promotion of human rights and good governance a key
objective in order to strengthen South Africa's democracy. Corruption
scandals related to the administration of former President Jacob Zuma
are the subject of ongoing judicial proceedings, and the current
administration of President Cyril Ramaphosa has taken important steps
to fight corruption. If confirmed, I would support President
Ramaphosa's efforts through Mission programs and support from
Washington-based agencies. I would continue the U.S. Mission's ongoing
efforts to report on human rights abuses, gender-based and anti-LGBTI
violence, and trafficking in persons (TIP), through reporting cables as
well as public reports like the annual Country Report on Human Rights
Practices and Trafficking in Persons Report.
South Africa continues to address these complex, multi-pronged
challenges with the support of partners like the United States. My
greatest challenge in this regard, if confirmed, would be to match
existing U.S. resources, which are necessarily finite, with this wide
range of urgent reform priorities.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to the Republic of South Africa,
I would direct Mission staff to use Public Diplomacy, Self-Help, Africa
Regional Democracy Fund, and other sources of funding to support
democracy and governance. We would seek to apply these resources to
people and projects throughout South Africa, drawing voices from across
the country to form our opinions and shape our policies.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in South Africa? What steps will you take to pro-actively
address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via
legal or regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I will meet with human rights, civil society,
and other non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the United States
and in South Africa. I will ensure the U.S. Mission monitors any
attempt to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I would meet with democratically oriented
political opposition figures and parties. I would publicly encourage
and support South Africa's vibrant democracy and genuine political
competition, and I would advocate for access and inclusivity for women,
minorities and youth within political parties.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with South
Africa on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in South Africa?
Answer. South Africa enjoys a robust and independent press in a
sophisticated media landscape. That said, if confirmed I would ensure
that the U.S. Mission is vigilant to spot and address any government
efforts designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures. I would engage regularly with South
Africa's independent media.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I would seek to counter disinformation
and propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in
South Africa.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
South Africa on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. South Africa has long benefited from strong and independent
trade unions. If confirmed, I would actively engage with South Africa's
labor groups.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in South Africa, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do
the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face
in South Africa? What specifically will you commit to do to help the
LGBTQ people in South Africa achieve equal rights?
Answer. South Africa continues to suffer attacks on lesbian, gay,
bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) persons. If confirmed as
Ambassador to the Republic of South Africa, I would continue the U.S.
Mission's ongoing programming and reporting efforts to address human
rights abuses, including gender-based and anti-LGBTI violence, through
reporting cables as well as public reports like the annual Country
Report on Human Rights Practices and Trafficking in Persons Report. I
would also commit to continue to support addressing their HIV services
through the PEPFAR program,
One of the greatest obstacles to advancing women's empowerment and
gender equity is a lack of quality healthcare, including access to
reproductive health services. The U.S. government has historically led
global efforts to combat preventable maternal deaths through
investments in maternal and child health, nutrition, family planning,
and other critical health interventions. However, the Administration's
actions in the area of global health, such as expanding the Global Gag
Rule, have severely undermined these efforts.
Question. Has the expanded Global Gag rule affected program
implementation in South Africa? If so, how specifically?
Answer. The United States remains deeply committed to the people of
South Africa, including through our PEPFAR program, which represents
the vast majority of U.S. assistance to South Africa. Since 2004, in
partnership with South Africa, the United States has invested more than
U.S. $6 billion to control the HIV/AIDS epidemic in South Africa. South
Africa, with the support of the United States, has the largest HIV
treatment program in the world.
Question. What specifically will you do support South African women
and girls in gaining full access to the full range of health services
they require?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the State
Department's Office of the Global AIDS Coordinator, USAID, CDC, Peace
Corps, and others to ensure that the PEPFAR program continues its
successful efforts to help all South Africans--including women and
girls--live longer, healthier, and more productive lives by working
together with the South African government to prevent and treat HIV and
AIDS. A key part of this support is the PEPFAR-led Determined,
Resilient, Empowered, AIDS-free, Mentored and Safe (DREAMS) public-
private partnership that addresses many of the factors that make girls
and young women particularly vulnerable to HIV, including gender-based
violence and exclusion from economic opportunities.
Question. How do you characterize the current state and trajectory
of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in South Africa? What do you see as the
primary barrier(s) to achieving epidemic control in South Africa?
Answer. South Africa has the largest HIV epidemic in the world with
an estimated 7.5 million people living with HIV (PLHIV). In 2016, South
Africa had 270,000 new HIV infections and 110,000 AIDS-related deaths.
Currently, with U.S. government support, there are more than 4.4
million on life-saving antiretroviral therapy (ART) and 3.1 million
PLHIV not on ART in South Africa. In FY 2018, the PEPFAR team worked
together with the government of South Africa to identify 939,704 PLHIV
and started 752,934 new patients on treatment, resulting in 4,484,288
PLHIV currently on treatment across all 52 districts.
While we celebrate these successes, we also note that progress has
been insufficient to reach epidemic control and there are critical
barriers to ensuring success. The program is struggling to ensure every
person who starts on HIV treatment remains on it. If confirmed, I would
make it a top priority to coordinate efforts of U.S. and South African
stakeholders to achieve epidemic control by the end of 2020.
Violent crime is a significant problem across South Africa, as are
criminal justice system capacity challenges. There are periodic reports
of vigilante and mob violence, and police sometimes use heavy-handed,
abusive tactics. Broader challenges to social cohesion are manifest in
periodic xenophobic attacks on African immigrants and their businesses,
criminal attacks on white farmers, and the de facto racial segregation
of many residential areas.
Question. Is there a role for the United States in helping South
Africa address violent crimes and improve security?
Answer. South Africa faces daunting, complex challenges of violent
crime and an overburdened criminal justice system. If confirmed, I
would seek to increase South African participation in U.S. training
programs, such as through judicial sector participation in U.S. public
affairs exchange programs and security force participation in the
International Law Enforcement Academy (ILEA) in Gaborone, Botswana.
Moreover, I would search for strategic windows of opportunity to
further support South Africa's National Prosecuting Authority,
independent judiciary, and civil society organizations, each of which
plays a critical role in promoting accountability and supporting
victims of violent crime.
Question. What programs will you prioritize aimed at increasing the
capacity of an independent and effective judicial system?
Answer. If confirmed, I would strongly support ongoing U.S. Mission
efforts to increase the capacity of South Africa's independent and
effective judicial system. The Mission has undertaken extensive
engagement with various elements of the South African court system in
recent years with a goal of building judicial capacity. For example,
the U.S. Mission to South Africa provided a U.S. $15,000 grant to the
U.S. National Center for State Courts to provide training workshops to
South African justices, and has facilitated numerous exchange visits
and justice system collaborations.
Question. How would you describe the state of xenophobia in South
Africa? If confirmed, as an appointee of President Trump, what actions
could you credibly take to speak against xenophobia in light of
President Trump's recent tweets telling four members of the House of
Representatives-all U.S. citizens--``who originally came from countries
whose governments are a complete and total catastrophe'' to ``go back
and help fix the totally broken and crime infested places from which
they came,'' which appear to rest on the presumption that people of
color must not be U.S. citizens?
Answer. Xenophobic violence remains a problem in South Africa.
According to the State Department's 2018 Country Report on Human Rights
Practices for South Africa, an open-source system for information
collection on xenophobia-related incidents reported that 27 persons
were killed, 77 persons were assaulted, 588 shops were looted, and
1,143 persons were displaced due to xenophobic incidents during the 18
months between February and August 2017. Xenophobic violence in South
Africa is largely directed against refugees from Somalia, Ethiopia, or
the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In many cases the victims are
owners or managers of small, informal grocery stores in poor
residential areas.
If confirmed as Ambassador to the Republic of South Africa, I would
continue the U.S. Mission's efforts to direct programs and reporting to
address this ongoing problem.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government?
Answer. Yes, I believe that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all
employees under your leadership understand that any retaliation,
blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices will not be
tolerated?
Answer. If confirmed, I will remain vigilant in this regard and
will instruct agency and section leadership across the U.S. Mission,
including the Deputy Chief of Mission and the Human Resources Officer,
to ensure that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting)?
Answer. No.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority?
Answer. No, I have not. I take any potential issue of sexual
harassment, discrimination, and inappropriate conduct with the utmost
seriousness. While I have addressed concerns about workplace policies
related to compensation, I am not aware of any concerns regarding
harassment, discrimination, or inappropriate conduct. In the event I do
become aware of such concerns, I commit to addressing them quickly and
appropriately.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Lana Marks by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. My professional experience is based entirely in the private
sector, where I started an artisanal handbag business in Miami, Florida
and grew it into a global brand. My work involved global travel, cross-
cultural negotiation, and hard-nosed advocacy for my own rights and
intellectual property.
In business negotiations across the span of my career, I have
always advanced the values of honesty, fairness, and a firm belief in
the power of free markets. In certain countries where I did business,
these values had not fully taken hold, and it is no coincidence that
these countries tended to fall short on human rights and democracy.
Although I was operating in the capacity of a business leader, not an
activist or government official, I would like to think that my
adherence to these values-honesty, fairness, and free markets-served to
move the hearts and minds of my interlocutors in a direction more
favorable to human rights and democracy.
In addition, in my career I have negotiated with foreign public and
private sector leaders who were unaccustomed to the sight of women in
power. I dealt with these individuals personally, and in doing so I
believe I influenced their views on the role of women in society. In
this way I contributed to the promotion of global women's rights, a key
component of human rights and democracy.
I have shared lessons learned through these experiences through my
participation in Harvard University's Kennedy School of government's
Women's Leadership Board, as a distinguished speaker for Georgetown
University's Women's Leadership Initiative, and by representing the
United States in Helsinki for the Women Business Leaders Summit.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in South
Africa? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in South Africa? What
do you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Although South Africa is a vibrant democracy with a free
press and strong democratic institutions, it continues to face
challenges including corruption, gender-based violence against women,
attacks on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI)
persons, and trafficking in persons (TIP).
If confirmed as Ambassador to the Republic of South Africa, I would
make the promotion of human rights and good governance a key objective
in order to strengthen South Africa's democracy. Corruption scandals
related to the administration of former President Jacob Zuma are the
subject of ongoing judicial proceedings, and the current administration
of President Cyril Ramaphosa has taken important steps to fight
corruption. If confirmed, I would support President Ramaphosa's efforts
through Mission programs and support from Washington-based agencies. I
would continue the U.S. Mission's ongoing efforts to report on human
rights abuses, gender-based and anti-LGBTI violence, and TIP, through
reporting cables as well as public reports like the annual Country
Report on Human Rights Practices and Trafficking in Persons Report.
Specifically, I would seek to focus attention on the issue of
gender-based violence against women--between 25 and 40 percent of South
African women have experienced sexual or physical violence at the hands
of an intimate partner. While sexual violence is a global issue, the
rate of sexual violence in South Africa is among the highest in the
world. I would seek to leverage all U.S. government programs, including
development programs, exchange programs, security assistance, and our
sizeable HIV/AIDS assistance to deepen our impact to help prevent
gender-based violence against women and assist those women who seek
counseling, medical, legal, or financial assistance. Additionally, I
would use public statements, speeches, and the press to add my voice--
and that of the United States of America--to this cause.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in South Africa in
advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. South Africa's constitution is celebrated for its strong
protections of human rights, and South African courts and institutions
generally perform well. However, resource constraints prevent South
African courts and institutions from fully living up to the
constitution's ideals. As noted in the 2018 Country Report on Human
Rights Practices for South Africa, the judiciary remains understaffed
and underfunded, resulting in up to two-thirds of criminal cases never
resulting in verdicts. In cases of gender-based violence against women,
low conviction rates result from poor police training, insufficient
forensic lab capacity, lack of trauma counseling for victims and
witnesses, and overburdened courts.
South Africa continues to address these complex, multi-pronged
challenges with the support of partners like the United States. My
greatest challenge in this regard, if confirmed, would be to match
existing U.S. resources, which are necessarily finite, with this wide
range of urgent reform priorities.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in South Africa? If confirmed, what steps will
you take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I would meet with human rights, civil
society, and other non-governmental organizations in the United States
and in South Africa. I would uphold the Leahy Law and similar efforts
by ensuring that the U.S. Embassy maintains robust vetting practices,
and I would ensure that U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with South
Africa to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise
unjustly targeted by South Africa?
Answer. I am unaware of any such cases at the moment, but if
confirmed I would actively address any such cases should they arise.
Question. Will you engage with South Africa on matters of human
rights, civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Yes. If I am confirmed as Ambassador to the Republic of
South Africa, I would ensure that human rights, civil rights, and
governance remain a central aspect of the U.S. Mission's engagement
with South Africa.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in South Africa?
Answer. I am one of two trustees of a family trust, which holds
commercial and mixed-use real estate in South Africa. I am currently in
the process of transferring my trusteeship to a non-family member. If
confirmed, I will comply with all stipulations as outlined in my ethics
agreement and resign from this position.
Other than the above, neither I nor my immediate family members
have any financial interests in South Africa.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. I strongly believe that diversity makes business teams
better. If confirmed, I would strongly encourage mentoring for staff
members from diverse backgrounds and underrepresented groups, and I
would ensure that agency and section leaders throughout the U.S.
Mission engage in leadership practices that support diversity.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. A diverse and inclusive workforce is stronger, more
effective, and more representative of the wide diversity of the United
States. If confirmed, I would use the robust performance management
tools at my disposal to hold agency and section heads across the U.S.
Mission accountable to ensure they foster an environment that is
diverse and inclusive. I would lead by example, modeling inclusive
teambuilding and offering an open-door policy to any staff who would
wish to share a concern with me. Finally, I would ensure that all staff
are aware of their rights and responsibilities as federal employees.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in South
Africa specifically?
Answer. Political corruption has exerted a negative effect on
democratic governance and the rule of law in South Africa. Following
nearly a decade of corrupt practices under the administration of former
President Jacob Zuma, and the scandals that followed, many South
African voters lost faith in the democratic rights that were so hard-
won a generation ago. The fewest number of South Africans since the
country's first democratic elections in 1994 voted in the country's
most recent national election (66 percent of all registered voters),
which analysts have attributed to a ``perfect storm'' of multiple
corruption scandals, rampant unemployment, especially among youth, a
stagnant economy, and recurrent power failures following mismanagement
at the national energy utility. Political corruption also contributes
to the enrichment of the few at the expense of the many, exacerbating
economic inequality that is already the world's most severe, according
to the World Bank.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in South
Africa and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. From 2010 to 2018, South Africa saw a rise in corrupt
practices under the administration of former President Jacob Zuma,
resulting in scandals and a loss of confidence in government
institutions. Since February 2018, when President Cyril Ramaphosa
replaced Zuma and began taking steps to roll back corruption, the trend
has been significantly more positive. A number of high-level judicial
commissions, most notably a commission headed by Deputy Chief Justice
Raymond Zondo, are examining the extent of Zuma's corruption. President
Ramaphosa's anti-corruption efforts hold out promise for the benefit of
South Africa's voting public as well as investors who point to
successful anti-corruption measures as critical to sustainable economic
growth.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in South Africa?
Answer. If confirmed, I would build on the efforts already underway
across the U.S. Mission in South Africa to report and engage on good
governance and anti-corruption efforts. I would ensure top-level
support for the Mission's good governance working group, an interagency
mechanism that leverages expertise across agencies and sections. I
would support ongoing programs that address corruption and governance,
use public statements, speeches and the press to call attention to
these issues, and advocate for additional resources in these areas.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Lana Marks by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. Thank you for your commitment to look into the impact of
the President's Protecting Life in Global Health Assistance (PLGHA)
policy in South Africa. As you may know, South Africa has the largest
HIV epidemic in the world, with 19% of the global number of people
living with HIV, 15% of new infections and 11% of AIDS-related deaths.
Several detailed and credible studies have demonstrated that the impact
of the PLGHA extends beyond family planning services to other global
health concerns, including HIV/AIDS. In interviews conducted by the
International Women's Health Coalition, many NGOs described the clear
and devastating impact of this policy. The Executive Director of one
organization in South Africa said that ``When the U.S. pulls out
[organizations close] down services, it is not just the abortion
services. It is the information to women, it is HIV services, it is
pregnancy services, teenage pregnancy and related stuff. So what has
happened is that women's lives have become much more vulnerable, they
don't have access the way they did--and it is always the most poor
marginalized who suffer the most.''
In addition to examining the impact of the PLGHA on health systems,
will you commit to looking specifically at the impact of the
policy on the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief
(PEPFAR) and malaria and Tuberculosis programs?
Answer. The United States remains deeply committed to the people of
South Africa, including through our PEPFAR program, which represents
the vast majority of U.S. assistance to South Africa. Since 2004, in
partnership with South Africa, the United States has invested more than
U.S. $6 billion to control the HIV/AIDS epidemic in South Africa. South
Africa, with the support of the United States, has the largest HIV
treatment program in the world.
If confirmed, I will work tirelessly to ensure that health
programs, including those supported by PEPFAR and those focused on
malaria and tuberculosis, are maximally effective to save lives,
achieve epidemic control, and improve health outcomes in South Africa.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jessica E. Lapenn by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What are the most notable successes and shortcomings in
the African Union's efforts to resolve conflicts in Africa? What types
of U.S. support could most effectively enhance such efforts?
Answer. The African Union (AU) provides an excellent forum for our
African partners to proactively work through diplomatic and security
challenges before they arise and to provide credible, African-led,
multilateral responses to resolve ongoing conflicts and other security
challenges. The AU has had its greatest successes in missions in which
there is significant internal political support and, when necessary,
international partner resourcing. Through the AU Mission in Somalia
(AMISOM), the AU has provided the Somali government and people with an
opportunity to begin to achieve political goals and take its first
steps as a functioning state. The AU's greatest shortcomings are the
lack of human, technical, and financial capacity to fully support all
AU Commission-mandated activities. Continuing to assist the AU's
ability to carry out its missions through the provision of U.S.
advisory, technical, and limited operational assistance in coordination
with like-minded partners is the most effective way to support the
self-sufficiency of the AU.
Question. How effectively has U.S. support for AMISOM been
coordinated with that of other donors? What are the key lessons learned
from current or past AU peace operations?
Answer. U.S. support to AMISOM is coordinated at multiple levels to
ensure efficient and effective use of U.S. resources and avoid
duplication of effort. We have regular capital-level discussions on
AMISOM with the European Union (EU), which funds AMISOM troop salaries,
and AU counterparts. There is also extensive on-the-ground coordination
in Mogadishu via the Comprehensive Approach to Security process, which
brings together all the major security donors to AMISOM, including the
EU, United States, United Kingdom and the U.N. to enable timely and
comprehensive coordination of assistance. It is important for
international partners, such as the United States and EU, to work at
both the political and working levels to ensure there is sufficient
political support; avoid duplicative support efforts; and recognize the
comparative advantages of each donor.
Question. What role, if any, do you see for the United States in
supporting the AU's stymied mediation effort in Burundi, or in
bolstering regional peace efforts in South Sudan? What are the
impediments to the establishment of the hybrid court for South Sudan,
and how could the AU address them? What concrete actions will you take,
if confirmed, to
Answer. The United States fully supports regional mediation
efforts, including those by the AU, and regularly urges the government
of Burundi to engage productively.
The United States will continue to press the AU, the
Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), regional states, and
the government of South Sudan to support implementation of the South
Sudan peace agreement signed on September 12, 2018. We are also
coordinating closely with our Troika partners (United Kingdom and
Norway), the EU, and the U.N. We are committed to ensuring robust
enforcement of the U.N. arms embargo, and to encouraging South Sudan's
neighbors to play a positive role.
The United States supports accountability and is working with the
AU to encourage the government of South Sudan to establish the Hybrid
Court as articulated in the September 2018 Revitalized Agreement on the
Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan. The United
States is pressing the AU to step up efforts to operationalize the
Hybrid Court, including hiring key personnel.
If confirmed, I will continue to advocate the AU do more to
implement establishment of the Court.
Question. Please discuss the role of the AU Commission with regard
to ensuring the success of AMISOM, the MNJTF, and the G5 Sahel joint
force initiative. What actions, if any, could USAU pursue-as a
complement to the substantial U.S. military assistance provided to
these three forces-to support that end?
Answer. The AU Commission provides both direct (e.g. Somalia) and
indirect (e.g. MNTF and G5 Sahel) oversight of missions mandated by the
AU Peace and Security Council (PSC). The AU Commission supports AMISOM,
the MNJTF, and the G5 Sahel Joint Force by mobilizing African and
international partners' political backing and resources to provide
material and technical support for these forces. In addition, it
provides assistance and administrative support to the sub-regional
organizations in support of their missions. If confirmed, I will work
with the AU and like-minded international partners to ensure the
missions work on comprehensive approaches toward addressing AU
responses to insecurity.
Question. In December 2018, Ethiopia proposed a U.N. Security
Council resolution proposing to use U.N. assessed contributions to fund
AU peace support operations, and South Africa, which replaced Ethiopia
on the Council in January, may offer a similar resolution while it
holds the Council presidency in October. What concerns does the U.S.
have about such a proposal and what is the current status of
negotiations? If confirmed, what actions will you recommend the U.S.
take to address the issues of reliable steady funding from
international partners for African Union peace keeping missions?
Answer. The Administration values the African Union's (AU)
essential contribution to maintaining peace and security on the African
continent and supports its goal to have predictable and sustainable
funding for AU-led peace support operations (PSOs). Any proposed U.N.
Security Council resolution to use U.N. assessed contributions to
support AU PSOs must have sufficient safeguards to ensure it does not
cross U.S. red lines, including UNSC primacy, oversight, and
accountability.
In large part because the resolution, as introduced in December,
did not address U.S. concerns, and subsequent intensive discussions
failed to address those concerns, the Security Council did not take
action on this resolution. While the issue has not formally been taken
up by the Security Council, it is likely one of the AU countries may
introduce a similar resolution in October during the South African
presidency in the U.N. Security Council. At this time, the South
Africans have not introduced a draft for negotiation.
If confirmed, I will work with AU Member States to ensure U.S.
concerns and priorities are addressed when considering proposals to use
U.N. funding to support AU-led PSOs.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. As the Office Director for Human Rights and Humanitarian
Affairs in the Bureau of International Organizations, I led our team to
champion and support numerous human rights resolutions, including on
LGBTI human rights and country specific situations. As the Chief of
Staff for the Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security,
Democracy, and Human Rights, I supported the Under Secretary to direct
the bureaus which fell under her purview. In that role, I focused on
cross-cutting issues with strong human rights equities, including work
on the Atrocity Prevention Board, ensuring our efforts to counter
violent extremism included non-security tools and approaches; and
highlighted corruption concerns as a source of legitimate grievances
and a risk to stability and security.
I have also advocated for these issues in my last several overseas
leadership positions. As DCM in Rwanda, I led the Embassy's first ever
work on the human rights of LGBTI individuals, navigated challenges to
democratic consolidation, and supported civil society. I also managed
the surrender at the U.S. Embassy of Bosco Ntaganda, who was
subsequently convicted of war crimes and crimes against humanity. As
Charge d'Affaires in South Africa, I have supported efforts to
strengthen South Africa's democratic institutions. I have led the
Mission to use the full range of diplomatic tools, including exchange
programs, public statements, private encouragement, and foreign
assistance-funded programs.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to
consistent diplomatic support by the African Union for democracy or
democratic development on the continent?
Answer. Democratic deficiencies contribute to transnational threats
across the region; therefore we must help communities foster
legitimate, inclusive political systems that respect human rights and
the rule of law, reduce fragility, mitigate risks of violent conflict
and instability, and create enabling environments for economic growth.
The African continent has made important gains in democracy and
institution building over the last few decades, but those gains are
fragile and require support.
Repressive laws, often in the name of security, restrict freedom of
expression and peaceful assembly and undercut efforts to support
nascent civil society. These laws can provide legal cover for
harassment of opposition politicians, journalists, and civil society.
As a result, they curb internal dissent, stem legitimate criticism, and
limit the development of viable political competition.
Although elections are widely accepted as the norm in the region,
an increasing frequency of electoral events have contributed to
democratic backsliding instead of consolidation. In many countries,
corruption is endemic, and state institutions remain weak. In addition
to corruption, fiscal indiscipline and unaccountable public financial
management systems in Africa undermine economic growth and democratic
governance. Strong, accountable, and democratic institutions, sustained
by a deep commitment to the rule of law, are most successful at
generating greater prosperity and stability, and mitigating conflict
and ensuring security.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support more
robust African Union diplomatic support for greater respect for
democracy and democratic principles by member states? What do you hope
to accomplish through these actions? What are the potential impediments
to addressing the specific obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with the African Union (AU), as
well as member states, to support democratic institutions, respect for
human rights, accountability, access to justice, and good governance.
This includes supporting and improving the effectiveness of the
Department of Political Affairs, Office of Legal Counsel, and the
Democracy and Electoral Assistance Unit (DEAU), all of which play a
critical role to promote democratic values within the AU and the
region.
In particular, I commit to working with the DEAU to improve its
elections observation expertise, and press it, as well as like-minded
member states, to be critical of flawed elections and political
processes. I will utilize the U.S.-AU High Level Dialogue, and the
Democracy and Governance technical working group, to advance support
for free and fair elections, rule of law, transitional justice,
protection of marginalized populations, and anti-corruption efforts. I
will also work with the AU's Peace and Security Council to ensure
civilian protection and respect for human rights are the cornerstones
of its approach to peace and security in Africa.
There will be challenges. Capacity remains weak and resources
scarce within AU institutions. The leadership of some member states do
not share American values of democracy and respect for human rights,
and thus, achieving consensus within the AU for these issues could be
difficult. If confirmed, I commit to identifying influential decision-
makers who embrace U.S. values who can help advocate for why these
values are in the best interest of Africa and Africans.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations while
ambassador to the African Union?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to the AU, I commit to working
with a broad spectrum of actors from civil society, human rights
organizations, and other non-governmental organizations. A robust and
diverse civil society able to do its work unhindered is imperative for
a peaceful and prosperous Africa. I will strive to empower all
Africans, with particular emphasis on women and youth, to
constructively shape and participate in their social, political, and
economic environments.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
African Union on consistent advocacy for freedom of the press in member
states?
Answer. Yes, I commit to advocate actively and consistently for
freedom of expression, including for members of the press in member
states. As disinformation and manipulation work best in a monopolized
information space, I will work with allies and partners to encourage
and promote professional, balanced, and fact-based reporting while
respecting the independence of the media, and expose and counter
hostile disinformation campaigns.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
encourage appropriate the African Union organs to defend the human
rights and dignity of all people in member states, no matter their
sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do the lesbian,
gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in the African
Union? What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ people in
the African Union?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to protecting the human rights and
fundamental freedoms of all persons, particularly members of
historically marginalized or persecuted populations. The safety and
security of all marginalized groups, including LGBTI persons, is of the
utmost importance; therefore, I will ensure our approach within the AU,
first and foremost, does no harm. I will work with the AU to develop
strategies that prioritize regular discussions with local LGBTI
communities and civil society partners. I will also raise the human
rights of LGBTI persons and related issues in the context of broader
human rights and democracy concerns wherever possible. And finally, I
will support and encourage the development of African voices in support
of the human rights of LGBTI persons.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you
fully brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to African Union?
Answer. I will always seek the opportunity to appropriately brief
Members of Congress and their staffs while in Washington for official
consultations.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation
against career employees based on their perceived political beliefs,
prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is
wholly inappropriate and has no place in the federal government?
Answer. Yes. I agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all
employees under your leadership understand that any retaliation,
blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices will not be
tolerated?
Answer. I will set the tone from the top to model professional
supervision studiously consistent with all Federal government
requirements. I will articulate clearly my expectations of supervisors
and of appropriate, professional workplace behaviors. In previous
positions, I have communicated my expectations explicitly in different
formats, including at Country Team meetings with senior staff, at all
staff Mission Town Halls and through formal Management Notices and
written communications. I will also work directly with supervisors,
especially any first time supervisors, to ensure that they are
communicating effectively and appropriately, encouraging feedback from
their direct reports, and are sufficiently self-aware in their
interactions with staff. I will promptly and decisively address any
concerns raised around such practices.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting)? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. Not to my knowledge.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of
sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious,
etc.), or inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you
had supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and
actions taken.
Answer. I take the issues of sexual harassment, discrimination
(e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), and inappropriate conduct with
the utmost seriousness. Throughout my career, I have immediately
addressed any issues raised to me in accordance with the Department of
State's policies and practices in dealing with such conduct. While the
actions taken and the outcomes have differed based on the specifics of
each situation, I have always acted swiftly and decisively, seeking
guidance from the Department as appropriate, and also made every effort
to ensure the wellbeing of the claimant.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Jessica E. Lapenn by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. As the Office Director for Human Rights and Humanitarian
Affairs in the Bureau of International Organizations, I led our team to
champion and support numerous human rights resolutions, including on
LGBTI human rights and country specific situations within the U.N.
system. As the Chief of Staff for the Under Secretary of State for
Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights, I supported the Under
Secretary to direct the bureaus which fell under her purview. In that
role, I focused on cross-cutting issues with strong human rights
equities, including work on the Atrocity Prevention Board, ensuring our
efforts to counter violent extremism included non-security tools and
approaches; and highlighted corruption concerns as a source of
legitimate grievances and a risk to stability and security.I have also
advocated for these issues in my last several overseas leadership
positions. As DCM in Rwanda, I led the Embassy's first ever work on the
human rights of LGBTI individuals, navigated challenges to democratic
consolidation, and supported civil society. I also managed the
surrender at the U.S. Embassy of Bosco Ntaganda, who was subsequently
convicted of war crimes and crimes against humanity. As Charge
d'Affaires in South Africa, I have supported efforts to strengthen
South Africa's democratic institutions. I have led the Mission to use
the full range of diplomatic tools, including exchange programs, public
statements, private encouragement, and foreign assistance-funded
programs.
Question. What will you do to promote, mentor and support your
staff that come from diverse backgrounds and underrepresented groups?
Answer. As Charge d'Affaires in South Africa, I have ensured the
tone of an inclusive work place is set from the top. I have strived to
develop and inculcate a corporate culture that emphasizes respect for
others, transparency, teamwork, and collaboration through an ongoing,
active effort. I spend a lot of time and energy encouraging and
rewarding inclusion and collaboration. At USAU, I commit to promoting a
culture of inclusion and leading by example. If confirmed, I will
ensure that all staff feel they have a voice and know that diversity is
indeed a core strength of our organization. I will work to get to know
staff--who they are, where they are from, and what motivates them. I
will address any EEO or related concerns brought to my attention
rapidly and ensure that all staff are familiar with the processes
available to them as Federal employees. I will communicate my
expectations of work clearly, so people confidently understand what is
expected of them. I will also emphasize my own availability to any
staff member who wishes to bring a concern directly to me. I have done
that with great effect in previous positions, enabling me to address
concerns directly and decisively.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors in the Foreign Service are fostering an environment that is
diverse and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I will set the tone from the top and model
supervision rooted in my own values as well as those of the Federal
government around diversity and inclusion. I will use the systems and
tools available within government, including the Federal Women's
Program. I will underscore my expectations of workplace and supervisory
behaviors. In previous positions, I have communicated my expectations
explicitly in different formats, including at Country Team meetings
with senior staff, at all staff Mission Town Halls, and through formal
Management Notices and written communications. I will also work
directly with supervisors, especially first time supervisors, to ensure
that they are communicating effectively and appropriately, encourage
feedback from their direct reports, and are sufficiently self-aware in
their interactions with staff.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the Inspector General of the State Department) any change in policy or
U.S. actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the business or
financial interests of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in any country abroad?
Answer. My investment portfolio includes diversified mutual funds
that may hold interests in companies with a presence abroad. The
diversified mutual funds are exempt from the conflict of interest laws.
I am committed to ensuring that my official actions will not give rise
to a conflict of interest, and I will remain vigilant with regard to my
ethics obligations.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Richard Bell by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Political competition in advance of Cote d'Ivoire's
presidential election in 2020 could be destabilizing, especially if
former President Laurent Gbagbo seeks re-election.
Please share status of Cote d'Ivoire's preparations. What
assistance is the U.S. providing to support credible elections,
including conflict mitigation?
Answer. Let me stress that Cote d'Ivoire is an important partner
with a pro-American president and government. We supported the
international community's efforts to ensure the will of the Ivoirian
people was respected during the 2010 post-electoral crisis, and I
believe we must remain invested in the country's continued recovery and
the consolidation of its democratic gains.
The biggest challenges to democracy in Cote d'Ivoire will come in
relation to the high-stakes presidential election in 2020. The 2018
local elections raised concerns due to well-documented irregularities,
vote tampering, violence, and intimidation of voters by those
affiliated with political parties. Given Cote d'Ivoire's recent history
of violence, elections not perceived as free and fair risk plunging the
country into further violence.
If confirmed, I would first urge the government to ensure that
governance reforms remain front and center on their agenda, as Cote
d'Ivoire prepares for the presidential election in 2020. We are
assisting this effort, including through a four-year USAID Political
Transition and Inclusion (PTI) program being implemented by the
National Democratic Institute, as well as a range of other assistance
tools.
Second, I would also push for the government of Cote d'Ivoire to
make good on promises of national reconciliation.
Third, I would push for reform of the electoral commission--
something linked to reconciliation--and which would pave the way for a
new generation to lead the country, ultimately improving the lives of
the Ivoirian people.
In the context of this, I would ensure we wisely use U.S.
government funds, through MCC, USAID, PEPFAR, and other assistance
mechanisms provided to the country. We have provided approximately $140
million to Cote d'Ivoire in FY 2018 to promote good governance,
economic growth, security reforms, and improved health systems.
Question. How should the United States respond if former President
Gbagbo were to repatriate and seek re-election-and/or if Ouattara were
to run again?
Answer. Laurent Gbagbo is on conditional release in Belgium pending
the prosecutor's possible appeal of the acquittal. There are a number
of hurdles that Laurent Gbagbo would need to overcome before an
eventual return to Cote d'Ivoire, one of which is that there is
currently an arrest warrant for him in Cote d'Ivoire.
In August 2018, in his National Day speech, President Ouattara
himself called for the transition of the country's leadership to a new
generation, and we commended that statement. President Ouattara himself
pledged early in his presidency to hold power for only two terms, a
position we support. We believe that regular, democratic transitions of
power yield more accountability, stronger institutions, and less
corruption.
The United States does not support any particular candidate for the
2020 Presidential election. We support a democratic process that is
genuinely free, fair, and transparent, and a result that is viewed as
legitimate by Ivoirian voters. Given Cote d'Ivoire's recent history of
violence, elections not perceived as free and fair risk plunging the
country into further violence.
Cote d'Ivoire faces international terrorism threats, as indicated
by a 2016 attack near Abidjan by a regional Al Qaeda affiliate that
killed 19. Broader domestic challenges arise from longstanding communal
tensions over land and state resources. This is notably in the unstable
western forest cocoa belt, where indigenous and migrant farming
communities have often clashed, and where limited attacks by small
rogue pro-Gbagbo armed elements have occurred.
Question. How would you assess the threat from violent Islamist
extremism in Cote d'Ivoire? If confirmed, what steps do you plan to
take to help the government address such threats?
Answer. Cote d'Ivoire remains relatively calm despite an increase
in incidents of inter-communal violence stemming from years of crisis
and conflict from which the country continues to recover. There is a
risk that some politicians are seeking to exploit ethnic tensions as
the country prepares for its 2020 presidential election. The threat of
violent extremism from the Sahel is also approaching Cote d'Ivoire's
northern border with an increase in attacks in Mali and Burkina Faso.
The U.S. government, through USAID's Political Transition and Inclusion
(PTI) program, is addressing governance and post-conflict grievances,
including vulnerabilities to violent extremism in northern, western,
central, and southern Cote d'Ivoire. PTI includes programming focused
on increasing moderate voices in social media and community radio,
providing economic opportunities to vulnerable youth and women, and
encouraging intercommunal dialogue in marginalized areas. In addition,
in April 2019 Cote d'Ivoire was approved to participate in the Global
Peace Operation Initiative (GPOI). This will allow the country's new
peacekeeping battalion scheduled for deployment in Mali to receive
modest training, construction, and equipping support for future
peacekeeping contingents. The government of Cote d'Ivoire has requested
more security sector reform (SSR) support from the United States and we
are examining how to strengthen and expand security cooperation.
Question. To what extent, if at all, do elements of the military
continue to engage in human rights abuses, extra-legal taxation, or
roadside extortion? To what extent is the military subservient to
civilian authority?
Answer. Corruption remains a problem, with allegations that former
rebel leaders who supported President Ouattara during the conflict
period and now serve as military commanders extract rents from economic
activities in some regions of the country. In January and May 2017,
former rebels integrated into the military staged mutinies, blocking
access to major cities and halting economic activity until the
government caved to demands for overdue bonuses. These mutinies exposed
the threat posed by soldiers and other former fighters, who sacrificed
their youth to fight for the current government but have not seen their
livelihoods improve since the crisis ended. Weapons are readily
available and circulate freely throughout the country. There are
numerous incidents of highway banditry and other attacks in the
countryside. During the holiday season, there is typically an increase
in violent and opportunistic crimes.
Question. In light of the multiple mutinies by state security force
elements in recent years, please discuss the current status of security
sector reform (SSR). What are Cote d'Ivoire's main unmet SSR needs? Is
the government taking credible steps to address SSR? If confirmed, what
steps will you take to encourage meaningful reforms?
Answer. Hailed as a post-conflict success story following a decade-
long civil crisis that ended in 2011, Cote d'Ivoire's impressive gains
remain at risk due to an incomplete security sector reform (SSR)
process and inadequacies in the demobilization, disarmament, and
reintegration (DDR) process. Mutinies by former rebels integrated into
the armed forces and protests by demobilized former fighters in 2017
exposed the threat posed by former rebel fighters and other security
personnel, who, like many of the country's youth, women and working
class, have not seen their livelihoods improve since the crisis ended.
To consolidate the country's post-conflict recovery, the U.S.
government and other key security partners, particularly France and the
European Union, must continue to provide support to Cote d'Ivoire's
ongoing SSR efforts. The State Department is supporting the broader SSR
mission through funding from the Bureau of International Narcotics and
Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) for community policing projects. INL is
examining how to expand these efforts, which may require the addition
of staff in Abidjan for program management and oversight.
Question. Please assess the relative effectiveness of Ivoirian
efforts to ensure accountability for human rights abuses and crimes
against the state arising from the 2010-2011 crisis.
Answer. Reconciliation from the 2010-2011 post-electoral crisis is
an ongoing issue as none of those who ultimately prevailed in the
conflict has been held accountable for any crimes allegedly committed.
Question. How many of those convicted of such crimes remain
imprisoned following the government's August 2018 amnesty of roughly
800 such persons?
Answer. In August 2018, President Ouattara announced an immediate
amnesty for 800 prisoners held for their participation in the 2010-11
post-electoral crisis, including several ex-cabinet members, military
officers, and Simone Gbagbo, the wife of former president Laurent
Gbagbo. In December, President Ouattara granted a presidential pardon
to more than 2,500 criminals imprisoned for misdemeanors. It is unclear
exactly how many political prisoners are in Cote d'Ivoire, but the 800
who received amnesty exclude those convicted of a ``blood crime.'' The
names of the 800 who received amnesty have also not been released. If
confirmed, I will stress the need for justice for the victims of the
post-electoral violence, and accountability for those responsible for
serious crimes on all sides of the post-election conflict in Cote
d'Ivoire.
Question. What contributions has the United States made to
strengthen the justice system? How would you assess the impact of the
Dialogue, Truth, and Reconciliation Commission (DTRC) and other
reconciliation efforts?
Answer. U.S. and international assistance has provided crucial
support to the region's recovery. In 2016, through USAID's Office of
Transition Initiatives, or OTI, the U.S. government completed a 5-year
program focused on reconciliation and social cohesion. In partnership
with opinion leaders, traditional and religious networks, youth and
women's groups, and local officials, OTI has worked primarily at the
grassroots level to issue grants in various technical sectors, with the
goal of consolidating political stability and promoting peace and
reconciliation.
With the end of this program, engagement has not stopped, however,
and the embassy continued to support and fund citizen round-tables,
organized by the National Democratic Institute to encourage political
party leaders' engagement on national reconciliation. Moving beyond
recovery to rebuild confidence, stability, and economic opportunities
in the region will require a commitment by the government to reconcile
the political differences and social cleavages that persist from the
country's tumultuous past, as well as a greater sense of engagement by
communities. How to define and prove Ivoirian nationality will play a
prominent role in this effort, as will better access to official
documentation and other state services.
If confirmed, I will encourage the government of Cote d'Ivoire to
make this a priority and encourage grassroots-led and government-led
reconciliation efforts.
Upon assuming the presidency in 2011, President Alassane Ouattara
established the Dialogue, Truth, and Reconciliation Commission (CDVR).
Widely judged to have failed to fulfill its mandate to reconcile the
country's conflict-ridden past, CDVR was succeeded in 2015 by a new
body, the National Commission for the Reconciliation and Compensation
of Victims (CONARIV), which was mandated to identify and compensate
victims of the 1999-2011 conflict. In its final report before it closed
in 2016, CONARIV reported, to Ouattara's acclaim, that just 36 percent
of the more than 800,000 applications for compensation were valid, with
the rest dismissed for fraud, duplication, lack of supporting evidence,
or other reasons. With the end of CONARIV, the government passed the
task of reconciliation to Minister of Solidarity Mariatou Kone, who,
while committed to reconciliation and supporting victims, does not have
genuine high-level political or financial support for her efforts.
The 2018 State Department Trafficking in Persons Report classifies
The government of Cote d'Ivoire as Tier 2, not fully meeting the
minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking but is making
significant efforts to do so.
Question. What will you do if confirmed to continue increasing
support for the government of Cote d'Ivoire to investigate, prosecute,
and convict traffickers following due process; including complicit
officials, and apply significant prison terms as prescribed by law to
those convicted?
Answer. The government acknowledges the problem of human
trafficking and has demonstrated political will to combat it, with
several high-profile events featured in the government-run press. The
Ivoirian government also adopted the Anti-Trafficking Law in 2016. The
government partnered with First Lady Ouattara's NGO to build and
operate a new shelter for child labor and child trafficking victims in
Soubre. In addition, the Prime Minister convened the inter-ministerial
Anti-Trafficking Committee in February 2019. If confirmed, I will work
with the office of the First Lady, the Prime Minister, and other
appropriate government institutions to explore capacity-building
measures with industry and other partners. I will encourage ministries
to take a more active role in the lead-up to the 2020 elections when
Dominique Ouattara's tenure as first lady is set to expire.
Question. What actions can you take to help ensure law enforcement
respects the security of NGOs providing services to victims and enforce
trafficking victims' right to receive care free from violence and
intimidation?
Answer. Our Embassy is intimately involved in promoting an end to
trafficking. Five gendarmes and two military firefighters reportedly
unlawfully abducted at gunpoint a 14-year-old rape and trafficking
victim from an NGO shelter for trafficking victims. At the urging of
Post, offices in Washington, and the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime,
the First Lady's Office intervened and the girl was located and
determined to be safe. The gendarmes' leadership is investigating how
the five gendarmes came to be involved, and the NGO filed an official
complaint against the gendarmes with the Military Tribunal. The results
of the judicial proceedings will demonstrate the extent of the Ivoirian
government's ability to hold law enforcement officers who break the law
accountable. This is the type of intervention and advocacy I would
promote if confirmed.
Question. Authorities estimate there are more than 2,000 Ivoirian,
Burkinabe, Malian, Nigerien, and Senegalese talibes (students in
Quranic schools) in northern and central Cote d'Ivoire, and corrupt
teachers force many of them to beg. NGOs and officials report drug
traffickers use children-some of whom may be forced-to sell and traffic
drugs in restaurants and nightclubs. How do you propose we effect our
programs in Cote d'Ivoire to protect vulnerable children?
Answer. Child exploitation among talibe children, many of whom are
brought to Cote d'Ivoire from Mali and Burkina Faso and are forced to
beg in the streets, remains a major issue. Much of our engagement with
Cote d'Ivoire addresses factors that can contribute to child
trafficking labor. We are thus active in supporting women's economic
empowerment, improving access to education, and improving health
services. Our efforts to increase law enforcement capacity will help
Cote d'Ivoire deal with those who use and traffic in child labor.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Over my career, I have committed myself to forthright
reporting on conditions in my countries of assignment. I have held
fraught dialogue with host governments regarding steps to address
difficult issues including Trafficking in Persons. At our Embassy in
Chad, I initiated a public reminder of key principles that are integral
to a free and fair electoral process. I have been an accredited
international observer in multiple elections in several countries,
including Haiti, Madagascar, and Iraq. I have held dialogue with a
range of political parties, notably in Iraq, regarding characteristics
of a responsible party system. This appeared to facilitate losing
parties' acceptance of legitimate election outcomes and commitment to
peaceful politics. In at least one country (Chad), the government took
positive steps, shortly after my interventions, to establish a drafting
committee for a countering trafficking in persons plan, and they
proposed legislation for greater accountability regarding restrictions
on the right of peaceful assembly.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Cote d'Ivoire? These challenges might
include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as
possible.
Answer. The biggest challenges to democracy in Cote d'Ivoire will
come in relation to the high-stakes presidential election in 2020. The
2018 local elections raised concerns due to well-documented
irregularities, vote tampering, violence and intimidation of voters by
those affiliated with political parties. Given Cote d'Ivoire's recent
history of violence, elections not perceived as free and fair risk
plunging the country into further violence.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Cote d'Ivoire? What do you hope to accomplish through
these actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the
specific obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I would first urge the government to ensure
that governance reforms remain front and center of their agenda, as
Cote d'Ivoire prepares for the presidential election in 2020. We are
assisting this effort, including through a four-year USAID Political
Transition and Inclusion (PTI) program being implemented by the
National Democratic Institute, as well as a range of other assistance
tools.
Second, I would also push for the government of Cote d'Ivoire to
make good on promises of national reconciliation.
Third, I would push for reform of the electoral commission--
something linked to reconciliation--and which would pave the way for a
new generation to lead the country, ultimately improving the lives of
the Ivoirian people.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. In the context of this, I would ensure we wisely use U.S.
government funds, through MCC, USAID, PEPFAR, and other assistance
mechanisms provided to the country. We have provided approximately $140
million to Cote d'Ivoire in FY 2018 to promote good governance,
economic growth, security reforms, and improved health systems.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Cote d'Ivoire? What steps will you take to pro-actively
address efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via
legal or regulatory measures?
Answer. Meeting with human rights, civil society and other non-
governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights NGOs
in Cote d'Ivoire will be a priority of mine if confirmed as U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Cote d'Ivoire. This is a great privilege
of those of us who serve overseas and is a key component to
understanding the political and human rights situation in country.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to meeting with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties and would consider it
a great privilege.
A strong democracy, political inclusiveness, and reconciliation
will be necessary to solidify Cote d'Ivoire's economic success and
ensure the country does not fall back into civil conflict. If
confirmed, I will work with the government of Cote d'Ivoire to
strengthen governance, enhance transparency, and become increasingly
responsive to citizen needs. I will also support democratic
institutions and advocate for 2020 presidential elections that are free
and fair, thus credibly reflect the will of the Ivoirian people.
Our Embassy is actively promoting good governance and respect for
human rights in Cote d'Ivoire. USAID, for example, supports an
increasingly capable, professional, and organized civil society and
media active across the political landscape. USAID focuses on
strengthening the electoral process and encouraging greater voter
participation, particularly among youth and women, urgent needs in the
lead-up to the 2020 presidential election.
If confirmed, I will encourage all citizens and political parties
to participate in the electoral process and--just as importantly--to do
so peacefully from now throughout the 2020 presidential elections.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Cote
d'Ivoire on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Cote d'Ivoire?
Answer. The independent media is active and expresses a wide
variety of views. Newspapers aligned politically with the opposition
are known to occasionally publish inflammatory editorials against the
government or even fabricate stories to defame political opponents.
There are numerous independent radio stations. The law prohibits
transmission of political commentary by community radio stations, but
the regulatory authority allows community radio stations to run
political programs if they employ professional journalists.
If confirmed, I will actively engaged with Cote d'Ivoire on freedom
of expression and advocate against any government efforts to control or
undermine press freedom. I commit to meeting regularly with the
independent local press in Cote d'Ivoire.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, the Embassy team and I will actively
engage with civil society and government to counter disinformation and
malign propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with Cote
d'Ivoire on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. The law, including related regulations and statutory
instruments, provides for the right of workers, except members of
police and military services, to form or join unions of their choice,
provides for the right to conduct legal strikes and bargain
collectively, and prohibits antiunion discrimination by employers or
others against union members or organizers. The law prohibits firing
workers for union activities and provides for the reinstatement of
dismissed workers within eight days of receiving a wrongful dismissal
claim. The law allows unions in the formal sector to conduct their
activities without interference. Worker organizations were independent
of the government and political parties. Nevertheless, according to the
International Trade Union Confederation, the law does not have any
objective criteria to establish recognition of representative trade
unions, which could allow public and private employers to refuse to
negotiate with unions on the grounds they were not representative.
Foreigners are required to obtain residency status, which takes three
years, before they may hold union office. If confirmed, I will continue
to advocate for the right of workers to organize, including independent
trade unions.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Cote d'Ivoire, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do
the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face
in Cote d'Ivoire? What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Cote d'Ivoire?
Answer. Violence targeting lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender,
intersex persons remains a challenge in the country. If confirmed, I
will call on the government of Cote d'Ivoire to respect the principle
of non-discrimination, and investigate allegations of violence and
serious levels of discrimination targeting LGBTQ persons.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you fully
brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Cote d'Ivoire?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would work with my Department of State
colleagues to ensure Congress is appropriately briefed on issues
related to Cote d'Ivoire, including my own briefings to members and
staff when appropriate.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government?
Answer. Yes, I agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all
employees under your leadership understand that any retaliation,
blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices will not be
tolerated?
Answer. If confirmed, I would clearly state at my very first
Country Team meeting with section heads and my first Town Hall with all
Mission staff that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated, and I would continue to
reinforce this message through word and deed throughout my tenure as
Chief of Mission.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting)? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. No, to my knowledge I have never had anyone make a formal
or informal complaint or allegation of sexual harassment,
discrimination, or inappropriate conduct against me.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. I take all allegations of sexual harassment,
discrimination, and in appropriate conduct seriously and am committed
to addressing any such allegations promptly and appropriately. For
example, when I learned of an employee possibly being verbally abusive
to a subordinate, I immediately consulted the Department of State on
proper process to address these concerns and counseled involved staff
appropriately.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Richard Bell by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. Over my career, I have committed myself to forthright
reporting on conditions in my countries of assignment. I have held
dialogue with host governments regarding steps to address difficult
issues including Trafficking in Persons. At our Embassy in Chad, I
initiated a public reminder of key principles that are integral to a
free and fair electoral process. I have been an accredited
international observer in multiple elections in several countries,
including Haiti, Madagascar, and Iraq. I have held dialogue with a
range of political parties, notably in Iraq, regarding characteristics
of a responsible party system. This appeared to facilitate losing
parties' acceptance of legitimate election outcomes and commitment to
nonviolence in politics. In at least one country (Chad), the government
took positive steps, shortly after my interventions, to establish a
drafting committee for a trafficking in persons plan, and they proposed
legislation for greater accountability regarding restrictions on
freedom of peaceful assembly.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Cote
d'Ivoire? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in Cote d'Ivoire? What
do you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Statelessness is believed to be an extensive problem; the
government's estimate of some 700,000 stateless persons in the country
is likely a drastic understatement of the scale of the problem. Among
stateless persons are long-term migrants, their descendants, and
approximately 300,000 abandoned children who are ineligible for
Ivoirian citizenship under current laws, as citizenship is based on
Ivoirian parentage, rather than birth in the country. The country's
borders are porous and migrants from its troubled neighbors are able to
enter easily.
Other issues include reports of abuses and violations of human
rights by security forces; arbitrary detention; harsh prison
conditions; abuse of detainees; political prisoners; irregularities in
electoral processes; widespread corruption in government; gender based
violence, including female genital mutilation and cutting, early and
forced marriage, domestic violence, and sexual violence against women
and girls, with few crimes being reported to police; and the worst
forms of child labor.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Cote d'Ivoire in
advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. The biggest challenges to democracy in Cote d'Ivoire will
come in relation to the high-stakes presidential election in 2020. The
2018 local elections raised concerns due to well-documented
irregularities, vote tampering, violence and intimidation of voters by
those affiliated with political parties. Given Cote d'Ivoire's recent
history of violence, elections not perceived as free and fair risk
plunging the country into further violence.
If confirmed, I would first urge the government to ensure that
governance reforms remain front and center of their agenda, as Cote
d'Ivoire prepares for the presidential election in 2020. We are
assisting this effort, including through a four-year USAID Political
Transition and Inclusion (PTI) program being implemented by the
National Democratic Institute, as well as a range of other assistance
tools.
Second, I would also push for the government of Cote d'Ivoire to
make good on promises of national reconciliation.
Third, I would push for reform of the electoral commission--
something linked to reconciliation--and which would pave the way for a
new generation to lead the country, ultimately improving the lives of
the Ivoirian people.
In the context of this, I would ensure we wisely use U.S.
government funds, through MCC, USAID, PEPFAR, and other assistance
mechanisms provided to the country. We have provided around $140
million to Cote d'Ivoire in FY 2018 to promote good governance,
economic growth, security reforms, and improved health systems.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Cote d'Ivoire? If confirmed, what steps will
you take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. Meeting with human rights, civil society and other non-
governmental organizations in the U.S. and with local human rights NGOs
in Cote d'Ivoire will be a priority of mine if confirmed as U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Cote d'Ivoire. This is a great privilege
of those of us who serve overseas and is a key component to
understanding the political and human rights situation in country.
The United States maintains a good relationship with the Ivoirian
military, which has been a willing partner in key areas such as
peacekeeping. Our assistance to the Ivoirian armed forces is designed
to develop the professionalism of its ranks. All participants are
vetted in accordance with the Department's Leahy vetting policy to
ensure that there is no credible information that any participants
committed gross violations of human rights. This also reinforces our
message that human rights violations by security forces will not be
tolerated. If confirmed, I will actively support our Embassy in
gathering information to contribute to important reports such as the
Human Rights Report and Trafficking in Persons report to highlight
areas of weakness and opportunities for further cooperation between the
United States and Cote d'Ivoire.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Cote
d'Ivoire to address cases of key political prisoners or persons
otherwise unjustly targeted by Cote d'Ivoire?
Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage with Cote d'Ivoire to
address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly
targeted by Cote d'Ivoire.
Question. Will you engage with Cote d'Ivoire on matters of human
rights, civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. As Cote d'Ivoire prepares for elections in 2020, we
underscore the importance of increasing protections for journalists,
opposition leaders, and civil society, to ensure their human rights are
protected and that they are able to exercise their fundamental freedoms
without threat of reprisal. Such improvements are essential to
promoting genuinely free and fair elections.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Cote d'Ivoire?
Answer. My investment portfolio includes diversified exchange-
traded funds and diversified mutual funds, which may hold interests in
companies with a presence in Cote d'Ivoire, but which are exempt from
the conflict of interest laws. My investment portfolio also includes
financial interests in companies that maintain a presence in Cote
d'Ivoire. I am committed to ensuring that my official actions will not
give rise to a conflict of interest, will divest my interests in those
companies as outlined in ethics agreement, and will remain vigilant
with regard to my ethics obligations.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. I wholeheartedly embrace diversity as enriching, will do my
utmost to promote equitable treatment for all staff, and will
proactively facilitate frank communication to identify and address
issues as they arise.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. My first in-house priority is to persuade staff to speak
truth to power, especially when I am the power. Among the most
fundamental guidance I will give all supervisors is the importance of
their cultivation of a similar spirit of open, respectful, responsive
two-way communication and commitment to equitable treatment for all.. I
will meet regularly face-to-face with more junior staff to hear
directly from them, while respecting chain of command relationships.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in Cote
d'Ivoire specifically?
Answer. Good governance is the foundation for economic growth and
free societies. While Cote d'Ivoire has made major strides in economic
growth, corruption is a challenge that everyone, including the
government, could do more to address.
Corruption reduces the amount of funding available to create jobs,
build schools, and provide social services.
Corruption harms citizens' faith in government, leading to
disenchantment and creating instability.
Corruption deters foreign investment, thus robbing Ivoirians of
jobs and products that would otherwise be available.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Cote
d'Ivoire and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. Cote d'Ivoire remains the fastest growing economy in
Francophone Africa and one of the fastest in the world, with seven to
nine percent growth since 2012. Unfortunately, women, youth, and the
working class have been largely left out of Cote d'Ivoire's economic
recovery, and 46 percent of the population lives below the poverty
line.This growth rate demonstrates that there are tremendous
opportunities here for investors, both domestic and foreign.
That said, the continued growth of the economy will depend heavily
on three things: First, it will depend on a peaceful 2020 presidential
election and transition of power.
Second, future economic growth depends on creating opportunities
for people at all levels of society across the country--particularly
youth, because almost 60 percent of the population is under 25 years
old--as well as women and rural Ivoirians. The recent updates to Cote
d'Ivoire's family code are a very positive step, but Cote d'Ivoire's
gender inequality is striking for a country that has made such
impressive economic and political strides, and women face myriad
challenges, abuse, and cultural stereotypes that impede their full
economic participation.
And third, it will depend on the government's commitment to good
governance. By fighting corruption, and improving the transparency and
predictability of the business environment, both domestic and foreign
businesses will be able to be more profitable, hire more employees and
spur economic growth.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in Cote d'Ivoire?
Answer. Corruption must be addressed to attract additional U.S.
investment to Cote d'Ivoire. The MCC program has been a key way we have
encouraged Cote d'Ivoire to improve its business climate and address
corruption. If confirmed, I would also leverage at every opportunity
the need for the government of Cote d'Ivoire to make the country more
favorable to U.S. investment.
I would also tackle corruption by engaging with civil society and
promoting our exchange programs. Last year, an alumnus of one the State
Department's Young African Leaders Initiative (YALI) fellowships
launched a newspaper that has emerged as perhaps the most important
voice against corruption in Cote d'Ivoire. The paper revealed
corruption scandals and resulted in prosecutions of dozens of customs
officials. In October, he ran for and was elected mayor of his hometown
where he once received death threats for an investigation into cashew
industry corruption. In addition to high-level engagement, I, if
confirmed, would promote these influential exchange programs, which
build the capacity of future African leaders to act and govern
honestly.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Mary Beth Leonard by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What steps will you take to support conditions conducive
to transparent, and credible elections in the future if confirmed?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue working with Nigeria's
leaders, institutions, civil society organizations, and the Nigerian
people to ensure genuinely free and fair elections without violence. In
my understanding, as the result of tireless work by countless
Nigerians, bolstered by U.S. support, Nigerian election administration
and institutions are stronger than ever. Nigerian civil society
organizations support more robust election monitoring efforts and
political engagement, political parties are being encouraged to engage
citizens on issue-based platforms, and Nigerian civil society
organizations are better able to educate voters, increase participation
in the democratic process, and reduce violence. If confirmed, I will
aim to use U.S. government influences and assistance to further this
progress.
Question. What if any progress have you seen in Buhari's efforts
to reform the petroleum sector? What additional steps should be taken
to reform the sector and what role should the U.S. play to help
facilitate such reforms if any?
Answer. In my understanding, reform of Nigeria's petroleum sector
has been a high-profile topic over the past year. In 2018, the Nigerian
House of Representatives and Senate passed the Petroleum Industry
Governance Bill which many had hoped would be a critical first step in
reforming the petroleum sector, improving transparency in a notoriously
opaque sector. Although President Buhari did not assent to the bill, if
confirmed, I look forward to encouraging action from President Buhari
and the National Assembly on legislation that will increase
transparency in this critical sector and improve Nigeria's
competitiveness. If confirmed, I will continue to urge Nigeria's
leadership to make progress towards a more transparent, fair, and
competitive marketplace for U.S., Nigerian, and international
investors.
Question. How would you assess Buhari's anti-corruption efforts?
What steps will you take, if confirmed, to assist in that sector?
Answer. President Buhari, recently elected to a second term,
continues to emphasize tackling corruption as a priority. Nevertheless,
corruption remains a serious impediment to Nigeria's prosperity, from
health, to education, to its justice sector. In my understanding,
President Buhari has taken positive steps to combat corruption,
including through the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC),
which has increased its rate of convictions since Buhari took office.
The EFCC is also prosecuting high level officials once thought to be
above the law, but I recognize that some Nigerians believe the choice
and timing of cases reflect political motives. If confirmed, I will
work closely with the Nigerian government and its people to combat
corruption in all of its forms, directly through capacity building and
ensuring that private sector firms are aware of the Foreign Corrupt
Practices Act and its requirements.
Question. Has the Buhari Administration taken credible steps to
investigate and prosecute those suspected of involvement in the illegal
trade? What more could the Nigerian government do to address
transnational crime networks operating there? How should the United
States be involved in these efforts if at all?
Answer. In my understanding, President Buhari has taken steps to
crack down on those suspected of illegal trade, including through an
increased rate of convictions. These are positive steps, but corruption
remains pervasive in Nigeria. The federal, state, and local governments
need to hold those who violate the law accountable. If confirmed, I
will continue U.S. efforts to improve the transparency and
accountability in particular of Nigerian customs and tax systems.
Question. Have the Buhari Administration's efforts to address the
rising violence between pastoralist and settled communities in central
and northern Nigeria been successful? What steps, if any, should the
U.S. take to help Nigerian's mitigate, reduce and end such
intercommunal violence?
Answer. In my understanding, Nigerian Vice President Osinbajo has
said publicly that there are two aspects to the violence: (1) conflict
over land, which his government is working to address through economic
and resource policies and programs, including a National Livestock
Transformation Plan, and (2) a criminal element of banditry,
kidnapping, and cattle rustling, which his government is working to
address through law enforcement measures. The Nigerian government
surged military forces, police, and investigative teams to conflict-
affected areas, and arrested those it believes are perpetrating
violence. If confirmed, I will ensure the U.S. government continues to
help Nigerians prevent and mitigate conflict through our diplomacy,
public messaging, peacebuilding, dialogue efforts, and development
programs, including by connecting U.S. agriculture and livestock
experts to Nigerian policy makers and supporting strong Nigerian inter-
faith networks.
Question. What are the major obstacles to the Nigerian military's
effectiveness in countering Boko Haram and ISIS West Africa Province in
northeastern Nigeria?
Answer. In my understanding, Nigeria's military is under staffed,
under trained, and under equipped; it is also overstretched. With
limited police capacity, the military is conducting operations in the
vast majority of Nigeria's 36 states and thus not fully able to focus
on countering terrorist groups in the Northeast. Further, the soldiers
in the Northeast are deployed for years at a time and generally not
rotated out, creating a largely unmet need for post-traumatic stress
disorder care and restorative leave. At the same time, ISIS-West Africa
is attacking military bases, seizing (or destroying) materiel, armored
vehicles, weapons, and ammunition, placing further stress on Nigeria's
already strained military readiness and capabilities. A perceived lack
of professionalism, poor civil-military relations, and inconsistent
accountability for allegations of human rights violations and abuses
contribute to a lack of civilian trust in the security forces and can
even fuel their enemy's recruitment.
Question. To what extent has the Nigerian government reasserted
stability and security in areas ``liberated'' from Boko Haram? What are
the obstacles to doing so?
Answer. In my understanding, the status of areas formerly held by
Boko Haram remains in flux and difficult to decipher. While Boko Haram
controls less territory than it did at its height in 2014-2015, both it
and ISIS are still able to move across borders to conduct attacks. In
fact, ISIS is attacking with greater sophistication than in years' past
and Boko Haram's efforts are waning in comparison. Nevertheless, the
situation remains fluid.
The Nigerian military and police are not fully able to protect the
population across the Northeast. The obstacles to securing
``liberated'' territory are rooted in the large area of the territory
in question, the limited number and capacity of the Nigerian police,
and the fact that Nigeria's military is under staffed, under trained,
and under equipped, while still being overstretched. Further, poor
civil-military relations and inconsistent accountability for
allegations of human rights violations and abuses contribute to a lack
of civilian trust in the security forces and can even fuel recruitment
for their enemies.
Question. What is Nigeria doing to improve accountability for
security sector abuses? What concrete steps has the government of
Nigeria taken to hold accountable those accused of the 2015 Zaria
massacre in keeping with the recommendations in the Kaduna State
Commission of Judicial Inquiry? Has the report of the Nigerian Air
Force's inquiry into the January 2017 accidental bombing in Rann, Borno
State of a camp of internally displaced persons been made public? If
not, why not? What steps has the government of Nigeria taken to hold
accountable security forces responsible for disproportionate use of
force against members of the Shia Islamic Movement of Nigeria--
including firing live ammunition into a processional-in October of
2018?
Answer. I understand that the Nigerian government established an
independent, civilian-led Presidential Investigative Panel in 2017 with
a broad mandate to investigate allegations of human rights abuses by
the military, but its findings have not yet been made public. I have
not heard of any of the security force officials accused of wrongdoing
by the Kaduna state Judicial Commission of Inquiry being found
responsible and held accountable for the Zaria attacks.
In regards to the tragic accident at Rann, the Nigerian Air Force
established a six-person panel to investigate the January 2017 bombing.
The Defense HQ also set up a Board of Inquiry in early 2017; their
results were released publicly in July 2017 and acknowledged the
unfortunate airstrike, contributing factors that resulted in the
mistaken targeting, and noted operational changes to reduce the risk of
such accidents.
Regarding the ongoing tension between Nigerian government security
forces and the Islamic Movement of Nigeria, I understand that the
embassy continues to raise U.S. government concerns with the Nigerian
government at the highest levels privately as well as publicly. The
State Department has called for thorough and transparent investigations
into these incidents, which resulted in abuse and deaths. Those
responsible for injuries and killings should be held accountable. I do
not have any information on whether an investigation has been launched,
but if confirmed, I will look into this important matter.
If confirmed, I will continue the U.S. government's prioritization
of human rights and accountability for those found responsible for
human rights violations and abuses throughout our engagements with the
Nigerian government.
Question. Has the Nigerian military's respect for human rights
improved under President Buhari? What steps will you take if confirmed
to encourage concrete steps be taken to hold human rights abusers
accountable in a credible transparent manner?
Answer. I have heard that under President Buhari, the Nigerian
government has taken some positive steps to improve respect for human
rights and has become much more willing to engage with the U.S.
government on the topic and to undertake human rights-related training.
The Nigerian Army set up a full-time, staffed hotline to receive and
investigate specific civilian complaints of misconduct by military
personnel and, where appropriate, recommend court martial proceedings.
The Nigerian Army and Air Force have also used social media to promote
respect for human rights among their forces and with the public.
Nonetheless, allegations of human rights abuses and violations
continue, and more remains to be done. If confirmed, I would work with
my colleagues at Mission Nigeria, in Washington, and partners in
Nigeria to advance our military professionalization efforts, with
respect for human rights and the protection of Nigerian civilians at
its core.
Question. What concrete steps do you plan to take to help ensure
that USG security assistance, particularly assistance channeled to
Nigeria's armed forces, helps with efforts to prevent and mitigate
potential human rights abuses?
Answer. If confirmed, I would continue to build on the training we
provide to Nigeria's armed forces, which emphasizes
professionalization, improving respect for human rights, and mitigating
harm to civilians. I understand that the recently sold A-29 aircraft
package includes human rights and law of armed conflict training as a
backbone of that partnership and, if confirmed, I would work to
incorporate and implement the inclusion of that model in future
efforts.
Question. What will you do to help ensure that the Nigerian
military has ceased unlawful use of children, including in
collaboration with the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF), and
investigate any reports of military personnel's use of children; work
with CJTF and the U.N. to implement fully the child soldier action plan
to remove all children from CJTF's ranks and, if it is not, cut
provision of financial and in-kind support to CJTF?
Answer. My understanding is that, for the first reporting period
since 2014, there have not been any verified cases of the Civilian
Joint Task Force (CJTF) or the Nigerian military using child soldiers.
As a result, Nigeria was not listed in the 2019 Child Soldiers
Prevention Act List.
The 2019 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report notes that the CJTF
continues to implement a 2017 action plan it has with UNICEF to end its
recruitment or use of child soldiers. According to UNICEF, 1,727
children and young people have been released as a part of that effort.
If confirmed, I would work with the relevant Nigerian government
entities to implement the Prioritized Recommendations included in the
most recent TIP report.
Meanwhile, Boko Haram and ISIS continued to forcibly recruit,
abduct, and use child soldiers as young as 12-years-old as cooks,
spies, messengers, bodyguards, armed combatants, and increasingly as
suicide bombers in attacks in Nigeria and neighboring countries. If
confirmed, I will continue to work with Nigerian military and civilian
officials to enhance their efforts to combat these despicable groups.
Question. What assistance stands to be suspended should Nigeria be
designated Tier Three under the Trafficking Victims Protection Act next
year?
Answer. The Trafficking Victims Protection Act restrictions apply
to the obligation of non-trade, non-humanitarian U.S. assistance to the
governments of Tier 3 countries. Trade-related and humanitarian
assistance are excepted from the restrictions, as are specific types of
security assistance related to counter narcotics, anti-terrorism, and
nonproliferation. The applicability of the restrictions, or a waiver
from the restrictions, is subject to a Presidential determination each
year.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. I have had the privilege of addressing human rights
concerns throughout my Foreign Service career, from my very first tour
following the trial of a Cameroonian opposition figure. As Ambassador
to the African Union, I worked to promote a United Nations Security
Council (UNSC) arms embargo against South Sudan and to press for the
establishment of a Hybrid Court on South Sudan (HCSS). As Ambassador to
Mali, I received the Diplomacy for Human Rights prize in 2013. My
actions there included speaking out early and forcefully for a rapid
return to elected governance after the 2012 coup; forestalling
potential human rights violations and abuses by engaging leaders from
groups with records of violations in previous political eras to make
clear both U.S. disapproval and dispel any notion that inter-communal
violence was consistent with any concept of Malian patriotism; seeking
accountability for crimes and excesses by the military junta; and
calling out mistreatment of journalists.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to
democracy or democratic development in Nigeria? These challenges might
include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as
possible.
Answer. In the 2018 Human Rights Report, the State Department
highlighted examples of electoral interference and malpractice,
including widespread vote buying and selling and ballot hijacking by
party agents despite the presence of Independent National Electoral
Commission (INEC) and security agents. Independent observers reported
thugs and members of security services engaged in intimidation of
voters and harassment of party monitors, journalists, and domestic
observers. Civil society organizations reported no legal restrictions
on their ability to comment or observe parts of the electoral process,
but reported that aspects of the electoral process remained opaque,
allegedly because of deliberate attempts to undermine or circumvent the
integrity of the process by stakeholders or because of INEC's financial
or logistical constraints. While no laws limit participation of women
in the political process, the number of women candidates was
disproportionally low. INEC points to the scale of national elections,
with more than 82 million registered voters and over 119,000 polling
units, as a major logistical and technical challenge.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Nigeria? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed I will continue to advance the U.S.
government's elections-related diplomacy and programs that seek to
improve Nigeria's ability to carry out a genuinely free and fair
electoral process, prevent and mitigate electoral violence, and support
civic and political engagement. If confirmed I will engage all
stakeholders, including the Nigerian government and electoral
officials, political parties, candidates, civil society, as well as
Nigerian business, religious and community leaders, to work towards our
shared goal of supporting a robust democracy in Nigeria. The logistic
challenge of organizing elections in Africa's most populous country
with more than 82 million registered voters and over 119,000 polling
units is one impediment to these goals, the areas of insecurity and
displaced people are another challenge. If confirmed, my team and I
will look into how best to help the Nigerians tackle these challenges.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance
resources at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small
Grants program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding,
to support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. While the Democracy Commission Small Grants program is only
for countries in Europe, if confirmed, I will ensure that all U.S.
government democracy and governance assistance for Nigeria is used
effectively and efficiently. I will ensure that State Department and
USAID democracy and governance funding is prioritized in the ways that
it can best be harnessed to advance U.S. government interests and
strategic goals in Nigeria, including improving good governance;
increasing civilian security; strengthening democratic institutions and
increasing rule of law, respect for human rights, and transparency and
accountability in government; and reducing endemic corruption in
Nigeria. I will ensure that our resources support Nigerian electoral
reforms to ensure genuinely free and fair elections in 2023 without
violence.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Nigeria? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with Nigerian human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Nigeria. As appropriate, I will raise concerns with the
Nigerian government over attempts to unduly restrict NGOs and civil
society. I will encourage Nigerians to ensure their country remains a
democratic leader on the continent, by working with both government and
civil society to improve democratic processes, promote good governance,
and ensure respect for human rights.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties. Nigeria enjoys a
vibrant, multi-party democracy and 2019 is the 20th anniversary of its
return to democratic rule.
If confirmed, I will advocate in favor of improvements to Nigeria's
young democracy such as more democratic selection processes within
political parties; the institution of electoral reform legislation; as
well as greater access to and equal opportunity for women, minorities,
and youth within political parties. If confirmed, I will continue
Mission Nigeria's efforts to promote opportunities for women and youth.
Last year, in my understanding, a coalition of youth civil society
advocates led a successful nation-wide campaign to amend the Nigerian
constitution to lower the age at which Nigerians are eligible to hold
elected office. If confirmed, I will encourage Nigeria to continue to
implement reforms to open access for youth, women, and minorities as it
deepens its role as a democratic leader on the continent.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Nigeria on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Nigeria?
Answer. Yes. Nigeria has a robust and vibrant press sector and
tradition of public discourse and debate. Mission Nigeria has a strong
relationship with the Nigerian press and the United States has funded
many types of training for journalists. If confirmed, I will continue
to encourage freedom of the press, work to address any government
efforts designed to control or undermine freedom of expression, and my
team and I will engage frequently with independent, local press in
Nigeria.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
civil society and government counterparts on countering disinformation
and propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, my team and I will actively engage with
civil society and government counterparts on countering disinformation
and malign propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state
actors. Mission Nigeria supports training on accurate and independent
reporting for the Nigerian press. Mission Nigeria also harnesses public
diplomacy and countering violent extremism programs and funding to
counter propaganda from Boko Haram and ISIS, and I would aim to
continue this programming if confirmed.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
Nigeria on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, my Embassy team and I will actively
engage with the government of Nigeria, employers, and civil society to
promote internationally recognized worker rights, including freedom of
association. Moreover, ensuring U.S. trade partners respect
internationally recognized worker rights and adhere to high labor
standards promotes a level playing field for U.S. workers and helps
create stronger trading partners for the United States.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Nigeria, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do the
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in
Nigeria? What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ people
in Nigeria?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I would work with existing civil society
and governmental organizations to promote the basic humanity of all
citizens and residents of Nigeria, regardless of sexual orientation or
gender identity.
The 2014 Same Sex Marriage Prohibition Act (SSMPA), a Nigerian law
prohibiting marriages and civil unions among persons of the same sex,
criminalizes the free association of any persons through so-called gay
organizations. Citizens suspected of same-sex activities are frequently
harassed, intimidated, and arrested. The 2014 SSMPA effectively renders
illegal all forms of activity supporting or promoting lesbian, gay,
bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) rights. According to the
SSMPA, anyone convicted of entering into a same-sex marriage or civil
union may be sentenced to up to 14 years' imprisonment.
Following passage of the SSMPA, LGBTI persons reported increased
harassment and threats against them based on their perceived sexual
orientation or gender identity. News reports and LGBTI advocates
reported numerous arrests, but detainees were in all cases released
without formal charges after paying a bond.
If confirmed, I will convey the importance on defending the human
rights and dignity of all people. I will also support Mission Nigeria's
continued efforts to train and fund opportunities for LGBTI civil
society organizations.
Question. Will you commit, if confirmed, to ensuring that you
fully brief Members of Congress and/or their staff each time you are in
Washington for visits or consultations during your tenure as Ambassador
to Nigeria?
Answer. If confirmed, I am committed to ensuring that the State
Department is in close contact with Congress about topics related to
Nigeria. If confirmed, I commit to work with my colleagues in the State
Department to ensure that the Department appropriately briefs Members
of Congress and their staff on a regular basis, including briefs, as
appropriate, when I am in Washington on official business.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation
against career employees based on their perceived political beliefs,
prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is
wholly inappropriate and has no place in the federal government?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to prevent any attempts to target
or retaliate against career employees on the basis of their perceived
political beliefs, prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous
administration. I take allegations of such practices seriously and will
ensure they are referred to the Department's Inspector General.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all
employees under your leadership understand that any retaliation,
blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices will not be
tolerated?
Answer. If confirmed, I would clearly state at my very first
Country Team meeting with Mission Nigeria leadership and my first Town
Hall with all Mission staff that U.S. government and State Department
personnel policies must be respected and adhered to, and I would
continue to reinforce this message through word and deed throughout my
tenure as Chief of Mission.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting)? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. I take the issues of sexual harassment, discrimination
(e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), and inappropriate conduct with
the utmost seriousness and throughout my career, I have immediately
addressed any issues raised to me in accordance with the Department of
State's policies in dealing with such conduct.
In 2006, an employee filed an EEO complainant alleging that an
ambassador and I used insensitive language. We denied this. The EEOC
found no discrimination or harassment in that case. In 2009, an
employee who was denied tenure filed an EEO complaint, which I
understand was subsequently closed with no finding of discrimination.
In 2014, I was asked for information as a witness on an EEO matter. I
had no further involvement and I understand the case was settled in
November 2015.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of
sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious,
etc.), or inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you
had supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and
actions taken.
Answer. I take the issues of sexual harassment, discrimination
(e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), and inappropriate conduct with
the utmost seriousness and throughout my career, I have immediately
addressed any issues raised to me in accordance with the Department of
State's policies in dealing with such conduct.
With regard to discrimination, I have counseled a number of
employees on EEO issues. In these instances, I followed Department
protocols fully.
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Mary Beth Leonard by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. I have had the privilege of addressing human rights
concerns throughout my Foreign Service career, from my very first tour
following the trial of a Cameroonian opposition figure. As Ambassador
to the African Union, I worked to promote a United Nations Security
Council (UNSC) arms embargo against South Sudan and to press for the
establishment of a Hybrid Court on South Sudan (HCSS). As Ambassador to
Mali, I received the Diplomacy for Human Rights prize in 2013. My
actions there included speaking out early and forcefully for a rapid
return to elected governance after the 2012 coup; forestalling
potential human rights violations and abuses by engaging leaders from
groups with records of violations to make clear both U.S. disapproval
and dispel any notion that inter-communal violence was consistent with
any concept of Malian patriotism; seeking accountability for crimes and
excesses by the military junta; and calling out mistreatment of
journalists.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in
Nigeria? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in Nigeria? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. The 2018 Human Rights Report identified several human
rights concerns, including abuses and violations by both government and
nonstate actors, prolonged arbitrary detention, harsh and life
threatening prison conditions, interference with the rights of peaceful
assembly and freedom of association, in particular for lesbian, gay,
bisexual, transgender, and intersex persons, refoulement of refugees,
and corruption. If confirmed, I will continue to raise U.S. government
concerns at the highest levels of the Nigerian government and publicly
call for justice and accountability. If confirmed, I will support State
Department efforts that enable the development of effective and
professional law enforcement actors who prevent, detect, and
investigate crime while respecting and protecting human rights.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Nigeria in
advancing human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. In my understanding, while Nigeria has taken steps to
investigate allegations of human rights abuses and violations by
security forces, including establishing an independent, civilian-led
Presidential Investigative Panel, the U.S. government frequently does
not see the results of those investigations. As stated in the 2018
Human Rights Report, impunity for human rights violations and abuses
remains widespread at all levels of government. If confirmed, I will
prioritize raising our concerns at the highest levels of government and
target our programs in areas where the Nigerians have demonstrated
political will to build capacity while respecting and protecting human
rights.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Nigeria? If confirmed, what steps will you
take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. As I did in both Mali and at the African Union, if
confirmed, I will engage with both U.S. and Nigerian human rights,
civil society, and other non-governmental organizations. These
organizations and the work that they do are essential to strengthening
human rights adherence and meeting U.S. objectives in Africa. I will
continue to ensure that the U.S. government does not provide assistance
to security force units or individuals where there is credible
information that they committed gross violations of human rights in
accordance with the Leahy Law. If confirmed, I will continue our
engagement with civil society partners to ensure that our limited
security assistance is in accordance with the law.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Nigeria to address cases of key political prisoners or persons
otherwise unjustly targeted by Nigeria?
Answer. If confirmed, yes, my team will engage with Nigeria to
address cases of key persons unjustly targeted. As Ambassador to Mali,
I became the first to denounce the March 6, 2013 arrest of local editor
Boukary Daou, who was tortured after his newspaper printed a letter
criticizing coup leader Sanogo. Within hours of his disappearance, I
spearheaded efforts to coordinate a diplomatic community effort to
press the Malian government to respect human rights, including freedom
of expression, and press freedom, and called out in public events for
his release. Mr. Daou credits this activism with helping secure his
freedom, and linked the end of his physical mistreatment in detention
to his jailors' acknowledgment of my public expressions of interest and
concern.
Question. Will you engage with Nigeria on matters of human rights,
civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Human rights, civil rights, and governance are key
priorities of the U.S. government policy with respect to Nigeria. If
confirmed, I will continue to engage on those priorities.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Nigeria?
Answer. No.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. I deeply appreciate how critically important it is for
leaders to promote, mentor, and support all staff members, irrespective
of their gender, ethnic background, sexual orientation, or religious
beliefs. If confirmed, I would work with the Mission's Deputy Chief of
Mission to ensure post has a robust mentoring program in place for all
entry-level officers, and I would regularly discuss mentoring with the
Mission's supervisory team. To promote an environment of transparency
and equality, I would also institute an open-door policy and encourage
all Mission staff to come directly to me for guidance and support as
desired and to make me aware of any issues as needed.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, during my very first Country Team meeting, I
would stress the importance that I place on fostering an inclusive and
diverse environment and that this is an important criteria upon which I
will evaluate supervisors as part of the annual employee review
process. I would also stress these values in my introductory Town Hall
meeting with all Mission staff and continue to do so throughout my
tenure at Embassy Abuja.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in Nigeria
specifically?
Answer. Political corruption negatively affects democratic
governance and rule of law throughout the world, but in Nigeria,
Africa's most populous country-with an estimated 87 million people
living in extreme poverty--political corruption is literally taking
food out of the mouths of the neediest. If confirmed, I will continue
to support programs that combat political corruption, including through
the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs and
USAID, including USAID's efforts to increase transparency and
participation in Nigeria's election processes. I understand that
Nigerian organizations are doing great work in this sector, including
the Youth Initiative for Advocacy, Growth, and Advancement (YIAGA),
which deployed more than 3,000 observers to every local government area
and conducted parallel vote tabulations (PVT) during the Presidential
and National Assembly elections earlier this year.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Nigeria
and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. Corruption is not an easy problem; if it was, we would no
longer be dealing with it across the world. While corruption remains an
endemic problem in Nigeria, the government is making progress in
addressing it through creating a Treasury Single Account, enacting
government payroll reform, increasing prosecutions by the Economic and
Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), and drafting legislation to
increase transparency in the petroleum sector. If confirmed, I will
continue to encourage all members of our country team to engage their
interlocutors to reduce corruption in every sector where we work
closely with the Nigerian government, from health, to civilian
security, to the military.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in Nigeria?
Answer. Good governance and anticorruption programming are a
cornerstone of the priorities for Mission Nigeria. If confirmed, I will
work closely with my Nigerian interlocutors from the President to the
National Assembly to civil society and the private sector to encourage
progress in combatting corruption throughout Nigeria. I will support
our USAID, Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement
Affairs (INL), and Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL) programs
that focus on increasing the capacity of Nigerians to develop effective
and professional government institutions, especially in the justice and
law enforcement spheres that are responsive to citizens needs and to
strengthen anticorruption efforts throughout the country.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Mary Beth Leonard by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. From your extensive experience within the State
Department, including in your current post to the African Union, what
is the extent to which the Department examines the impact of youth
bulges and gender inequality on U.S. foreign policy and security
objectives on the continent? What metrics are used to determine where
the problem is most acute and would benefit the most from U.S. aid?
Does this inform programmatic spending in the Sahel and across Sub-
Saharan Africa?
Answer. Addressing youth bulges and gender inequality are an
important part of all U.S. foreign policy, development, and security
objectives throughout the globe, but particularly in Africa. The
Department works to ensure that efforts to promote gender equality and
advance the status of women and girls are incorporated across the full
range of foreign assistance and public diplomacy programming. We use
publically available and reputable metrics, including from
international partner organizations such as the U.N. the World Bank,
and the IMF, to determine where problems are most acute and to
determine which areas would benefit most from U.S. aid. This informs
our programmatic spending throughout the Sahel as well as across Sub-
Saharan Africa. If confirmed, I will encourage Mission Nigeria to
design and evaluate policy and programs with Nigeria's demographic
dynamics in mind. I would also emphasize female education as a proven
method to address these important issues.
Question. If confirmed, how would you engage with the Bureau of
African Affairs, the Department of Defense, regional organizations and
civil society to ensure that this is a priority issue that has wide
collaboration in addressing?
Answer. If confirmed, I would seek to integrate a whole of
government approach to make youth and gender a priority. I will tap
into the knowledge and studies of regional organizations and civil
society as well. As U.S. Ambassador to the African Union (AU), I helped
develop innovative ways to address these pressing issues, designing
adjunct youth components with U.S. government and third party entities.
I supported events on youth and gender preceding our Trade and
Investment Forum and an energy conference. We included a full day event
prior to these conferences on brainstorming youth/women's input
involving our Young African Leaders Initiative (YALI) and African Union
youth volunteers. Their participation and input were mainstreamed into
the formal program. If confirmed, I will spearhead similarly
comprehensive and impactful approaches.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michelle A. Bekkering by Senator Robert Menendez
Economic Statecraft
Question. I am increasingly concerned that the United States is
losing ground on engaging in economic statecraft for the twenty-first
century, including promoting U.S. jobs, business and economic
interests, engaging in development financing for infrastructure and
other needs, including climate change-related resiliency, and setting
standards for emergent technologies and the digital economy.
Can you expand upon how you view your role and your institutions
role, if you are confirmed, in helping to renew and replenish
U.S. economic statecraft instruments? Where do you see the
biggest challenges? Biggest opportunities?
Answer. We strongly believe the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID) is at the forefront of the U.S. government's
efforts to improve and expand our economic statecraft around the world.
Addressing the need for development finance for infrastructure, for
example, was one of the principal motivations behind the creation of
the new United States International Development Finance Corporation
(``DFC'') which resulted from bipartisan passage of the Better
Utilization of Investments Leading to Development (BUILD) Act last
year. The new DFC will combine USAID's Office of Development Credit,
which is currently within the Bureau of Economic Growth, Education and
Environment (E3), with the Overseas Private Investment Corporation
(OPIC). The E3 Bureau, and its planned successor under USAID's
Transformation, the Bureau for Democracy, Development, and Innovation,
will be the primary organizational interface between USAID and the DFC.
If confirmed, I will ensure USAID will forge and retain strong
institutional linkages with the new DFC, to ensure continued U.S
government leadership in development and economic statecraft.
Under its One Belt, One Road Initiative, the People's Republic of
China has been augmenting its investments in transport and trade
infrastructure--railways, roads, bridges, and airports--and investing
heavily in digital infrastructure. These investments are unprecedented
in scale, and the Chinese are making them in countries that are
traditional USAID partners. However, the potential for the U.S. private
sector to address these challenges is significant.
If confirmed, I will ensure a robust focus on creating business-
friendly environments that facilitate access to new markets for U.S.
companies. We will advance our partnership with private-sector
companies under the Global Alliance for Trade Facilitation to identify
opportunities to address delays and unnecessary red tape at borders,
and design and deploy targeted reforms that deliver commercially
quantifiable results. In addition, we recognize that the digital
revolution is opening opportunities for small businesses to engage in
cross-border trade, grow into multinational sellers, and craft their
own global supply-chains. If confirmed, I will explore opportunities to
improve the enabling environments in our partner countries to expand
platform-enabled trade. I will also ensure USAID's continued robust
engagement with the interagency Digital Connectivity and Cybersecurity
Partnership initiative, which aims to increase U.S. investments in the
telecom and cyber security sectors in developing countries, including
the Indo-Pacific region.
If confirmed, I will prioritize work with the interagency to
promote and unleash the potential of the U.S. private sector by
fostering access to new markets and promoting its leadership in
critical and emergent industries.
Climate Change
Question. I am encouraged by the positive overtures you made
towards USAID's work to address climate change and your acknowledgement
of how climate change is increasing risks and challenges to economic
growth around the world. Given the skepticism and cynicism the
President expresses towards the need take seriously the threat
challenge presents to the world, and his hostility towards U.S. action
on climate change I fear that despite your well-reasoned personal
beliefs on the matter, you may be challenged to act appropriately.
How will the efforts being led by Senior Advisor on the National
Security Council, Dr. William Happer, to ``reevaluate'' to
utility of climate science in national security planning impact
USAID's development missions?
Answer. I personally believe that climate impacts human health, the
environment, and climate-dependent livelihoods. If confirmed, I will
continue to support USAID programs that help developing countries
manage and adapt to risks from the environment; protect, manage and
restore forests and other landscapes; and develop and deploy energy
systems that are clean, reliable, and resilient.
My knowledge of the efforts to which you refer comes mostly from
press reports. Generally speaking, as a development agency, USAID is a
consumer, rather than a producer, of science and scientific data. USAID
draws on validated scientific information from a variety of U.S.
government and other sources to inform our development work. If
confirmed, I will work to ensure that E3 maintains its technical
leadership on environmental and related development challenges.
Question. How important is high-quality, unbiased data collection
and analysis to informing USAID's policies and programs?
Answer. It is essential. USAID has a long-standing commitment to
evidence-based development assistance, and to using the best available
scientific and technical information to inform our work. If confirmed,
I will continue to support this commitment.
Question. What purpose do you believe is being served by the
following policies and actions affecting the quality and integrity of
U.S. data?:
the ``red team vs. blue team'' climate science review proposed by
former EPA Administrator, Scott Pruitt;
limiting the scope of computer-generated climate change impact
models used by U.S. government agencies making climate related
policy decision to only project through 2040 (rather than
through the end of the century as is accepted by the broader
scientific community);
eliminating the publication of ``worst case scenarios'' from
reports on climate change effects;
or the work within the White House, led by Dr. William Happer, to
review the role climate science serves in U.S. national
security planning; and
Are you concerned with the effect these actions could have the
quality and integrity of U.S. (produced) climate change data?
Answer. To the best of my knowledge, the U.S. Agency for
International Development (USAID) has not been tracking these efforts
closely, nor have they affected our day-to-day work. Generally
speaking, as a development agency, USAID is a consumer, rather than a
producer, of science and scientific data. USAID continues to base its
development programs on the best available scientific and technical
information, and I do not expect this to change. Within the Executive
Branch of the U.S. government, scientific agencies such as the National
Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration within the U.S. Department
of Commerce, the U.S. Geological Survey within the U.S. Department of
the Interior, and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration
(NASA) generally play lead roles in developing and publishing climate-
related data. USAID works in countries where the data and analysis
required for long-term investments in sustainable development are often
lacking, and we value deeply the investments of U.S. science agencies
and universities to improve the quality of data and analysis around the
world. SERVIR, our joint venture with NASA that provides state-of-the-
art, satellite-based Earth monitoring data, geospatial information and
tools to help improve environmental decision-making among developing
nations, is an example of this.
Question. What will you do to protect the integrity, impartiality,
and quality of the scientific data on climate change that USAID
utilizes in making policy and program decisions and provides to its
implementing partners in program beneficiaries?
Answer. Generally speaking, the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID) is a consumer, rather than a producer, of science
and scientific data. USAID relies on climate science to support early-
warning systems, disaster assistance, the promotion of drought-
resistant crops, and other strategies to help countries cope with
drought, extreme weather, or other climate-related conditions. If
confirmed, I will support USAID's technical teams in continuing their
technical leadership based on the highest-quality scientific data and
information.
Northern Triangle
Question. In March, the Administration froze all foreign assistance
to Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador.
Do you believe freezing or ending foreign assistance to the
Northern Triangle is an effective or appropriate action to
prevent or lessen the number of migrants we see at the U.S.
southern border from these countries?
Answer. As Administrator Green stated when he testified before the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee on May 8, 2019, we are frustrated by
the situation at the Southern border. We have been working with the
U.S. Department of State to implement the Administration's policy
related to the Northern Triangle.
The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is confident
that we are part of the answer to address the situation, but our
assistance is most effective when we see buy-in from host-country
governments. USAID is working hard to develop new metrics specifically
tied to migration so that our programs in Central America can be more
targeted and effective.
Question. Does the freeze advance El Salvador, Guatemala, and
Honduras on the journey to self-reliance?
Answer. As you know, globally, the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID) is reorienting its strategies, partnership models,
and programmatic practices to achieve greater development outcomes. Our
vision is to end the need for foreign assistance; we call this ``the
Journey to Self-Reliance.'' As partners on this Journey, we are
empowering host-country governments and our partners to achieve
locally-sustained results, helping countries mobilize public and
private revenues, strengthening local capacities, and accelerating
enterprise-driven development. This approach fosters stable, resilient,
and prosperous countries that are more self-reliant, and prioritizes
enduring partnerships. It is an approach that is good for our partner
countries worldwide, U.S. national security, and the American taxpayer.
As part of their Journeys to Self-Reliance, we need more commitment
from the governments of the Northern Triangle to curb outmigration,
corruption, impunity, and violence. Our programs are most effective
when coordinated closely with, and supported by, the governments of
these countries, as well as with civil society and the private sector.
Question. Do you believe that the governments of these countries
are sending migrants to the U.S. as the President has asserted?
Answer. I have not seen any evidence to suggest the governments of
the Northern Triangle countries are sending migrants to the United
States, and I commit to working with my colleagues in the Bureau for
Latin America and the Caribbean at the Agency who are the lead in this
matter.
Question. What do you believe are the root causes of migration from
these countries?
Answer. I believe extreme poverty, corruption, violence, the lack
of economic opportunity, food-insecurity, and the threat of gang
violence are drivers of migration from Central America. Effective
development assistance should address economic prosperity and the
security of citizens in local communities and include migration-related
data as a key metric of progress.
Question. How are USAID's development programs in the Northern
Triangle working to address the root causes of migration from the
Northern Triangle?
Answer. Senator, I would defer you to our Bureau for Latin America
and the Caribbean for specific information regarding targeted programs
in the Northern Triangle. However, generally, programming in Central
America funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)
advances the U.S. Strategy for Central America (Strategy), which
addresses the economic, security, and governance drivers of illegal
migration. With funding appropriated by Congress, USAID has supported
efforts by the Northern Triangle governments to reduce poverty and
improve their own security conditions.
Question. Do you believe these programs are effective?
Answer. My colleagues in the Bureau for Latin America and the
Caribbean can better speak to the efficacy of our specific programs
but, in general, I believe programs funded by the U.S. Agency for
International Development (USAID) in the Northern Triangle are in our
national interest. USAID's programs address some of the drivers we
believe contribute to illegal migration by creating opportunities in
Northern Triangle countries for their citizens, and also work to
address challenges like transnational crime, corruption, and the lack
of safe spaces for families.
Question. How is the freeze in foreign assistance to these
countries affecting USAID's programs in these countries and what will
you do, if confirmed, in your capacity as AA for E3 to keep E3s
programs effective and operational as the freeze is realized?
Answer. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has
been working with our implementing partners to understand the entire
picture of the programmatic implications of this decision. We expect
this will vary by program and each implementing partner. If confirmed,
I will work with the USAID Bureau for Latin. America and the Caribbean
(LAC) on how to proceed programmatically as we implement this policy
decision.
Question. Will you travel to the missions in these region to meet
USAIDs personnel who's jobs are effected by the freeze, and meet with
USAID's implementing partners in these countries, and visit projects
that are at risk in order to see both the importance of these programs
and the risks that arise from abruptly ending these programs?
Answer. Yes.
Overall Commitment to Gender Equality and Integration
Question. Sustainable international development rests on the
recognition and promotion of human rights, including the equal rights
of women and girls. As you are aware from your previous role as the
Senior Coordinator for Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment, USAID's
concerted investment in empowering women and girls and integrating
gender equality throughout USAID's work is critical to lasting change
and development.
If you are confirmed as the Assistant Administrator for the E3
Bureau, what will you specifically do to ensure that gender
equality is elevated, prioritized, and integrated into the
wide-reaching work USAID does globally?
Answer. Equality between women and men and female empowerment is a
priority for the Administration and the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID). The President's National Security Strategy clearly
identifies women's empowerment as one of its five priority actions,
noting its commitment to `` . . . support efforts to advance women's
equality, protect the rights of women and girls, and promote women and
youth empowerment programs.'' Gender equality and female empowerment
are also core to the Agency's development goals, and serve as a tenet
of the Agency's approach to the Journey to Self-Reliance.
The Women's Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment (WEEE) Act of
2018 bolsters USAID's efforts to elevate, prioritize and integrate
gender equality across USAID programs by codifying the requirement of
the Agency Gender Equality and Female Empowerment Policy that a gender
analysis must shape all of our strategies and programs.
If confirmed, I will continue to uphold and strengthen USAID's
commitment to gender equality and female empowerment. I will ensure we
adhere to the principles and parameters set forth in the WEEE Act, all
relevant Agency policies and strategies, and the recently-launched
Women's Global Development and Prosperity initiative. As part of USAID
leadership, I will ensure to communicate clearly our expectations
regarding the integration of gender equality and female empowerment
into all policies and programs within the Bureau for Economic Growth,
Education and Environment and across the Agency, and that we fully meet
them.
Question. How will you ensure that existing and longstanding U.S.
policy commitments to ending gender-based violence, advancing the
rights of adolescent girls, and promoting women's leadership and
participation will be respected and advanced as Assistant
Administrator?
Answer. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is
committed to promoting gender equality and female empowerment. Existing
law, such as the Women's Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment
(WEEE) Act, and USAID's policies, such as the Gender Equality and
Female Empowerment Policy, direct our work; the objectives and
promising interventions tied to each are reflected in and will serve to
enhance, the goals and structure of the Agency's Transformation. The
U.S. Strategy to Prevent and Respond to Gender-Based Violence (GBV)
Globally continues to guide USAID's work on GBV, including child,
early, and forced marriage (CEFM), and the U.S. Global Strategy to
Empower Adolescent Girls shapes USAID's ``whole-of-girl'' approach,
which encompasses the interconnected events across a girl's life from
birth to adulthood and across sectors.
If confirmed, I will continue to uphold and strengthen USAID's
commitment in this sphere. I will ensure we adhere to the principles
and parameters set forth in the WEEE Act, all relevant Agency policies
and strategies, and the recently-launched Women's Global Development
and Prosperity initiative. As part of USAID leadership, I will ensure
to communicate clearly our expectations regarding the integration of
gender equality and female empowerment into all policies and programs
within the Bureau for Economic Growth, Education and Environment and
across the Agency, and that we fully meet them.
Question. How will you ensure that the Senior Coordinator for
Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment and the Office of Gender and
Development, which would be under your purview if confirmed as
Assistant Administrator of the E3 Bureau, successfully integrate gender
equality principles throughout USAID's work even outside of E3,
particularly as it relates to core USAID issues such as food and
nutrition security, agricultural development and livelihoods, water and
sanitation access, humanitarian response, and global health?
Answer. As noted, the Senior Coordinator for Gender Equality and
Women's Empowerment and the Office of Gender Equality and Women's
Empowerment (GenDev) are housed within the Bureau for Economic Growth,
Education and Environment (E3). If confirmed, I will fully support the
Senior Coordinator's role and GenDev's mandate for the benefit of the
entire Agency, including the design and oversight of training courses
on gender integration, gender-based violence (GBV), and women's
economic empowerment; the development and delivery of technical
assistance, programming, and communications resources across Bureaus
and the field; and guiding and coordinating work on key cross-cutting
issues such as women's economic empowerment and GBV.
E3 provides technical assistance, research and field support across
the Agency. This provides the Bureau the opportunity to elevate,
prioritize and integrate equality between women and men in the Agency's
entire portfolio through close collaboration and information-exchange.
For example, we collaborate with the Water Office, the Bureau for
Global Health, and the Regional Bureaus to ensure the integration of
gender considerations across all the Agency's activities in water,
sanitation, and hygiene. The two governing documents for the activities
of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) in water and
sanitation, the U.S. government Global Water Strategy and the Senator
Paul Simon Water for the World Act, reinforce the importance of gender
equality and women's empowerment.
The same close partnership for gender integration exists with the
Bureau for Food Security (BFS). One of the key guidance documents for
the U.S. government Global Food Security Strategy is the Technical
Guidance on Advancing Gender Equality and Female Empowerment. GenDev
coordinates with BFS on technical gender issues, such as supporting the
implementation of a framework for monitoring and evaluation to measure
women's empowerment. We also recognize the integral role that health
plays in empowering women, and work closely with the Bureau for Global
Health to advance our shared goals. If confirmed, I commit to ensure
the continued integration of gender throughout USAID's work by
collaborating with my counterparts in BFS, and the Bureaus for
Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance and Global Health.
Finally, USAID benefits from an organizational structure that
includes more than 70 Gender Advisors at USAID Missions around the
world. If confirmed, under my leadership, we will continue to support
our Gender Advisors located in each Bureau within Washington, as well
as in our field Missions, as they carry out USAID's policies and
programs in the field of gender equality and female empowerment.
Commitment to Comprehensive Approaches to Gender Equality and Women's
Empowerment
Question. GBV and Reproductive Rights: This administration has
clearly made a commitment to advancing women's economic empowerment as
its signature initiative for women's rights and prosperity. While this
initiative is highly focused on issues related to women's
entrepreneurship, workforce development, and establishing an enabling
environment, we see very little (if any) emphasis on some of the key
areas in which women are being held back from economic independence--
namely, access to reproductive rights and services and the right to
live free from violence.
If you are confirmed as the Assistant Administrator of the E3
Bureau, what will you commit to doing to ensure a comprehensive
view of women's empowerment that includes access to
reproductive rights and freedom from gender-based violence?
Answer. I recognize that achieving equality between women and men
and women's empowerment depends on inputs and outcomes across several
spheres, and at the individual, community and national levels. The
robust programming of the U.S. Agency for International Development
(USAID) in multiple regions and sectors, including agriculture, crisis
and conflict, democracy and governance, education, economic growth,
environment, and health, provide ample opportunities to ensure the
Agency's investments address every facet of gender equality and women's
empowerment.
USAID is committed to increasing access to high-quality health care
for women, their children and their families. Investments in women's
health yield a return of up to 20 times in the form of societal and
economic benefits. When women have access to basic health care for both
themselves and their families, and are empowered to make healthy,
positive choices, the well-being of the entire community improves.
Preventing and responding to gender-based violence (GBV) is also a
priority for USAID, integrated across development programming and
humanitarian assistance. We know that conflict and natural disasters
often exacerbate the vulnerability of individuals, particularly women
and girls, and GBV can escalate in these scenarios. As such, at the
onset of an emergency, USAID prioritizes specialized GBV interventions
to address the immediate impact of the situation on women and girls'
health, psychosocial well-being and safety.
If confirmed, I will ensure that the leadership of the Bureau for
Economic Growth, Education and Environment (E3) in advancing gender
equality and women's empowerment includes recognition and support for
efforts in this area across sectors, and will make certain that USAID
programming continues to address the prevention of, and response to,
GBV, coordinated effectively by E3.
Question. Women's Health: One of the greatest obstacles to
advancing women's empowerment and gender equity is a lack of quality
healthcare, including access to reproductive health services. The U.S.
government had led global efforts to combat preventable maternal deaths
through investments in maternal and child health, nutrition, family
planning, and other critical health interventions, however, the United
States' global health policies since 2017, such as the Global Gag Rule,
have severely undermined these efforts.
If you are confirmed as Assistant Administrator for the E3 Bureau,
what specifically will you do support your counterpart in the
Global Health Bureau to ensure USAID's commitment to these
efforts?
Answer. Equality between men and women and women's empowerment
depends on inputs and outcomes across several spheres, and at the
individual, community and national levels. The robust programming of
the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) in multiple
regions and sectors, including agriculture, crisis and conflict,
democracy and governance, education, economic growth, environment, and
health, provide ample opportunities to ensure our work gives attention
to addressing the many facets of gender equality and women's
empowerment. We know that multi-sectoral efforts to address these
issues reap a multitude of development outcomes--in health, education,
gender equality, women's empowerment, and economic and social
development. If confirmed, I will continue these efforts.
As the world's largest bilateral donor to global health programs,
the United States remains committed to helping women and their children
thrive. When women have access to basic health care for both themselves
and their families, and are empowered to make healthy, positive
choices, the well-being of the entire community improves. While
voluntary family planning and reproductive-health programming is under
the purview of the USAID Bureau for Global Health, if confirmed, I
commit to continuing collaboration by the Bureau for Education,
Economic Growth and Environment with our Global Health counterparts on
our programming.
Question. Property Rights: Rights organizations have documented how
women in communities displaced by large scale commercial agriculture
suffer distinctive and disproportionate harmful impacts due to their
social roles and status, and had the least opportunity to negotiate and
assert their rights. Women face enormous struggles to sustain their
families after losing safe water for drinking and household use, access
to fertile land for cultivating food crops, and hunting or foraging
grounds. In many countries, divorced women and widows face many
challenges in asserting equal property rights. Widows may be evicted
from their homes and land, and their property is stolen by in-laws when
their husbands die or by their former spouses if they seek a divorce.
As Assistant Administrator, how will you ensure U.S. policy and
programs will support and promote women's land and property
rights? And, how will you ensure that programs support by USAID
will not work to undermine women's land and property rights?
Answer. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) views
good governance of land and natural resources as a critical foundation
for successful U.S. foreign assistance in all technical areas and
regions. USAID's Office of Land and Urban (LU) within the Bureau for
Economic Growth, Education and Environment leads the Agency's efforts
on ensuring land rights with the mandate to improve the governance of
land and resources and strengthen property rights for all members of
society, especially women. Strengthening women's land rights continues
to be an integral component of all LU land activities. Furthermore, the
Women's Global Development and Prosperity (W-GDP) Initiative recognizes
the necessity of improving the enabling environment, including securing
land and property rights for women. Other U.S. government and USAID
policies and programs that include an explicit focus on land rights for
all, including women, are the U.S. government's Global Food-Security
Strategy, and USAID's new Environmental and Natural-Resources
Management (ENRM) Framework. Through these existing policies,
frameworks and practices, I will, if confirmed, be able to ensure the
U.S. government's policy and programs will support and promote women's
land and property rights.
Equipped with the above policies and a clear focus on intentionally
strengthening women's land rights, USAID will be able to ensure our
programs will not undermine women's land and property rights.
Furthermore, if confirmed, I will continue to support the deployment of
existing best practices to strengthen women's land rights purposefully.
For instance, when working with communities to map and document their
land, USAID always insists that women be at least equally represented
on the mapping teams, which encourages women landholders to participate
in the process. Also, good practice dictates that, in all USAID
programs, two or more spaces for landholder names are included on land
documentation, at a minimum, so titles can name both husband and wife.
These are just two examples of the ways in which USAID programs
purposefully focus on women's land rights.
If confirmed, I will support USAID's continued exploration and
expansion of new best practices to continue this critical work.
Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights
Question. Siljander: As you may be aware from recent State
Department announcements, a policy known as the Siljander amendment
prohibits the use of foreign assistance funds to lobby for or against
abortion. Repeatedly at the U.N. representatives of the State
Department, USAID, and U.S. Mission to the U.N. including your Senior
Advisor Bethany Kozma, have made statements that ``we do not support
abortion,'' spreading false information that comprehensive sex
education programs ``promote abortion as a solution to teen
pregnancy,'' and ``the U.S. is a pro-life country'' despite that fact
that for over 40 years the right to abortion has been established in
the this country under Roe v. Wade.
Can you explain to me how these statements directly made by
employees of the U.S. State Department are not considered to be
lobbying against abortion, and thus a direct violation of the
Siljander amendment?
Answer. Consistent with longstanding practice, the United States
routinely describes its foreign-policy position on issues before
multilateral bodies.
Question. What will you do to hold your employees accountable for
complying with the Siljander prohibition on lobbying against abortion?
Answer. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) takes
compliance with the Siljander Amendment very seriously, and I will
ensure that staff are familiar with its provisions. We would address
any specific response to a compliance issue on a case-by-case basis.
Question. Removing sexual and reproductive health from U.N.
agreements: I am deeply concerned by the reports that the U.S.
consistently advocated for removing references from sexual and
reproductive health care from international agreements, including in
critical spaces like the annual Commission on the Status of Women. I
understand this administration has argued they have other priorities
for these meetings, like economic empowerment and entrepreneurship.
Answer. The United States routinely describes its foreign-policy
position on issues before multilateral bodies, including on issues
related to sexual and reproductive health.
Question. How can women develop and lead their own businesses and
participate in the economy if they are not able to have autonomous
control of their own bodies, supported by comprehensive access to
sexual and reproductive health care?
Answer. I recognize that equality between men and women and women's
empowerment depends on inputs and outcomes across several spheres, and
at the individual, community, and national levels. The robust
programming of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) in
multiple regions and sectors, including agriculture, crisis and
conflict, democracy and governance, education, economic growth,
environment, and health, provide ample opportunities to address every
facet of gender equality and women's empowerment in our work.
USAID is committed to increasing access to high-quality health care
for women, their children and their families. Investments in women's
health yield a return of up to 20 times in the form of societal and
economic benefits. When women have access to basic health care for both
themselves and their families, and are empowered to make healthy,
positive choices, the well-being of the entire community improves.
While voluntary family planning and reproductive-health programming is
under the purview of the USAID Bureau for Global Health, I commit to
continuing collaboration by the Bureau for Economic Growth, Education
and Environment with our Global Health counterparts in our programming.
Adolescent Girls/Child Marriage
Question. The E3 Bureau (Bureau for Economic Growth, Education, and
Environment) provides research and technical leadership on economic
growth and empowerment, gender equality and women's empowerment,
education, and more. In addition to the large portfolio, the Bureau
represents the Agency to Congress, donors, multilaterals, and other
outside partners. Child marriage is any formal marriage or informal
union where one or both parties are under the age of 18. Each year, 12
million girls are married before they turn 18. Child marriage traps
girls in cycles of poverty and increases the likelihood that they will
be pregnant earlier and more often, and that they will experience
intimate partner violence. It also has enormous economic impacts, and
inaction on the issue will cost the global economy trillions of
dollars. A country like Ethiopia could reduce their reliance on
overseas development assistance by a sixth if they were to end child
marriage, which is money that could potentially be reinvested into the
country and increase development outcomes in a number of key areas.
As the Assistant Administrator of E3 for USAID, how will you ensure
that the needs of adolescent girls are being met in the areas
of economic growth, education and environment in a holistic
way? Specifically, how do you anticipate implementing the U.S.
Global Strategy to Empower Adolescent Girls and to otherwise
ensure that U.S. foreign assistance is part of a holistic
solution to ensuring that girls get the education and training
they need to succeed now and if they are ever to become
economically empowered women later?
As the Assistant Administrator of E3 for USAID, how will you ensure
that the USAID Child Marriage Resource Guide is implemented,
and that the impact projects and programs may have on child
marriage rates is better documented and understood?
Answer. Empowering adolescent girls is fundamental to achieving our
development goals and unlocking the full potential of societies. The
U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is the lead agency
for the implementation of the U.S. Global Strategy to Empower
Adolescent Girls across sectors, including health, education, water,
and sanitation. USAID uses a ``whole-of-girl'' approach to see the
overlapping areas of vulnerability in an adolescent girl's life. The
Agency defines the whole-of-girl approach as enhancing girls' access to
high-quality education in safe environments; providing economic
opportunities and incentives for girls and their families; empowering
girls with information, skills, services, and support; and mobilizing
and educating communities.
If confirmed, I will ensure USAID's programs address the
differentiated needs of girls in specific stages of adolescence, by
recognizing that the challenges young adolescents encounter are
distinct from those experienced by older adolescents who are
approaching adulthood, and will work to support and enhance current
activities, such as efforts to increase access to early-childhood
education, and using geographic information system technology to map
areas where adolescent girls are at high risk of female genital
mutilation and cutting.
USAID recognizes the harmful impact associated with child, early or
forced marriage (CEFM) and annually attributes at least $11 million to
address this practice. To tackle this issue, USAID has looked to
support programming to prevent and respond to CEFM through a multi-
pronged approach as outlined in the Agency's Child, Early, and Forced
Marriage Resource Guide. Not only does USAID fund stand-alone CEFM
activities, it works to integrate them in four main areas: education
and economic opportunities, health care, regulatory reform, and public-
awareness campaigns. If confirmed, I will ensure that USAID's efforts
in CEFM, coordinated by the Bureau for Economic Growth, Education and
Environment, continue to adhere to best practices in this area, and
that we compile and share lessons from these programs.
Question. In your previous role as Senior Deputy Assistant
Administrator, it was unclear whether USAID was working to prevent
child marriage and address the needs of already married girls,
including the provision of youth-friendly reproductive health services
for already married adolescents and sexuality education as a key part
of learning in areas where child marriage is highly prevalent. How will
you address these gaps in your elevated role as the Assistant
Administrator of E3 for USAID?
Answer. As part of our work, the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID) funds a number of health-related interventions for
young girls to deal with the consequences of child marriage. For
example, USAID's partners provide care to young girls who endure
pregnancy and delivery before their bodies are fully matured, as they
are more likely to develop obstetric fistula (OF) than older women. OF
is an issue most pervasive in countries and communities with high rates
of child marriage. Additionally, poverty and malnutrition in children
contribute to the condition of stunting (one's body does not fully
mature), which exacerbates OF in those patients.
If confirmed, I will ensure that CEFM programming, coordinated out
of the Bureau for Economic Growth, Education and Environment, continue
to provide support for married adolescents in addition to advancing
prevention efforts. Additionally, if confirmed, I will ensure that
USAID continues to implement the Agency's Child Marriage Resource
Guide.
Question. It has been well-documented that climate change and the
humanitarian impacts of natural disasters has implications for child
marriage. In times of conflict and crisis, child marriage increases as
parents often see it as the only way to keep their daughters safe-
economically and physically. And yet we know that child marriage is not
protective and actually increases the likelihood that a girl will never
escape a cycle of poverty, and that she is more likely than her peers
that wait until adulthood to marry to experience intimate partner
violence. As the Assistant Administrator of E3 for USAID, how will you
connect the dots between economic growth, environment and education to
ensure that this generation of girls has alternatives to child
marriage, including access to quality education tied to real workforce
opportunities if and when she is ready to enter the workforce, and a
healthy climate where risks of disasters do not derail her education or
ability to participate in safe and formal sector work when she is
legally able to do so?
Answer. Empowering adolescent girls is fundamental to achieving our
development goals and unlocking the full potential of societies. The
U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is the lead agency
for the implementation of the U.S. Global Strategy to Empower
Adolescent Girls across sectors, including health, education, water,
and sanitation. USAID uses a ``whole-of-girl'' approach to see the
overlapping areas of vulnerability in an adolescent girl's life. The
Agency's programs address the differentiated needs of girls in specific
stages of adolescence, by recognizing that the challenges young
adolescents encounter are distinct from those experienced by older
adolescents who are approaching adulthood.
These include the risk of child, early, and forced marriage (CEFM).
USAID's efforts to curtail this harmful cultural practice include
testing the effectiveness of various community-based approaches to
prevent child marriage through community education, educational
support, health care, and economic incentives. In Ethiopia, for
example, USAID is addressing the high prevalence of child marriage
through a number of programs that address its root causes, including
education, empowerment of women and girls, and health care. In one such
program, USAID trained 875 members of the judiciary and law-enforcement
communities on child marriage. As a result, courts annulled 748 early
child marriages in the Amhara region, where this illegal activity is
widely practiced.
If confirmed as Assistant Administrator for Economic Growth,
Education and Environment, I will ensure that USAID continues its
whole-of-girl approach, a platform to ensure our programs for younger
and adolescent girls--and their communities--in education, environment,
and economic growth contribute in tandem to create the conditions to
ensure girls have access to quality education tied to real workforce
opportunities, if and when they are ready to enter the workforce, and
that they are able to participate in safe and formal work when legally
able to do so.
DDI
Question. As part of the re-organization of USAID, the E3 Bureau
will now become part of the larger DDI (Development, Democracy and
Innovation) Bureau. DDI will combine a number of important areas of
work like democracy promotion, economic growth, gender equality, youth
and several others.
When E3 transforms into DDI, will you be the Assistant
Administrator for DDI?
Answer. Yes.
Question. Under what authorities will your confirmation to head E3
transfer to DDI?
Answer. There are two different legal authorities that identify 12
Presidentially appointed, Senate-confirmed (PAS) positions at the U.S.
Agency for International Development (USAID). First, Section 624 of the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (Section 2384 of Title 22 of the United
States Code [USC]) states that ``the President may appoint, by and with
the advice and consent of the Senate, twelve officers in the agency . .
. '' The statute does not give any of these positions a name or title.
Instead, the 1998 Foreign Affairs Restructuring and Reform Act that
established USAID as a statutory entity only gives one PAS position a
title: ``the Administrator.''
Second, Sections 5313-5351 of Title 5 of the USC lists 12 USAID PAS
positions by Executive Schedule Level, identified in the following
ways:
Administrator, Agency for International Development (Section
5313 of Title 5 of the USC);
Deputy Administrator, Agency for International Development
(Section 5314 of Title 5 of the USC);
Assistant Administrators, Agency for International
Development (six) (Section 5315 of Title 5 of the USC); and
Regional Assistant Administrators, Agency for International
Development (four) (Section 5315 of Title 5 of the USC)
Please note that neither of these statutes identifies a position
called ``Assistant Administrator for the Bureau of Economic Growth,
Education and Environment (E3)''
In the past, the President has submitted nominees as either
``Assistant Administrator for E3 Bureau'' or as ``Assistant
Administrator (E3).'' USAID has interpreted the former nomination as
being to a specific organizational entity (i.e., E3), while the latter
allowed mutability in the organizational elements the nominee would
lead.
In this case, the President nominated me after USAID submitted the
Congressional Notification (CN) that specifically explained the
transformation of E3 into the Bureau for Democracy, Development, and
Innovation (DDI), but before Congress cleared the CN. Under that
circumstance, the President could not nominate me for a Bureau that did
not yet exist (DDI), so the nomination was made to allow USAID the
flexibility to change her responsibility if the Congress concurred in
the creation of the DDI Bureau. USAID has informed Congress
consistently, on numerous occasions, that the President's intent was
for me to serve in the position of the Assistant Administrator for DDI
if Congress cleared the CN.
Question. How do you see programmatic priorities like climate
change adaptation, energy, and education programs changing under DDI?
Answer. The Bureau for Democracy, Development, and Innovation (DDI)
will continue to prioritize these and other areas of work. DDI will be
the home of the Agency Environment Coordinator and Senior Coordinator
for United States International Basic Education, as well as the
functions previously performed by the Higher Education and Climate
Change Coordinators. DDI will have a Center for Environment, Energy,
and Infrastructure and a Center for Education that will allow continued
technical leadership in these domains while fostering the kind of
cross-cutting work that is especially needed today. While our team that
works on climate adaptation is moving to the new Bureau for Resilience
and Food Security, DDI will continue to play a coordinating role on
this issue internally and with the State Department and other parts of
the Federal government. Under DDI, I also welcome the opportunity to
lead the increased integration of priorities like innovation, private-
sector engagement, and women's empowerment across the entire breadth of
the Agency's programming.
Question. How would you suggest that USAID use the additional
resources of the DDI Bureau to amplify the reach of gender equality
across the Agency's programming and ensure it is not downgraded within
the larger Bureau?
The current work of the U.S. Agency for International Development
(USAID) in gender equality and women's empowerment (GEWE) will grow and
thrive in the new Bureau for Democracy, Development, and Innovation
(DDI). DDI will provide Agency-wide support and services, his including
leadership and coordination of expertise found throughout the
organization, assistance to field Missions and other Operating Units at
all phases of the Program Cycle, and global engagement to advance GEWE.
The operations of the Office of Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment
within the current Bureau for Economic Growth, Education and
Environment will also serve as a model for other DDI Hubs also tasked
with integrating core issues and values throughout USAID's sectoral
programming. USAID stands ready and willing to implement all current
and future gender-related policies and strategies. DDI will manage
funds and programs, including funds for Missions that incentivize the
inclusion of GEWE in programming as well as to improve the knowledge,
practices, and skills of staff in GEWE.
Question. What will you do to expand basic human rights for LGBT
people?
Answer. If confirmed as Assistant Administrator, I will oversee the
work of the Coordinator for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and
Intersex (LGBTI) programming and the LGBTI team in the Inclusive
Development Hub in the new Bureau for Democracy, Development, and
Innovation. By placing the LGBTI Coordinator in DDI, we are making an
intentional effort to integrate and institutionalize inclusive
development as a critical lens to apply across the breadth of the
Agency's programs. I will ensure that the team leads the Agency's
analyses and programming to help protect LGBTI people from violence,
discrimination, stigma, and criminalization.
Question. As a possible official of the Trump administration, will
you condemn and oppose policies and practices that are derogatory and
discriminatory on the basis of race, religion, nationality, gender,
sexual orientation, or gender identity?
Answer. Yes, I will condemn and oppose policies and practices that
are derogatory and discriminatory on the basis of race, religion,
nationality, gender, sexual orientation, or gender identity.
Question. What will you do to ensure that statements by the Trump
campaign and transition teams that are racist, xenophobic,
misogynistic, or otherwise denigrate human rights and support abuses,
will not become government policy?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support all existing laws, case law,
and policies that support the dignity, respect, and equality of
treatment for all peoples.
Question. Will you uphold the rights of all persons to equality and
freedom from discrimination, and call on Americans to refrain from
discrimination of any sort?
Answer. Yes. I am committed to our Agency's values of integrity,
respect, empowerment, and inclusion. Under my leadership, we will
continue to recognize that our strength comes from diversity. We will
value all of our employees equally, and all employees in the current
Bureau for Economic Growth, Education and Environment and its successor
Bureau for Democracy, Development, and Innovation will be expected to
demonstrate professionalism and respect in their communications and
behavior. I will foster an environment that empowers every team member
to meet his or her full potential. I will also work to advance equal
opportunity and address inequality within our Agency, and in our work
in the field.
Political Targeting
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government?
Answer. Yes. I have a reputation within the U.S. Agency for
International Development of deep respect for all my colleagues. I will
carry forward this history of collegiality, professionalism, and
respect into my new role if confirmed.
Question. If confirmed, what will you do to ensure that all
employees under your leadership understand that any retaliation,
blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices will not be
tolerated?
Answer. Leadership starts from the top. If I am confirmed, my staff
within the Bureau for Economic Growth, Education and Environment and
its successor Bureau for Democracy, Development, and Innovation will
know that I expect us to uphold the Agency's values of integrity,
respect, empowerment and inclusion, and that I will not tolerate such
behavior as retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel
practices. If confirmed, I will hold all staff, but especially those in
leadership and supervisory positions, accountable for protecting these
values in fulfilling their responsibilities. I will also lead by
example, and hold myself to the highest standards of accountability.
Harassment
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting)?
If so, please describe the nature of the complaint or allegation,
your response, and any resolution, including any settlements.
Answer. No, not to my knowledge.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority?
If so, please describe the outcome and actions taken.
Answer. I have not addressed any concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom I have had
supervisory authority. While I have served at the U.S. Agency for
International Development (USAID), there was an allegation of
inappropriate behavior between two employees who worked in the Bureau
for Economic Growth, Education and Environment, but the employees'
immediate supervisor and the Agency Office of Civil Rights and
Diversity handled it. While I did closely monitor the allegation and
investigation, the ultimate resolution did not require me to intervene
and address the matter.
Let Girls Learn
Question. There is a lack of clarity as to the Administration's
stance on Let Girls Learn.
Will you commit to making girls education a priority among USAID's
youth and child education missions?
Answer. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)
recognizes that education is a force-multiplier for all our development
work. However, 132 million girls are out of school around the globe,
and in conflict-affected countries, adolescent girls are at particular
risk. Moreover, gender and social norms, along with inadequate or
inaccessible infrastructure--including poor water, sanitation, and
hygiene facilities--often prevent girls from continuing their
education. USAID's programs work to overcome these restraints.
The U.S. government International Basic Education Strategy,
launched in September 2018, sets a comprehensive approach to
international basic education for ten U.S. government Agencies and
Departments, including USAID. The Strategy sets one of its two
objectives as ``Expand access to quality basic education for all,
particularly marginalized and vulnerable populations.'' Girls' access
to quality education is at the core of this goal. Similarly, USAID's
new Education Policy, launched in November 2018, established promoting
equity and inclusion as one of its main principles, and specifically
notes the unique barriers girls face in accessing and continuing
education.
If confirmed, I will continue to make girls' education a priority
of USAID's portfolio.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michelle A. Bekkering by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Human Rights
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. My career has been founded in promoting human rights and
democracy, and, if confirmed, I will continue to make the defense and
promotion of democracy, human rights, and governance a priority.
Prior to joining USAID, I spent twelve years at the International
Republican Institute (IRI), an international democracy-development
organization dedicated to promoting freedom and democracy worldwide. We
worked to strengthen citizen voices and help make their leaders more
accountable and responsive.
I served as an election observer multiple times in Afghanistan,
Jordan, Tunisia, and Ukraine to monitor whether the elections took
place in a transparent and open manner and that the results truly
represented citizen votes.
During my time at IRI, I also led programs charged with increasing
the political inclusion of women; a cause about which I am passionate.
I served as director of the Women's Democracy Network (WDN), an office
that focuses on the empowerment of women to participate in political
processes and equips them with the skills needed to assume greater
leadership roles in government, political parties, and civil society.
Our work recognized the need for women to be present at decision-making
tables to ensure the issues that face them were not only heard, but
addressed. We accomplished our goals through mentoring, capacity-
building, and most important, by fostering a global network of women
leaders who could encourage and support each other through their shared
problems and triumphs. Under my leadership, WDN expanded its reach
exponentially in every region of the world. I also elevated the profile
of the gender-equality and women's empowerment portfolio across the
organization so that it became a priority across the breadth of IRI
programs. Through our work in Bangladesh, we supported women's micro-
finance, and put procedures in place to protect women in the markets
from harassment and extortion. In Cameroon, we worked with women
activists who successfully worked with tribal leaders to change
customary laws to recognize women's independence and equality. In Peru,
we supported the members of the Women's Peruvian Parliamentary Caucus
to work with teachers and community advocates to identify gender-based
violence, offer treatment to victims, and increase the capacity of law-
enforcement officials and the judiciary to apprehend and prosecute
perpetrators of these crimes. These are but a few of many examples of
how I worked to advance the empowerment and equality of women.
I also gained valuable field experience as IRI's Resident Country
Director in Indonesia. I oversaw efforts to support the development of
the country's political sphere, and my portfolio included a focus on
public-opinion polling to encourage political parties to focus on
constituent concerns and aid them in developing issue-based platforms.
If confirmed, I look forward to continuing the important
investments by the U.S. Agency for International Development promote
democracy, human rights, and citizen-responsive governance.
Diversity
Question. What will you do to promote, mentor and support your
staff that come from diverse backgrounds and underrepresented groups at
USAID?
Answer. I am committed to our Agency's values of integrity,
respect, empowerment, and inclusion. Under my leadership, we will
continue to recognize that strength that comes from diversity. We will
value all of our employees equally, and all employees of the Bureau for
Economic Growth, Education and Environment will be expected to
demonstrate professionalism and respect in their communications and
behavior. I will foster an environment that empowers every team member
to meet his or her full potential. I will also advance equal
opportunity and address inequality within our Agency and in our work in
the field.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at USAID are fostering an environment that is diverse and
inclusive?
Answer. I commit to ensuring that all supervisors under my purview
complete the mandatory U.S. Agency for International Development
(USAID) University Supervisory Certification Course, a two-week class
designed to target both management and leadership competencies to equip
our supervisors with the skills and tools needed to perform in their
role as supervisors of an inclusive diverse and multicultural
workforce.
Additionally, the Bureau for Economic Growth, Education and
Environment and the future Bureau for Democracy, Development, and
Innovation will engage closely with USAID's Office of Civil Rights and
Diversity to prioritize our focus on diversity and inclusion, through
explicit attention to best practices and opportunities to execute on
these issues across all levels of the organization. We will create
opportunities for training on inclusiveness, diversity, and leadership
at all levels.
Commitment to Gender Equality and Integration
Question. Sustainable international development rests on the
recognition and promotion of human rights, including the equal rights
of women and girls. As you are aware from your previous role as the
Senior Coordinator for Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment, USAID's
concerted investment in empowering women and girls and integrating
gender equality throughout USAID's work is critical to lasting change
and development.
If you are confirmed as the Assistant Administrator for the E3
Bureau, what will you specifically do to ensure that gender
equality is elevated, prioritized, and integrated into the
wide-reaching work USAID does globally?
Answer. Equality between women and men and female empowerment is a
priority for the Administration and the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID). The President's National Security Strategy clearly
identifies women's empowerment as one of its five priority actions,
noting its commitment to ``... support efforts to advance women's
equality, protect the rights of women and girls, and promote women and
youth empowerment programs.'' Gender equality and female empowerment
are also core to the Agency's development goals, and serve as tenets of
the Agency's approach to the Journey to Self-Reliance.
The Women's Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment (WEEE) Act of
2018 bolsters USAID's efforts to elevate, prioritize, and integrate
gender equality across USAID programs by codifying the requirement of
the Agency Gender Equality and Female Empowerment Policy that a gender
analysis must shape all of our strategies and programs.
If confirmed, I will continue to uphold and strengthen USAID's
commitment to gender equality and female empowerment. I will ensure we
adhere to the principles and parameters set forth in the WEEE Act, all
relevant Agency policies and strategies, and the recently-launched
Women's Global Development and Prosperity initiative. As part of USAID
leadership, I will ensure to communicate clearly our expectations
regarding the integration of gender equality and female empowerment
into all policies and programs within the Bureau for Economic Growth,
Education and Environment and across the Agency, and that we fully meet
them.
Question. How will you ensure that existing and longstanding U.S.
policy commitments to ending gender-based violence, advancing the
rights of adolescent girls, and promoting women's leadership and
participation will be respected and advanced as Assistant
Administrator?
Answer. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is
committed to promoting gender equality and female empowerment. Existing
law, such as the Women's Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment Act,
and USAID's policies, such as the Gender Equality and Female
Empowerment Policy, direct our work; the objectives and promising
interventions tied to each are reflected in and will serve to enhance,
the goals and structure of the Agency's Transformation. The U.S.
Strategy to Prevent and Respond to Gender-Based Violence (GBV) Globally
continues to guide USAID's work on GBV, including child, early, and
forced marriage (CEFM), and the U.S. Global Strategy to Empower
Adolescent Girls shapes USAID's ``whole-of-girl'' approach, which
encompasses the interconnected events across a girl's life from birth
to adulthood and across sectors.
If confirmed, I will continue to uphold and strengthen USAID's
commitment in this sphere. I will ensure we adhere to the principles
and parameters set forth in the WEEE Act, all relevant Agency policies
and strategies, and the recently-launched Women's Global Development
and Prosperity initiative. As part of USAID leadership, I will ensure
to communicate clearly our expectations regarding the integration of
gender equality and female empowerment into all policies and programs
within the Bureau for Economic Growth, Education and Environment and
across the Agency, and that we fully meet them.
Question. How will you ensure that the Senior Coordinator for
Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment and the Office of Gender and
Development, which would be under your purview if confirmed as
Assistant Administrator of the E3 Bureau, successfully integrate gender
equality principles throughout USAID's work even outside of E3,
particularly as it relates to core USAID issues such as food and
nutrition security, agricultural development and livelihoods, water and
sanitation access, humanitarian response, and global health?
Answer. As noted, the Senior Coordinator for Gender Equality and
Women's Empowerment (E3) and the Office of Gender Equality and Women's
Empowerment (GenDev) are housed within the Bureau for Economic Growth,
Education and Environment. If confirmed, I will support fully the
Senior Coordinator's role and GenDev's mandate for the benefit of the
entire Agency, including the design and oversight of training courses
on gender integration, gender-based violence (GBV), and women's
economic empowerment; the development and delivery of technical
assistance, programming, and communications resources across Bureaus
and the field; and guiding and coordinating work on key cross-cutting
issues such as women's economic empowerment and GBV.
E3 provides technical assistance, research, and field support
across the Agency. This provides the Bureau the opportunity to elevate,
prioritize and integrate gender equality in the Agency's entire
portfolio through close collaboration and information-exchange.
For example, we collaborate with the Water Office, the Bureau for
Global Health, and the Regional Bureaus to ensure the integration of
gender considerations across all the Agency's activities in water,
sanitation, and hygiene. The two governing documents for the activities
of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) in water and
sanitation, the U.S. government Global Water Strategy and the Senator
Paul Simon Water for the World Act, reinforce the importance of gender
equality and women's empowerment.
The same close partnership for gender-integration exists with the
Bureau for Food Security (BFS). One of the key guidance documents for
the U.S. government Global Food-Security Strategy is the Technical
Guidance on Advancing Gender Equality and Female Empowerment. GenDev
coordinates with BFS on technical gender issues, such as supporting the
implementation of a framework for monitoring and evaluation to measure
women's empowerment. We also recognize the integral role that health
plays in empowering women and work closely with the Bureau for Global
Health to advance our shared goals. If confirmed, I commit to ensure
the continued integration of gender throughout USAID's work by
collaborating with my counterparts in BFS and the Bureaus for
Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance and Global Health.
Finally, USAID benefits from an organizational structure that
includes more than 70 Gender Advisors at USAID Missions around the
world. If confirmed, under my leadership, we will continue to support
our Gender Advisors located in each Bureau within Washington, as well
as in the field Missions, as they carry out USAID's policies and
programs in the field of gender equality and female empowerment.
Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment
Question. As the previous USAID Senior Coordinator for Gender
Equality and Women's Empowerment, you know well that U.S. government
investments in gender equality and women's and girls' empowerment are
critical to achieving U.S. foreign policy objectives, strengthening our
national security, and increasing economic opportunities. Recently
USAID has authorized an update of its Gender Equality and Female
Empowerment (GE/FE) Policy, which has been a critical foundation for
progress on the promotion of gender equality throughout development and
humanitarian assistance efforts over the last seven years.
How will you use your new role to continue strengthening USAID's
advancement of gender equality globally, and specifically how
will you ensure that the review and update process of the GE/FE
Policy includes meaningful, substantive consultations with
civil society organizations with proven expertise in global
gender equality issues?
Answer. The efforts of the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID) to advance equality between men and women and
female empowerment are significantly bolstered when the Senior
Leadership of the Agency affirms the importance of these goals and our
expectations for their inclusion in our programming. If confirmed, I
will ensure the policies and programs of the Bureau for Economic
Growth, Education and Environment meet the highest standards regarding
gender equality and gender integration. Furthermore, if confirmed, I
will collaborate with other Bureau Leadership to maintain the Agency at
the forefront of work in gender equality and women's empowerment
globally.
USAID'S Gender Equality and Female Empowerment Policy has been
instrumental to the Agency's leadership in this area, and to the
integration of this work in our programming across sectors and regions.
Current efforts to update the policy serve as an opportunity to
reaffirm and build on USAID's structure and experience, incorporate the
most recent information on best practices and innovation, and reflect
the priorities of the Administration and Administrator Green. USAID's
long-standing and productive partnerships with civil society have been
vital to the success of our work in gender equality and female
empowerment. USAID's current Senior Gender Coordinator and Office of
Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment have prioritized including
substantive consultation with civil society as part of the update; if
confirmed, I will ensure this continues to be the case.
Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights
Question. If you are confirmed as the Assistant Administrator of
the E3 Bureau, what will you commit to doing to ensure a comprehensive
view of women's empowerment that includes access to reproductive rights
and freedom from gender-based violence?
Answer. I recognize that achieving gender equality and women's
empowerment depends on inputs and outcomes across several spheres, and
at the individual, community and national levels. The robust
programming of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) in
multiple regions and sectors, including agriculture, crisis and
conflict, democracy and governance, education, economic growth,
environment, and health, provide ample opportunities to ensure the
Agency's investments address every facet of gender equality and women's
empowerment.
USAID is committed to increasing access to high-quality health care
for women, their children and their families. Investments in women's
health yield a return of up to 20 times in the form of societal and
economic benefits. When women have access to basic health care for both
themselves and their families, and are empowered to make healthy,
positive choices, the well-being of the entire community improves.
Preventing and responding to gender-based violence (GBV) is also a
priority for USAID, integrated across development programming and
humanitarian assistance. We know that conflict and natural disasters
often exacerbate the vulnerability of individuals, particularly women
and girls, and GBV can escalate in these scenarios. As such, at the
onset of an emergency, USAID prioritizes specialized GBV interventions
to address the immediate impact of the situation on women and girls'
health, psychosocial well-being, and safety.
If confirmed, I will ensure that the leadership of the Bureau for
Economic Growth, Education and Environment (E3) in advancing gender
equality and women's empowerment includes recognition and support for
efforts in this area across sectors and will make certain that USAID
programming continues to address the prevention of, and response to,
GBV, coordinated effectively by E3.
Siljander Amendment
Question. As you may be aware from recent State Department
announcements, a policy known as the Siljander amendment prohibits the
use of foreign assistance funds to lobby for or against abortion.
Repeatedly at the U.N. representatives of the State Department, USAID,
and U.S. Mission to the U.N. including your Senior Advisor Bethany
Kozma, have made statements that ``we do not support abortion,''
spreading false information that comprehensive sex education programs
``promote abortion as a solution to teen pregnancy,'' and ``the U.S. is
a pro-life country'' despite that fact that for over 40 years the right
to abortion has been established in the this country under Roe v. Wade.
In your opinion, how are these statements, directly made by
employees of the U.S. State Department, not considered to be
lobbying against abortion, and thus a direct violation of the
Siljander amendment?
Answer. Consistent with longstanding practice, the United States
routinely describes its foreign-policy position on issues before
multilateral bodies, including on issues related to abortion.
Question. What will you do to hold your employees accountable to
complying with the Siljander prohibition on lobbying against abortion?
Answer. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) takes
compliance with the Siljander Amendment very seriously. I will ensure
that staff are familiar with guidance and resources on the Siljander
Amendment. We would address any specific response to a compliance issue
on a case-by-case basis.
Adolescent Girls/Child Marriage
Question. As the Assistant Administrator of E3 for USAID, how will
you ensure that the needs of adolescent girls are being met in the
areas of economic growth, education and environment in a holistic way?
How do you anticipate implementing the U.S. Global Strategy to
Empower Adolescent Girls and to otherwise ensure that U.S.
foreign assistance is part of a holistic solution to ensuring
that girls get the education and training they need to succeed
now and if they are ever to become economically empowered women
later?
As the Assistant Administrator of E3 for USAID, how will you ensure
that the USAID Child Marriage Resource Guide is implemented,
and that the impact projects and programs may have on child
marriage rates is better documented and understood?
Answer. Empowering adolescent girls is fundamental to achieving our
development goals and unlocking the full potential of societies. The
U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is the lead agency
for the implementation of the U.S. Global Strategy to Empower
Adolescent Girls across sectors, including health, education, water,
and sanitation. USAID applies a ``whole-of-girl'' approach to see the
overlapping areas of vulnerability in an adolescent girl's life. We
define the whole-of-girl approach as enhancing girls' access to quality
education in safe environments; providing economic opportunities and
incentives for girls and their families; empowering girls with
information, skills, services, and support; and mobilizing and
educating communities.
If confirmed, I will ensure that USAID's programs address the
differentiated needs of girls in specific stages of adolescence, by
recognizing that the challenges young adolescents encounter are
distinct from those experienced by older adolescents who are
approaching adulthood, and will work to support and enhance our current
activities, such as efforts to increase access to early-childhood
education, and using geographic information system technology to map
areas where adolescent girls are at high risk of female genital
mutilation and cutting.
USAID recognizes the harmful impact associated with Child, Early or
Forced Marriage (CEFM), and annually attributes at least $11 million to
address this practice. To tackle this issue, USAID has looked to fund
programming to prevent and respond to CEFM through a multi-pronged
approach as outlined in the Agency's Child, Early, and Forced Marriage
Resource Guide. Not only does USAID finance stand-alone CEFM
activities, it works to integrate CEFM activities in four main areas:
education and economic opportunities, health care, regulatory reform,
and public-awareness campaigns. If confirmed, I will ensure that
USAID's efforts in CEFM, coordinated by the Bureau for Economic Growth,
Education and Environment, continue to adhere to best practices in this
area, and that we compile and share lessons from these programs.
USAID Reorganization
Question. As part of the re-organization of USAID, the E3 Bureau
will now become part of the larger DDI (Development, Democracy and
Innovation) Bureau. DDI will combine a number of important areas of
work like democracy promotion, economic growth, gender equality, youth
and several others.
How would you suggest that USAID use the additional resources of
the DDI Bureau to amplify the reach of gender equality across
the Agency's programming and ensure it is not downgraded within
the larger Bureau?
Answer. The current work of the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID) in gender equality and women's empowerment (GEWE)
will grow and thrive in the new Bureau for Democracy, Development, and
Innovation (DDI). DDI will provide Agency-wide support and services,
including leadership and coordination of expertise found throughout the
organization, assistance to field Missions and other Operating Units at
all phases of the Program Cycle, and global engagement to advance GEWE.
The operations of the Office of Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment
within the current Bureau for Economic Growth, Education and
Environment will also serve as a model for other DDI Hubs also tasked
with integrating core issues and values throughout USAID's sectoral
programming. USAID stands ready and willing to implement all current
and future gender-related policies and strategies. DDI will manage
funds and programs, including funds for Missions that incentivize the
inclusion of GEWE in programming, as well as to improve the knowledge,
practices, and skills of staff in GEWE.
Conflicts of Interest
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the Inspector General of USAID) any change in policy or U.S. actions
that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's business
or financial interests, or the business or financial interests of any
senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in any country abroad?
Answer. No.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michelle A. Bekkering by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Human Rights
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. My career has been founded in promoting human rights and
democracy, and, if confirmed, I will continue to make the defense and
promotion of democracy, human rights, and governance a priority.
Prior to joining USAID, I spent twelve years at the International
Republican Institute (IRI), an international democracy-development
organization dedicated to promoting freedom and democracy worldwide. We
worked to strengthen citizen voices and help make their leaders more
accountable and responsive.
I served as an election observer multiple times in Afghanistan,
Jordan, Tunisia, and Ukraine to monitor whether the elections took
place in a transparent and open manner and that the results truly
represented citizen votes.During my time at IRI, I also led programs
charged with increasing the political inclusion of women; a cause about
which I am passionate. I served as director of the Women's Democracy
Network (WDN), an office that focuses on the empowerment of women to
participate in political processes and equips them with the skills
needed to assume greater leadership roles in government, political
parties, and civil society. Our work recognized the need for women to
be present at decision-making tables to ensure the issues that face
them were not only heard, but addressed. We accomplished our goals
through mentoring, capacity-building, and most important, by fostering
a global network of women leaders who could encourage and support each
other through their shared problems and triumphs. Under my leadership,
WDN expanded its reach exponentially in every region of the world. I
also elevated the profile of the gender-equality and women's
empowerment portfolio across the organization so that it became a
priority across the breadth of IRI programs. Through our work in
Bangladesh, we supported women's micro-finance, and put procedures in
place to protect women in the markets from harassment and extortion. In
Cameroon, we worked with women activists who successfully worked with
tribal leaders to change customary laws to recognize women's
independence and equality. In Peru, we supported the members of the
Women's Peruvian Parliamentary Caucus to work with teachers and
community advocates to identify gender-based violence, offer treatment
to victims, and increase the capacity of law-enforcement officials and
the judiciary to apprehend and prosecute perpetrators of these crimes.
These are but a few of many examples of how I worked to advance the
empowerment and equality of women.
I also gained valuable field experience as IRI's Resident Country
Director in Indonesia. I oversaw efforts to support the development of
the country's political sphere, and my portfolio included a focus on
public-opinion polling to encourage political parties to focus on
constituent concerns and aid them in developing issue-based platforms.
If confirmed, I look forward to continuing the important
investments by the U.S. Agency for International Development promote
democracy, human rights, and citizen-responsive governance.
Diversity
Question. What will you do to promote, mentor and support your
staff that come from diverse backgrounds and underrepresented groups at
USAID?
Answer. I am committed to our Agency's values of integrity,
respect, empowerment, and inclusion. Under my leadership, we will
continue to recognize that strength that comes from diversity. We will
value all of our employees equally, and all employees of the Bureau for
Economic Growth, Education and Environment will be expected to
demonstrate professionalism and respect in their communications and
behavior. I will foster an environment that empowers every team member
to meet his or her full potential. I will also advance equal
opportunity and address inequality within our Agency and in our work in
the field.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at USAID are fostering an environment that is diverse and
inclusive?
Answer. I commit to ensuring that all supervisors under my purview
complete the mandatory U.S. Agency for International Development
(USAID) University Supervisory Certification Course, a two-week class
designed to target both management and leadership competencies to equip
our supervisors with the skills and tools needed to perform in their
role as supervisors of an inclusive diverse and multicultural
workforce.
Additionally, the Bureau for Economic Growth, Education and
Environment and the future Bureau for Democracy, Development, and
Innovation will engage closely with USAID's Office of Civil Rights and
Diversity to prioritize our focus on diversity and inclusion, through
explicit attention to best practices and opportunities to execute on
these issues across all levels of the organization. We will create
opportunities for training on inclusiveness, diversity, and leadership
at all levels.
Commitment to Gender Equality and Integration
Question. Sustainable international development rests on the
recognition and promotion of human rights, including the equal rights
of women and girls. As you are aware from your previous role as the
Senior Coordinator for Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment, USAID's
concerted investment in empowering women and girls and integrating
gender equality throughout USAID's work is critical to lasting change
and development.
If you are confirmed as the Assistant Administrator for the E3
Bureau, what will you specifically do to ensure that gender
equality is elevated, prioritized, and integrated into the
wide-reaching work USAID does globally?
Answer. Equality between women and men and female empowerment is a
priority for the Administration and the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID). The President's National Security Strategy clearly
identifies women's empowerment as one of its five priority actions,
noting its commitment to ``... support efforts to advance women's
equality, protect the rights of women and girls, and promote women and
youth empowerment programs.'' Gender equality and female empowerment
are also core to the Agency's development goals, and serve as tenets of
the Agency's approach to the Journey to Self-Reliance.
The Women's Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment (WEEE) Act of
2018 bolsters USAID's efforts to elevate, prioritize, and integrate
gender equality across USAID programs by codifying the requirement of
the Agency Gender Equality and Female Empowerment Policy that a gender
analysis must shape all of our strategies and programs.
If confirmed, I will continue to uphold and strengthen USAID's
commitment to gender equality and female empowerment. I will ensure we
adhere to the principles and parameters set forth in the WEEE Act, all
relevant Agency policies and strategies, and the recently-launched
Women's Global Development and Prosperity initiative. As part of USAID
leadership, I will ensure to communicate clearly our expectations
regarding the integration of gender equality and female empowerment
into all policies and programs within the Bureau for Economic Growth,
Education and Environment and across the Agency, and that we fully meet
them.
Question. How will you ensure that existing and longstanding U.S.
policy commitments to ending gender-based violence, advancing the
rights of adolescent girls, and promoting women's leadership and
participation will be respected and advanced as Assistant
Administrator?
Answer. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is
committed to promoting gender equality and female empowerment. Existing
law, such as the Women's Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment Act,
and USAID's policies, such as the Gender Equality and Female
Empowerment Policy, direct our work; the objectives and promising
interventions tied to each are reflected in and will serve to enhance,
the goals and structure of the Agency's Transformation. The U.S.
Strategy to Prevent and Respond to Gender-Based Violence (GBV) Globally
continues to guide USAID's work on GBV, including child, early, and
forced marriage (CEFM), and the U.S. Global Strategy to Empower
Adolescent Girls shapes USAID's ``whole-of-girl'' approach, which
encompasses the interconnected events across a girl's life from birth
to adulthood and across sectors.
If confirmed, I will continue to uphold and strengthen USAID's
commitment in this sphere. I will ensure we adhere to the principles
and parameters set forth in the WEEE Act, all relevant Agency policies
and strategies, and the recently-launched Women's Global Development
and Prosperity initiative. As part of USAID leadership, I will ensure
to communicate clearly our expectations regarding the integration of
gender equality and female empowerment into all policies and programs
within the Bureau for Economic Growth, Education and Environment and
across the Agency, and that we fully meet them.
Question. How will you ensure that the Senior Coordinator for
Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment and the Office of Gender and
Development, which would be under your purview if confirmed as
Assistant Administrator of the E3 Bureau, successfully integrate gender
equality principles throughout USAID's work even outside of E3,
particularly as it relates to core USAID issues such as food and
nutrition security, agricultural development and livelihoods, water and
sanitation access, humanitarian response, and global health?
Answer. As noted, the Senior Coordinator for Gender Equality and
Women's Empowerment (E3) and the Office of Gender Equality and Women's
Empowerment (GenDev) are housed within the Bureau for Economic Growth,
Education and Environment. If confirmed, I will support fully the
Senior Coordinator's role and GenDev's mandate for the benefit of the
entire Agency, including the design and oversight of training courses
on gender integration, gender-based violence (GBV), and women's
economic empowerment; the development and delivery of technical
assistance, programming, and communications resources across Bureaus
and the field; and guiding and coordinating work on key cross-cutting
issues such as women's economic empowerment and GBV.
E3 provides technical assistance, research, and field support
across the Agency. This provides the Bureau the opportunity to elevate,
prioritize and integrate gender equality in the Agency's entire
portfolio through close collaboration and information-exchange.
For example, we collaborate with the Water Office, the Bureau for
Global Health, and the Regional Bureaus to ensure the integration of
gender considerations across all the Agency's activities in water,
sanitation, and hygiene. The two governing documents for the activities
of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) in water and
sanitation, the U.S. government Global Water Strategy and the Senator
Paul Simon Water for the World Act, reinforce the importance of gender
equality and women's empowerment.
The same close partnership for gender-integration exists with the
Bureau for Food Security (BFS). One of the key guidance documents for
the U.S. government Global Food-Security Strategy is the Technical
Guidance on Advancing Gender Equality and Female Empowerment. GenDev
coordinates with BFS on technical gender issues, such as supporting the
implementation of a framework for monitoring and evaluation to measure
women's empowerment. We also recognize the integral role that health
plays in empowering women and work closely with the Bureau for Global
Health to advance our shared goals. If confirmed, I commit to ensure
the continued integration of gender throughout USAID's work by
collaborating with my counterparts in BFS and the Bureaus for
Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance and Global Health.
Finally, USAID benefits from an organizational structure that
includes more than 70 Gender Advisors at USAID Missions around the
world. If confirmed, under my leadership, we will continue to support
our Gender Advisors located in each Bureau within Washington, as well
as in the field Missions, as they carry out USAID's policies and
programs in the field of gender equality and female empowerment.
Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment
Question. As the previous USAID Senior Coordinator for Gender
Equality and Women's Empowerment, you know well that U.S. government
investments in gender equality and women's and girls' empowerment are
critical to achieving U.S. foreign policy objectives, strengthening our
national security, and increasing economic opportunities. Recently
USAID has authorized an update of its Gender Equality and Female
Empowerment (GE/FE) Policy, which has been a critical foundation for
progress on the promotion of gender equality throughout development and
humanitarian assistance efforts over the last seven years.
How will you use your new role to continue strengthening USAID's
advancement of gender equality globally, and specifically how
will you ensure that the review and update process of the GE/FE
Policy includes meaningful, substantive consultations with
civil society organizations with proven expertise in global
gender equality issues?
Answer. The efforts of the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID) to advance equality between men and women and
female empowerment are significantly bolstered when the Senior
Leadership of the Agency affirms the importance of these goals and our
expectations for their inclusion in our programming. If confirmed, I
will ensure the policies and programs of the Bureau for Economic
Growth, Education and Environment meet the highest standards regarding
gender equality and gender integration. Furthermore, if confirmed, I
will collaborate with other Bureau Leadership to maintain the Agency at
the forefront of work in gender equality and women's empowerment
globally.
USAID'S Gender Equality and Female Empowerment Policy has been
instrumental to the Agency's leadership in this area, and to the
integration of this work in our programming across sectors and regions.
Current efforts to update the policy serve as an opportunity to
reaffirm and build on USAID's structure and experience, incorporate the
most recent information on best practices and innovation, and reflect
the priorities of the Administration and Administrator Green. USAID's
long-standing and productive partnerships with civil society have been
vital to the success of our work in gender equality and female
empowerment. USAID's current Senior Gender Coordinator and Office of
Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment have prioritized including
substantive consultation with civil society as part of the update; if
confirmed, I will ensure this continues to be the case.
Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights
Question. If you are confirmed as the Assistant Administrator of
the E3 Bureau, what will you commit to doing to ensure a comprehensive
view of women's empowerment that includes access to reproductive rights
and freedom from gender-based violence?
Answer. I recognize that achieving gender equality and women's
empowerment depends on inputs and outcomes across several spheres, and
at the individual, community and national levels. The robust
programming of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) in
multiple regions and sectors, including agriculture, crisis and
conflict, democracy and governance, education, economic growth,
environment, and health, provide ample opportunities to ensure the
Agency's investments address every facet of gender equality and women's
empowerment.
USAID is committed to increasing access to high-quality health care
for women, their children and their families. Investments in women's
health yield a return of up to 20 times in the form of societal and
economic benefits. When women have access to basic health care for both
themselves and their families, and are empowered to make healthy,
positive choices, the well-being of the entire community improves.
Preventing and responding to gender-based violence (GBV) is also a
priority for USAID, integrated across development programming and
humanitarian assistance. We know that conflict and natural disasters
often exacerbate the vulnerability of individuals, particularly women
and girls, and GBV can escalate in these scenarios. As such, at the
onset of an emergency, USAID prioritizes specialized GBV interventions
to address the immediate impact of the situation on women and girls'
health, psychosocial well-being, and safety.
If confirmed, I will ensure that the leadership of the Bureau for
Economic Growth, Education and Environment (E3) in advancing gender
equality and women's empowerment includes recognition and support for
efforts in this area across sectors and will make certain that USAID
programming continues to address the prevention of, and response to,
GBV, coordinated effectively by E3.
Siljander Amendment
Question. As you may be aware from recent State Department
announcements, a policy known as the Siljander amendment prohibits the
use of foreign assistance funds to lobby for or against abortion.
Repeatedly at the U.N. representatives of the State Department, USAID,
and U.S. Mission to the U.N. including your Senior Advisor Bethany
Kozma, have made statements that ``we do not support abortion,''
spreading false information that comprehensive sex education programs
``promote abortion as a solution to teen pregnancy,'' and ``the U.S. is
a pro-life country'' despite that fact that for over 40 years the right
to abortion has been established in the this country under Roe v. Wade.
In your opinion, how are these statements, directly made by
employees of the U.S. State Department, not considered to be
lobbying against abortion, and thus a direct violation of the
Siljander amendment?
Answer. Consistent with longstanding practice, the United States
routinely describes its foreign-policy position on issues before
multilateral bodies, including on issues related to abortion.
Question. What will you do to hold your employees accountable to
complying with the Siljander prohibition on lobbying against abortion?
Answer. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) takes
compliance with the Siljander Amendment very seriously. I will ensure
that staff are familiar with guidance and resources on the Siljander
Amendment. We would address any specific response to a compliance issue
on a case-by-case basis.
Adolescent Girls/Child Marriage
Question. As the Assistant Administrator of E3 for USAID, how will
you ensure that the needs of adolescent girls are being met in the
areas of economic growth, education and environment in a holistic way?
How do you anticipate implementing the U.S. Global Strategy to
Empower Adolescent Girls and to otherwise ensure that U.S.
foreign assistance is part of a holistic solution to ensuring
that girls get the education and training they need to succeed
now and if they are ever to become economically empowered women
later?
As the Assistant Administrator of E3 for USAID, how will you ensure
that the USAID Child Marriage Resource Guide is implemented,
and that the impact projects and programs may have on child
marriage rates is better documented and understood?
Answer. Empowering adolescent girls is fundamental to achieving our
development goals and unlocking the full potential of societies. The
U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is the lead agency
for the implementation of the U.S. Global Strategy to Empower
Adolescent Girls across sectors, including health, education, water,
and sanitation. USAID applies a ``whole-of-girl'' approach to see the
overlapping areas of vulnerability in an adolescent girl's life. We
define the whole-of-girl approach as enhancing girls' access to quality
education in safe environments; providing economic opportunities and
incentives for girls and their families; empowering girls with
information, skills, services, and support; and mobilizing and
educating communities.
If confirmed, I will ensure that USAID's programs address the
differentiated needs of girls in specific stages of adolescence, by
recognizing that the challenges young adolescents encounter are
distinct from those experienced by older adolescents who are
approaching adulthood, and will work to support and enhance our current
activities, such as efforts to increase access to early-childhood
education, and using geographic information system technology to map
areas where adolescent girls are at high risk of female genital
mutilation and cutting.
USAID recognizes the harmful impact associated with Child, Early or
Forced Marriage (CEFM), and annually attributes at least $11 million to
address this practice. To tackle this issue, USAID has looked to fund
programming to prevent and respond to CEFM through a multi-pronged
approach as outlined in the Agency's Child, Early, and Forced Marriage
Resource Guide. Not only does USAID finance stand-alone CEFM
activities, it works to integrate CEFM activities in four main areas:
education and economic opportunities, health care, regulatory reform,
and public-awareness campaigns. If confirmed, I will ensure that
USAID's efforts in CEFM, coordinated by the Bureau for Economic Growth,
Education and Environment, continue to adhere to best practices in this
area, and that we compile and share lessons from these programs.
USAID Reorganization
Question. As part of the re-organization of USAID, the E3 Bureau
will now become part of the larger DDI (Development, Democracy and
Innovation) Bureau. DDI will combine a number of important areas of
work like democracy promotion, economic growth, gender equality, youth
and several others.
How would you suggest that USAID use the additional resources of
the DDI Bureau to amplify the reach of gender equality across
the Agency's programming and ensure it is not downgraded within
the larger Bureau?
Answer. The current work of the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID) in gender equality and women's empowerment (GEWE)
will grow and thrive in the new Bureau for Democracy, Development, and
Innovation (DDI). DDI will provide Agency-wide support and services,
including leadership and coordination of expertise found throughout the
organization, assistance to field Missions and other Operating Units at
all phases of the Program Cycle, and global engagement to advance GEWE.
The operations of the Office of Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment
within the current Bureau for Economic Growth, Education and
Environment will also serve as a model for other DDI Hubs also tasked
with integrating core issues and values throughout USAID's sectoral
programming. USAID stands ready and willing to implement all current
and future gender-related policies and strategies. DDI will manage
funds and programs, including funds for Missions that incentivize the
inclusion of GEWE in programming, as well as to improve the knowledge,
practices, and skills of staff in GEWE.
Conflicts of Interest
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the Inspector General of USAID) any change in policy or U.S. actions
that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's business
or financial interests, or the business or financial interests of any
senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in any country abroad?
Answer. No.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Michelle A. Bekkering by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. Sustainable international development rests on the
recognition and promotion of human rights, including the equal rights
of women and girls. As I'm sure you are aware from your previous role
as the Senior Coordinator for Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment,
USAID's investment in empowering women and girls and integrating gender
equality is critical to lasting change and development. If you are
confirmed as the Assistant Administrator for the E3 Bureau, what will
you specifically do to ensure that gender equality is elevated,
prioritized and integrated into the wide-reaching work USAID does
globally?
Answer. Equality between women and men and female empowerment are
priorities for the Administration and the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID). The President's National Security Strategy clearly
identifies women's empowerment as one of its five priority actions,
noting its commitment to `` . . . support efforts to advance women's
equality, protect the rights of women and girls, and promote women and
youth empowerment programs.'' Gender equality and female empowerment
are also core to the Agency's development goals, and serve as tenets of
the Agency's approach to the Journey to Self-Reliance.
The Women's Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment (WEEE) Act of
2018 bolsters USAID's efforts to elevate, prioritize and integrate
gender equality across USAID programs by codifying the requirement of
the Agency Gender Equality and Female Empowerment Policy that a gender
analysis must shape all of our strategies and programs.
If confirmed, I will continue to uphold and strengthen USAID's
commitment to gender equality and female empowerment. I will ensure we
adhere to the principles and parameters set forth in the WEEE Act, all
relevant Agency policies and strategies, and the recently-launched
Women's Global Development and Prosperity initiative. As part of USAID
leadership, I will ensure to communicate clearly our expectations
regarding the integration of gender equality and female empowerment
into all policies and programs within the Bureau for Economic Growth,
Education and Environment and its successor Bureau for Democracy,
Development, and Innovation and across the Agency, and that we fully
meet them.
Question. As you know, if confirmed, the Senior Coordinator for
Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment and the Office of Gender and
Development would fall under your purview. Given your experience in the
role of Senior Coordinator, what needs to be done to further integrate
gender equality principles throughout USAID's work? If confirmed, how
will you support the Senior Coordinator and gender perspective
integration within your bureau but also outside of E3, particularly as
it relates to food and nutrition security, water and sanitation access,
humanitarian response and global health?
Answer. As noted, the Senior Coordinator for Gender Equality and
Women's Empowerment (E3) and the Office of Gender Equality and Women's
Empowerment (GenDev) are housed within the Bureau for Economic Growth,
Education and Environment. If confirmed, I will support fully the
Senior Coordinator's role and GenDev's mandate for the benefit of the
entire Agency, including the design and oversight of training courses
on gender integration, gender-based violence (GBV), and women's
economic empowerment; the development and delivery of technical
assistance, programming, and communications resources across Bureaus
and the field; and guiding and coordinating work on key cross-cutting
issues such as women's economic empowerment and GBV.
E3 provides technical assistance, research and field support across
the Agency. This provides the Bureau the opportunity to elevate,
prioritize and integrate equality between women and men in the Agency's
entire portfolio through close collaboration and information exchange.
For example, we collaborate with the Water Office, the Bureau for
Global Health, and the Regional Bureaus to ensure the integration of
gender considerations across all the Agency's activities in water,
sanitation and hygiene. The two governing documents for the activities
of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) in water and
sanitation, the U.S. government Global Water Strategy and the Senator
Paul Simon Water for the World Act, reinforce the importance of gender
equality and women's empowerment.
The same close partnership for gender integration exists with the
Bureau for Food Security (BFS). One of the key guidance documents for
the U.S. government Global Food Security Strategy is the Technical
Guidance on Advancing Gender Equality and Female Empowerment. GenDev
coordinates with BFS on technical gender issues, such as supporting the
implementation of a framework for monitoring and evaluation to measure
women's empowerment. We also recognize the integral role that health
plays in empowering women and work closely with the Bureau for Global
Health to advance our shared goals. If confirmed, I commit to ensure
the continued integration of gender throughout USAID's work by
collaborating with my counterparts in the BFS and the Bureaus for
Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance and Global Health.
Finally, USAID benefits from an organizational structure that
includes more than 70 Gender Advisors at USAID Missions around the
world. If confirmed, under my leadership, we will continue to support
our Gender Advisors located in each Bureau within Washington, as well
as in the field Missions, as they carry out USAID's policies and
programs in the field of gender equality and female empowerment.
Question. Gender-based violence is one of the most pervasive human
rights violations in the world. Gender-based violence and gender
inequality are enduring impediments to development, security, economic
advancements and democratic governance. In addition to administering
crucial programs that work to prevent GBV and increase access to vital
services for GBV survivors, USAID is a critical player in implementing
the U.S. Strategy to Prevent and Respond to Gender-Based Violence. This
is a longstanding and important policy intended to prioritize the
response to GBV in foreign assistance and foreign policy.
As Assistant Administrator, how would you build on the work of your
predecessors to prioritize gender analysis into U.S. foreign
policy, which includes attention to gender-based violence?
Answer. If confirmed, I will build on the work of my predecessors
and will continue to prioritize gender analysis. The Women's
Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment (WEEE) Act of 2018 codified
the integration of gender analysis across the programming of the U.S.
Agency for International Development (USAID), a requirement I intend to
reinforce in my tenure at USAID as Assistant Administrator, if
confirmed. Specifically, I will ensure that Agency continues to
integrate gender analysis into programming at every stage of the
Program Cycle, which will strengthen our efforts to promote equality
between women and men and women's empowerment.
Gender-based violence (GBV) is an important part of our current
programmatic efforts. If confirmed, I will continue to support the
Agency's investments designed to prevent and respond to GBV.
Question. How will you ensure gender-focused metrics such as
constraints on women's mobility, levels of violence against women,
rates of child marriage and girls' access to quality education, are
integrated into programs and assessments?
Answer. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)
requires that a gender analysis inform all of our strategies and
projects. These analyses include assessing national and sub-national
data on the key barriers to equality between women and men and women's
empowerment, such as women's mobility, rates of child marriage and
violence against women, and girls' access to quality education. The
Agency's programmatic activities and interventions are expected to
address the issues identified in these analyses, and to monitor their
progress as part of a monitoring plan.
As part of our standard internal management system, USAID's
Missions, Bureaus and Independent Offices are required to disaggregate
all individual-level indicators by sex to assess whether we are
reaching men and women with programs and services across all sectors.
Missions and Bureaus also report on the Standard Foreign Assistance (F)
indicator related to GBV, namely, ``Number of people reached by a U.S.
government-funded intervention providing GBV services (e.g.) health,
legal, psycho-social counseling, shelters, hotlines, other.'' This
includes activities related to the prevention of child, early, and
forced marriage and programs for married adolescents. USAID programs
also report on a number of F, as well as custom, performance indicators
that measure access to high-quality primary, secondary, and tertiary
education by male and female students. USAID also funds program and
impact evaluations on specific gender programs to build the evidence
base for our work. For example, the Office of Gender Equality and
Women's Empowerment in the Bureau for Economic Growth, Education and
Environment is conducting an evaluation on the effects of ``whole-of-
girl'' programmatic interventions in Tanzania and Malawi aimed at
increasing school enrollment, retention, safety and well-being for
adolescent girls. If confirmed, I will work to ensure we fulfill the
legal requirement to conduct gender analyses by collaborating with
colleagues in E3 and its successor Bureau for Democracy, Development,
and Innovation; the Bureau for Policy, Planning; and Learning, and
other Bureaus. I will also emphasize that USAID's efforts at monitoring
and evaluation and our metrics continue to address the most-pressing
issues related to gender equality and women's empowerment.
Question. If you are confirmed as the Assistant Administrator, what
will you do in order to ensure a comprehensive view of women's
empowerment that includes access to reproductive rights and freedom
from gender-based violence?
Answer. I recognize that achieving equality between women and men
and women's empowerment depends on inputs and outcomes across several
spheres, and at the individual, community and national levels. The
robust programming of the U.S. Agency for International Development
(USAID) in multiple regions and sectors, including agriculture, crisis
and conflict, democracy and governance, education, economic growth,
environment, and health, provide ample opportunities to ensure the
Agency's investments address every facet of gender equality and women's
empowerment.
USAID is committed to increasing access to high-quality health care
for women, their children and their families. Investments in women's
health yield a return of up to 20 times in the form of societal and
economic benefits. When women have access to basic health care for both
themselves and their families, and are empowered to make healthy,
positive choices, the well-being of the entire community improves.
Preventing and responding to gender-based violence (GBV) is also a
priority for USAID, integrated across development programming and
humanitarian assistance. We know that conflict and natural disasters
often exacerbate the vulnerability of individuals, particularly women
and girls, and GBV can escalate in these scenarios. As such, at the
onset of an emergency, USAID prioritizes specialized GBV interventions
to address the immediate impact of the situation on women and girls'
health, psychosocial well-being, and safety.
If confirmed, I will ensure that the leadership of the Bureau for
Economic Growth, Education and Environment (E3) and its successor
Bureau for Democracy, Development, and Innovation (DDI) in advancing
gender equality and women's empowerment includes recognition and
support for efforts in this area across sectors, and will make certain
that USAID's programming continues to address the prevention of, and
response to, GBV, coordinated effectively by E3 and DDI.
Question. The State and Foreign Operations Appropriations bill
annually allocates $150 million to GBV prevention efforts. In your
former capacity as Senior Coordinator, where did you see that
assistance have the greatest impact? Where do we need to devote more
resources? How will you support the continued development and
implementation of the U.S. Strategy to Prevent and Respond to Gender-
Based Violence Globally?
Answer. Gender-based violence (GBV) requires serious attention and
integration throughout foreign assistance because it harms millions of
individuals every year, undermines development progress, and threatens
the resilience and recovery of countries affected by crisis and
conflict. We also know that conflict and natural disasters often
exacerbate the vulnerability of individuals, particularly women and
girls, and GBV can escalate in these scenarios. As such, the U.S.
Agency for International Development (USAID) prioritizes specialized
GBV interventions to address the immediate impact of the situation on
women and girls' health, psychosocial well-being, and safety at the
onset of an emergency.
If confirmed, I will remain strongly committed to supporting
USAID's GBV efforts through my leadership role in the Bureau for
Economic Growth, Education and Environment; its successor Bureau for
Democracy, Development, and Innovation; and the entire Agency. I will
continue to support the integration of efforts to prevent and respond
to GBV efforts into cross-cutting and stand-alone programming. We will
also continue to focus on changing the social norms that perpetuate
violence, while also fostering environments within communities that
ensure girls and women are valued as key members of society, to
eliminate some of the drivers of GBV. USAID will also continue robust
efforts to prevent and respond to a range of types of GBV, including
child, early, and forced marriage, female genital cutting and
mutilation, sexual violence, school-related gender-based violence, and
violence against children.
Question. This administration has made a strong and commendable
commitment to advancing women's economic empowerment. A key factor in
supporting the achievement of women's economic empowerment is ensuring
that the barriers that prevent them from access are addressed as well.
If you are confirmed as the Assistant Administrator of the E3 Bureau,
what will you do to ensure a comprehensive view of women's empowerment
also includes access, a full education, reproductive rights and freedom
from gender-based violence?
Answer. Women's empowerment requires more than just economic
empowerment. It is critical that women and girls have access to
education, protection from gender-based violence, are healthy, and have
access to, control over and benefit from all resources. If confirmed, I
will make sure the Bureau for Economic Growth, Education and
Environment (E3) and its successor Bureau for Democracy, Development,
and Innovation (DDI) will continue to prioritize women's empowerment
across these intersecting spheres. While voluntary family planning and
reproductive-health programming is under the purview of the Bureau for
Global Health, I commit to continuing collaboration by E3 and DDI with
our Global Health counterparts in this field.
We also recognize that investing in women's economic empowerment
has a multiplier effect on positive development outcomes, including
health, not just for themselves, but for their families. To that end,
we will continue our robust efforts to implement the Women's Global
Development and Prosperity (W-GDP) Initiative, launched in February
2019. The first pillar of W-GDP recognizes the role that education and
vocational training in science, technology, engineering, and
mathematics have on women's ability to prosper in the workforce. In
addition, the third pillar recognizes the necessity of removing the
legal, regulatory, and cultural barriers, including gender-based
violence, that constrain women from being able to participate fully and
freely in the economy. W-GDP applies across the wide portfolio of the
U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), and thus requires
close coordination within and across Bureaus and Operating Units to
design and implement programming. USAID's already extensive work on
women's health issues and education, for example, can thus work in
tandem with USAID's portfolio of investments in economic growth to
advance women's empowerment broadly.
Question. Rights organizations have documented how women in
communities displaced by large scale commercial agriculture suffer
distinctive and disproportionate harmful impacts due to their social
roles and status, and had the least opportunity to negotiate and assert
their rights. Women face enormous struggles to sustain their families
after losing safe water for drinking and household use, access to
fertile land for cultivating food crops, and hunting or foraging
grounds. In many countries, divorced women and widows face many
challenges in asserting equal property rights. Widows may be evicted
from their homes and land, and their property is stolen by in-laws when
their husbands die or by their former spouses if they seek a divorce.
As Assistant Administrator, how will you ensure U.S. policy and
programs will support and promote women's land and property rights?
And, how will you ensure that programs support by USAID will not work
to undermine women's land and property rights?
Answer. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) views
good governance of land and natural resources as a critical foundation
for successful U.S. foreign assistance in all technical areas and
regions. USAID's Office of Land and Urban (LU) within the Bureau for
Economic Growth, Education and Environment leads the Agency's efforts
on ensuring land rights with the mandate to improve the governance of
land and resources and strengthen property rights for all members of
society, especially women. Strengthening women's land rights continues
to be an integral component of all LU's activities. Furthermore, the
Women's Global Development and Prosperity (W-GDP) Initiative recognizes
the necessity of improving the enabling environment, including securing
land and property rights for women. Other U.S. government and USAID
policies and programs that include an explicit focus on land rights for
all, including women, are the U.S. government's Global Food-Security
Strategy, and USAID's new Environmental and Natural Resources
Management (ENRM) Framework. Through these existing policies,
frameworks and practices, I will, if confirmed, be able to ensure the
U.S. government's policy and programs will support and promote women's
land and property rights.
If confirmed, I will make sure our programs will continue to
support and promote women's land and property rights. Furthermore, if
confirmed, I will continue to support the deployment of existing best
practices to strengthen women's land rights purposefully. For instance,
when working with communities to map and document their land, USAID
always insists that women be at least equally represented on the
mapping teams, which encourages women landholders to participate in the
process. Also, good practice dictates that, in all USAID programs, two
or more spaces for landholder names should be included on land
documentation, at a minimum, so titles can name both husband and wife.
These are just two examples of the ways in which USAID programs
purposefully focus on women's land rights.
If confirmed, I will support USAID's continued exploration and
expansion of new best practices to continue this critical work.
Question. As the Assistant Administrator of E3 for USAID, how will
you ensure that the needs of adolescent girls are being met in the
areas of economic growth, education and environment in a holistic way?
Specifically, how do you anticipate implementing the U.S. Global
Strategy to Empower Adolescent Girls and to otherwise ensure that U.S.
foreign assistance is part of a holistic solution to ensuring that
girls get the education and training they need to succeed now and if
they are ever to become economically empowered women later? How will
you ensure that the USAID Child Marriage Resource Guide is implemented,
and that the impact projects and programs may have on child marriage
rates is better documented and understood?
Answer. Empowering adolescent girls is fundamental to achieving our
development goals and unlocking the full potential of societies. The
U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is the lead agency
for the implementation of the U.S. Global Strategy to Empower
Adolescent Girls across sectors, including health, education, water,
and sanitation. USAID applies a ``whole-of-girl'' approach to see the
overlapping areas of vulnerability in an adolescent girl's life. We
define the whole-of-girl approach as enhancing girls' access to quality
education in safe environments; providing economic opportunities and
incentives for girls and their families; empowering girls with
information, skills, services, and support; and mobilizing and
educating communities.
If confirmed, I will ensure that USAID's programs address the
differentiated needs of girls in specific stages of adolescence, by
recognizing that the challenges young adolescents encounter are
distinct from those experienced by older adolescents who are
approaching adulthood, and will work to support and enhance our current
activities, such as efforts to increase access to early-childhood
education, and using geographic information system technology to map
areas where adolescent girls are at high risk of female genital
mutilation and cutting.
USAID recognizes the harmful impact associated with child, early or
forced marriage (CEFM), and annually attributes at least $11 million to
address this practice. To tackle this issue, USAID has looked to fund
programming to prevent and respond to CEFM through a multi-pronged
approach as outlined in the Agency's Child, Early, and Forced Marriage
Resource Guide. Not only does USAID finance stand-alone CEFM
activities, it works to integrate CEFM activities in four main areas:
education and economic opportunities, health care, regulatory reform,
and public-awareness campaigns. If confirmed, I will ensure that
USAID's efforts in CEFM, coordinated by the Bureau for Economic Growth,
Education and Environment and later its successor Bureau for Democracy,
Development, and Innovation, continue to adhere to best practices in
this area, and that we compile and share lessons from these programs.
Question. Do you believe that climate change is a real and present
threat to our health, environment, economy and way of life? If
confirmed, will you support, empower and protect the Global Climate
Change Office? What more can the U.S. do to support developing
countries as they fight the effects of climate change?
Answer. Yes, I personally believe that climate impacts human
health, the environment, and climate-dependent livelihoods. If
confirmed, I will continue to support USAID's programs that help
developing countries manage and adapt to climate risks from the
environment; protect, manage and restore forests and other landscapes;
and develop and deploy energy systems that are clean, reliable and
resilient.
If confirmed, I will also challenge the Bureau for Economic Growth,
Education and Environment (E3) and its successor Bureau for Democracy,
Development, and Innovation (DDI) to work with USAID's Missions and
other Operating Units to address a wide range of issues that concern
the environment and the management of natural resources in an
integrated fashion. This will require collaboration with governments,
civil society and the private sector actors at the national, regional,
and municipal levels. In this respect, the leadership of the Agency's
Private-Sector Engagement Strategy by E3 and DDI can help to leverage
additional domestic resources in developing countries in addressing
this challenge. These measures can help to ensure sustained success at
the scale required for transformational impact.
__________
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, JULY 30, 2019
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:30 p.m., in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Ron Johnson,
presiding.
Present: Senators Johnson [presiding], Gardner, Young, and
Shaheen.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. RON JOHNSON,
U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN
Senator Johnson. Good afternoon. This hearing of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee will come to order.
We are meeting to hear the statements and ask questions of
four nominees for the ambassadorships of--ambassadorships to
Latvia, Serbia, Bulgaria, Papua New Guinea, the Solomon
Islands--and I will not pronounce this right--Van---somebody
help me----
Ms. McKee. Vanuatu.
Senator Johnson [continuing]. Vanuatu, okay. Close enough.
My excuse is, it is not in the European Subcommittee's
jurisdiction.
[Laughter.]
Senator Johnson. But, I really want to welcome our
nominees. I want to thank you for your prior to service. You
are all long-term, professional, career Foreign Service. I like
to see that in ambassadorships. I do want to encourage you to
introduce your families in your opening statements. We realize,
you know, really, what big responsibilities these are, how this
is--you know, your careers have taken your away from your
families, in many respects. And so, we realize this truly is
a--an act of family service to this Nation, as well, and we
truly do appreciate it.
I will ask that my written opening statement be entered
into the record.
[The prepared statement of Senator Johnson follows:]
Opening Statement of Senator Ron Johnson
Good afternoon and welcome.
The Senate Foreign Relations Committee is meeting today to consider
the nomination of ambassadorships to Latvia, Serbia, Bulgaria, and
Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu. Our nominees today,
if confirmed, will represent U.S. interests in six important
relationships.
Latvia is a stalwart NATO ally of the United States. In 2018,
Latvia reached the two percent of gross domestic product defense
spending threshold pledged at the 2014 NATO Wales Summit. Latvian
soldiers have deployed alongside U.S. forces in both Afghanistan and
Iraq where they continue to serve with distinction. As the U.S. and
NATO look to blunt further Russian aggression towards its neighbors,
Latvia has become a critical part of the West's deterrent posture. It
has provided host-nation support to rotating Operation Atlantic Resolve
units and a NATO enhanced forward presence multinational battle group.
Riga has also taken an active leadership role in advancing the NATO
Cooperative Cyber Defense Center of Excellence in Estonia, the NATO
Strategic Communications Center of Excellence in Latvia, and the NATO
Energy Security Center of Excellence in Lithuania. Latvia's record of
political and economic reform since the fall of the Soviet Union stands
as a model for other countries struggling to cast off the bitter legacy
of communist rule.
Bulgaria is a committed NATO ally in a region of increasing
strategic importance to the United States. Over the past three decades,
Bulgarian armed forces have played important roles in NATO, EU, and
coalitions operations in Afghanistan, Libya, Kosovo, Bosnia, and Iraq,
and Bulgarian soldiers continue to serve in Afghanistan as part of
NATO's Resolute Support mission. In 2006, the U.S. and Bulgaria signed
the U.S.-Bulgarian Defense Cooperation Agreement, giving the U.S.
military access to and shared use of select Bulgarian military
facilities. With Russia's occupation of Crimea and concerns over U.S.-
Turkish relations, Bulgaria will continue to grow in geo-strategic
importance as a Black Sea littoral state.
Serbia is a key country in Southeast Europe. Serbia's leaders have
stated that their country's prosperity will best be achieved by
embracing Western political and economic reforms and joining the
European Union, which is their goal. This would have a tremendous
stabilizing effect on Southeast Europe, but Belgrade and Pristina must
first reach an agreement to settle their disputes and normalize
relations between their countries. The U.S. needs to take a more active
role in the region and support the leaders of these countries returning
to dialogue to reach an accord that can bring peace and greater
stability to the region.
U.S. relations with Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and
Vanuatu have taken on renewed significance in light of China's growing
assertiveness in the Western Pacific. Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu have
signed on to significant Belt Road Initiative infrastructure projects
and the Solomon Islands is currently considering switching its
diplomatic relations from Taiwan to China so it can do the same.
China's use of covert, corrupt, and coercive means to interfere in the
affairs of countries in the region is troubling. The U.S. needs to
redouble its diplomatic and development efforts in the region both to
inform countries about the dangers of Chinese infrastructure
development aid and to stress the benefits of close relations with the
U.S. and our allies in the region.
Senator Johnson. And I will turn it over to Senator
Shaheen, because we do have votes that are going to definitely
affect this hearing.
Senator Shaheen.
STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And, congratulations to each of our nominees. I look
forward to your statements.
I will also submit my opening statement for the record.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Senator Shaheen follows:]
Opening Statement of Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to the nominees before us
today and to their families. We appreciate your service to the United
States through long, successful careers in the Foreign Service and
USAID. Your resumes speak to your dedication and sacrifice.
Mr. Carwile, Ms. McKee, Mr. Godfrey and Ms. Mustafa, in the diverse
countries you have been nominated to serve in, you will have to
advocate for U.S. foreign policy priorities in the face of significant
challenges, not only Russian and Chinese influence, but domestic
challenges as well.
Mr. Godfrey, the accession of Montenegro and, soon, North Macedonia
into NATO has been the greatest success story for Europe and the
Western Balkans in recent years. Our work, however, is far from
complete.
Serbia lies at the heart of the difficult issues the United States
will have to negotiate to make further progress: to normalize relations
between Serbia and Kosovo, to ensure strong European Union support for
the Western Balkans and to address Russian influence.
If confirmed, I hope that you will press Serbia on the deeply
concerning backsliding of independent media, opposition voices and
civil society. These trends are inconsistent with Serbia's long and
vibrant history, and the U.S. should ensure that we do not turn a blind
eye to authoritarian tendencies in Serbia.
Mr. Carwile, our perspective on Europe has changed dramatically
since 2014 and there are few places where that is more significant than
in Latvia, where our close ally is on the front line with Russia in all
respects. From its experience, Latvia can surely teach us how to
address Russian interference in the United States.
Ms. Mustafa, like Latvia, Bulgaria has a long and complicated
relationship with Russia that also involves considerable energy
independence. I am interested to hear how the United States can help
make its allies strong and independent so that they become more
resistant to malign foreign influence.
And finally, Ms. McKee, your experience in development will be
valuable, if confirmed, as the ambassador to Papua New Guinea, the
Solomon Islands and Vanuatu.
I look forward to hearing how development in these countries and
countering Chinese influence is very much in the interest of the United
States. And since today is the National Day of independence in Vanuatu,
it is particularly appropriate that we have you here today!
Again, welcome and congratulations to all of the nominees today. I
look forward to your testimony and answers to our questions.
Senator Johnson. Well, we will just hop right into it.
Our first nominee is Mr. John Leslie Carwile. Mr. Carwile
is the President's nominee to be Ambassador to Latvia. Mr.
Carwile--by the way, am I pronouncing that right?
Mr. Carwile. Yes, sir.
Senator Johnson. Mr. Carwile is a career member of the
State Department's Senior Foreign Service, and currently serves
as Deputy Director of the Office of Career Development and
Assignments. Previously, he served as Deputy Chief of Mission
at the U.S. Embassies in Brunei and Nepal, Minister-Counselor
for Economic Affairs at the U.S. Embassy in Italy, and
Counselor for Economic Affairs at the U.S. Embassies in Iraq
and Canada.
Mr. Carwile.
STATEMENT OF JOHN LESLIE CARWILE, OF MARYLAND, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-COUNSELOR,
NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF LATVIA
Mr. Carwile. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished
members of the committee, I am honored and privileged to be
addressing the committee as the President's nominee to be the
United States Ambassador to the Republic of Latvia. I deeply
appreciate the trust and confidence that President Trump and
Secretary Pompeo are placing in me with this nomination.
If confirmed, I promise to focus my time and attention on
advancing the interests of the United States in the Republic of
Latvia. My number-one priority will be the security and welfare
of U.S. citizens and that of the extraordinary Embassy team in
Latvia. I will place the utmost importance on strengthening the
robust partnership between our two great countries and
friendship between our people. And I pledge to work closely
with this committee, your staffs, and other Members of
Congress, to achieve these goals.
I would like to thank my friends, family, and colleagues
for their support during my career. I also want to acknowledge
our two daughters: Katherine, who is here today, and Madeline,
who is in Boston. I am so proud of them as good people and for
their accomplishments. I especially want to thank my wife and
partner, Karin Hauschild, an outstanding representative of the
United States during nine overseas tours, for her wisdom and
constant support, and to whom I owe so much.
After 32 years in the Foreign Service, I bring experiences
and skills that have prepared me well, if confirmed, to serve
as the U.S. Ambassador to Latvia. I have successfully led large
teams, both in Washington and overseas, including heading the
State Department's economic effort in Baghdad and serving as
Economic Minister-Counselor at Embassy Rome. I have twice been
Deputy Chief of Mission, first in Brunei and later in Nepal,
when the 2015 earthquake struck and we sheltered over 500
Americans and worked with the U.S. military to provide disaster
assistance throughout much of the country.
Mr. Chairman, the United States and Latvia have been close
friends for nearly a century. This was shown most clearly in
the 1940 Sumner Welles Declaration, which stated the United
States' refusal to recognize the forced annexation of Latvia,
Estonia, and Lithuania by the Soviet Union. From 1940 until the
full restoration of Latvian independence, a half a century
later, the flag of the Republic of Latvia continued to fly in
Washington. The Welles Declaration made clear our steadfast
commitment to Latvia's freedom, sovereignty, and territorial
integrity. If confirmed, I pledge to strengthen this commitment
and further show that the United States will always remain a
friend to, and ally of, Latvia.
Today, Latvia has proven itself one of our strongest
allies. It contributes to security missions across the globe,
including in Afghanistan and Iraq. It is among a select group
of NATO allies that meets its commitment to spend at least two
percent of GDP on defense and at least 20 percent of defense
expenditures on major equipment. Latvia is among our most
knowledgeable and active partners in combating Russian malign
influence. Latvia advocates for Ukraine and other states
threatened by Russia's aggressive activities.
President Trump celebrated 100 years of Latvian, Estonian,
and Lithuanian independence at the White House on April 3,
2018. As the President affirmed that day in a joint declaration
with the Presidents of Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania, the
United States appreciates the tremendous progress achieved by
Latvia and the other Baltic states in political stability,
economic growth, and security cooperation, and their
contributions to European and international security and
advancement of shared democratic values.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed by the Senate, I intend to
strengthen the U.S.-Latvian relationship while advocating for
and advancing U.S. interests in Latvia and throughout Europe. I
will strengthen our robust security cooperation. I will work to
increase our bilateral trade and investment. I will expand upon
our strong cooperation in advancing democracy, rule of law, and
developments in eastern partnership states and across Central
Asia.
Strengthening our relationship also means addressing
difficult and complicated issues with Latvia. If confirmed, I
will press the Latvian government to develop, enact, and
implement reforms addressing critical corruption and money-
laundering threats that persist in the country. And I will
support efforts to address Holocaust-era legacies such as
Jewish communal property restitution.
I recognize and fully appreciate the honor bestowed upon me
by this nomination. If confirmed, I will do my utmost to reward
the trust that you, your fellow congresspersons, the President,
Secretary Pompeo, and the American people are placing in me. I
will focus wholeheartedly in--on advancing the interests of the
United States in Latvia while strengthening our bilateral
partnership.
Thank you for your time, Mr. Chairman, and for inviting me
to appear before you today. I look forward to answering your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Carwile follows:]
Prepared Statement of John Leslie Carwile
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished members of the
committee: I am honored and privileged to be addressing the committee
as the President's nominee to be the United States Ambassador to the
Republic of Latvia.
I deeply appreciate the trust and confidence President Trump and
Secretary Pompeo are placing in me with this nomination. If confirmed,
I promise to focus my time and attention on advancing the interests of
the United States in the Republic of Latvia. My number one priority
will be the security and welfare of U.S. citizens and that of the
extraordinary Embassy team in Latvia. I will place the utmost
importance on strengthening the already robust partnership between our
two great countries and friendship between our people. And I pledge to
work closely with this committee, your staffs, and other Members of
Congress to achieve these goals.
I would like to thank my family, friends, and colleagues for their
support during my career. I also want to acknowledge our two daughters,
Katherine (who is here today) and Madeline (who is in Boston). I am so
proud of them as good people and for their accomplishments. I
especially want to thank my wife, Karin Hauschild, who has been an
outstanding representative of the United States during nine overseas
tours.
After 32 years in the Foreign Service, I bring experience and
skills that have prepared me well, if confirmed, to serve as the U.S.
ambassador to Latvia. I have successfully led large teams both in
Washington and overseas, including heading the State Department's
economic effort in Baghdad and serving as the Economic Minister-
Counselor at Embassy Rome. I have twice been Deputy Chief of Mission,
first in Brunei and later in Nepal when the 2015 earthquakes struck as
we sheltered over 500 Americans and worked with the U.S. military to
provide disaster assistance throughout much of the country.
Mr. Chairman, the United States and Latvia have been close friends
for nearly a century. This was exemplified most clearly in the 1940
Sumner Welles Declaration, which forcefully stated the United States'
refusal to recognize the forced annexation of Latvia, Estonia, and
Lithuania by the Soviet Union. From 1940 until the full restoration of
Latvian independence half a century later, the flag of the Republic of
Latvia continued to fly in Washington. The Welles Declaration made
clear America's steadfast commitment to Latvia's freedom, sovereignty,
and territorial integrity. If confirmed, I pledge to strengthen this
commitment and further exhibit that the United States will always
remain a friend to--and Ally of--Latvia.
Today, Latvia has proven itself one our strongest Allies. It
contributes to security missions across the globe, including in
Afghanistan and Iraq. It is among a select group of NATO Allies that
meets its commitment to spend at least two percent of GDP on defense
and at least 20 percent of defense expenditures on major equipment.
Latvia is amongst our most knowledgeable and active partners in
combating Russian malign influence not just in Europe, but across the
world. It advocates for Ukraine and other states threatened by Russia's
aggressive activities.
The ties binding the United States and Latvia are unbreakable. We
lead together in NATO with our commitment to collective defense and our
defense spending investments. Our economic ties are vibrant. We
cooperate throughout Europe and Central Asia in the promotion of
democracy, good governance, market economies, and the rule of law. And
we collaborate daily to ensure our transatlantic community remains
strong and resilient.
President Trump celebrated 100 years of Latvian, Estonian, and
Lithuanian independence at the White House on April 3, 2018. As the
President affirmed that day in a joint declaration with the Presidents
of Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania, the United States is appreciative of
the ``tremendous progress achieved by Latvia [and the other Baltic
states] in political stability, economic growth, and security
cooperation and [their] contributions.to European and international
security and advancement of [shared] democratic values.'' If confirmed,
I hope to continue assisting Latvia in advancing across political,
economic, and security fields.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed by the Senate, I intend to strengthen
the U.S.-Latvian relationship while advocating for and advancing U.S.
interests in Latvia and throughout Europe. I will strengthen our robust
security cooperation. I will work to increase our bilateral trade and
investment. I will expand upon our already strong cooperation in
advancing democracy, rule of law, and development in Eastern
Partnership states and across Central Asia.
Strengthening our relationship also means addressing difficult and
complicated issues with Latvia. If confirmed, I will press the Latvian
government to develop, enact, and implement reforms addressing critical
corruption and money laundering threats that persist in the country.
And I will support efforts to address Holocaust-era legacies, such as
Jewish communal property restitution.
Just over 100 years ago, Latvia declared independence. Throughout
those years, the United States remained amongst Latvia's strongest
partners. I am honored to have the opportunity, if confirmed, to
preserve and enrich that partnership.
I recognize and fully appreciate the honor bestowed upon me by this
nomination. If confirmed, I will do my utmost to reward the trust you,
your fellow Congresspersons, the President, Secretary Pompeo, and the
American people are placing in me. I will focus wholeheartedly on
advancing the interests of the United States in Latvia while
strengthening our bilateral partnership.
Thank you for your time and inviting me to appear before you today.
I look forward to answering your questions.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Carwile.
We will just keep going right down the table there.
Our next nominee is Ms. Erin Elizabeth McKee. Ms. McKee is
the President's nominee to be the Ambassador of Papua New
Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu--close, not even--not
really close. Ms. McKee is a career member of the Foreign
Service--Senior Foreign Service, and currently serves as
USAID's Mission Director in Indonesia. Previously, she was
Senior Deputy Assistant Administrator and Chief Human Capital
Officer in USAID's Office of Human Capital and Talent
Management, and Senior Deputy Assistant Administrator for the
Bureau of Policy, Planning, and Learning. Ms. McKee has also
served at USAID missions in Kazakhstan, Iraq, Peru, Bolivia,
Israel, and Russia.
Ms. McKee.
STATEMENT OF ERIN ELIZABETH McKEE, OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER
MEMBER OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER-
COUNSELOR, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE
INDEPENDENT STATE OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA, AND TO SERVE
CONCURRENTLY AND WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS AMBASSADOR
EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA TO THE SOLOMON ISLANDS AND AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND
PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC
OF VANUATU
Ms. McKee. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, distinguished
members of the committee, it is a great honor to appear before
you today as the President's nominee to be Ambassador to the--
of the United States to Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and
Vanuatu.
I am grateful to the members of the committee for the
opportunity to speak to you today about my qualifications and
goals. If confirmed, I pledge to work with you to advance our
Nation's interests in these three Pacific Island nations.
With the Chairman's permission, I would like to quickly
introduce my family. My father, Stu Kinder; my husband, Sean
McKee; and my daughter Caitlin are here with me today. Their
unconditional love and support have been my rock throughout my
public service career. From Moscow to Lima, from Baghdad to
Jakarta, they have stood by my side and shared in the sacrifice
and adventure of nearly 25 years in the Foreign Service. I am
so pleased that they could join me today. I could not have made
this journey without them. And for that, I am truly grateful.
Since 1995, I have had the privilege of serving and
representing the United States in eight overseas assignments,
as well as here in Washington, D.C., with the U.S. Agency for
International Development. It has been my honor to serve the
American people and advance our country's interests, promote
our values and principles, and offer host-country nations a
model for hope, security, and prosperity across a variety of
diverse contexts. I am currently serving as the USAID Mission
Director to Indonesia and ASEAN, which I resumed after filling
the role of Deputy Chief of Mission at Embassy Jakarta last
year.
Throughout my tenure in the Foreign Service, I have proven
my ability to work with host countries to advance our shared
goals and principles. In multiple posts, I have developed
mission and host-country strategies, securing broad interagency
support. I successfully led our interagency and mission
partners to strategically plan and, more importantly,
successfully execute our development and security assistance
budgets. If confirmed, my technical background and development
expertise have prepared me well to guide my country team as we
work on issues affecting Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands,
and Vanuatu to tackle economic inequality, poor governance, and
underdeveloped capacity while furthering American partnerships.
If confirmed, I am committed to advancing our vision of a
free and open Indo-Pacific, which we share with other
democracies in the Pacific region, including Australia, New
Zealand, Taiwan, and Japan.
The Solomon Islands is one of six Pacific Island nations
that has diplomatic relations with Taiwan. I will stress the
importance of maintaining cross-Strait relations and work with
regional partners to support increased economic engagement
initiatives.
Free, fair, and transparent economies are open,
accountable, and rules-based, and governments must also be.
Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu are young
democracies. Our shared history provides us with opportunities
we can further build upon to help these nations attract high-
quality private investment and secure their sovereignty.
However, we must also be realistic and operate with the
understanding that competing models of assistance do not share
our democratic values. China's relationships with Papua New
Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu have deepened dramatically
over the last 2 years. The United States should increase its
visibility and sustain its commitments to become a stronger
partner of choice for these three countries, as we did with our
commitment to support the Papua New Guinea Electrification
Program, which aims to increase household electrification from
15 percent today to 70 percent by 2030.
If confirmed, I will work to offer a shared partnership and
use the tools provided by this committee to help the people of
these countries expand and grow and realize their full
potential. The long and distinguished history of the Peace
Corps in the region, the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act, and
the BUILD Act further expand this toolkit. Together, these
equip us to further deliver sustained engagement and action
behind our declarations of support to these countries.
If confirmed, I will also do more to support the private
sector and increase investment in the region. I will use these
tools to expand our cooperation, promote fair and inclusive
growth, and increase opportunities for U.S. investment,
strengthen our presence, and amplify our message, backed by
concrete deliverables, that the United States cares about the
Pacific and is there to stay.
If confirmed, I will make taking care of my team and
fostering a high-performing, healthy, and secure workplace a
priority, with zero tolerance for misconduct, including sexual
harassment. I will prioritize the safety and security of all
American citizens living in or visiting these island nations.
Thank you for this invitation to appear before you. I
welcome the opportunity to answer your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. McKee follows:]
Prepared Statement of Erin Elizabeth McKee
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, and distinguished members of the
committee, it is a great honor to appear before you today as the
President's nominee to be Ambassador of the United States to Papua New
Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu. I am grateful to the members of
the committee for the opportunity to speak with you today about my
qualifications and goals. If confirmed, I pledge to work with you to
advance our nation's interests in these three Pacific Island nations.
With the Chairman's permission, I would like to quickly introduce
my family. My father, Stu Kinder, my husband, Sean McKee, and my
daughter Caitlin, are here with me today. Their unconditional love and
support have been my rock throughout my public service career--from
Moscow to Lima--from Baghdad to Jakarta, they have stood by my side and
shared in the sacrifice and adventures of nearly 25 years in the
Foreign Service. I am so pleased that they could join me today. I could
have not made this journey without them, and for that I am truly
grateful.
Since 1995, I have had the privilege of serving and representing
the United States in eight overseas assignments, as well as here in
Washington, D.C., with the U.S. Agency for International Development.
It has been my honor to serve the American people and advance our
country's interests, promote our values and principles, and offer host-
country nations a model for hope, security, and prosperity across a
variety of diverse contexts. I am currently serving as the USAID
Mission Director to Indonesia and ASEAN, which I resumed after filling
the role of Acting Deputy Chief of Mission of Embassy Jakarta last
year.
Throughout my tenure in the Foreign Service, I have proven my
ability to work with host countries to advance our shared goals and
principles. In multiple posts, I have developed mission and host-
country strategies, securing broad interagency support. I successfully
led our interagency and mission partners to strategically plan and--
more importantly--successfully execute our development and security
assistance budgets. If confirmed, my technical background and
development expertise have prepared me well to guide my Country Team as
they work on issues affecting Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands,
and Vanuatu, and to tackle economic inequality, poor governance, and
underdeveloped capacity, while furthering American partnerships.
Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu are important to
U.S. national security and to peace and security in the Pacific. To
enhance these countries' stability as U.S. partners and help them
realize their full potential, we should continue to support their
efforts to improve transparency and good governance, to combat
trafficking in persons, to adapt to the impacts of climate change, to
responsibly manage their rich natural resources, to protect and promote
human rights and fundamental freedoms, to improve public health, and to
promote gender equality.
If confirmed, I would work with the host countries, the
interagency, and our many other partners to bolster environmental
security, health systems, economic growth, and women's empowerment,
among other critical areas. I am committed to advancing our vision of a
free and open Indo-Pacific region, which we share with other
democracies in the Pacific region, including Australia, New Zealand,
Taiwan, and Japan.
The Solomon Islands is one of six Pacific Island nations that has
diplomatic relations with Taiwan. I will stress the importance of
maintaining cross-Strait relations and work with regional partners to
support economic engagement initiatives.
Free, fair, and transparent economies are open, accountable, and
rules-based, and governments must also be. Papua New Guinea, the
Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu are young democracies. Our shared history
provides us with opportunities we can further build upon to strengthen
democratic systems, include civil society partners, combat corruption,
protect and promote human rights and fundamental freedoms, and fortify
institutions to help these nations attract high-quality private
investment and secure their sovereignty.
However, we must also be realistic and operate with the
understanding that competing models of assistance do not share our
democratic values. China's relationships with Papua New Guinea, the
Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu deepened dramatically over the past two
years. The United States should increase its visibility and sustain its
commitments to become a stronger partner of choice for these three
countries, as we did with our commitment to support the PNG
Electrification Partnership (PEP), which aims to increase household
electrification from the current level of 15% to 70% by 2030.
The United States offers a shared partnership and a wide range of
tools to develop opportunities for the people of these countries, which
are expanding thanks to this committee. The long and distinguished
history of the Peace Corps in the region, the Asia Reassurance
Initiative Act (ARIA), and the Build Act further expand our tool kit.
Together, these tools provide us the ability to deliver sustained
engagement and action behind our declarations of support to these
countries. We must also do more to support and promote private sector
investment in the region. If confirmed, I will use these tools to
expand our cooperation, promote fair and inclusive growth and increased
opportunities for U.S. investment, strengthen our presence and amplify
the message--backed by concrete deliverables--that the United States
cares about the Pacific and is there to stay.
In every position that I have served, I ensured that the highest
standards for accountability and integrity were set-and met. If
confirmed, I will make taking care of my team and fostering a high-
performing, healthy, and secure workplace a priority, with zero
tolerance for misconduct, including sexual harassment. I will also
prioritize the safety and security of all American citizens living in
or visiting these island nations. I will work closely with our partners
to promote peace and security, advance economic prosperity, and promote
respect for fundamental freedoms and human rights, building an enduring
presence and lasting partnership with our host-countries in the
process.
Thank you for this invitation to appear before you, I welcome the
opportunity to answer your questions.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Ms. McKee.
``Vanuatu,'' it is really not that hard, is it? Just got to
listen to it a couple of times.
[Laughter.]
Senator Johnson. Totally blew it, Cory, before you got
here.
[Laughter.]
Senator Johnson. Our next nominee is Mr. Anthony F.
Godfrey. Mr. Godfrey is the President's nominee to be the
Ambassador to Serbia. Mr. Godfrey is a 12-year U.S. Navy
veteran and a career member of the Senior Foreign Service. He
currently serves as Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy
in Moscow. Previously, Mr. Godfrey served as Director of the
Office of Iraq Affairs in the Bureau of Near East Affairs and
as Minister-Counselor for Political Affairs in the U.S. Embassy
in Baghdad. He speaks Russian, Turkish, and Serbo-Croatian.
Mr. Godfrey.
STATEMENT OF ANTHONY F. GODFREY, OF VIRGINIA, A CAREER MEMBER
OF THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF MINISTER COUNSELOR,
NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA
Mr. Godfrey. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Shaheen,
distinguished members of the committee, it is a great honor to
appear before you today as the President's nominee for U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Serbia. I deeply appreciate the
trust and confidence President Trump and Secretary Pompeo have
placed in me to represent the American people. And I hope to
earn your trust, as well. If confirmed, I pledge to work
closely with you to advance our Nation's interests in Serbia.
This hearing is an important event for my family, and I am
very proud that my wife, Anne, and two of our three children,
our sons, Peter and Jamie, are with me today. They have served
overseas with me through postings in Croatia, Armenia, Turkey,
and Russia. And, although they were not with me in Iraq or in
Chechnya, their support was essential for my success. My
sister, Dr. Katy Godfrey, and my niece, Rosemary, are also
present in the room today. And not present, but hopefully
watching by live stream, is our daughter, Eilis, who lives in
California.
In nearly 40 years of service, both as a member of the
Foreign Service and in the U.S. Navy, I have dedicated my
professional life to improving America's security, prosperity,
and position in the world. We have sought out challenging
assignments, where America's active diplomacy can make a
difference in advancing our goals. In domestic assignments, I
am proud of the work I did to develop the International
Coalition to Defeat ISIS. My work at the National Security
Council helped advance our missile defense capability.
Mr. Chairman, as you know, I have just left Moscow. And,
after serving first as the head of the policy team and then,
for two years as Ambassador Huntsman's Deputy Chief of Mission,
I am fully aware of Russia's aggressive behavior, malign
influence, and disinformation campaigns throughout much of
Europe. Our team has been an important part of U.S. efforts to
confront these challenges. I believe the sum of these
experiences has prepared me well to serve as Chief of Mission
in Serbia.
Serbia is a political and economic leader and plays a key
role in influencing regional stability and cooperation. It is
in the strategic interest of the United States that Serbia
develops as a modern democratic, prosperous European nation at
peace with its neighbors, demonstrating full respect for the
rule of law and rights of all its citizens. We fully support
Serbia's stated goal of European integration and EU membership.
Serbia now stands at a critical inflection point, and political
leaders in Belgrade must undertake serious reforms to advance
Serbia on its EU path.
Most importantly, Serbia must normalize its relationship
with Kosovo in order to advance both countries' European
integration. The United States continues to support the EU-
facilitated dialogue aimed at comprehensive normalization of
relations. We remain ready to help the parties in any way as
they pursue a locally owned agreement that is durable,
implementable, and increases regional stability. If confirmed,
I am committed to promoting normalization of relations between
Pristina and Belgrade as a top U.S. priority in the region.
Together with my colleagues in Pristina and Washington, our
European partners, and this committee, I will work to encourage
the parties to return to the table in good faith.
An important element of the United States work in Serbia is
promoting and defending our shared democratic values. Violence
and threats of violence against journalists in Serbia are
increasing self-censorship and hindering journalists' ability
to faithfully inform the public. If confirmed, I will lead my
team in helping our Serbian partners to strengthen their
democratic institutions, protect the rights of members of
minority communities, combat corruption, and improve media
freedom. Serbians must take the lead in these efforts, but the
United States can be an important partner, and, if confirmed, I
will ensure that we are.
Serbia has enormous potential, with an educated and
talented workforce, a location at an important trading
crossroads for Europe, and a long culture of hospitality.
Strengthening the rule of law will enable Serbia to further
attract investment and curb the debilitating emigration of its
youngest and brightest. While Serbia has made great strides in
reforming its economy, it needs to do more, particularly to
combat the corrosive consequences of corruption, to make it a
more attractive environment for business.
Serbia is also an important partner in international
stability, and contributes hundreds of military personnel to
U.N. and EU peacekeeping operations. Serbia's contribution of
peacekeeping troops and medical professionals is among the
highest per capita in all of Europe.
If confirmed, I will continue to seek resolution to a
persistent irritant in our bilateral relationship. To date,
there have been no prosecutions for the murder of three
Americans--Ylli, Agron, and Mehmet Bytyqi--executed while in
Serbian police custody in 1999. I am committed to pressing the
Serbian government to complete a thorough investigation, ensure
that all who were involved in these crimes are brought to
justice, regardless of rank or position.
The United States and Serbia have a long and, in some ways,
a complicated history. We were allied during two World Wars. In
1918, President Wilson raised the Serbian flag over the White
House. But, the 1990s were a difficult time, and we must work
together to find a way to come to terms with that legacy.
Nevertheless, the broader arc of our ties has been positive and
mutually beneficial.
It is an ambitious agenda, but, if confirmed, I would be
supported by an incredibly talented team of Americans and
locally employed staff at Embassy Belgrade and interagency
partners in Washington. With the support of the legislative
branch, I am committed to doing my utmost to promote our shared
goal, a democratic Serbia providing growth and security for its
citizens, at peace with all of its neighbors, and firmly set on
a path of European integration.
Thank you once again for granting me the opportunity to
be--appear before this committee today. And I look forward to
your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Godfrey follows:]
Prepared Statement of Anthony F. Godfrey
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Shaheen, and distinguished members of
the committee, it is a great honor to appear before you today as the
President's nominee for U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Serbia. I
deeply appreciate the trust and confidence President Trump and
Secretary Pompeo have placed in me to represent the American people,
and I hope to earn your trust as well. If confirmed, I pledge to work
closely with you to advance our nation's interests in Serbia.
This hearing is an important event for my family, and I'm very
proud that my wife Anne and two of my three children, our sons Peter
and Jamie, are present with me today; they've served overseas with me
through postings in Croatia, Armenia, Turkey, and Russia; although they
weren't with me in Iraq or in Chechnya, their support was essential for
my success. My sister, Dr. Katy Godfrey, and my niece Rosemary are
present in the room today. Not present, but surely watching by
livestream, is my Dad, Bill Godfrey, who at 90 years young just finally
retired from 52 years of teaching at the State University of New York
at Stony Brook.
In nearly forty years of service, both as a member of the Foreign
Service and in the U.S. Navy, I have dedicated my professional life to
improving America's security, prosperity, and position in the world. We
have sought out challenging assignments, where America's active
diplomacy can make a difference in advancing our goals. In domestic
assignments I am proud of the work I did to develop the international
coalition to defeat ISIS; my work at the National Security Council
helped advance our missile defense capability. Mr. Chairman, as you
know, I've just left Moscow, and after serving first as the head of the
policy team, and then for two years as Ambassador Huntsman's Deputy
Chief of Mission, I am fully aware of Russia's aggressive behavior,
malign influence, and disinformation campaigns throughout much of
Europe; our team has been an important part of U.S. efforts to confront
those challenges. I believe the sum of these experiences has prepared
me well to serve as Chief of Mission in Serbia.
european integration
Serbia is a political and economic leader and plays a key role in
influencing regional stability and cooperation. It is in the strategic
interest of the United States that Serbia develops as a modern,
democratic, prosperous European nation at peace with its neighbors,
demonstrating full respect for the rule of law and rights of all its
citizens. We fully support Serbia's stated goal of European integration
and EU membership. Serbia now stands at a critical inflection point,
and political leaders in Belgrade must undertake serious reforms to
advance Serbia on its EU path.
regional relations
Most importantly, Serbia must normalize its relationship with
Kosovo, in order to advance both countries' European integration. The
United States continues to support the EU-facilitated Dialogue, aimed
at comprehensive normalization of relations. We remain ready to help
the parties in any way, as they pursue a locally-owned agreement that
is durable, implementable, and increases regional stability. If
confirmed, I am committed to promoting normalization of relations
between Belgrade and Pristina as a top U.S. priority in the region.
Together with my colleagues in Pristina and Washington, our European
partners, and this committee, I will work to encourage the parties to
return to the table in good faith.
Serbia's relations with its other neighbors require attention too.
If confirmed, I will work with Serbia to resolve legacy issues with
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, and Croatia--to provide all
citizens of the Western Balkans a more stable, secure, and prosperous
future.
democracy and rule of law
An important element of the United States' work in Serbia is
promoting and defending our shared democratic values. Violence and
threats of violence against journalists in Serbia are increasing self-
censorship and hindering journalists' ability to faithfully inform the
public. If confirmed, I will lead my team in helping our Serbian
partners to strengthen their democratic institutions, protect the
rights of members of minority communities, combat corruption, and
improve media freedom. Serbians must take the lead in these efforts,
but the United States can be an important partner, and if confirmed, I
will ensure that we are.
economic development
Serbia has enormous potential, with an educated and talented
workforce, a location at an important trading crossroads for Europe,
and a long culture of hospitality. Strengthening the rule of law will
enable Serbia to further attract investment and curb the debilitating
emigration of its youngest and brightest. While Serbia has made great
strides in reforming its economy, it needs to streamline the process of
doing business, reduce bureaucratic impediments, and combat the
corrosive consequences of corruption to make it a more attractive
environment for businesses. If confirmed, I will be committed to
supporting American companies as they explore opportunities in Serbia
and look to build on the significant U.S. investment in Serbia, which
has created over 20,000 jobs since 2000.
peacekeeping and military relations
Serbia is an important partner in international stability and
contributes hundreds of military personnel to U.N. and EU peacekeeping
operations in the Central African Republic, Somalia, Cyprus, and
Lebanon. Serbia's contribution of peacekeeping troops and medical
professionals is among the highest per capita in all of Europe. The
Ohio National Guard's engagement with Serbia, through the State
Partnership Program, is among the most successful in Europe.
bilateral concerns
If confirmed, I will continue to seek resolution to a persistent
irritant in our bilateral relationship. To date there have been no
prosecutions for the murder of three Americans--Ylli, Agron, and Mehmet
Bytyqi, executed while in Serbian police custody in 1999. I am
committed to pressing the Serbian government to complete a thorough
investigation and ensure that all who were involved in these crimes are
brought to justice, regardless of rank or position.
closing
The United States and Serbia have a long and in some ways a
complicated history. We were allied during two world wars. In 1918,
President Wilson raised the Serbian flag over the White House. During
World War II, Serbian families saved the lives of 500 American and
Allied pilots and crew members. Our assistance--in the form of food,
military equipment, and technical programs--helped Yugoslavia maintain
its independence from the Soviet bloc. The 1990s were a difficult time,
and we must work together to find a way to come to terms with that
legacy. Nevertheless, the broader arc of our ties has been positive and
mutually beneficial.
This is an ambitious agenda, but if confirmed, I would be supported
by an incredibly talented team of Americans and locally employed staff
at Embassy Belgrade, and interagency partners in Washington. With the
support of the Legislative Branch, I am committed to doing my utmost to
promote our shared goal--a democratic Serbia providing growth and
security for its citizens, at peace with all of its neighbors, and
firmly set on a path of European integration.
Thank you once again for granting me the opportunity to appear
before this committee today. I look forward to your questions.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Mr. Godfrey.
Our fourth nominee is Ms. Herro Mustafa. Ms. Mustafa is the
President's nominee to be the Ambassador to Bulgaria. Ms.
Mustafa is a career member of the Senior Foreign Service and
currently serves as Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy
in Lisbon. Previously, she served as Political Minister-
Counselor at the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi, Advisor in the
Office of the Vice President, as a Director at the National
Security Council. Ms. Mustafa speaks nine languages--only
nine----
[Laughter.]
Senator Johnson. ----including Arabic, Russia--Russian,
Hindi, and Farsi, and is the recipient of the Matilda W.
Sinclaire Award for Excellence in Foreign Language.
Ms. Mustafa. In English, please.
[Laughter.]
STATEMENT OF HERRO MUSTAFA, OF CALIFORNIA, A CAREER MEMBER OF
THE SENIOR FOREIGN SERVICE, CLASS OF COUNSELOR, NOMINEE TO BE
AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA TO THE REPUBLIC OF BULGARIA
Ms. Mustafa. Chairman Johnson, Ranking Member Shaheen, and
distinguished members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you as the President's nominee to serve as Ambassador to
the Republic of Bulgaria. I am thankful to the President and
Secretary Pompeo for the confidence they have placed in me to
undertake this role. And, if confirmed, I pledge to work
closely with the Congress to advance our Nation's interests in
Bulgaria.
Family is extremely important to me, and I am blessed to
have so much love and support. I am proud to be the first
American of Kurdish descent to be nominated as Ambassador. In
the audience is my father, an incredible man who gave so much
of his life so that we could live in freedom and have access to
opportunity. Also in the audience is my mother, a courageous,
strong woman, the bedrock of our family. My parents' one
request of me and my siblings as we were growing up in Minot,
North Dakota, was to always do good. They taught us to set our
goals high in every aspect of life, whether career or personal,
to achieve those goals and then aim even higher. That approach
and optimism are what have shaped me into the person that I am
today and, if confirmed, will guide my vision for achieving
success for America in Bulgaria. My loving husband, Ravneesh
Garg, is with our 4-year-old daughter, Ariana, watching via
live stream with all my in-laws in India. Also in the audience
are my incredibly hard-working brother, Hawro, my sister-in-
law, Willow, my beautiful niece, Zara, and my 2-year-old
daughter, Ashna. She is with my mother.
I have dedicated over two decades to serving the United
States in the Department of State. Much of my work has promoted
rule of law, democratization, energy security, and anti-
corruption efforts. Before joining the Foreign Service, I
worked as an election supervisor with the OSCE in Bosnia, and
my first Foreign Service assignment was in Greece. I have
worked throughout my career with my European colleagues on
issues of mutual interest, such as Iraq, Afghanistan, and Iran.
My last assignment was in Portugal, where I was the Deputy
Chief of Mission and served as Charge d-Affaires.
I am honored now to have the opportunity, if confirmed, to
serve in Bulgaria, a country renowned for its hospitable
people, incredibly beautiful mountains, and rich cultural
heritage. If confirmed, my top priority will be ensuring the
safety and security of U.S. citizens. I will also take
seriously my role as Chief of Mission to manage our most
precious resource, our people at the Embassy, including our
local staff, who are an important part of our mission.
In addition, I will focus the work of the Embassy on the
following priorities that I like to categorize as the three
C's: Connectivity, Collaboration, and Corruption.
First, on connectivity. If confirmed, I will work to deepen
the bonds between Bulgaria and the West on all fronts, to
include economic, military, commercial, cultural, and people-
people ties. This extends to civil society, including women and
youth.
Bulgaria is a strong NATO ally, and I am pleased to share
that the government of Bulgaria today, under the leadership of
Prime Minister Borissov, has just finalized the process to
ratify a deal to procure eight F-16 fighter aircraft from the
United States. This marks a significant step forward towards
modernizing Bulgaria's armed forces to NATO standards, and we
appreciate the pivotal role that the Congress has played in
supporting this deal.
I am also committed to expanding our economic relationship.
Increased transparency, predictability, and stability in the
investment climate are key to increased economic ties. And, if
confirmed, I will work to level the playing field for U.S.
businesses in Bulgaria.
Second, on collaboration, I would like to work with all my
colleagues across the region to promote regional collaboration.
Bulgaria has been a positive player in the region and a leader
in advancing Western-Balkan integration. They have also been
supportive of the recent Prespa Agreement between Greece and
the Republic of North Macedonia.
Energy security is also a critical part of national
security. Bulgaria imports most of its energy from Russia,
including nearly all of its nuclear fuel and natural gas. If
confirmed, I will work to support Bulgaria's efforts to
diversify its energy supply to include the Greece-Bulgaria
interconnector.
Third, on corruption, if confirmed, I will work with
Bulgaria on fighting corruption and advancing rule of law,
which is key to Bulgaria's continued growth.
Thank you again for this opportunity. I look forward to
your questions and, if confirmed, to working with you to build
the relations between our two nations.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Mustafa follows:]
Prepared Statement of Herro Mustafa
Chairman Johnson, Ranking Member Shaheen, and distinguished members
of the committee, I am honored and humbled to appear before you as the
President's nominee to serve as Ambassador to the Republic of Bulgaria.
I am thankful to President Trump and Secretary Pompeo for the
confidence they have placed in me to undertake this role. If confirmed,
I pledge to work closely with the Congress to advance our nation's
interests in Bulgaria.
Family is extremely important to me and I'm blessed to have the
love and support of so many members of my family, some with me here
today and others watching via livestream in various parts of the world.
I am proud to be the first American of Kurdish descent to be nominated
as Ambassador. In the audience is my father, who is an incredible man
who gave so much of his life so that we could live in freedom and have
access to opportunity. My strong, courageous mother, who is the bedrock
of our family, is also here today. My parents' one request of me and my
siblings as we grew up in Minot, North Dakota was to always do good.
They taught us to set our goals high, in every aspect of life, whether
career or personal, to achieve those goals, and then aim even higher.
That approach and optimism are what have shaped me into the person I am
today and, if confirmed, will guide my vision for achieving success for
America in Bulgaria.
Also in the audience are my incredibly hard-working brother, Helo,
and sister-in-law, Willow, along with my niece Zara, and my almost two-
year-old daughter Ashna. My two other brothers, Hawro and Barzan, are
watching from California and Virginia. My loving husband, Ravneesh
Garg, is with our almost four-year-old daughter Ariana watching with my
in-laws and expanded family in India. Families of Foreign Service
Officers sacrifice much, and being apart is sometimes a consequence of
our service. I thank my entire family for the love and support and
wisdom they show each and every day.
I have dedicated over two decades to serving the United States in
the Department of State. During that time, much of my work has promoted
rule of law, democratization, energy security, and anti-corruption
efforts. Before joining the Foreign Service, I worked as an Elections
Supervisor in Bosnia and my first Foreign Service assignment was in
Athens, Greece. My experience with Europe has continued throughout my
career, as I have worked with my European colleagues on issues of
mutual interest, such as Iraq, Afghanistan, and Iran. My last
assignment was in Western Europe, in Lisbon, Portugal, where I was the
Deputy Chief of Mission and served for long periods as Charge
d'Affaires. I am honored now to have the opportunity, if confirmed, to
serve in Bulgaria, a country renowned for its incredibly beautiful
mountains, hospitable people, and rich cultural heritage in a strategic
part of the world.
If confirmed, my top priority will be ensuring the safety and
security of U.S. citizens, including travelers and residents in
Bulgaria, and my Embassy team. In addition, I will focus the work of
the Embassy on the following priorities that I like to categorize as
Connectivity, Collaboration, and Corruption, (the three Cs):
On Connectivity: If confirmed I will work to strengthen and deepen
the bonds between Bulgaria and the West, particularly the United
States, on all fronts to include economic, military, commercial,
cultural, and people-to-people ties. This connectivity should extend to
civil society, including women and youth.
Bulgaria is a strong NATO Ally. Fifteen years ago this year,
Bulgaria joined the Alliance, sealing its security bonds with the West
and affirming its commitment to a strong and free Europe. Bulgaria has
accompanied the United States in operations--and taken casualties--in
both Iraq and Afghanistan. Bulgaria has also participated in coalition
operations in Libya, Kosovo, and Bosnia. Bulgaria is actively taking
steps to increase defense spending and modernize its military, to make
Bulgaria an even stronger and more capable NATO Ally. If confirmed, I
will work to sustain and expand our security relationship and encourage
Bulgaria to play a greater role, especially in transitional Forward
Presence on NATO's Southeast flank.
I am also committed to expanding our economic relationship. Overall
bilateral trade between Bulgaria and the United States jumped from $963
million in 2014 to $1.36 billion in 2018. Increased transparency,
predictability, and stability in the investment climate are key to
increased economic ties. One way Bulgaria can enhance its appeal to
U.S. businesses is by increasing transparency and ensuring good
corporate governance. Greater transparency would benefit not only U.S.
firms, but also Bulgaria as a whole. I want to see U.S. businesses
thrive, and if confirmed I will work to ensure a level playing fieldfor
U.S. business in Bulgaria.
On Collaboration: If confirmed, I would like to work with my
counterparts across the region to promote regional collaboration.
Bulgaria has been a positive player in the region and a leader in
advancing Western Balkan integration. They have also been supportive of
the recent Prespa Agreement between the Hellenic Republic of Greece and
the Republic of North Macedonia. It is exactly this type of vision and
collaboration that is needed to strengthen the sovereignty of each of
these nations and to bring peace and stability to the region.
Energy security is also a critical part of national security.
Bulgaria imports most of its energy from Russia, including nearly all
of its nuclear fuel and natural gas, which raises a range of economic,
energy security, and NATO Alliance concerns. If confirmed, I will
support Bulgaria's efforts to diversify its energy supply and foster
increased energy collaboration across the region, in particular the
Greece-Bulgaria interconnector.
On Corruption: If confirmed, I will also work with Bulgaria on
fighting corruption and advancing rule of law, which is key to
Bulgaria's continued growth. Rule of law reform is a long-term,
multifaceted, and challenging process. Bulgaria has demonstrated a
commitment to reform and taken some steps to build a more open,
inclusive, and prosperous society. More needs to be done, however. If
confirmed, I am committed to working closely with Bulgaria together to
find ways to promote civil society, media freedom, an independent
judiciary, and the rule of law.
If confirmed, I will take seriously my role as Chief of Mission to
manage and safeguard our precious resources--our people, including our
local staff who are an important part in fulfilling our mission, our
embassy, and the strong reputation of the United States abroad. If
confirmed, I look forward to building the relations between our two
nations and defending and promoting the interests of the United States
in the Republic of Bulgaria.
Senator Johnson. Well, thank you, Ms. Mustafa.
I think it is pretty obvious, just by your opening
statements and looking at your list of qualifications, that the
President really has nominated four exceptional individuals,
very well qualified for these posts, that will represent
America well in your postings.
We have had a vote called, so--I think we have some time
for some questions, but I did not want you to be insulted by
the fact that we do not have more Senators here. That is what
is happening. We have got stacked votes, and so everybody is,
you know, flocking to the floor now to vote on time. Right?
Normally, we do like a little bit better language skills,
but we will--you know, we will take that in consideration.
[Laughter.]
Senator Johnson. I am happy yield to you, if you have got
some questions, then vote, because I will--then I will close
out the hearing with my questions.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I want to begin with you, Mr. Carwile, because I had a
chance to visit Latvia a couple of years ago, and one of the
things that I did while I was there was to visit a building
that they have turned into a museum of the terror that occurred
when the Soviet Union reoccupied Latvia at the end of World War
II. And they were very clear on the challenges that they
continue to have with Russian influence in Latvia, and the
population that still identifies with Russia. So, I wonder if
you could talk about the kinds of threats that Latvia faces for
Russia, and what you can do, as Ambassador, to work with them
to help Latvia address those concerns.
Mr. Carwile. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
You are absolutely right. As a front-line state, and given
its history, which is very well known in last century, Latvia
is very much aware of what was then the Soviet Union's threat
to them, and now the Russian threat. And Russia would like
nothing better than to break not only the strong relationship
that we have with them, but also with NATO and the other
Western democracies. So, we work closely with Latvia now, on a
bilateral and also a regional or through NATO basis. The--one
of the important things is to increase media literacy in the
country. I do not know if you had the opportunity to visit the
STRATCOM Center of Excellence and also the Baltic Media Center
of Excellence. Those are two efforts that we are intimately
involved in. We--there are also a number of Embassy programs
that are run to try to bring truth, as it were, to the areas,
mostly in the east, that are largely ethnic Russians to sort of
counter that malign Russian influence. It is no secret that the
Russians have very high-quality TV programming that is beamed
into there. So, it is a difficult sort of message/counter-
message that needs to be done, but that is done. And, if I were
confirmed, it would be done by more active engagement, which
former Ambassador Pettit was very good at. But, those are the
sorts of programs, whether it is in schools, whether it is with
individual servicemen and women who come. And there is a lot of
on-the-ground programs that are in process.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I did have a chance to
visit the media effort that has been underway, and I thought it
was a good example for us, in the United States, as we think
about, How do we counter the Russian threat of disinformation
in the U.S.?
And continuing on the concern about Russian influence in
the Balkans, as opposed to the Baltics, where I think there are
also reasons to be concerned, Mr. Godfrey, there is a report in
the media today about the Serbian leader, Vucic, who is
thanking the Russians for their delivery of 10 armored patrol
vehicles, part of a promised supply of 30 tanks and 30
reconnaissance vehicles. And that is on top of 10 armored
vehicles that have come to Serbia. And I think there are two
reasons to be concerned about this. One is because of the
obvious effort of Russia, the continued influence what happens
in Serbia, but also the concerns that it raises among the other
nations in the Balkans about--that harken back to the wars of
the '90s and Serbia's role during that period. So, I wonder if
you can talk about what you could do, as Ambassador, to help
keep Serbia moving along the trajectory that they have been on
to join the EU and to look West, as opposed to looking back to
Russia?
Mr. Godfrey. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
And I am very sorry I did not get a chance to welcome you
in Russia when I was there. That was not up to me, though.
Senator Shaheen. Yes, I was disappointed. Senator Johnson
and I were both disappointed that I was not allowed in.
Mr. Godfrey. That is--that was a disappointment.
But, you are exactly right, Senator, our goals for the
Western Balkans and Russia's do not align. The United States
aligns with Serbia's own goals for supporting Serbia's Western
integration. And Russia opposes Western integration and sows
friction and distrust. And it is a real challenge. So, our goal
is to model for the Serbians, to encourage, with Serbians and
with the European Union, their further work towards Western
integration. And, as I said in my statement, that includes
normalization of its ties with Kosovo.
Senator Shaheen. Can you go into a little more detail about
the efforts in Kosovo? I can remember when the first
negotiations were looking like they were going to reach a
positive outcome, hearing that Russia worked very hard to keep
that from happening, and yet Serbia and Kosovo both moved
forward despite that. So, can you talk about what the potential
is to reduce tensions and to actually find a permanent
resolution to the situation between Serbia and Kosovo?
Mr. Godfrey. Yes, of course.
We are working hard on this with our European partners, and
it is, of course, America's goal that Serbia continues along
this path. And we are working, both in Pristina and in Belgrade
and in Washington and with our colleagues in Brussels and--
thank you--with this committee, to find ways to model, for both
the Serbians and the Kosovars, ways to resume these
negotiations, to step back from these really counterproductive
steps that both sides have taken. Both sides need this. And it
will take both sides to move it forward. And it is our job,
together with the Europeans, to make this happen.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I really appreciate that. I
think that Serbia's role in the Western Balkans is very
important. They represent a very important country as we think
about the future. And I think it is important to encourage them
to resolve differences and to help them continue to look West,
as opposed to East. And I think the United States role in doing
that is going to be very important.
Ms. Mustafa, first of all, congratulations on being the
first Kurdish-American appointed to an ambassadorship.
Ms. Mustafa. Thank you very much.
Senator Shaheen. We especially appreciate the relationship
that the U.S. has had with the Kurds.
As you look at the challenges that faces--face Bulgaria,
obviously one of those is the potential for Russia interference
in Bulgaria, as well. The efforts of Bulgaria to address
corruption and some of their other challenges offer fertile
ground for Russia to try and exploit some of the corruption,
economic insecurity, political volatility that exists there.
So, can you talk about how, as Ambassador, you can work with
the Bulgarians to address that?
Ms. Mustafa. Yes, definitely, thank you. It is a very
important question.
Rule of law is a long-term, multifaceted, and challenging
process, and I know that Bulgaria has passed constitutional
amendments, and that there is an anti-corruption commission.
But, more needs to be done. In 2017, the State Department
established a Resident Legal Advisor's Office in Embassy Sofia,
and I think strengthening that office is extremely important.
The State Department also sends participants to the
International Law Enforcement Academy. Thank you for your
support on that. That has been truly tremendous and very----
Senator Shaheen. It is very impressive.
Ms. Mustafa [continuing]. Yes. Yes.
And so, as Ambassador, if confirmed, I will continue these
efforts, as well as efforts to engage civil society and to
speak publicly about the importance of reform. I think that is
very important to do from the top.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
And if I can ask one more question, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Johnson. Absolutely.
Senator Shaheen. Finally, Ms. McKee, obviously you talked
about the importance of Southeast Asia and our role there. As
we look at other potential adversaries of the United States,
China's influence in Asia is growing, and it is important for
us to provide, I think, a counterweight to that. Can you talk
about the ways in which you see working on that, if you are
confirmed?
Ms. McKee. Thank you very much, Senator, for the question.
It is an important one.
Countering China, I prefer to characterize it as providing
alternatives and options. And one of the ways----
Senator Shaheen. I like that characterization.
Ms. McKee [continuing]. Thank you. One of the ways, I
think, that is important, and that I mentioned in my statement,
is to increase our presence and demonstrate and follow through
with our commitment with concrete deliverables so that
alternative models of financing, infrastructure investment,
attractive playing field for the private sector, and other
alternatives to state-led options that China provides, is what
I would aim for. I would deepen our work to demonstrate that
commitment, advance human rights and other things that I
believe we share, in terms of values and principles, with these
Pacific Island nations. And, through this amplified presence
and demonstrated commitment, I believe the United States would
serve as the partner of choice for these countries.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
The vote has been called, so if you want to head on down.
Let me follow up with you, Ms. McKee. What investments or
what activity has China been engaged in in that region?
Ms. McKee. Thank you for the question, sir.
I cannot give you specifics for the three countries. I am
not there on the ground yet. However, I do know that they--that
there are some debt financing and infrastructure deals on the
table for those countries, for the three Pacific Island
nations. What----
Senator Johnson. So, they have not been concluded yet?
Ms. McKee [continuing]. Some of them have not been
concluded yet. We hear a lot of deals being discussed coming
out of the Belt and Road forum. But, for them to materialize, I
think it would be very important for us to make sure that those
countries, if they are going to enter into negotiations, have
sound economic advice and adhere to the importance of
transparency and clarity as they come to the negotiation table.
Senator Johnson. I do get the sense that, as other nations
are looking at the results of some of these other, you know,
no-strings-attached investments--and it is not ``no strings,''
there is chains attached to them--they are becoming a little
bit more wary. So, I like, also, your typification of providing
an alternative and, I would argue, the best alternative.
Mr. Godfrey, I think you are aware that I have been engaged
pretty in-depth with Serbia and Kosovo. Three trips there. I
have met repeatedly, in other forums back here in the U.S.,
with both President Vucic and Thaci and the Foreign and Prime
Minister. It is disappointing that we have not made progress
there. There have been, as you say, actions taken on both sides
which have not been helpful.
In my most recent meetings with both sides--you talked
about the EU-led negotiations--there was a real plea for
greater U.S. involvement. Is that something that you are aware
that the State Department, this administration, is willing to
engage in, become--provide more of a leadership role in trying
to hammer out an agreement, as opposed to what we have been
stating--it think it is been valid, too--giving them the space,
let the parties come to an agreement?
Mr. Godfrey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you for
your leadership on this issue. It has been very important. And
I hope it will continue to be.
We are disappointed that there has not been more progress.
And your leadership has been part--has been an important part
of the United States stepping up more. And I suggest that
Acting Assistant Secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs
Reeker's recent meeting with the Foreign Minister, when he was
here in Washington to attend the Ministerial for International
Religious Freedom, was a good step in that direction, as well.
It is an EU process. They own it. It is Western
integration, with a goal of EU membership. There are ways that
we can make it more attractive. And, if confirmed, I will
continue to pursue them. We have important assistance programs
that are about choice, making clear that the Serbians
understand where their goals and their own pursuits lie. And
very often that is in opposition or at least not together with
where the Russians want them to head. But, as I said earlier,
sir, it has got to be something to--for it to be a durable
solution, the parties have to own it, and they have to work it
out.
Senator Johnson. I agree. You know, there is a window of
opportunity. I do not know how long that window stays open.
But, you know, windows can close, as well. So, I am assuming
this is the top priority. I think you stated that in your
testimony. So, I would like to do everything I can to work with
you, the State Department, this administration to try and take
advantage of this moment in time.
Mr. Godfrey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Johnson. Ms. Mustafa, just quick general-interest
question. Did your parents emigrate here into the U.S.?
Ms. Mustafa. So, we came as refugees.
Senator Johnson. Okay. From where? From Iraq?
Ms. Mustafa. From Erbil, in Iraq.
Senator Johnson. Okay.
Ms. Mustafa. Yes. And we landed in Minot, North Dakota. So,
that is where we grew up.
Senator Johnson. An interesting place to land.
Ms. Mustafa. Yes, exactly.
Senator Johnson. Well, I am glad you did. And again, you
have taken, really, advantage of the situation, and I really
commend you for that.
Ms. Mustafa. Thank you.
Senator Johnson. Russian interference is pervasive
throughout Eastern Europe. As Ambassador, really, what is your
primary counter to that in working with the Bulgarians?
Ms. Mustafa. This, I go back to the three C's:
Connectivity, Collaboration, and as well as Corruption. But, on
connectivity, we have to be visible. The Russians are very
visible in these areas. And, for us, we have to be visible not
only as Ambassadors, but also as the U.S. government. And this
is where, again, working with you, if confirmed, and other
Members of Congress, being present in Bulgaria, I think, is
very important to demonstrate our support, to strengthen the
links with the West on all of those various fronts.
Senator Johnson. China has been surprisingly active in
Eastern, Southeastern European countries. What is the level of
activity in Bulgaria?
Ms. Mustafa. The Bulgarians have politically good ties with
the Chinese, and they are interested in greater economic ties.
And so, this, for me, will obviously be a focus. They do not
yet have the level of commercial investment, as they do in
other parts, but this is an area to watch very closely.
Senator Johnson. Well, as Ms. McKee suggests, show them a
better alternative.
Ms. Mustafa. Yes.
Senator Johnson. And again, now, Serbia--I mean,
Bulgaria--both--the economic future of those countries lies
with the West, with the EU, with America. Russia offers
nothing, other than gas and destabilization and false
propaganda. So, I wish you well there.
Mr. Carwile, I am certainly concerned about Russian
aggression into Georgia, Crimea, Eastern Ukraine. I think we
all worry about some move, if we do not show the strength/
resolve, into one of the Baltic states. You know, we have the
air patrols there. We have more of a forward presence. Anything
else you think we should do? I am assuming you support all
those efforts?
Mr. Carwile. Thank you for the question, Senator.
Yes, of course. I think the United States is very
supportive of the--you mentioned the advanced forward-presence
posts that are led by the Canadians there, and we supply
regional support from Warsaw, from Poland, on that. So, we
already have a robust, sort of, presence there, with rotation
of a lot of NATO forces. We also have some American servicemen
and -women that there on a semi-permanent basis for rotary air
support. And there is also a long-time, since 1991,
relationship with the Michigan National Guard. So, these are
the sorts of things that--for the American military presence
there, but also, more broadly, in NATO.
Senator Johnson. Okay. Well, thank you, Mr. Carwile.
I do have to go vote. Take the fact that other Senators did
not show up as a vote of confidence. I mean, I am--I mean that
with all sincerity. Take a look at all of your backgrounds. You
are very well suited, very well qualified, you will represent
America well.
Again, I congratulate you for your nomination, wish you
well. Again, thank you and your families. It is obvious in the
testimony there have been a lot of sacrifices during your
careers. We truly do appreciate that. So, we wish you well.
The hearing record will remain open for statements or
questions until the close of business on Thursday, August 1st.
This hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:15 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
----------
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to John Leslie Carwile by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Latvia has long been a gateway for dirty Russian money to
enter Europe. How has Latvia strengthened its anti-money laundering
laws and more importantly, its enforcement of those laws, since the
sanctioning and collapse of ABLV? What are the biggest money laundering
risks in Latvia today?
Answer. As a regional financial center with a large number of
commercial banks and a sizeable non-resident deposit base, Latvia
remains vulnerable to money laundering and terrorist financing. Latvia
has indeed been home to several significant money laundering scandals
over the past several years. U.S. concerns about money laundering in
Latvia and its impact on U.S.-Latvian priorities were illustrated
clearly in former U.S. Ambassador to Latvia Nancy Pettit's December 9,
2018 Op-Ed in Latvian media entitled ``Let's Talk About Corruption,''
which included not only specific concerns about corruption and money
laundering in Latvia, but provided specific recommendations on how to
address shortfalls in Latvia's judicial, law enforcement, banking, and
political sectors.
The current Latvian government--led by Prime Minister Krisjanis
Karins--has clearly prioritized addressing money laundering. His
cabinet has introduced and secured passage of legislation that
downsizes Latvia's non-resident banking sector, strengthens anti-money
laundering authorities and capabilities, and reforms supervisory and
regulatory authorities. These are all important and strong positive
steps and to the extent possible, if confirmed, I will provide support
for these efforts.
Question. What are the most recent efforts by Treasury to engage
Latvia on money laundering issues? Please provide a full list of the
anti-money laundering recommendations Treasury has given Latvia and
Treasury's assessment of Latvia's progress on those recommendations.
Please do not simply refer us to Treasury in your response.
Answer. In cooperation with U.S. Embassy Riga, the U.S. Departments
of State and Treasury have engaged extensively over the past several
years to encourage the government of Latvia to reform and enhance its
legislative authorities, regulatory controls, judiciary, and
transparency in order to combat this critical vulnerability. The U.S.
Embassy and U.S. departments and agencies have also facilitated
assistance, training, and seminars to improve Latvian government and
regulator capabilities and knowledge on anticorruption and anti-money
laundering. The Department of Treasury has regularly engaged Latvian
leadership on money laundering issues, including a July 10 meeting
between Secretary of Treasury Steven Mnuchin and Latvian Prime Minister
Krisjanis Karins. Department of Treasury Assistant Secretary Marshall
Billingslea has also traveled to Riga on several occasions to discuss
money laundering with Latvian officials, including as recently as May
2019.
If confirmed, I will continue to support this close partnership and
engage government officials, private sector contacts, and civil society
representatives on this critical international security issue. I will
prioritize engaging Department of Treasury leadership as soon as
possible to coordinate on money laundering issues, including on
Department of Treasury recommendations to the Latvian government.
Question. Money laundering, particularly by sanctioned entities,
remains a major threat to our security and combatting it must be a
priority in foreign policy. How have Latvia's anti-money laundering
efforts factored into discussions of U.S. programming in Latvia?
Answer. As exhibited in former U.S. Ambassador to Latvia Nancy
Pettit's December 9, 2018 Op-Ed in Latvian media entitled ``Let's Talk
About Corruption,'' the United States understands the full scope of the
threat posed by money laundering. Beyond domestic impact, ``money
laundering makes Latvia vulnerable to malign external actors who aim to
undermine Latvia's independence and democratic principles by pursuing
an agenda that threatens national resilience, undermines confidence in
Latvia's government and regulators, and weakens economic and security
ties.'' The government of Latvia is making impressive strides advancing
important anticorruption reforms and legislation, including related to
Latvia's banking sector. Nonetheless, money laundering remains a major
vulnerability in Latvia, meaning continued implementation and further
structural changes are required to sustain progress.
As noted, the U.S. Embassy and U.S. departments and agencies have
facilitated assistance, training, and seminars to improve Latvian
government and regulator capabilities and knowledge on anticorruption
and anti-money laundering. If confirmed, I will continue to prioritize
anticorruption and money laundering-focused programs as an essential
part of U.S. assistance, public diplomacy efforts, and other
programming to Latvia.
Question. I understand that the State Department is considering
adding Latvia to the European Recapitalization Incentive Program
(ERIP). What is the status of discussions with Latvia regarding ERIP,
particularly regarding its bidding laws that could preclude it from
purchasing American equipment? If confirmed, how will you specifically
incorporate anti-money laundering measures into conversations with
Latvia regarding ERIP?
Answer. Discussions are ongoing between the Department of State and
U.S. European Command regarding a round two of the European
Recapitalization Incentive Program (ERIP). No funding decisions have
been made thus far, but Latvia is under consideration as a participant,
along with other European partners in the region. All such discussions
take into consideration relevant and applicable foreign country laws
and regulations. Addressing money laundering is among the U.S.
government's highest bilateral policy priorities with Latvia. If
confirmed, I will ensure that money laundering issues continue to be
taken into account in major policy discussions and decisions related to
Latvia.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. From 2002-2006, I worked with the Northern Ireland Policing
Board and engaged with political parties and community groups to
demonstrate the United States' deep support for community-based
policing in Northern Ireland--a critical component of the Good Friday
Agreement and necessary to sustain support for the continuing peace
process. The Board recognized my efforts when I departed Belfast in
2006. I also regularly engaged with non-governmental community groups
in areas affected by paramilitary activities to demonstrate the United
States' strong commitment to help communities come to terms with the
legacies of the past and to live free from intimidation and violence.
As the Deputy Chief of Mission in Kathmandu, Nepal from 2013-2016, I
oversaw Embassy efforts to support and protect Tibetan refugees
resident in the country, as well as to reduce trafficking in persons,
especially vulnerable women and children, and to encourage the
government of Nepal to prosecute traffickers and protect and
rehabilitate survivors.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Latvia? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. Latvia is a strong partner on advancing shared values and
principles on human rights issues. However, according to the U.S.
Department of State's 2018 Human Rights Report (the latest available),
Latvia still faces democracy and human rights challenges, such as
large-scale corruption and widespread intolerance and serious
discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and
intersex (LGBTI) persons. U.S. concerns regarding corruption in Latvia
were exhibited perhaps most clearly in former U.S. Ambassador to Latvia
Nancy Pettit's December 9, 2018 Op-Ed in Latvian media entitled `Let's
Talk About Corruption,' which included not only specific concerns about
corruption and money laundering in Latvia, but provided specific
recommendations on how to address shortfalls in Latvia's judicial, law
enforcement, banking, and political sectors.
If confirmed, I will engage Latvian government and parliament
officials, regulatory bodies, and nongovernmental and civil society
organizations to promote human rights issues, encourage accountability
on corruption and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms for
Latvia's LGBTI community, as well as other marginalized populations. I
will also prioritize engagement with Latvian government, parliament,
judicial, regulatory, and civil society officials on to promote efforts
and programs that reduce corruption.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Latvia? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. Latvia is a vibrant democracy with resilient institutions,
established respect for rule of law, and a free press. The government
has effective mechanisms to investigate and punish abuse and
corruption. Latvian law provides criminal penalties for corruption.
Nonetheless, corruption remains an endemic problem, which has led to a
widespread belief that that high-level officials are seen as enjoying
impunity from corruption. If confirmed, I will prioritize engagement
with Latvian officials on promoting democracy, good governance, and
anticorruption reforms, measures, and programs.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. If confirmed, I will leverage the full range of U.S.
assistance programs to promote good governance, democracy, and human
rights in Latvia. Latvia is already included in regional Department of
State assistance programming that--among other objectives--strengthens
civil society and promotes rule of law. We also collaborate with
Latvian institutions through the Emerging Donor Challenge Fund to
advance democracy and rule of law in Ukraine and Central Asian
countries.
Corruption remains one of the largest threats to good governance
and democracy in Latvia. The Department of State's Bureau of
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) includes
Latvia in a regional anti-corruption program designed to strengthen its
capacity to identify, investigate, and prosecute corruption and advance
related institutional reforms. The program aims to improve the
investigation of corruption and financial crimes, the functioning of
anticorruption institutions, judicial accountability mechanisms, and
asset forfeiture and recovery processes. If confirmed, I will work to
continue these beneficial assistance programs and provide strong
support for niche technical assistance to Latvia to more effectively
tackle corruption and prevent the country's financial institutions from
serving as platforms for the financing of transnational organized crime
and terrorism.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to engaging with
democratically-oriented members of the opposition?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I pledge to engage a range of Latvian
political parties and politicians to strengthen bilateral ties and
promote U.S. interests and objectives in Latvia.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Latvia? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to meet with civil society
members and representatives of human rights and other non-governmental
organizations in the United States and in Latvia. I will engage Latvian
government and parliament officials and regulatory bodies to address
concerns regarding any undue restrictions or penalties imposed upon
non-government organizations and civil society groups.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I commit to engage a range of Latvian
political parties and politicians to strengthen bilateral ties and
promote U.S. interests and objectives in Latvia. I will continue U.S.
Embassy Riga efforts to promote democracy and good governance
initiatives, including free and fair political systems. I will advocate
among Latvian government officials, political parties, and civil
society groups for access and inclusivity for women, members of
minorities, and youth, including by advancing and implementing the
objectives articulated in the June 2019 U.S. Strategy on Women, Peace,
and Security.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Latvia on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Latvia?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will engage with Latvian government
officials, media groups, and civil society to ensure continued respect
for press freedoms. I will also continue U.S. Embassy Riga's
established practice of meeting with independent Latvian press groups
and bodies.
Latvia is a vibrant democracy with resilient institutions and a
free press. If confirmed, I pledge to enhance U.S. and Latvian
partnership to strengthen independent media, including working with
civil society and non-governmental organizations such as the Baltic
Center for Media Excellence.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. Yes. The United States and Latvia recognize that the
Kremlin attempts to undermine transatlantic unity, sow discord, and
weaken democratic institutions and governments, including through
employing malign influence campaigns to pursue these goals. The United
States and Latvia work together closely to identify and expose Russian
disinformation and other malign influence tactics not only in Latvia,
but also throughout the world. The United States and Latvia concur that
a well-informed citizenry is key to the strength of democratic
institutions, and work together on efforts to strengthen civil society,
combat corruption, and promote media literacy. One of the best defenses
against disinformation is a free, pluralistic, and transparent news
media environment, which is why the United States and Latvia work in
partnership to strengthen independent media.
If confirmed, I will also continue to support cooperation with and
assistance to Latvia and the other Baltic states--among our most
knowledgeable and capable Allies on this threat--to combat Russian
malign influence across all sectors. I will expand U.S. Embassy
cooperation with organizations in Latvia that address malign influence
threats--such as the NATO Strategic Communications Center of Excellence
and the Baltic Center for Media Excellence. I will also promote
exchange programs so that U.S., Latvian, and other experts can better
share knowledge, lessons learned, and innovative ideas on how to
address these threats.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
Latvia on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. Freedom of association and the right to collective
bargaining are key elements of labor rights. If confirmed, I will
actively engage on these issues and encourage adherence to these
practices among independent trade unions.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Latvia, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do the
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in
Latvia? What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ people in
Latvia?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will commit to defending the human
rights and dignity of all people in Latvia, no matter their sexual
orientation or gender identity. According to the U.S. Department of
State's 2018 Human Rights Report (the latest available), lesbian, gay,
bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) persons continue to face
widespread intolerance and discrimination in Latvia. U.S. Embassy Riga
has prioritized protecting the human rights and fundamental freedoms of
LGBTI persons. If confirmed, I pledge to uphold and expand these
efforts. I will engage Latvian government and parliament officials,
regulatory bodies, and nongovernmental and civil society organizations
to uphold basic freedoms, human rights and dignity of all individuals
in Latvia, including members of Latvia's LGBTI community.
Question. If a foreign person or government approaches you or a
staffer at the embassy with derogatory information on a U.S. political
figure, what is your understanding of official State Department policy
on how to handle it? In the wake of President Trump's comments
welcoming such information, it is important that the State Department
have clear guidance for all of its personnel on how to deal with such
scenarios. Has a cable with clear guidance on how to handle this
situation been sent to all U.S. embassies?
Answer. Pursuant to Foreign Affairs Manual Chapter 12, Section
262--`Security Awareness and Contact Reporting'--U.S. Department of
State policy mandates that all employees and contractors report any
contact that prompts concern that he or she may be the target of actual
or attempted exploitation by a foreign entity. At the embassy, any such
contact must be reported as soon as possible to the embassy's Regional
Security Officer. Cleared U.S. employees are required to take annual
training ``EX 250 Annual Counter Intelligence Awareness,'' which
reviews these reporting requirements pursuant to the Foreign Affairs
Manual Chapter 12, Section 262. The Department has sent cables to all
diplomatic and consular posts with clear guidance about this training
and reporting requirement, in addition to Department Notices
distributed domestically.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. Yes. I agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration is wholly
inappropriate. If confirmed, I will maintain a policy of no tolerance
for retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited personnel practices
at U.S. Embassy Riga. I will hold U.S. Embassy Riga employees
accountable to the highest standards in accordance with applicable law,
rules, and regulations on anti-discrimination and prohibited personnel
practices, including the Notification and Federal Employee
Antidiscrimination and Retaliation Act of 2002, as amended.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. No. I take the issues of sexual harassment, discrimination,
and inappropriate conduct with the utmost seriousness and throughout my
career, I have immediately addressed any issues raised to me in
accordance with the Department of State's policies. To my knowledge, I
have never been named as a responsible management official in a formal
or informal complaint of harassment or discrimination.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. I take the issues of sexual harassment, discrimination, and
inappropriate conduct with the utmost seriousness and throughout my
career, I have immediately addressed any issues raised to me in
accordance with the Department of State's policies, including
encouraging any employee who feels they have been harassed or
discriminated against to report such behavior to any supervisor under
my management or the Department's Office of Civil Rights.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to John Leslie Carwile by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. From 2002-2006, I worked with the Northern Ireland Policing
Board and engaged with political parties and community groups to
demonstrate the United States' deep support for community-based
policing in Northern Ireland--a critical component of the Good Friday
Agreement and necessary to sustain support for the continuing peace
process. The Board recognized my efforts when I departed Belfast in
2006. I also regularly engaged with non-governmental community groups
in areas affected by paramilitary activities to demonstrate the United
States' strong commitment to help communities come to terms with the
legacies of the past and to live free from intimidation and violence.
As the Deputy Chief of Mission in Kathmandu, Nepal from 2013-2016, I
oversaw Embassy efforts to support and protect Tibetan refugees
resident in the country, as well as to reduce trafficking in persons,
especially vulnerable women and children, and to encourage the
government of Nepal to prosecute traffickers and protect and
rehabilitate survivors.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Latvia?
What are the most important steps you expect to take--if confirmed--to
promote human rights and democracy in Latvia? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Latvia is a strong partner on advancing shared values and
principles on human rights. However, according to the U.S. Department
of State's 2018 Human Rights Report (the latest available), Latvia
still faces human rights challenges, such as large-scale corruption and
widespread intolerance and serious discrimination against lesbian, gay,
bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) persons. If confirmed, I
will engage Latvian government and parliament officials, regulatory
bodies, and nongovernmental and civil society organizations to promote
human rights, encourage accountability on corruption, and protect human
rights and fundamental freedoms for Latvia's LGBTI community, as well
as other marginalized populations.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Latvia in advancing
human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage Latvian government officials,
regulatory bodies, parliamentarians, and nongovernmental and civil
society organizations to promote human rights, encourage accountability
on corruption, and uphold basic freedoms, human rights, and dignity of
all people in Latvia, including Latvia's LGBTI community. A particular
challenge highlighted in the U.S. Department of State 2018 Human Rights
Report are widespread allegations of corruption in Latvia's judicial
system. If confirmed, I pledge to enhance engagement with Latvia's
Ministry of Justice and across other ministries and law enforcement and
regulatory agencies to advance critical anticorruption reforms in
Latvia's judiciary. More generally, U.S. Embassy Riga has prioritized
promoting anticorruption reforms and protecting the human rights and
fundamental freedoms of LGBTI persons, and if confirmed, I pledge to
support and expand these efforts.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Latvia? If confirmed, what steps will you
take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will engage with civil society and
non-governmental organizations across the United States and in Latvia
on a wide array of human rights. I will also ensure vetting procedures
for U.S. assistance to Latvian security forces are implemented
consistent with U.S. law.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Latvia to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise
unjustly targeted by Latvia?
Answer. Latvia is a strong partner sharing our values and
principles on human rights. There are no reported cases of political
prisoners or people unjustly targeted by Latvia. If such reports become
known in the future, I will engage Latvian government officials,
regulatory bodies, parliamentarians, and nongovernmental and civil
society organizations to address them.
Question. Will you engage with Latvia on matters of human rights,
civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will engage Latvian officials on
promoting democracy, respect for rule of law, human rights, the
important role of civil society, and good governance practices,
measures, and programs.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to comply with all relevant federal
ethics laws, regulations, and rules, and to raise any concerns that
arise through appropriate and applicable channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to comply with all relevant federal
ethics laws, regulations, and rules, and to raise any concerns that
arise through appropriate and applicable channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Latvia?
Answer. My investment portfolio includes funds, which may hold
interests in companies with a presence in Latvia, but which are exempt
from the conflict of interest laws. My investment portfolio also
includes financial interests in individual companies that may maintain
a presence in Latvia. I am committed to ensuring that my official
actions will not give rise to a conflict of interest, will divest my
interests in any companies the State Department Ethics Office deems
necessary to avoid a conflict of interest on my part, and will remain
vigilant with regard to my ethics obligations.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. I fully support a diverse workforce. Diversity advances and
illustrates American values and improves work environments by
facilitating new perspectives, and visions. Increasing diversity
fosters an inclusive workplace and promotes exchange of new ideas and
innovating thinking. I advocate for workplaces that reflect the rich
diversity of the United States. If confirmed, I will promote a
workplace that encourages tolerance, respect, collaboration, and
inclusion.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. Diversity and inclusion must be a focus area for Embassy
planning and leadership. If confirmed, I will foster a positive work
environment by instituting diversity and inclusion as priority
objectives in Embassy strategy and planning documents. I will also
promote diversity and inclusion as focal points in my first meetings
with Embassy leadership. If confirmed, I will underscore that our
policies and outcomes are improved by drawing on inclusive, diverse
teams with a breadth of experiences and perspectives. I will also
communicate strongly the Department's EEO policies in my mission and
ensure they are followed.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in Latvia
specifically?
Answer. Latvia is a vibrant democracy with resilient institutions,
established respect for rule of law, and a free press. The government
has effective mechanisms to investigate and punish abuse and
corruption. Latvian law provides criminal penalties for corruption.
Nonetheless, corruption remains an endemic problem, which has led to a
widespread perception that high-level officials are seen as enjoying
impunity from corruption. U.S. concerns regarding corruption in Latvia
were exhibited perhaps most clearly in former U.S. Ambassador to Latvia
Nancy Pettit's December 9, 2018 Op-Ed in Latvian media entitled ``Let's
Talk About Corruption,'' which included not only our specific concerns
about corruption and money laundering in Latvia, but provided specific
recommendations on how to address shortfalls in Latvia's judicial, law
enforcement, banking, and political sectors. If confirmed, I will
prioritize engagement with Latvian officials on promoting
anticorruption reforms, measures, and programs.
The Department's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement Affairs (INL) includes Latvia in a regional anti-corruption
program designed to build resilience to Russian malign influence among
justice sector partners by strengthening their capacity to identify,
investigate, and prosecute corruption and advance related institutional
reforms. Including work through the Department of Justice's Office for
Prosecutorial Development and Training (OPDAT), the program aims to
improve the investigation of corruption and financial crimes, the
functioning of anticorruption institutions, judicial accountability
mechanisms, and asset forfeiture and recovery processes. If confirmed,
I will continue to promote the inclusion of Latvia in this important
program.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Latvia
and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. The government of Latvia is making impressive strides
advancing important anticorruption reforms and legislation, including
related to Latvia's banking sector. Nonetheless, corruption remains an
endemic problem, meaning continued implementation and further
structural changes are required to sustain progress. U.S. concerns were
exhibited clearly in former U.S. Ambassador to Latvia Nancy Pettit's
December 9, 2018 Op-Ed in Latvian media entitled `Let's Talk About
Corruption,' which included not only our specific concerns about
corruption and money laundering in Latvia, but provided specific
recommendations on how to address shortfalls in Latvia's judicial, law
enforcement, banking, and political sectors.
The current Latvian government--led by Prime Minister Krisjanis
Karins--has clearly prioritized addressing money laundering, an
important step. His cabinet has introduced and secured passage of
legislation that downsizes Latvia's non-resident banking sector,
strengthens anti-money laundering authorities and capabilities, and
reforms supervisory and regulatory authorities. These are all important
and strong positive steps. Nonetheless, significant work remains to be
done. If confirmed, I will continue to engage Latvian government,
parliament, judicial, regulatory, and civil society officials on this
important issue to ensure the country reduces corruption.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in Latvia?
Answer. In cooperation with U.S. Embassy Riga, the U.S. Departments
of State and Treasury have engaged extensively over the past several
years to encourage the government of Latvia to reform and enhance its
legislative authorities, regulatory controls, judiciary, and
transparency in order to combat corruption and money laundering
threats. The U.S. Embassy and U.S. departments and agencies have also
facilitated assistance, training, and seminars to improve Latvian
government and regulator capabilities and knowledge on anticorruption
and anti-money laundering.
If confirmed, I will continue these programs and U.S. Embassy
Riga's engagement with officials in the Latvian government, parliament,
regulatory bodies, and civil society to support good governance and
anticorruption practices and principles. Through exchanges such as the
International Visitor Leadership Program and other public diplomacy
programs, I will also deepen and expand our engagement with Latvia on
ways to promote transparency and respect for rule of law. I will
provide my strong support for technical assistance to Latvia to more
effectively tackle corruption and prevent the country's financial
institutions from serving as platforms for the financing of
transnational organized crime and terrorism.
Question. How do you assess the development of Latvia's security
capabilities in the context of the long-term security challenges it
faces in the region? Does Latvia have what it needs to defend against
Russian disinformation and propaganda?
Answer. Latvia is a stalwart Ally and close friend of the United
States. We cooperate closely on regional and global security issues.
The Latvian government has made clear that it views NATO Article 5 as
the bedrock of its security. Latvia is one of a handful of Allies that
meets its NATO Wales Defense spending pledge. Since 2018, it has spent
two percent of its GDP on defense; over twenty percent of its spending
is focused on major new equipment, research, and development.
The United States and Latvia recognize that the Kremlin attempts to
undermine transatlantic unity, sow discord, and weaken democratic
institutions and governments, including through employing malign
influence campaigns to pursue these goals. We work together closely to
identify and expose Russian disinformation and other malign influence
tactics not only in Latvia, but also throughout the world. The United
States supports regional efforts to counter Russian propaganda and
disinformation with objective, fact-based media, including Russian
language content. The United States and Latvia concur that a well-
informed citizenry is key to the strength of democratic institutions,
and work together on efforts to strengthen civil society, combat
corruption, and promote media literacy.
If confirmed, I will continue to support cooperation with and
assistance to Latvia and the Baltic states--among our most
knowledgeable and capable Allies on this threat--to combat Russian
malign influence.
Question. As Ambassador, will you support the development of NATO
activities in Latvia and encourage stronger partnerships to secure its
territorial integrity?
Answer. Yes. Approximately 1,400 multinational forces are deployed
to Latvia under the Canada-led NATO enhanced Forward Presence (eFP)
battle group, which strengthens NATO deterrence and defense in Latvia.
Other countries contributing to the battle group including Albania,
Czech Republic, Italy, Montenegro, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, and
Spain. The United States, which leads the eFP battle group in Poland,
is a strong supporter of NATO's deterrence and defense efforts on the
Alliance's eastern flank. The United States further supports regional
security by conducting military training and exercises on a periodic
basis in Latvia and the other Baltic states.
The United States also supports the work of the NATO-accredited
Strategic Communications Center of Excellence, which has produced
notable analysis on disinformation and hybrid warfare. U.S. outreach
programs highlight the positive role NATO and the United States play in
Latvia. In the Soldiers in Arms program, a Latvian-American staff
member from the Embassy, who is also a member of the Latvian National
Guard, travels to schools around Latvia with a U.S. or other NATO
service member to dispel negative myths about NATO and educate students
about what NATO does and how Latvia benefits.
If confirmed, I pledge to maintain and expand U.S. support to these
relationships, institutions, and programs.
Question. Given Latvia's already heavy dependence on Russian gas,
do you see the Russian-led Nord Stream 2 pipeline as problematic for
Latvia and the greater Baltic Sea area's energy security?
Answer. Latvia shares our view that Nord Stream 2 would undermine
Europe's energy security, including by providing Russia with another
tool for the political coercion of European countries, especially
Ukraine. Latvia has been outspoken in its opposition to the project.
If confirmed, I look forward to continuing our cooperation with
Latvian officials in opposition to this project.
Question. How would you propose to work with the Latvians to
encourage their energy independence?
Answer. Although Latvia still depends upon Russia for much of its
natural gas, Latvia has taken steps to increase its energy security,
including by developing its energy infrastructure as well as
diversifying its energy supplies. The government continues to work
towards completion of unbundling its gas sector to comply with the EU's
Third Energy Package. Latvia is also taking steps to improve pipeline
access to receive non-Russian gas from other sources.
The United States supports these efforts and works with the
government of Latvia, the EU Commission, and other stakeholders to
encourage progress on Baltic energy security and diversification. If
confirmed, I will continue the Embassy's strong efforts to raise the
profile of this important issue and promote a regional approach to
bolstering energy security.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to John Leslie Carwile by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. To what extent does Latvia's energy dependence pose a
threat to its or the EU's security? In your view, what are the most
effective ways to address energy diversification for Latvia and the
region?
Answer. Although Latvia still depends upon Russia for much of its
natural gas, Latvia has taken steps to increase its energy security,
including by developing its energy infrastructure as well as
diversifying its energy supplies. The government continues to work
towards completion of unbundling its gas sector to comply with the EU's
Third Energy Package. Latvia is also taking steps to improve pipeline
access to receive non-Russian gas from other sources.
The United States supports these efforts and works with the
government of Latvia, the EU Commission, and other stakeholders to
encourage progress on Baltic energy security and diversification. If
confirmed, I will continue the Embassy's strong efforts to raise the
profile of this important issue and promote a regional approach to
bolstering energy security.
Question. As discussed in your hearing, few countries have Latvia's
depth of experience dealing with Russian influence, disinformation and
more aggressive measures. As Ambassador, how would you approach
leveraging the Latvian experience to benefit U.S. efforts to address
Russian interference in our own elections and media environment?
Answer. The United States and Latvia recognize that the Kremlin
attempts to undermine transatlantic unity, sow discord, and weaken
democratic institutions and governments, including through employing
malign influence campaigns to pursue these goals. The United States and
Latvia work together closely to identify and expose Russian
disinformation and other malign influence tactics not only in Latvia,
but also throughout the world. The United States and Latvia concur that
a well-informed citizenry is key to the strength of democratic
institutions, and work together on efforts to strengthen civil society,
combat corruption, and promote media literacy. One of the best defenses
against disinformation is a free, pluralistic, and transparent news
media environment, which is why the United States and Latvia work
together to strengthen independent media.
If confirmed, I will continue to support cooperation with and
assistance to Latvia and the Baltic states--among our most
knowledgeable and capable Allies on this threat--to combat Russian
malign influence across all sectors. I will expand U.S. Embassy
cooperation with organizations in Latvia that address malign influence
threats--such as the NATO Strategic Communications Center of Excellence
and the Baltic Center for Media Excellence. I will also promote
exchange programs so that U.S., Latvian, and other experts are able to
better share knowledge, lessons learned, and innovative ideas on how to
address these threats.
Question. In February 2018, the U.S. Treasury Department sanctioned
ABLV Bank, then the third-largest bank in Latvia, accusing it of
institutionalized money laundering, bribery and facilitating
transactions violating sanctions against North Korea. How would you
assess Latvian government oversight of its banking sector with respect
to transparency and foreign account holders, especially in Russia and
the former Soviet Union? In your view, how does banking sector and
anti-money laundering reform impact U.S. priorities in Latvia? What
assistance is the U.S. Embassy in Riga already providing and what more
should be done?
Answer. As a regional financial center with a large number of
commercial banks and a sizeable non-resident deposit base, Latvia
remains vulnerable to money laundering and terrorist financing. Latvia
has indeed been home to several significant money laundering scandals
over the past several years. U.S. concerns about money laundering in
Latvia and its impact on U.S.-Latvian priorities were illustrated
clearly in former U.S. Ambassador to Latvia Nancy Pettit's December 9,
2018 Op-Ed in Latvian media entitled ``Let's Talk About Corruption,''
which included not only specific concerns about corruption and money
laundering in Latvia, but provided specific recommendations on how to
address shortfalls in Latvia's judicial, law enforcement, banking, and
political sectors.
The current Latvian government--led by Prime Minister Krisjanis
Karins--has clearly prioritized addressing money laundering. His
cabinet has introduced and secured passage of legislation that
downsizes Latvia's non-resident banking sector, strengthens anti-money
laundering authorities and capabilities, and reforms supervisory and
regulatory authorities. These are all important and strong positive
steps. Nonetheless, significant gaps remain. In cooperation with U.S.
Embassy Riga, the U.S. Departments of State and Treasury have engaged
extensively over the past several years to encourage the government of
Latvia to reform and enhance its legislative authorities, regulatory
controls, judiciary, and transparency in order to combat this critical
vulnerability. The U.S. Embassy and U.S. departments and agencies have
also facilitated assistance, training, and seminars to improve Latvian
government and regulator capabilities and knowledge on anticorruption
and anti-money laundering. For instance, the Department of State's
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL)
includes Latvia in a regional anti-corruption program designed to
strengthen its capacity to identify, investigate, and prosecute
corruption and advance related institutional reforms. If confirmed, I
will continue to support this close partnership and engage government
officials, private sector contacts, and civil society representatives
on this critical international security issue.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Erin Elizabeth McKee by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. The promotion of human rights and democracy has been
central throughout my career. Since 1995, I have had the privilege of
serving and representing the United States in eight overseas
assignments, as well as here in Washington, D.C., with the U.S. Agency
for International Development. It has been my honor to serve the
American people and advance our country's interests, promote our values
and principles, and offer host-country nations a model for hope,
security, and prosperity across a variety of diverse contexts. I am
currently serving as the USAID Mission Director to Indonesia and ASEAN,
which I resumed after filling the role of Acting Deputy Chief of
Mission of Embassy Jakarta last year.Throughout my tenure in the
Foreign Service, I have successfully led our interagency and mission
partners to strategically plan and--more importantly--successfully
execute our development and security assistance budgets. With multiple
host-country partners, I have deepened cooperation on human rights and
democracy issues, and on countering violent extremism, trafficking in
persons, anti-corruption, maritime security and law enforcement, and
people-to-people exchanges. In many places where I have served, rule of
law has been key to promoting human rights and democracy as well as to
increasing sustainable economic growth, trade and investment. If
confirmed, I will use my technical background and development expertise
to guide my Country Team as they work on issues affecting Papua New
Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu, and to tackle economic
inequality, poor governance, and underdeveloped capacity, while
furthering American partnerships.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Papua New Guinea? These challenges might
include obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and
institutions, rule of law, authentic political competition, civil
society, human rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as
possible.
Answer. Human rights concerns in Papua New Guinea include security
force abuses; violence and discrimination against women and girls; and
vigilante killings and abuses. Other problems include reports of poor
prison conditions; lengthy pre-trial detention; infringement of privacy
rights, particularly in highland areas; government corruption; abuse
and sexual exploitation of children; trafficking in persons;
discrimination against persons with disabilities; intertribal violence;
and ineffective enforcement of labor laws. Despite minor reforms to the
justice system, the government frequently fails to hold accountable
officials who commit abuses, whether in the security services or
elsewhere in the government. Impunity is pervasive.
In the Solomon Islands, inter-ethnic violence among persons from
different islands has been reduced greatly from previous years, but not
yet eliminated. Gender-based violence and discrimination are prevalent.
Other problems include lengthy pre-trial detention and government
corruption.
Discrimination and violence against women remain the most prominent
human rights issues in Vanuatu. Other problems include excessive use of
force by police, poor prison conditions, arbitrary or unlawful arrests,
an extremely slow judicial process, and government corruption.
Authorities failed at times to maintain effective control over the
security forces.
As part of the Indo-Pacific Transparency Initiative, and in
partnership with like-minded governments, the United States is
prioritizing fiscal transparency and anti-corruption, democracy
assistance, youth and emerging leader development, media and internet
freedom, and fundamental freedoms and human rights.
If confirmed, I will continue to engage government counterparts
regularly on human rights, democracy, and governance issues. I will
promote efforts to counter corruption, empower citizens and civil
society, strengthen institutional capacity, and strengthen respect for
the rule of law.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. Our vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific seeks to ensure
the freedom of the seas and skies, promote market economics, support
good governance, and insulate sovereign nations from external pressure.
The mission objectives of Embassy Port Moresby are already aligned with
this strategy: empowering women in political and economic life,
strengthening democratic institutions, and promoting inclusive and
transparent economic growth. If confirmed, these are the key tenets I
will seek to advance in Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and
Vanuatu through U.S. government assistance.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Papua New Guinea?
Answer. Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu are all
multiparty parliamentary democracies. The United States values the
voice and opinions of civil society and has a long history of engaging
leaders both inside and outside the government. Civil society
organizations have a critical role to play in supporting efforts to
ensure a healthy democracy. If confirmed, I look forward to meeting
with civil society members to hear about their goals and objectives and
to learn how we might work together in areas of common concern and
share best practices. Just as certain groups are underrepresented in
the U.S. political system, in Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands,
and Vanuatu women, indigenous peoples and minority groups are generally
underrepresented in political bodies relative to their proportion of
the population. If confirmed, I would seek opportunities to share our
own experiences in encouraging greater inclusivity, possibly through
U.S. government-sponsored programs.
Question. If confirmed, will you advocate for access and
inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political parties?
Answer. Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu are all
multiparty parliamentary democracies. With no female representation in
the Papua New Guinea Parliament, encouraging women's political
participation is a priority. In advance of the 2017 Parliamentary
elections, Embassy Port Moresby incorporated messaging on the
importance of women's political participation into all of its public
activities. If confirmed, I intend to develop cordial relationships
with members of all political parties in order to better understand
their positions on issues of importance to us and to them, and to
explain U.S. positions and their merits. I view this advocacy role as a
key element of my position as Ambassador.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
Papua New Guinea on the right of labor groups to organize, including
for independent trade unions?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, my Embassy team and I will actively
engage with the governments of Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands,
and Vanuatu, as well as employers and civil society, to promote
internationally recognized worker rights, including freedom of
association. Independent trade unions are one of the fundamental
building blocks for any democratic society and are important partners
for the State Department in many countries. Moreover, ensuring U.S.
trade partners respect internationally recognized worker rights and
adhere to high labor standards promotes a level playing field for U.S.
workers and helps create stronger trading partners for the United
States.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Papua New Guinea,
no matter their sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges
do the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people
face in Papua New Guinea? What specifically will you commit to do to
help LGBTQ people in Papua New Guinea?
Answer. In Papua New Guinea, consensual same-sex sexual relations
and acts of ``gross indecency between males are illegal. The maximum
penalty for same-sex sexual relations is 14 years' imprisonment; for
acts of gross indecency between male persons (a misdemeanor), it is
three years. There were no reports of prosecutions directed at lesbian,
gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex persons under these provisions
during the year. There were reports of societal violence and
discrimination against such persons, and they were vulnerable to
societal stigmatization, which may have led to underreporting.
In the Solomon Islands, ``sodomy'' is illegal, as are ``indecent
practices between persons of the same sex.'' The maximum penalty for
the former is 14 years' imprisonment and for the latter five years.
There were no reports of arrests or prosecutions directed at lesbian,
gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex persons under these provisions
during the year, and authorities generally did not enforce these laws.
There are no specific antidiscrimination laws based on sexual
orientation and gender identity. There were no reports of violence or
discrimination against persons based on sexual orientation or gender
identity, although stigma may hinder some from reporting.
In Vanuatu, there are no laws criminalizing sexual orientation or
same-sex sexual conduct, but there were reports of discrimination and
violence against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or intersex
(LGBTI) persons. LGBTI groups operated freely, but there are no
antidiscrimination laws to protect them. One positive sign for freedom
of association is that in May 2017, the country's first LGBTI advocacy
group officially registered as an NGO.
If confirmed, my team and I will work supportively with all three
governments, non-governmental organizations and other members of civil
society to protect LGBTI persons from violence, criminalization, and
other human rights abuses.
Question. Do you commit to respond promptly to all requests for
information by Members of this committee?
Answer. Yes, I commit to respond promptly to all requests for
information by Members of this committee.
Question. Do you commit to appear before this committee upon
request?
Answer. Yes, I commit to appear before this committee upon request.
Question. If you become aware of any suspected waste, fraud, or
abuse in the Department, do you commit to report it to the Inspector
General?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels, including required reporting to the Office of the
Inspector General.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. No, I am not aware of any formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against me, in a workplace
or any other setting. If confirmed, I will make taking care of my team
and fostering a high-performing, healthy, and secure workplace a
priority, with zero tolerance for misconduct, including sexual
harassment.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. If confirmed, I will make taking care of my team and
fostering a high-performing, healthy, and secure workplace a priority,
with zero tolerance for misconduct, including sexual harassment.
Specific allegations of sexual harassment, discrimination, and
inappropriate conduct are confidential, and in such circumstances I
have immediately addressed any issues raised to me in accordance with
the Department of State's policies, including encouraging any employee
who feels they have been harassed or discriminated against to report
such behavior to any supervisor under my management or the Department's
Office of Civil Rights.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. Yes, I agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government. As a career
member of the Senior Foreign Service and a 24-year veteran of the
federal government, I am keenly aware and respectful of employee
rights, including regarding protected activities. In addition to
ensuring compliance with mandatory training on prohibited personnel
practices and discrimination, if confirmed, I will prioritize taking
care of my team and fostering healthy and secure workplace a priority,
with zero tolerance for discrimination, harassment, retaliation, or
other misconduct.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Erin Elizabeth McKee by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. The promotion of human rights and democracy has been
central throughout my career. Since 1995, I have had the privilege of
serving and representing the United States in eight overseas
assignments, as well as here in Washington, D.C., with the U.S. Agency
for International Development. It has been my honor to serve the
American people and advance our country's interests, promote our values
and principles, and offer host-country nations a model for hope,
security, and prosperity across a variety of diverse contexts. I am
currently serving as the USAID Mission Director to Indonesia and ASEAN,
which I resumed after filling the role of Acting Deputy Chief of
Mission of Embassy Jakarta last year.
Throughout my tenure in the Foreign Service, I have successfully
led our interagency and mission partners to strategically plan and--
more importantly--successfully execute our development and security
assistance budgets. With multiple host-country partners, I have
deepened cooperation on fundamental human rights and democracy issues,
including countering violent extremism, trafficking in persons, anti-
corruption, maritime security and law enforcement, and people-to-people
exchanges. In many places where I have served, reform and rule of law
have been key to promoting human rights and democracy as well as to
increasing sustainable economic growth, trade and investment. If
confirmed, I will use my technical background and development expertise
to guide my Country Team as they work on issues affecting Papua New
Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu, and to tackle economic
inequality, poor governance, and underdeveloped capacity, while
furthering American partnerships.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Papua
New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu? What are the most
important steps you expect to take--if confirmed--to promote human
rights and democracy in Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and
Vanuatu? What do you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Human rights concerns in Papua New Guinea include security
force abuses; violence and discrimination against women and girls; and
vigilante killings and abuses. Other problems include reports of poor
prison conditions; lengthy pre-trial detention; infringement of privacy
rights, particularly in highland areas; government corruption; abuse
and sexual exploitation of children; trafficking in persons;
discrimination against persons with disabilities; intertribal violence;
and ineffective enforcement of labor laws. Despite minor reforms to the
justice system, the government frequently fails to hold accountable
officials who commit abuses, whether in the security services or
elsewhere in the government. Impunity is pervasive.
In the Solomon Islands, inter-ethnic violence among persons from
different islands has been reduced greatly from previous years, but not
yet eliminated. Gender-based violence and discrimination are prevalent.
Other problems include lengthy pre-trial detention and government
corruption.
Discrimination and violence against women remain the most prominent
human rights issues in Vanuatu. Other problems include excessive use of
force by police, poor prison conditions, arbitrary arrests without
warrants, an extremely slow judicial process, and government
corruption. Authorities have failed at times to maintain effective
control over the security forces.
As part of the Indo-Pacific Transparency Initiative, and in
partnership with like-minded governments, the United States is
prioritizing fiscal transparency and anti-corruption, democracy
assistance, youth and emerging leader development, media and internet
freedom, and fundamental freedoms and human rights.
If confirmed, I will continue to engage government counterparts
regularly on human rights, democracy, and governance issues. I will
promote efforts to counter corruption, empower citizens and civil
society, strengthen institutional capacity, and strengthen respect for
the rule of law.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Papua New Guinea,
the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu in advancing human rights, civil
society and democracy in general?
Answer. Corruption at all levels and in all organs of government is
a serious problem due to weak public institutions and governance, lack
of transparency, politicization of the bureaucracy, and misuse of
public resources by officials. Many government agencies lack adequate
resources to fulfill their mandate, including the police,
anticorruption agencies, and human rights bodies. These limitations,
and others, will continue to be a barrier to progress on human rights
in the region.
Papua New Guinea is both a source and destination country for men,
women, and children subjected to sex trafficking, domestic servitude,
and other forms of forced labor in logging and mining camps and on
board fishing vessels. Papua New Guinea has been ranked Tier 3 in the
past two Trafficking in Persons Reports--meaning that the government of
Papua New Guinea is not making significant efforts to meet the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking in the Trafficking Victims
Protection Act. If confirmed, I will work to maintain pressure on the
government of Papua New Guinea to address serious concerns about
trafficking in persons.
Enhancing economic opportunities for women is a key priority of the
United States, as reflected in the White House-led Women's Global
Development and Prosperity (W-GDP) Initiative. The plight of women in
Papua New Guinea is among the worst in the world. Women continue to
face severe inequalities in all aspects of social, cultural, economic,
and political life, and far too many women are subject to gender-based
violence. If confirmed, I will strongly support equality for women and
girls and promote its incorporation into all of the Embassy's work.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and
Vanuatu? If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively support
the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions of U.S.
security assistance and security cooperation activities reinforce human
rights?
Answer. Yes. I am committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society, and other non-governmental organizations in Papua New Guinea,
the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu. Obtaining the views of civil society
is essential in understanding the country conditions, including in
support of democratic institutions and respect for human rights, and
plays a key role in informing and advancing U.S. foreign policy.
Supporting a rules-based and transparent order that advances democratic
governance and empowers civil society is a key goal of the
Administration and is enshrined in our vision for a free and open Indo-
Pacific. If confirmed, I will continue the embassy's strong engagement
with civil society.
Advancing security force accountability and respect for human
rights is a central tenet of United States diplomacy, the Indo-Pacific
Transparency Initiative, and our laws governing security assistance. If
confirmed, I will ensure that the Leahy Law continues to be robustly
implemented in the region and that no U.S. security assistance is
provided to any security force unit where there is credible information
that the unit committed a gross violation of human rights.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with Papua
New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu to address cases of key
political prisoners or persons otherwise unjustly targeted by Papua New
Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu?
Answer. There were no reports of political prisoners or detainees
in Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu in 2018. If
confirmed, I will continue to promote the right of everyone to exercise
their human rights and fundamental freedoms in the region without fear
of reprisal by the government.
Question. Will you engage with Papua New Guinea, the Solomon
Islands, and Vanuatu on matters of human rights, civil rights and
governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will work with Papua New Guinea, the
Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu authorities to engage on matters of human
rights, fundamental freedoms, and governance. I will also seek to
exchange best practices between our governments. Good governance is a
core pillar of the U.S. vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific. As
part of the Indo-Pacific Transparency Initiative, the United States,
with allies and partners, will promote just, transparent, and
responsive governance through anti-corruption efforts while encouraging
strong civil society and honest business practices. We will also
continue to work with regional institutions, including the Pacific
Islands Forum and APEC, to advance these shared goals and principles.
We are committed to working with all Indo-Pacific nations to create
the conditions needed to instill greater attention to the importance of
democracy, transparency, and good governance throughout the region.
Good governance is a core pillar of the American experience and the
U.S. vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific. The United States is
committed to working with Indo-Pacific nations, including Papua New
Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu, to create the conditions
needed to unlock greater private investment, combat corruption, and
secure nations' autonomy from malign foreign influence. We will
continue to promote transparency, openness, rule of law, and the
protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, or
Vanuatu?
Answer. My investment portfolio includes mutual funds that may have
or acquire investments in companies in Papua New Guinea, the Solomon
Islands, or Vanuatu; however, these funds are exempt from the conflict
of interest rules and have been reviewed by the State Department Ethics
Office. I am committed to ensuring that my official actions will not
give rise to a conflict of interest. I will divest my interests in any
investments the State Department Ethics Office deems necessary in the
future to avoid a conflict of interest, and will remain vigilant with
regard to my ethics obligations.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. As Secretary Pompeo has said, we aim to recognize the
diversity of our employees' rich experiences, talent, knowledge, and
personal characteristics. Fostering a culture of inclusion is about
creating a workplace environment in which everyone is treated with
dignity and respect, where each individual is valued and empowered to
thrive. If confirmed, I will draw on the Department's resources for
employees, including those related to work life wellness, resilience,
and employee affinity groups. As the Secretary noted when he introduced
the Department's Professional Ethos Statement on April 26, respect,
responsibility, and accountability are the foundation of everything we
do because our greatest resource is our people.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to create a content and productive
mission by focusing on the safety, security, and personal fulfillment
of my staff, by remaining actively engaged, by extending opportunities
in and out of the mission, and by listening to their needs.
As Secretary Pompeo has said, all employees should feel they work
in a professional, supportive, and teamwork-oriented community where
everyone can contribute to the mission, regardless of position, rank,
grade, or employment status. Ours is a workplace of civility and
respect. In every position that I have served, I ensured that the
highest standards for accountability and integrity were set-and met. If
confirmed, I will make taking care of my team and fostering a high-
performing, healthy, and secure workplace a priority, with zero
tolerance for misconduct, including sexual harassment.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in Papua New
Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu specifically?
Answer. A key tenet of the Indo-Pacific Strategy is to support good
governance, including anti-corruption measures. In November 2018, Vice
President Pence announced the Indo-Pacific Transparency Initiative in
Papua New Guinea. It dedicates $400 million over two years to empower
the Indo-Pacific region's citizens, help combat corruption, and
strengthen nations' sovereignty in order to achieve the goals of sound,
just, and responsive governance.
We are doing so, in partnership with like-minded governments, by
prioritizing fiscal transparency and anti-corruption, democracy
assistance, youth and emerging leader development, media and internet
freedom, and fundamental freedoms and human rights.
In September 2018, USAID initiated a three-year project to advance
citizen-responsive democratic governance in Pacific Island countries,
empower traditionally marginalized stakeholders, promote transparency
and accountability in elections and government, and, where appropriate,
promote regional cooperation to share best practices across the region.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Papua New
Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu and efforts to address and
reduce it by those governments?
Answer. Embassy Port Moresby regularly engages PNG government
officials on the importance of sound, just, and responsive governance
characterized by transparent and rules-based systems, inclusion in
decision-making by civil society partners and marginalized communities,
and strong institutions. The embassy has been a strong force behind PNG
joining the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), which
aims to decrease corruption by making revenues and expenditures in the
extractive sector public information. We also support the participation
of the Solomon Islands in the EITI.
We work with the Solomon Islands through regional institutions that
promote good governance, respect for international law, and
collaboration with international partners. One such organization, the
Pacific Islands Forum Fisheries Agency (FFA), maintains its
headquarters in Honiara, the capital of the Solomon Islands, and
presents an opportunity for the Solomon Islands government to
demonstrate good governance and capable institutional capacity. The
United States' overarching goal is a strong partnership with Vanuatu
based on mutual respect, shared values, and shared concerns on global
issues, including good governance, and transparent and democratic
institutions.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in Papua New Guinea, the
Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu?
Answer. In November 2018, Vice President Pence announced the Indo-
Pacific Transparency Initiative in Papua New Guinea. It dedicates $400
million over two years to empower the Indo-Pacific region's citizens,
help combat corruption, and strengthen nations' sovereignty in order to
achieve the goals of sound, just, and responsive governance.
We are doing so, in partnership with like-minded governments, by
prioritizing fiscal transparency and anti-corruption, democracy
assistance, youth and emerging leader development, media and internet
freedom, and fundamental freedoms and human rights.
In September 2018, USAID initiated a three-year project to advance
citizen-responsive democratic governance in Pacific island countries,
empower traditionally marginalized stakeholders, promote transparency
and accountability in elections and government, and, where appropriate,
promote regional cooperation to share best practices across the region.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Anthony F. Godfrey by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. What is the current U.S. position on Serbia-Kosovo
negotiations? What is the U.S. position on land swaps specifically as
part of a future agreement?
Answer. The United States continues to strongly support the
European Union-facilitated Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia. The goal
of this process is a comprehensive normalization agreement that paves
the way for both countries' further Euro-Atlantic integration. Ideally,
the agreement will focus on mutual recognition. The United States is
ready to help the parties in any way as they engage in negotiations.
Both Belgrade and Pristina must demonstrate flexibility and a spirit of
compromise in order to secure a deal, which would advance stability,
security, and prosperity in the Western Balkan region.
The United States will seriously consider an agreement that is
locally owned, durable, implementable, and contributes to regional
stability. The United States is not advocating for any particular
solution. However, the status quo is unsustainable, inherently
unstable, and enables external malign influence to prevent the
countries of the region from pursuing their stated desire of further
integration with Euro-Atlantic institutions.
Question. How would you assess (1) the prospects of land swaps
happening and (2) the impact of land swaps, both within the two
countries and regionally?
Answer. While the United States has continuously supported the EU-
facilitated Dialogue, and stands ready to support the parties in any
way that would be helpful, the United States has not been at the
negotiating table and has seen no formal, specific proposals regarding
border adjustments between the countries.
The United States is not advocating for any specific solution to
normalize relations between Kosovo and Serbia, beyond our support for a
comprehensive agreement, ideally centered on mutual recognition. We
expect that a comprehensive agreement would be multidimensional,
involving political, economic, and security aspects. To be successful,
a deal must be acceptable to the people of both countries and
implementable on the ground.
Sovereign countries can decide to adjust their borders by mutual
consent. We recognize that border adjustments in any region or context
involve complex political, economic, social, and security issues.
Changing borders in the Western Balkans poses serious potential
concerns. However, the status quo is inherently unstable, and poses
numerous risks to stability. Kosovo and Serbia may decide that agreed
border adjustments are a part of a comprehensive normalization
agreement. If they do, the United States will look seriously at any
proposal and make clear any concerns that we may have.
Question. What is the level and nature of Ambassador Richard
Grennell's involvement in the Serbia-Kosovo negotiations? Please list
the meetings that he has had with leadership from Serbia and Kosovo
over the past year. In your response, please do not refer us to the
U.S. Embassy in Berlin.
Answer. The United States supports the EU-facilitated Dialogue
between Kosovo and Serbia, but is not a party to the negotiations.
Ambassador Grenell and his team met with Kosovo President Thaci in
December 2018, at Thaci's request, when he was in Berlin to see German
officials. Grenell, the Deputy Chief of Mission, and Embassy Berlin
political officers also met with the President of Kosovo, the Prime
Minister of Kosovo, and the Foreign Minister of Kosovo, at their
request, at the U.S. Embassy when they were in Berlin in April 2019,
for a Balkans Summit meeting hosted by German Chancellor Merkel and
French President Macron.
In all of these meetings, Ambassador Grenell and U.S. Embassy staff
reiterated President Trump's message of support for a comprehensive
normalization agreement between Kosovo and Serbia, and encouraged the
Kosovo officials to drop the sanctions they had placed on Serbia, as
per official U.S. policy. Ambassador Grenell also encouraged the Kosovo
officials to understand that dropping the sanctions could revive
constructive Dialogue negotiations between the parties.
Question. Has President Trump personally engaged in the Serbia-
Kosovo negotiations since his December 2018 letters to President Vucic
and President Thaci? If yes, please describe the nature of that
engagement. In your response, please do not refer us to the White
House.
Answer. Beyond his December 2018 letters, President Trump also made
clear in statements to both Kosovo and Serbia, on the occasion of their
respective National Days, that the United States supports a
comprehensive normalization agreement centered on mutual recognition.
President Trump and the Administration continue to support a
comprehensive agreement between Serbia and Kosovo and will remain
actively engaged with the parties and our European partners. If
confirmed, I plan to work closely with the White House and government
agencies to support such an agreement.
Question. I am deeply disturbed by the recent delivery of armored
reconnaissance vehicles from Russia to Serbia. How many vehicles did
Serbia receive in this shipment? By what route were the vehicles
transported to Serbia? How much did Serbia pay for the vehicles, and
how much money did the Russian government contribute towards the
purchase?
Answer. The government of Serbia acknowledged that on July 19,
2019, it received 10 BRDM-2MS wheeled armored vehicles from Russia--an
upgraded variant of a vehicle long in Serbia's inventory. Press reports
indicate that these items were delivered by air via Hungarian airspace.
The Serbian government has not released any information about costs or
payments for transports and upgrades, but the vehicles were reportedly
donated as part of a larger deal with Russia for MiG-29s and T-72 main
battle tanks, announced in 2016.
I am not able to pre-judge whether or not this or any specific
transaction would result in sanctions under Section 231 of the
Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) prior
to the Secretary of State's determination. However, as the Department
has said publicly, the Secretary of State will consider the totality of
the facts and circumstances surrounding the transaction and weigh
various factors on a case-by-case basis in determining whether a
transaction is ``significant'' for purposes of CAATSA.
If confirmed as Ambassador, I will continue to emphasize to the
government of Serbia the heightened risk of sanctions associated with
procuring Russian equipment and the vulnerabilities created by its
dependence on Russia.
Question. Please provide a list of military equipment Russia has
delivered to Serbia since January 2017, as well as a list of Serbia's
signed contracts for future deliveries of military equipment and
expected dates of delivery. Answer can be provided in classified format
if necessary.
Answer. Press reports indicate that Russia has agreed to supply
Serbia with additional military equipment, but reports differ on the
numbers and types. Equipment recently reported in the press includes 20
additional BRDM-2MS armored wheeled vehicles, 30 used T-72 main battle
tanks, and Pantsir-S1 air defense systems.
In July 2019, Serbia acknowledged receiving a donation from Russia
of 10 BRDM-2MS wheeled armored vehicles, an upgraded variant of a
vehicle already in Serbia's inventory. The same month, Serbia's
Ministry of Defense reported that Serbia had received a total of 45,000
euros worth of unspecified military assistance from Russia. Serbian
Defense Minister Aleksandar Vulin has also indicated that Serbia
expects to take delivery of three purchased Mi-17 transport and four
Mi-35 attack helicopters from Russia by the end of 2019 or the
beginning of 2020. Russia donated six used, non-flight worthy MiG-29
fighter aircraft to Serbia in October 2017. The Serbian Air Force
formally took delivery of the refurbished aircraft in two separate
tranches in August and October 2018. While Serbia has long maintained
these aircraft in its inventory, it is paying Russia approximately $205
million for the refurbishment and upgrade of the six donated airframes.
If confirmed as Ambassador, I will continue to emphasize to the
government of Serbia the heightened risk of sanctions associated with
procuring Russian equipment and the vulnerabilities created by its
dependence on Russia.
Question. Please provide an accounting of the number of military
exercises the U.S. has conducted with Serbia since January 2017 and an
accounting of the number of military exercises Russia has conducted
with Serbia since January 2017.
Answer. Serbia regularly participates in major bilateral and
multilateral exercises organized both by U.S. European Command and the
Ohio National Guard, Serbia's National Guard State Partner. Since
January 2017, Serbia has participated in 17 exercises, ten of which
were led by USEUCOM and seven by the Ohio National Guard.
Significantly, during this period Serbia hosted NATO's largest Euro-
Atlantic Disaster Response Coordination Center (EADRCC) exercise to
date, involving approximately 2,000 participants from thirty NATO
Allied and partner nations.
Since 2017, Serbia has participated in ten exercises with Russia:
most significantly 2017's ZAPAD-2017, and three times each in three
separate annual exercises: Brotherhood of Aviators of Russia and Serbia
(BARS), Slavic Brotherhood, and the Russian International Tank
Biathlon.
Question. I remain concerned about the true nature of the
``Russian-Serbian Humanitarian Center'' in Nis and Russia's attempts to
get diplomatic status for the Center and its employees, which would
preclude inspection of the Center's activities. Please provide an
assessment of Russian intelligence personnel presence at the `Russian-
Serbian Humanitarian Center.' Answer can be provided in classified
format if necessary.
Answer. Russia maintains a joint Humanitarian Center in the
southern Serbian city of Nis and has repeatedly pressed to have the
facility granted diplomatic status. Many fear that this could give
Moscow a foothold for further subversive activities in the region. The
United States and our European Allies have expressed our concerns
regarding Moscow's request to the Serbian government on a number of
occasions. Thus far the Serbian government has not granted the facility
diplomatic status. If confirmed, I will continue to engage with
Serbia's leaders to express our serious concerns about the ways in
which the facility might be misused.
Question. How many American Corners are in Serbia, and in which
cities do they exist? Please describe in detail your plans to expand
the American Corners' work to discuss U.S. policies and promote
connections between the U.S. and the people of Serbia.
Answer. Since 2003, Mission Serbia has established eight American
Corners: in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Nis, Kragujevac, Subotica, Novi Pazar,
Vranje and Bujanovac. Visited by roughly 9,000 Serbians each month,
these American Corners are an essential outreach and engagement tool.
They offer the Serbian public a welcoming place to learn and practice
English; exchange ideas; discuss and debate issues important to both
our countries; and explore American history, culture, and society. They
contribute to greater awareness of U.S. policies, and strengthen the
critical thinking and media literacy skills of program participants,
particularly among Serbia's youth population.
If confirmed, I will continue the work the team at Embassy Belgrade
has begun to more closely tie American Corner programming into our
Integrated Country Strategy goals. This includes promoting economic
vitality, rule of law, and stable democratic institutions. I will
continue to focus on youth engagement to promote robust political
participation, media literacy, small business development, and civil
society expansion.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. Promoting respect for human rights is a priority for the
Trump Administration and it would be a central focus of my work in
Serbia, if I am confirmed. From my first assignment as Human Rights
Officer in Belarus, through assignments in Chechnya, Croatia, Armenia,
Turkey, Iraq, and Russia, I have made human rights work a high
priority.
In Belarus, my work to highlight the abuses of the government won
consistent praise from human rights advocates. In Croatia, our team
helped authorities carry out free and fair elections, paving the way
for NATO and EU membership. In Armenia, my team's work to improve
protections for victims of trafficking produced concrete results. In
Iraq, my consistent work with the fledgling Central Elections
Commission helped pave the way for parliamentary elections, which won
praise from international observers. In Moscow, despite an adversarial
environment, my teams brought international attention to a
deteriorating human rights environment, and in particular to the
erosion of respect for the right of all individuals to practice the
religion or belief of their choice.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Serbia? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. As the 2018 Serbia Human Rights Report noted, government
corruption, violence against journalists, undue government interference
with the press, and violence against LGBTI individuals are among the
most serious human rights concerns in Serbia. Additionally, police
brutality and intimidation, harsh prison conditions, domestic and
social violence, and discrimination against persons belonging to
religious and ethnic minorities remain serious challenges in Serbia.
Finally, Serbia must make progress in resolving historical war crimes
cases.
If confirmed, I will press the government of Serbia to address
these problems at all levels. Robust engagement with civil society
organizations can provide important perspectives on the reforms needed
to address these challenges in Serbia. If confirmed, I will work with
my team to encourage Serbia's government to engage with civil society
and to accelerate the passage and full implementation of proposed
reforms, through democratic processes, in line with Serbia's EU
accession process. I will continue to use U.S. assistance programs in
Serbia to support democratic institutions, address human rights issues,
and promote justice and accountability, including through support to
civil society organizations working on issues such as anti-corruption,
government transparency, media freedom, safety of journalists, and
access to the justice system, as well as a range of protection and
advocacy issues for members of minority communities.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Serbia? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. One of the major obstacles to addressing human rights
challenges in Serbia is the deteriorating media environment. A free and
independent media is critical for any democratic society. Despite a
constitution that guarantees freedom of expression, including for
members of the press, media freedom in Serbia continues to be
undermined by threats and attacks on journalists, lawsuits and criminal
charges against journalists or the threat thereof, lack of transparency
in media ownership, the opaque process for awarding government media
grants, and editorial pressure from politicians and politically
connected media owners. These factors contribute to significant self-
censorship by journalists and media outlets. The Serbian public
deserves information from independent sources in order to empower and
support civil society voices seeking to hold Serbia's leaders to
account. If confirmed, I will speak out about these issues whenever we
see problems and continue to press for true media freedom and media
plurality in Serbia.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. With the generous support of the U.S. Congress and the
American taxpayer, Embassy Belgrade has used Assistance to Eastern
Europe and Central Asia (AEECA) funding to support democracy and
governance in Serbia, including through USAID programs and, on a
smaller scale, through Democracy Commission small grants. For example,
USAID is undertaking a new program in Serbia, which aims to improve
political processes by working with the government, political parties,
and civil society to strengthen key democratic institutions. If
confirmed, I will continue to look for ways we can help Serbia work
toward a fully democratic, open, and transparent political environment.
Corruption poses a particularly serious threat to Serbia's
democracy and governance, and many of our assistance program focus on
anti-corruption as a key element of our mission goals. For example,
U.S. assistance supports Serbia's recently formed specialized anti-
corruption and economic crimes prosecutorial and police departments.
Over the past year, Serbia has made some progress in prosecuting
corruption cases involving police and municipal officials, but much
work remains, particularly in tackling high-level corruption and money
laundering.
If confirmed, I will lead Mission Serbia in continuing to emphasize
the need for law enforcement, prosecutorial, and judicial institutions
to work proactively, independently, transparently, and efficiently. I
will endeavor to ensure that Serbia's anti-corruption efforts go
further than the enforcement actions we have seen today, which have too
often focused on low-level officials. Serbia needs to develop the
capability, desire, and resolve to investigate and prosecute high-level
cases of corruption in order to show would-be violators that they will
be held accountable and restore the confidence of all Serbians.
Journalists and civic activists have a crucial role to play in
promoting government accountability, and we need to ensure their voices
are heard. If confirmed, I will continue to address corruption also by
supporting the development of Serbia's civil society and a robust
independent media sector.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to engaging with
democratically-oriented members of the opposition?
Answer. Serbia's constitution provides for the democratic rights of
peaceful assembly and freedom of expression. As such, everyone in
Serbia should be able to voice their concerns with the government
without fear, including through peaceful protest. A robust opposition
is crucial for democracy and I will encourage the ruling party to hold
a constructive dialogue with the opposition and find a compromise to
end the ongoing boycott of parliament. If confirmed, I will commit to
engaging with a wide range of Serbian officials and civil society
actors, to include members of the full spectrum of Serbia's opposition
parties.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Serbia? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Embassy's practice of
meeting with human rights organizations and other civil society groups,
from all communities, on a regular basis and empowering their voices in
policy debates. Additionally, I will work with the Embassy team to
continue support for human rights NGOs and activists through the
Democracy Commission and other programs.
If confirmed, I will encourage the government to pursue a
transparent legislative process and consult with civil society on new
legislation, as required by Serbian law. Serbian civil society has an
impressive history of catalyzing societal change, and it is in our
interest to ensure the government sees civil society not as a threat,
but as a partner to help advance Serbia's development in the 21st
century. The development of both a robust civil society and an
independent media in Serbia are essential drivers for EU accession-
related reforms in Serbia, as well as a healthy society that is
responsive to citizens' needs.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage interlocutors across the
political spectrum to encourage constructive dialogue between the
government and opposition. The aim will be to address serious concerns
that citizens have raised, including facilitating democratic debate and
improving the electoral system.
Many of the calls for reforms have merit, including calls to ensure
free and fair elections, and to strengthen press freedoms. There are
both administrative measures and legislative processes through which
these concerns should be addressed. If confirmed, I will continue to
support efforts to increase the capacities of political parties and
civil society to promote broader representation within government. U.S.
assistance programs in Serbia to address human rights include grants to
civil society organizations that work on a range of protection and
advocacy issues for members of minority communities.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Serbia on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly with
independent, local press in Serbia?
Answer. One of the major obstacles to addressing human rights
challenges in Serbia is the deteriorating media environment. A free and
independent media is critical for any democratic society. Despite a
constitution that guarantees media freedom in Serbia, this right
continues to be undermined by threats and attacks on journalists;
lawsuits and criminal charges against journalists or the threat
thereof; lack of transparency in media ownership; the opaque process
for awarding government media grants; and editorial pressure from
politicians and politically connected media owners. These factors
contribute to significant self-censorship by journalists and media
outlets. The Serbian public deserves independent sources of information
in order to empower and support civil society voices seeking to hold
Serbia's leaders to account.
If confirmed, I will speak out about these issues whenever we see
problems and continue to press for true media freedom and media
plurality in Serbia. I will continue the Embassy's robust engagement
with both individual journalists and Serbia's leading media
associations. The Embassy will also continue to be a voice in publicly
condemning acts of political suppression and threats of violence
against the media, which journalists in Serbia acknowledge is
critically important.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. The United States is committed to helping Serbia advance
the reforms needed to continue its Euro-Atlantic integration while
countering Russian efforts to derail this integration. In particular,
U.S. foreign assistance helps Serbia improve media freedom, anti-
corruption and government transparency, access to the justice system,
as well as a range of advocacy issues.
Moscow is looking to expand its malign influence throughout the
Western Balkans, including in Serbia. Our assistance also helps to
counter vulnerabilities that make Serbia susceptible to Russian malign
influence by strengthening judicial institutions; combatting organized
crime; reducing avenues for corruption, including in the economic
sector; and supporting exchange programs to bolster civic participation
and civil society.
We regularly emphasize to Serbian leaders the need for democratic
reforms, especially in strengthening the rule of law and media freedom.
We also point out the importance of policy choices reflecting western
values. This will help Serbia move forward in the EU accession process,
as well as to build resilience against malign influence campaigns
carried out by actors such as Russia.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
Serbia on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue actively engaging Serbia on
strengthening labor rights in Serbia. Part of the nearly $1 billion in
U.S. assistance to Serbia since 2001 has supported the government's
efforts to develop stronger economic institutions, including fair labor
laws, effective inspections, a more effective judiciary, a reduction in
the grey economy, and introduction of electronic construction permits,
which was a factor in Serbia's breakthrough into the top 50 countries
on the World Bank's ``Doing Business'' list.
As the 2018 Serbia Human Rights Report noted, independent trade
unions are able to organize and address management in state-owned
companies on behalf of their members. There were, however, some
allegations of anti-union dismissals and discrimination. We will
continue engaging NGOs working to increase labor rights awareness, such
as for groups facing employment discrimination.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Serbia, no matter
their sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do the
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face in
Serbia? What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ people in
Serbia?
Answer. Violence targeting LGBTI individuals is among the most
serious human rights concerns in Serbia. As the 2018 Serbia Human
Rights Report noted, there were 500,000 LGBTI persons in the country,
according to civil society organizations. Credible NGOs noted a lack of
significant progress in establishing dialogue, educating the public on
LGBTI issues, and addressing hate crimes and bias-motivated violence.
In addition, LGBTI persons in Serbia face widespread discrimination in
housing, the workplace, and in public life. If confirmed, I would
engage the government at all levels on behalf of LGBTI individuals in
Serbia. I would ensure that independent oversight bodies designed to
protect human rights, such as the Commissioner for the Protection of
Equality, are empowered to aggressively pursue their mandates. I would
also remind the government that a lack of progress on protecting the
rights of LGBTI persons imperils Serbia's EU accession and will make it
increasingly difficult for Serbia to attract foreign direct investment.
If confirmed, I will commit to upholding the rights of LGBTI
individuals in our broader embassy assistance and outreach programs.
Question. If a foreign person or government approaches you or a
staffer at the embassy with derogatory information on a U.S. political
figure, what is your understanding of official State Department policy
on how to handle it? In the wake of President Trump's comments
welcoming such information, it is important that the State Department
have clear guidance for all of its personnel on how to deal with such
scenarios. Has a cable with clear guidance on how to handle this
situation been sent to all U.S. embassies?
Answer. Pursuant to Foreign Affairs Manual Chapter 12, Section
262--`Security Awareness and Contact Reporting'--U.S. Department of
State policy mandates that all employees and contractors report any
contact that prompts concern that he or she may be the target of actual
or attempted exploitation by a foreign entity. At the embassy, any such
contact must be reported as soon as possible to the embassy's Regional
Security Officer. Cleared U.S. employees are required to take annual
training ``EX 250 Annual Counter Intelligence Awareness,'' which
reviews these reporting requirements pursuant to the Foreign Affairs
Manual section Chapter 12, Section 262. The Department has sent cables
to all diplomatic and consular posts with clear guidance about this
training and reporting requirement, in addition to Department notices
distributed domestically.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to prevent any attempts to target
or retaliate against career employees on the basis of their perceived
political beliefs, prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous
administration. I take allegations of such practices seriously and will
ensure they are referred to the Department's Inspector General.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. I take the issues of sexual harassment, discrimination, and
inappropriate conduct with the utmost seriousness. Throughout my
career, I have immediately addressed any issues raised to me in
accordance with the Department of State's policies. During my tenure as
Minister-Counselor for Political Affairs at U.S. Embassy Moscow, an
employee raised complaints about management decisions made by Embassy
leadership, including me, to the Department's Inspector General and the
Office of Special Counsel. I cooperated fully in responding to requests
for information in this matter and there was no finding that I engaged
in any wrongdoing. My understanding is that the matter is now closed. I
take workplace conduct issues very seriously and will continue to hold
staff to the highest standard.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. I take the issues of sexual harassment, discrimination, and
inappropriate conduct with the utmost seriousness and throughout my
career, I have immediately addressed any issues raised to me in
accordance with the Department of State's policies, including
encouraging any employee who feels they have been harassed or
discriminated against to report such behavior to any supervisor under
my management or the Department's Office of Civil Rights.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Anthony F. Godfrey by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. Promoting respect for human rights is a priority for the
Trump Administration and, if confirmed, it would be a central focus of
my work in Serbia. From my first assignment as Human Rights Officer in
Belarus, through assignments in Chechnya, Croatia, Armenia, Turkey,
Iraq, and Russia, I have made human rights work a high priority.
In Belarus, my work to highlight the abuses of the government won
consistent praise from human rights advocates. In Croatia, our team
helped authorities carry out free and fair elections, paving the way
for NATO and EU membership. In Armenia, my team's work to improve
protections for victims of trafficking produced concrete results. In
Iraq, my consistent work with the fledgling Central Elections
Commission helped pave the way for parliamentary elections which won
praise from international observers. In Moscow, despite an adversarial
environment, my teams brought international attention to a
deteriorating human rights environment, and in particular to the
erosion of respect for the right of all individuals to practice the
religion or belief of their choice.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Serbia?
What are the most important steps you expect to take--if confirmed--to
promote human rights and democracy in Serbia? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions?
Answer. As the 2018 Serbia Human Rights Report noted, government
corruption, violence against journalists, undue government interference
with the press, and crimes--including violence--targeting LGBTI
individuals are among the most serious human rights concerns in Serbia.
Additionally, police brutality and intimidation, harsh prison
conditions, domestic and social violence, and discrimination against
persons belonging to religious and ethnic minorities remain serious
challenges in Serbia. Serbia must also accelerate progress in resolving
historical war crimes cases.
If confirmed, I will press the government of Serbia to address
these problems at all levels. Robust engagement with civil society
organizations can provide important perspectives on the reforms needed
to address these challenges in Serbia. If confirmed, my team and I will
encourage Serbia's government to engage in dialogue with civil society
and to accelerate the adoption and full implementation of proposed
reforms, through democratic means, in line with Serbia's EU accession
process. I will continue to use U.S. assistance programs in Serbia to
support democratic institutions, address human rights issues, and
promote justice and accountability, including through support to civil
society organizations working on issues such as anti-corruption,
government transparency, media freedom, safety of journalists, and
access to the justice system, as well as a range of protection and
advocacy issues for members of minority communities.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Serbia in advancing
human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. One of the major challenges to addressing human rights
challenges in Serbia is the deteriorating media environment. A free and
independent media is critical for any democratic society. Despite a
constitution that guarantees freedom of expression, including for
members of the press, media freedom in Serbia continues to be
undermined by threats and attacks on journalists, lawsuits and criminal
charges against journalists or the threat thereof, lack of transparency
in media ownership, the opaque process for awarding government media
grants, and editorial pressure from politicians and politically
connected media owners. These factors contribute to significant self-
censorship by journalists and media outlets. The Serbian public
deserves information from independent sources in order to empower and
support civil society voices seeking to hold Serbia's leaders to
account. If confirmed, I will speak out about these issues whenever we
see problems and continue to press for true media freedom and media
plurality in Serbia.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Kosovo? If confirmed, what steps will you
take to pro-actively support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and
ensure that provisions of U.S. security assistance and security
cooperation activities reinforce human rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the Embassy's practice of
meeting with human rights organizations and other civil society
groups--from all communities--on a regular basis and empowering their
voices in policy debates. The development of a robust civil society in
Serbia and a robust, independent media is an essential driver for the
EU accession-related reform efforts in Serbia, as well as a healthy
society that is responsive to citizens' needs. The Embassy's
implementation of the Leahy Law and other vetting programs is robust,
drawing on diverse information to ensure that security assistance and
cooperation are consistent with U.S. law and in line with U.S. advocacy
on human rights issues.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Serbia to address cases of key political prisoners or persons otherwise
unjustly targeted by Serbia?
Answer. As noted in the 2018 Human Rights Report, there are no
reports of political prisoners or detainees in Serbia. If confirmed, I
will ensure the Embassy team engages with Serbian officials to address
such issues, if they arise.
Question. Will you engage with Serbia on matters of human rights,
civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to encourage Serbia to
improve human rights, civil rights, and governance through both
political advocacy and programming. Accelerating these efforts is
essential to Serbia's progress in its European Union accession process,
as well as improving the quality of life for Serbians. If confirmed, I
will work to ensure Serbia energetically, sincerely, and
comprehensively pursues the reforms to which it has committed under its
EU accession plan.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. I commit to comply with all relevant federal ethics laws,
regulations, and rules, and to raise concerns that I may have through
appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Serbia?
Answer. My investment portfolio includes diversified mutual funds,
which may hold interests in companies with a presence in Serbia, but
which are exempt from the conflict of interest laws. I am committed to
ensuring that my official actions will not give rise to a conflict of
interest and will remain vigilant with regard to my ethics obligations.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. I am committed to leading a workforce that reflects the
diverse people and values that we represent in the United States, as I
have done throughout my career. Diversity is and will remain a top
Department priority. As the face of America overseas, the people in our
embassy should represent our country's richness and diversity-it
demonstrates our commitment to inclusion as well as acceptance and
respect for all people.
If confirmed, as Ambassador in Belgrade, I will invest in a
skilled, diverse workforce ready to lead. This includes recruiting a
diverse workforce. If confirmed I will encourage the Embassy Human
Resources team and post's hiring supervisors to recruit equitably from
a diverse, qualified group of potential applicants.
Mentoring is paramount in changing and encouraging behaviors. If
confirmed I will strive to serve as a role model demonstrating the
Department's expectations regarding diversity and inclusion, and I will
expect the same from all of post's supervisors.
The Department has invested in important diversity and leadership
training programs in support of the ethos of the State Department. If
confirmed, I will ensure that all post employees receive this training
and exemplify this ethos.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. Inclusion and diversity cannot exist unless the entire team
is committed. If confirmed, I will work to ensure structures and
strategies--including but not limited to training--equip leaders with
the knowledge and ability to manage diversity, be accountable, measure
results, and engender a culture of inclusion. I will work to ensure
that all employees at Embassy Belgrade model the State Department's
ethos in word and deed. Embassy events will include open forums for
discussion on various aspects of inclusion, such as engaging
underrepresented groups and various religious institutions, as
appropriate.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in Serbia
specifically?
Answer. Despite some progress, corruption remains the most
significant rule of law issue in Serbia, hampering its democratic and
economic development, spurring emigration, and impeding access to
justice. Not only does corruption limit the willingness of investors to
commit funding to the country, it also weakens public confidence in
Serbia's judicial institutions and democracy.
Corruption--and related threats, such as money laundering--make
Serbia vulnerable to malign external actors who aim to undermine
Serbia's independence and democratic institutions.
If Serbia does not make progress in its efforts to combat
corruption, it risks undermining forward movement across the range of
rule-of-law reforms and in its EU accession process.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Serbia
and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. There are widespread perceptions in Serbia that the law is
not implemented consistently or systematically and high-level officials
engage in corrupt practices with impunity. While some progress has been
made in the government's fight against corruption, including the
establishment of specialized anti-corruption and economic crimes
prosecutorial units, as well as corresponding judicial and police units
that focus on corruption and financial crimes, evidence of senior-level
government corruption persists. We are assisting the government of
Serbia in improving its legal framework for fighting corruption and in
preventing corruption through transparency at all levels of government,
but government anti-corruption entities such as the Anti-Corruption
Agency lack personnel and are not adequately integrated into judicial
entities. If confirmed, I will lead my team in addressing the
government's shortcomings to more effectively combat corruption,
including through targeted technical assistance.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in Serbia?
Answer. U.S. assistance supports Serbia's recently formed
specialized anti-corruption and economic crimes prosecutorial and
police departments. Over the past year Serbia has made some progress in
prosecuting corruption cases involving police and municipal officials,
however much work remains, particularly in tackling high-level
corruption and money laundering.
If confirmed, I will lead Mission Serbia in continuing to emphasize
the need for law enforcement and prosecutorial and judicial
institutions to work proactively, independently, transparently, and
efficiently. Journalists and civic activists have a crucial role to
play in promoting government accountability, and if confirmed, I will
continue to address corruption by supporting the development of
Serbia's civil society and a robust independent media sector.
Question. Twenty years ago, the three Bytyqi brothers--all American
citizens--were murdered while in the custody of Serbian Interior
Ministry officials. Earlier Serbian promises, including by President
Aleksandar Vucic, have not been fulfilled and, indeed, have been
replaced by increasingly belligerent responses to a reasonable request
for justice:
If confirmed as ambassador, will you use every opportunity to raise
this case with Serbian officials at the most senior level, and
to express publicly our demand for justice irrespective of any
other issue in our bilateral relationship?
Answer. The United States remains seriously concerned about the
lack of progress made by Serbian officials in this case. If confirmed,
I will not waver in seeking justice and accountability for the murder
of Ylli, Agron, and Mehmet Bytyqi. I am committed to pressing the
Serbian government to complete a thorough investigation and ensure that
all who were involved in these crimes are brought to justice,
regardless of rank or position.
If confirmed, I will also continue to emphasize the longstanding
U.S. position that Serbia must credibly investigate and prosecute
remaining cases related to the conflicts in the Balkans and cooperate
with neighboring countries and the United Nations to ensure justice for
the victims.
Question. A ruling Serbian Progressive Party member of the Serbian
parliament recently tweeted the following: ``I want to congratulate the
Serbian people on the day of the liberation of Srebrenica. Thanks to
General Ratko Mladic on the brilliantly conducted military operation.''
The United States and the international community consider that
``liberation'' to have been a genocide, the massacre of about 8,000 men
and boys in July 1995. Serbian Defense Minister Aleksandar Vulin also
recently said that ``the Serbian people survived genocide rather than
committed it,'' effectively denying that the Srebrenica genocide took
place:
What will you do as ambassador to counter official Serbian efforts
to revise the history of the 1990s, especially given the U.S.
role in the Balkans at that time?
Answer. The Department of State remains deeply concerned by any
denial of crimes committed during the Balkan conflicts of the 1990s or
any refusal to accept historical facts established by international
courts. Serbia is a political and economic leader in the Western
Balkans. As such, Serbia has the responsibility to foster regional
stability, reconciliation, and cooperation. Historical revisionism and
veneration of convicted war criminals, such as Ratko Mladic, foster a
climate of division and hatred, diminish the suffering of victims, are
detrimental to Serbia's relationships with its neighbors, and undermine
regional reconciliation. If confirmed, I will champion historical truth
and push political and civil society leaders in Serbia to acknowledge
the genocide in Srebrenica, to condemn instances of historical
revisionism, and to play a responsible role in advancing security,
stability, and prosperity for the Western Balkans.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Anthony F. Godfrey by Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Question. As part of its Belt and Road initiative, China has been
investing billions of dollars in Serbia. Russia also continues to hold
considerable influence over Serbia. In your view, how can U.S. and EU
leaders ensure that Serbia, if it were to become a member of the
European Union or eventually NATO, would not be susceptible to Russian
and Chinese manipulation? As Ambassador, how would you mitigate that
risk?
Answer. The Administration strongly supports Serbia's European path
and its stated goal of European Union membership. Serbia is a member in
NATO's Partnership for Peace and has a good, cooperative relationship
with NATO. However, Serbia has been unambiguous that it does not aspire
to join NATO as an Ally.
Qualifying for EU membership would mean that Serbia has made great
strides in reconciling its relationship with Kosovo; strengthening the
rule of law and media freedoms; and improving transparency,
accountability, and good governance. If confirmed, I will emphasize to
Serbian leaders the need to undertake these reforms both to advance
Serbia's own goal of EU accession, as well as to build resilience and
close down avenues to malign influence.
Question. According to the Belgrade Center for Human Rights and
other groups, including the State Department, Human Rights in Serbia
and Rule of Law is Serbia is not advancing. In fact, as you discussed
with my staff, we see daily evidence of the suppression of political
opposition and free media by President Vucic. Do you believe the
current government shares our values? As Ambassador, how would you
prioritize advancing the rule of law and protecting human rights in
balance with other goals?
Answer. Serbia stands at a critical inflection point. Its leaders
in Belgrade must undertake serious reforms to advance Serbia on its
chosen EU path. Essential to the United States' work in Serbia is
promoting and defending our shared democratic values, to which Serbia
has committed as part of its strategic goal of EU accession. This
requires real work to ensure those values are promoted and protected.
If confirmed, I will lead my team and apply foreign assistance
resources in helping our Serbian partners to strengthen their
democratic institutions, protect the rights of members of minority
communities, combat corruption, and improve media freedom. We will
continue to help build the capacities of law enforcement and
prosecutorial and judicial institutions to work proactively,
independently, transparently, and efficiently. The Embassy will also
continue to speak out clearly against any acts of political suppression
or threats of violence against the media. These messages are critically
important, and, if confirmed, I will continue to press for true media
freedom and media plurality in Serbia.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Herro Mustafa by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. I remain deeply concerned about Russia's Turkstream
pipeline project, which will undermine Ukraine's role as a gas transit
country and increase European and Bulgarian dependence on Russian
energy. What is U.S. policy with respect to Turkstream? Following
Russia's recent announcement that the second leg of Turkstream will go
through Bulgaria, what is your assessment of the construction and
completion timeline for the second leg of the project?
Answer. The United States would not support any new gas pipeline in
the European Union (EU) that does not increase diversification of
sources, routes and supplies. A second line of Turkstream does nothing
to advance the EU's commitment to diversify the region's energy
supplies and would help to cement Europe's significant dependence on
Russian gas. Such a project would also provide Gazprom with the
technical capacity to bypass Ukraine for gas transit to Europe. This
could significantly harm Ukraine's economy while putting the country at
greater risk of Russian aggression.
Construction of the offshore portion of Turkstream was completed
last winter and the onshore portion, within Turkey, could be completed
by the end of 2019. Bulgaria, Serbia, Hungary, and Austria are all at
various stages of coordination and construction to develop associated
infrastructure to import and transit gas from the second line of
Turkstream. If confirmed, I will strongly advocate against projects
that increase European reliance on Russian energy. I will advocate
instead for projects that can bring competition, transparency, and
greater security to Bulgaria and European energy markets--projects like
the Southern Gas Corridor, the Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria (IGB),
and the Interconnector Bulgaria-Serbia (IBS).
Question. I am glad that Bulgaria's parliament overrode President
Radev's veto of the F-16 purchase and that the F-16 procurement has now
been approved. However, I am concerned that Russia may have attempted
to interfere with this purchase. What evidence do you have of Russian
attempts to interfere with the Bulgarian government's approval of the
F-16 purchase, including but not limited to bribery or pressure tactics
with MPs or the President's office? Answer can be provided in
classified format if necessary.
Answer. Bulgaria's historic decision to purchase U.S.-made F-16s
ran counter to Russian interests, as it will reduce Bulgarian
dependence on Russian military equipment and deepen Bulgaria's defense
ties to the United States. In doing so, Bulgaria reaffirmed its
decision to join the Western, Transatlantic community in 1989. Russia
has meddled in the internal affairs of states across Europe, and while
I have no specific information regarding Russian meddling with respect
to the F-16 purchase decision, if confirmed, I will prioritize working
with Bulgarian counterparts to identify and address Russian malign
influence.
Question. Who does the State Department assess is responsible for
the late June cyberattack on Bulgaria's National Revenue Agency? How
would State assess whether the cyberattack was related to the F-16
approval process? Answer can be provided in classified format if
necessary.
Answer. The investigation by local authorities into this
cyberattack is ongoing. The investigation is leading to a local private
company, TAD Group, and authorities have arrested three individuals
from this company who are being charged with cyber terrorism.
Question. Please list all ongoing and planned FMF programs with
Bulgaria. What is Bulgaria's status with regard to the European
Recapitalization Incentive Program (ERIP)? If confirmed, how will you
incorporate anti-corruption measures into conversations with Bulgaria
regarding FMF and ERIP?
Answer. Foreign Military Financing (FMF) fills a critical role in
Bulgaria's defense modernization plans. Between Fiscal Years 2016-2019,
the Department will provide over $100 million in Foreign Military
Financing (FMF) to build national territorial defense and maritime
security capabilities to deter Russian aggression, support
modernization programs, and divest from Russian legacy equipment.
Bulgaria will receive FMF bilaterally in FY 2019, and through regional
programs such as the European Recapitalization Incentive Program
(ERIP), Countering Russian Influence Fund (CRIF), and through the Black
Sea Maritime Domain Awareness Program that will include Ukraine,
Georgia, and Romania.Specific programs (some pending Congressional
notification) include development of Land Forces' intelligence-sharing
and secure communications for multinational operations and training in
support of U.S. and NATO-led deployment missions; maritime security
programs such as counter mine measures, underwater vehicles, and
regional detection, information sharing and response capabilities; F-16
procurement and divestiture of Russian aircraft; and cyber-defense
training and assessment. FY 2019 programs are still under development
pending final allocation levels.Bulgaria is a part of ERIP and will
receive up to $60 million of FY 2018-OCO FMF to support the divestiture
of largely inoperable Russian MiG-29s. Bulgaria appropriated $1.2
billion toward the procurement of F-16s and this FY2018-00 FMF helps
conclude this vital sale of U.S. fighter aircraft.
Question. I am concerned about Bulgaria's investor citizenship
program, which creates security, money laundering, and tax evasion
problems in Bulgaria and across the EU. A January 2019 EU Commission
report flagged the program's lack of transparency and its weak
governance and enforcement mechanisms. What are the most recent efforts
by the Treasury Department to engage Bulgaria on its investor
citizenship program? Please provide a full list of the recommendations
Treasury has given Bulgaria to strengthen transparency and governance
around that program and Treasury's assessment of Bulgaria's progress on
those recommendations. Please do not simply refer us to Treasury in
your response.
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with Bulgaria on fighting
corruption and advancing the rule of law, which is key to Bulgaria's
continued growth. If confirmed, I pledge to work with the Treasury
Department and other relevant departments and agencies to address this
and the full range of issues needed to fight corruption, promote the
rule of law, and foster transparency and good governance.
Question. I was pleased to see that you highlighted strengthening
and deepening the bonds between Bulgaria and the U.S. as a priority if
confirmed. How many American Corners are there in Bulgaria, and which
cities are they in? Please describe in detail your plans to expand the
American Corners' work to discuss U.S. policies and promote connections
between the U.S. and the people of Bulgaria.
Answer. There are three American Corners in Bulgaria which are
located at public libraries in the country's three largest cities:
Sofia, Plovdiv and Varna. We also have a long-established partnership
with the University of Veliko Tarnovo, which hosts a space that
performs many of the same functions as an official American Corner.
If confirmed, I will work with my Public Affairs Section at Post to
visit all the American Corners in Bulgaria and to continue our cultural
and educational programming, within our allocated budgets. Programs
designed to increase English language proficiency and teach tech skills
will help Bulgarian youth to improve their employment prospects and
make it easier for potential U.S. investors to find qualified
employees. Providing educational advice at our Corners promotes U.S.
study abroad programs and academic opportunities for qualified
Bulgarian students. Media literacy programs help Bulgarian audiences to
identify and refute misinformation. Our Corners will also continue to
promote American history and culture and strengthen people-to-people
ties between our two nations, making full use of the variety of
Americans in-country, including Embassy personnel, Fulbright English
teachers, official visitors and the U.S. military. American Corners
will also assist in providing alternatives to negative narratives about
the United States inspired by Russia, China, and other malign actors.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to support democracy and human rights? What has
been the impact of your actions?
Answer. My most meaningful achievement to promote democracy
involved my efforts to establish the first fully representative
provincial council in Mosul, Iraq, to include ethnic and religious
minorities as well as women. The impact was a political body that gave
many segments of society a voice in governance and a vehicle for more
vibrant political debate. I am also proud of the work our mission did
in India, where I was Political Minister Counselor, to counter violence
against women and girls. The Department of State honored one of our
nominees with the International Women of Courage award. I was also
Human Rights Officer in Greece, responsible for drafting all the
Congressionally-mandated reports so I am very familiar to the
requirements and am a strong supporter of human rights. I have always
met with minority groups throughout my career and have hosted
representational events for these groups, including LGBTI individuals.
Where appropriate, I use social media to promote human rights and
democracy.
Question. What issues are the most pressing challenges to democracy
or democratic development in Bulgaria? These challenges might include
obstacles to participatory and accountable governance and institutions,
rule of law, authentic political competition, civil society, human
rights, and press freedom. Please be as specific as possible.
Answer. The 2018 U.S. Country Report on Human Rights Practices in
Bulgaria highlighted several ongoing human rights issues of concern,
including corruption, inefficiency, and a lack of accountability in the
judicial system; mistreatment of migrants and asylum seekers;
corruption in all branches of government; violence against ethnic
minorities; physical mistreatment of detainees and convicts by
officials; and harsh conditions in prisons and detention facilities. If
confirmed, I will engage with Bulgarian authorities and civil society
and encourage cooperation to address ongoing corruption concerns,
promote tolerance and nondiscrimination, and protect media freedoms.
Question. What steps will you take--if confirmed--to support
democracy in Bulgaria? What do you hope to accomplish through these
actions? What are the potential impediments to addressing the specific
obstacles you have identified?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with Bulgarian authorities and
civil society and encourage cooperation to address ongoing corruption
concerns, promote tolerance and nondiscrimination, and protect media
freedoms. I will also emphasize that corruption enables malign actors
to undermine Bulgaria's economic prosperity and political stability.
Fighting corruption and advancing the rule of law are key to
Bulgaria's continued growth. But rule of law reform is a long-term,
multifaceted and challenging process. While Bulgaria has demonstrated a
commitment to reform and taken some steps to build a more open,
inclusive, and prosperous society, more remains to be done.
Question. How will you utilize U.S. government assistance resources
at your disposal, including the Democracy Commission Small Grants
program and other sources of State Department and USAID funding, to
support democracy and governance, and what will you prioritize in
processes to administer such assistance?
Answer. In light of Bulgaria's EU membership, the United States no
longer provides bilateral development assistance to Bulgaria. In 2017,
the State Department established a Resident Legal Advisor's (RLA)
office in Embassy Sofia to focus on anti-corruption in Bulgaria and the
region. The RLA advises and trains Bulgarian officials on best
practices in preventing and prosecuting high-level corruption. Bulgaria
also sends participants to the State Department's International Law
Enforcement Academy in Budapest where they receive training on topics
related to strengthening the rule of law, and the Embassy has supported
progress by engaging civil society and speaking publicly about the
importance of reforms. If confirmed, I will work with my team at our
Embassy in Sofia to continue engaging with Bulgarian officials at all
levels of government to support good governance and anti-corruption
programming.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to engaging with
democratically-oriented members of the opposition?
Answer. If confirmed, I will meet with a broad array of
democratically-oriented political figures and parties and will advocate
for their broad access to and inclusion in political processes.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with civil society
members, human rights and other non-governmental organizations in the
U.S. and with local human rights NGOs, and other members of civil
society in Bulgaria? What steps will you take to pro-actively address
efforts to restrict or penalize NGOs and civil society via legal or
regulatory measures?
Answer. If confirmed, I will engage with civil society in Bulgaria,
including with human rights and religious groups and other non-
governmental organizations, and oppose any efforts to restrict NGOs or
civil society through legal or regulatory measures.
Question. If confirmed, do you commit to meet with democratically
oriented political opposition figures and parties? What steps will you
take to encourage genuine political competition? Will you advocate for
access and inclusivity for women, minorities and youth within political
parties?
Answer. If confirmed, I will meet with a broad array of
democratically-oriented political figures. Most observers found that
the May 2019 European Parliament elections were generally free and
democratic. Still, there were reports of problems and allegations of
vote-buying that merit scrutiny and should be addressed. I will
advocate for access and inclusivity for women, minorities, including
religious minorities, and youth within political parties.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Bulgaria on freedom of the press and address any government efforts
designed to control or undermine press freedom through legal,
regulatory, or other measures? Will you commit to meeting regularly
with independent, local press in Bulgaria?
Answer. If confirmed, my embassy team and I will actively engage
with Bulgaria on freedom of the press and will meet regularly with
independent, local press. The United States supports media freedom
everywhere, as a free press is essential to the functioning of a
democracy. If confirmed, I will engage the Bulgarian government on any
measures designed to control or undermine press freedom.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with civil
society and government counterparts on countering disinformation and
propaganda disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the
country?
Answer. If confirmed, I will actively engage with civil society and
the Bulgarian government to counter disinformation and propaganda
disseminated by foreign state or non-state actors in the country.
Question. Will you and your embassy teams actively engage with
Bulgaria on the right of labor groups to organize, including for
independent trade unions?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will actively support labor rights in
Bulgaria and engage with the Bulgarian government on this issue.
Question. Will you commit to using your position, if confirmed, to
defend the human rights and dignity of all people in Bulgaria, no
matter their sexual orientation or gender identity? What challenges do
the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) people face
in Bulgaria? What specifically will you commit to do to help LGBTQ
people in Bulgaria?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will work to support human rights for
all, including by strengthening efforts to address the discrimination
LGBTI persons face. I will also continue our Embassy's long-standing
public support for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of LGBTI
persons. The 2018 U.S. Country Report on Human Rights Practices in
Bulgaria noted a number of concerns, including anti-LGBTI hate speech,
threats, and assault.
Question. If a foreign person or government approaches you or a
staffer at the embassy with derogatory information on a U.S. political
figure, what is your understanding of official State Department policy
on how to handle it? In the wake of President Trump's comments
welcoming such information, it is important that the State Department
have clear guidance for all of its personnel on how to deal with such
scenarios. Has a cable with clear guidance on how to handle this
situation been sent to all U.S. embassies?
Answer. If approached with derogatory information, it is important
to make certain that this information immediately reaches the
appropriate law enforcement officials and my Front Office in
Washington, DC. Pursuant to 12 Foreign Affairs Manual section 262--
``Security Awareness and Contact Reporting''--U.S. Department of State
policy mandates that all employees and contractors report any contact
that prompts concern that he or she may be the target of actual or
attempted exploitation by a foreign entity. At the embassy, any such
contact must be reported as soon as possible to the embassy's Regional
Security Officer. Cleared U.S. employees are required to take annual
training ``EX 250 Annual Counter Intelligence Awareness,'' which
reviews these reporting requirements pursuant to 12 Foreign Affairs
Manual section 262. The Department has sent cables to all diplomatic
and consular posts with clear guidance about this training and
reporting requirement.
Question. Do you agree that any targeting of or retaliation against
career employees based on their perceived political beliefs, prior work
on policy, or affiliation with a previous administration, is wholly
inappropriate and has no place in the federal government? If confirmed,
what will you do to ensure that all employees under your leadership
understand that any retaliation, blacklisting, or other prohibited
personnel practices will not be tolerated?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to prevent any attempts to target
or retaliate against career employees on the basis of their perceived
political beliefs, prior work on policy, or affiliation with a previous
administration. I take allegations of such practices seriously and will
ensure they are referred to the Department's Inspector General.
Question. Has anyone ever made a formal or informal complaint or
allegation of sexual harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic,
religious, etc.), or inappropriate conduct against you, in a workplace
or any other setting? If so, please describe the nature of the
complaint or allegation, your response, and any resolution, including
any settlements.
Answer. I take all forms of harassment and discrimination in the
workplace very seriously and ensure that those who work for me also
understand the seriousness of such complaints and allegations. If I
become aware of any such concerns, I address the concerns promptly and
in accordance with Department policy and regulation. I also ensure that
all staff complete the mandatory EEO and harassment training. I have
never been named in a formal or informal complaint of harassment or
discrimination.
Question. Have you ever addressed concerns or allegations of sexual
harassment, discrimination (e.g., racial, ethnic, religious, etc.), or
inappropriate conduct made against any employee over whom you had
supervisory authority? If so, please describe the outcome and actions
taken.
Answer. I take any allegation of discrimination and sexual
harassment in the workplace very seriously and ensure that those
working for me understand how to address such concerns promptly and
appropriately. If I become aware of possible misconduct, I immediately
coordinate with the Office of Civil Rights at the State Department (S/
OCR) and with the EEO Counselors at post on appropriate next steps.
Additionally, I take the Department's mandatory reporting requirement
seriously. In accordance with Department regulations, if I hear,
witness, or should have reasonably suspected that discrimination or
sexual harassment has occurred, I would report the matter directly to
S/OCR.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Herro Mustafa by Senator Marco Rubio
Question. Do you concur that Hezbollah-backed terrorists conducted
the Burgas attack?
Answer. The State Department concurs that Hizballah conducted the
Burgas attack. If confirmed, I will call on the Bulgarian government to
complete the trial of the Hizballah members charged in absentia,
consistent with its domestic law.
Question. Intelligence services from the U.S., Bulgaria, Australia,
Canada, and other nations provided information to the Bulgarian
government implicating Hezbollah. Therefore, why do you believe that
the Bulgarian government has not yet named Hezbollah in the indictment?
Does this concern you?
Answer. Any wavering in the Bulgarian government's resolve to link
the attack to Hizballah concerns me. If confirmed, I will call on the
Bulgarian government to complete the trial.
Question. Will you convey the U.S. government's deep concerns to
Bulgaria's government that it appears that Bulgaria is attempting to
conceal Hezbollah's role in the attack? Will you provide regular
updates to Congress on your conversations with Bulgaria's government on
this topic?
Answer. If confirmed, I will convey these concerns and provide
regular updates to Congress on this topic.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record
Submitted to Herro Mustafa by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question. What are your most meaningful achievements to date in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? What has been the
impact of your actions?
Answer. My most meaningful achievement to promote democracy
involved my efforts to establish the first fully representative
provincial council in Mosul, Iraq, to include ethnic and religious
minorities as well as women. The impact was a political body that gave
many segments of society a voice in governance and a vehicle for more
vibrant political debate. In India, where I was Political Minister
Counselor, we countered violence against women and girls. The
Department of State honored one of our nominees with the International
Women of Courage Award. I was also Human Rights Officer in Greece,
responsible for drafting all Congressionally-mandated reports so I am
very familiar with the requirements and am a strong supporter of human
rights. I have always met with minority groups throughout my career and
have hosted representational events for these groups, including LGBTI
individuals. Where appropriate, I use social media to advocate for
human rights and democracy.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in
Bulgaria? What are the most important steps you expect to take--if
confirmed--to promote human rights and democracy in Bulgaria?
Answer. The 2018 U.S. Country Report on Human Rights Practices in
Bulgaria highlighted several ongoing human rights issues of concern,
including corruption, inefficiency, and a lack of accountability in the
judicial system; mistreatment of migrants and asylum seekers;
corruption in all branches of government; violence against ethnic
minorities; physical mistreatment of detainees and convicts by
officials; and harsh conditions in prisons and detention facilities.
The 2018 U.S. Report on International Religious Freedom for Bulgaria
also noted concerns by religious minorities of increases in hate speech
and anti-Semitism. If confirmed, I will engage with Bulgarian
authorities and civil society and encourage cooperation to address
ongoing corruption concerns, promote tolerance and nondiscrimination,
and protect media freedoms.
Question. What do you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. If confirmed, I hope that these actions will help
strengthen democratic institutions and the rule of law in Bulgaria,
while also increasing tolerance and participation for marginalized and
minority communities in political, economic, and social life. In
addition, by promoting the protection of media freedoms, for example,
we can encourage a more vibrant media environment and open, vigorous,
pluralistic, and respectful discussion of issues.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the Bulgarian
government on rule of law issues and to protect human rights and
fundamental freedoms for all. Rule of law reform is a long-term,
multifaceted and challenging process. While Bulgaria has taken steps to
build an open, inclusive, and prosperous society, more remains to be
done. We are concerned about indications in Bulgaria that media outlets
are closing or being purchased by conglomerates, reducing the diversity
of available views to the public.
Question. What challenges will you face in Bulgaria in advancing
human rights, civil society and democracy in general?
Answer. The 2018 U.S. Country Report on Human Rights Practices in
Bulgaria highlighted several ongoing concerns regarding human rights,
civil society, and democracy. In addition to the challenges referenced
in the previous response, I expect challenges on the issues of Roma
integration, LGBTI inclusivity, and combatting human trafficking.
Question. Are you committed to meeting with human rights, civil
society and other non-governmental organizations in the U.S. and with
local human rights NGOs in Bulgaria?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will engage with civil society and
non-governmental organizations both in the United States and in
Bulgaria on a range of human rights and other issues of mutual
interest.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to pro-actively
support the Leahy Law and similar efforts, and ensure that provisions
of U.S. security assistance and security cooperation activities
reinforce human rights?
Answer. I appreciate the importance of the Leahy Law and worked on
Leahy vetting extensively when I was the Political Minister Counselor
at the U.S. Embassy in New Delhi, India. If confirmed, I will ensure
all the required vetting is carried out for any security assistance and
security cooperation activities in order to reinforce human rights.
Question. Will you and your embassy team actively engage with
Bulgaria to address cases of key political prisoners or persons
otherwise unjustly targeted by Bulgaria?
Answer. According to the 2018 Country Report on Human Rights
Practices, there were no reports of political prisoners or detainees in
Bulgaria. However, if confirmed, I pledge to actively engage with
Bulgarian officials, regulatory bodies, nongovernmental and civil
society organizations to address any such cases should they arise.
Question. Will you engage with Bulgaria on matters of human rights,
civil rights and governance as part of your bilateral mission?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will engage Bulgaria on matters of
human rights, civil rights and governance as part of my bilateral
mission.
Question. Do you commit to bring to the committee's attention (and
the State Department Inspector General) any change in policy or U.S.
actions that you suspect may be influenced by any of the President's
business or financial interests, or the business or financial interests
of any senior White House staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to comply with all relevant federal
ethics laws, regulations, and rules, and to raise any concerns that I
may have through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you commit to inform the committee if you have any
reason to suspect that a foreign government, head of state, or foreign-
controlled entity is taking any action in order to benefit any of the
President's business or financial interests, or the interests of senior
White House staff?
Answer. If confirmed, I commit to comply with all relevant federal
ethics laws, regulations, and rules, and to raise any concerns that I
may have through appropriate channels.
Question. Do you or do any members of your immediate family have
any financial interests in Bulgaria?
Answer. No.
Question. Research from private industry demonstrates that, when
managed well, diversity makes business teams better both in terms of
creativity and in terms of productivity. What will you do to promote,
mentor and support your staff that come from diverse backgrounds and
underrepresented groups in the Foreign Service?
Answer. Diversity is one of my top leadership principles, and if
confirmed, I will continue to promote diversity of views and personnel
in the workplace. I will meet regularly one-on-one for professional
development sessions with my team and also ensure they have
opportunities for professional growth.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure each of the
supervisors at the Embassy are fostering an environment that is diverse
and inclusive?
Answer. Diversity is one of my top leadership principles and if
confirmed, I will highlight diversity in my first mission Town Hall to
set the tone up front. I will also ask that all supervisors ensure they
account for diversity in the hiring and assignments process. If
confirmed, I will also stress to them that inclusivity is critical to
our collective success.
Question. How do you believe political corruption impacts
democratic governance and the rule of law generally, and in Bulgaria
specifically?
Answer. Around the world, corruption saps economic growth, hinders
development, destabilizes governments, undermines democracy and
provides openings for dangerous criminals and malign actors. The
Department of State has made anticorruption a national security
priority. According to the 2018 Country Report on Human Rights
Practices, the Bulgarian Industrial Association identified corruption
as the main factor for low levels of foreign direct investment and
Transparency International Bulgaria also stated there had been no
significant progress in the country's anticorruption efforts. If
confirmed, I will engage the Bulgarian government, at all levels, on
anticorruption and to strengthen rule of law in support of Bulgaria's
economic prosperity and political stability.
Question. What is your assessment of corruption trends in Bulgaria
and efforts to address and reduce it by that government?
Answer. The 2018 U.S. Country Report on Human Rights Practices in
Bulgaria noted corruption remained a concern. According to the report,
the government did not implement anticorruption laws effectively, and
officials in all branches of government reportedly engage in corrupt
practices with impunity. Corrupt practices included bribery, conflict
of interest, elaborate embezzlement schemes, procurement violations,
and influence trading. The recent enactment of a law to combat
corruption--the law also established an Anti-Corruption Commission--is
a move in the right direction, but effective implementation of the law
will continue to be important. The European Commission commended the
legislation while also noting that Bulgarian authorities would need to
show concrete results. If confirmed, I will seek to continue our work
in support of anticorruption efforts to enhance Bulgaria's economic
prosperity and political stability.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to strengthen good
governance and anticorruption programming in Bulgaria?
Answer. In 2017, the State Department established a Resident Legal
Advisor's (RLA) office in Embassy Sofia to focus on anticorruption in
Bulgaria and the region. The RLA advises and trains Bulgarian officials
on best practices in preventing and prosecuting high-level corruption.
Bulgaria also sends participants to the State Department's
International Law Enforcement Academy in Budapest where they receive
training on topics related to strengthening the rule of law, and the
Embassy has supported progress by engaging civil society and speaking
publicly about the importance of reforms. If confirmed, I will work
with my team at the Embassy in Sofia to continue this type of
engagement with Bulgarian officials at all levels of government to
support good governance and anticorruption programming. I will also
engage with civil society and the press on corruption issues and
consider establishing concrete benchmarks for progress.
Question. I am very troubled that a NATO country has, as its
Minister of Defense, someone who has proposed targeting Roma for
reduction in birth rate, and another cabinet official who has been
convicted of hate speech against Roma. How will you engage with a
government that includes representatives of an extremist party?
Answer. If confirmed, I will call on Bulgarian government officials
to take steps to combat intolerance against Roma and to enable their
full participation in civic and economic life. I affirm my commitment
to work for dignity and equality for Roma people in Bulgaria.
Question. When you travel outside of Sofia, will you make a point
of meeting with Roma in the communities where they live?
Answer.Marginalization of the Roma minority remains among the most
pressing human rights concerns in Bulgaria, where municipalities
continue the practice of disproportionately targeting illegally-built
Roma housing for demolition. If confirmed, I will make a point of
meeting with Roma in the communities where they live and I will
encourage Bulgaria to take steps to combat intolerance against the Roma
and other marginalized groups.
Question. Bulgarian law prohibits campaigning in minority
languages. This violates OSCE norms relating to ethnic minorities, free
speech, and free elections. Will you encourage Bulgarian officials to
re-examine this law?
Answer. The 2018 U.S. Country Report on Human Rights Practices in
Bulgaria noted that the law prohibits campaigning in languages other
than Bulgarian, and the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human
Rights reported that the law limited the ability of ethnic minority
groups to understand election rules and to participate effectively in
the election process. If confirmed, I pledge to support political
inclusion for minorities, as well as free speech and free elections,
and I would encourage Bulgarian officials to re-examine the law.
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