[Senate Hearing 116-261]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 116-261
IMPLEMENTATION OF THE NATIONAL DEFENSE
STRATEGY IN THE UNITED STATES SOUTHERN
COMMAND AREA OF RESPONSIBILITY
=======================================================================
HEARING
before the
SUBCOMMITTEE ON
EMERGING THREATS AND CAPABILITIES
of the
COMMITTEE ON ARMED SERVICES
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
__________
JULY 9, 2019
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Armed Services
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via http://www.govinfo.gov
______
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
41-306 PDF WASHINGTON : 2020
COMMITTEE ON ARMED SERVICES
JAMES M. INHOFE, Oklahoma,
Chairman
ROGER F. WICKER, Mississippi JACK REED, Rhode Island
DEB FISCHER, Nebraska JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire
TOM COTTON, Arkansas KIRSTEN E. GILLIBRAND, New York
MIKE ROUNDS, South Dakota RICHARD BLUMENTHAL, Connecticut
JONI ERNST, Iowa MAZIE K. HIRONO, Hawaii
THOM TILLIS, North Carolina TIM KAINE, Virginia
DAN SULLIVAN, Alaska ANGUS S. KING, Jr., Maine
DAVID PERDUE, Georgia MARTIN HEINRICH, New Mexico
KEVIN CRAMER, North Dakota ELIZABETH WARREN, Massachusetts
MARTHA McSALLY, Arizona GARY C. PETERS, Michigan
RICK SCOTT, Florida JOE MANCHIN, West Virginia
MARSHA BLACKBURN, Tennessee TAMMY DUCKWORTH, Illinois
JOSH HAWLEY, Missouri DOUG JONES, Alabama
John Bonsell, Staff Director
Elizabeth L. King, Minority Staff
Director
Subcommittee on Emerging Threats and Capabilities
JONI ERNST, Iowa, Chairman
DEB FISCHER, Nebraska GARY C. PETERS, Michigan
KEVIN CRAMER, North Dakota JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire
MARSHA BLACKBURN, Tennessee MARTIN HEINRICH, New Mexico
JOSH HAWLEY, Missouri MAZIE K. HIRONO, Hawaii
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
July 9, 2019
Page
Implementation of the National Defense Strategy in the United 1
States Southern Command Area of Responsibility.
Faller, Admiral Craig S., USN, Commander, United States Southern 4
Command.
(iii)
IMPLEMENTATION OF THE NATIONAL
DEFENSE STRATEGY IN THE UNITED
STATES SOUTHERN COMMAND AREA
OF RESPONSIBILITY
----------
TUESDAY, JULY 9, 2019
United States Senate,
Subcommittee on Emerging
Threats and Capabilities,
Committee on Armed Services,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:00 p.m. in
Room SR-222, Russell Senate Office Building, Senator Joni Ernst
(chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
Subcommittee members present: Senators Ernst, Fischer,
Hawley, Peters, Shaheen, and Hirono.
OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR JONI ERNST
Senator Ernst. Welcome, everybody.
The Emerging Threats and Capabilities Subcommittee meets
today to receive testimony from Admiral Craig Faller, Commander
of U.S. Southern Command or, as we call it, SOUTHCOM.
Our focus will be on the evolving security situation in
this theater, as well as SOUTHCOM's efforts to implement the
National Defense Strategy (NDS).
Welcome to the Admiral. Thank you very much for being here,
sir. I certainly appreciate it.
Today's hearing is a continuation of the subcommittee's
efforts to provide oversight over National Defense Strategy
implementation. This is an important component of our efforts
to ensure our military is appropriately resourced, equipped,
and postured to defend the nation against a growing array of
threats.
While much attention has been on countering China and
Russia in their traditional spheres of influence in Europe and
across the Indo-Pacific region, the subcommittee has been
particularly focused on how those nations are increasingly
challenging U.S. national security interests not just within
their own geographic boundaries but elsewhere around the world.
Last year, the subcommittee held a hearing with leading
experts to discuss China's expanding presence in Africa and the
implications for our interests and those of our partners. It
was made clear during the hearing that China is undertaking a
comprehensive and long-term approach to bolstering its global
access and influence, oftentimes with the goal of undermining
the United States of America.
The situation in the western hemisphere is no different.
Admiral Faller, you highlighted in testimony earlier this year
that China has accelerated expansion of its Belt and Road
Initiative (BRI) in the western hemisphere at a pace that may
one day overshadow its expansion in Southeast Asia and Africa.
China's strategic engagement in the SOUTHCOM region
bolsters China's geopolitical network at the expense of United
States security interests and regional stability. China's
efforts to back oppressive governments such as the Maduro
regime in Venezuela and to pump loans into local economies at
unpayable interest rates reveal China's interest in spreading
influence and consolidating power.
As a result, Latin America has become a fixture for China's
ambitions, utilizing economic coercion to grow support for
Chinese foreign policy objectives including the isolation of
Taiwan and the exclusion of the United States and Canada from
regional discourse. Trade and economic ties between the United
States and Latin America are changing with China recently
surpassing the United States as the main destination for
exports from several Latin American countries.
China is also deepening military and technological ties in
the region. For example, we have seen deepened space-related
cooperation in Brazil, Venezuela, and Argentina. China has
increased arms sales in a manner that violates United States
and EU [European Union] restrictions and hinders our ability to
integrate with our strategic partners.
Meanwhile, Russia is also working to expand its influence
in region. The Putin regime seeks to erode United States
influence in the SOUTHCOM area of responsibility and has
doubled down on its efforts to prop up corrupt authoritarian
regimes in Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua through economic and
military assistance. For many years, Putin has viewed Latin
America as the natural link in the chain making up a multi-
polar world, and recent port visits by Russian navy vessels and
the deployment of a long-range bomber to the region highlight
Russia's efforts to strengthen its global reach in the new age
of great power competition. In fact, just a couple weeks ago,
the Admiral Gorshkov, one of Russia's most advanced warships,
was docked in Havana Harbor.
Finally, drivers of migration, including violence,
corruption, and poverty, place a significant strain on regional
governments and can engender regional instability, impacting
not only the southern border of the United States but providing
additional flashpoints for China and Russia to exploit at the
expense of American soft power.
All of this demonstrates clearly that the western
hemisphere should be viewed as an important front in our
efforts to compete with China and Russia and implement the NDS.
I look forward to your input and your candid assessment of
the evolving security dynamics in this region, describing how
the NDS information is important, and how you will allocate
SOUTHCOM's limited resources, as well as identify any
challenges that may impair your ability to accomplish your
mission.
Thank you again, Admiral, for joining us today, and I look
forward to discussion.
I will now turn it over to Senator Peters, our ranking
member, for your opening statement.
STATEMENT OF SENATOR GARY C. PETERS
Senator Peters. Well, thank you, Madam Chair, and thank you
for holding this hearing at a very critical time.
Events in Latin America are often overshadowed by the
crisis in the Middle East and Asia, but stability in the
SOUTHCOM AOR [Area of Responsibility] is clearly critical to
our national security.
I want to thank our witness, Admiral Faller, for his
service and for appearing here today to testify on the
implementation of the National Defense Strategy in the Southern
Command area of responsibility.
It is clear that Russia and China have significantly
increased their presence and their influence in the SOUTHCOM
AOR. Chinese investment has reached unprecedented levels, and
Beijing has invested billions of dollars in Latin America as
part of its Belt and Road Initiative. China often engages in
predatory lending practices that create debt traps for small
countries and allow Beijing to yield outsized influence in
these countries. The projects are often economically
unsustainable, and many countries throughout the world have
found themselves billions of dollars in debt with no way to
repay Beijing.
Russia's economic influence in Latin America is much
smaller than China's, but its intentions are much more
pernicious. Russia's propaganda machine has been active in
Latin America with efforts to raise doubts about the democratic
process and to sow discord in the region. Russia's state-
controlled Spanish language television station spreads
misinformation throughout the region and seeks to undermine
United States influence in the region.
Russia has also used cyber attacks to attack democratic
institutions. The Center for Strategic and International
Studies reported, for example, that there have been 50,000
cyber attacks against Colombia's national voter registry during
the 2018 legislative elections.
We have also seen Russia covertly deploy Kremlin-linked
paramilitary groups to Latin America, repeating the pattern of
using these forces to advance their strategic interest abroad
without having to admit that they have deployed any military
personnel to a specific country.
Russia's intervention in Venezuela has propped up the
disastrous Maduro regime and helped deny the transition to
power of interim President Guaido. This fits a pattern of an
increasingly aggressive Russia seeking to use all of the tools
in its playbook to undermine the appeal of the democratic
process and keep Russian aligned regimes in power.
While Russian and Chinese influence in Latin America is
destabilizing to the region, I think it is also important to
spend a few minutes on the most pressing threat to democracy in
the western hemisphere, and that is corruption. Corruption is
the root cause of mass migration, instability, and impunity in
Central America and the trafficking of illicit narcotics into
our country. Unless our strategy focuses on solving the root
causes of corruption, then no amount of security assistance
dollars to Latin American partners will be effective.
That is why I am quite concerned that the Trump
administration has recently decided to cut off all non-defense
USAID [United States Agency for International Development] and
State assistance to Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador, while
allowing defense assistance to these countries to continue.
President Trump's stated rationale to punish these countries
for the migrant crisis is ill-considered and totally
counterproductive to reducing forced migration numbers.
Ultimately it undermines our national security in the region.
Unless we support civil societies in these countries and help
improve the economic conditions, we will never get a handle on
the illicit drugs that flow through these Northern Triangle
countries and into the United States.
One final note I think is critical for us to discuss is
that corruption in Central and South America not only
destabilizes the region, but it also provides China and Russia
with a foothold into these countries as well. Corrupt
governments are more likely to take loans from China that allow
them to skim millions off the top and leave their treasuries
empty. Russia is able to sell arms to corrupt governments that
oppress their civilian populations and violate their human
rights. The more we focus on combating corruption, the more
successful we will be in implementing the National Defense
Strategy in the region.
I thank the chair again for holding this hearing, and I
look forward to the discussion.
Senator Ernst. Thank you, Ranking Member Peters. Thank you
for those opening comments.
Admiral Faller, we will go ahead and start with your
opening statement, and then we will move into questioning.
Thank you.
STATEMENT OF ADMIRAL CRAIG S. FALLER, USN, COMMANDER, UNITED
STATES SOUTHERN COMMAND
Admiral Faller. Chairman Ernst, Ranking Member Peters,
Senators, thank you for the opportunity to testify before you
today and for the steadfast support you provide the men and
women of the United States Southern Command day in and day out.
I would like to introduce my command's senior enlisted,
Sergeant Major Brian Zickefoose, my eyes and ears, who is here
with me today. He is also unabashedly from the great State of
Iowa.
As I mentioned in my written statement, I have been in
command of SOUTHCOM for 7 months. In that time, I have traveled
extensively throughout Central America, South America, and the
Caribbean to get a firsthand view of the opportunities and
challenges that you both illuminated. These opportunities and
challenges directly impact the security of this hemisphere, our
neighborhood. Criminal organizations, narcotrafficking, illegal
immigration, violent extremists, corruption, all enabled by
weak governance are principal among those challenges.
The most disturbing insight, the aha for me, however, has
been the degree to which the external state actors China,
Russia, and Iran have expanded their access and influence right
here in our neighborhood or, as General Neller put it, inside
our interior lines.
The National Defense Strategy makes clear great power
competition has reemerged as the number one security challenge
facing our nation. China, Russia, and others want to shape a
world consistent with their authoritarian models. They are
blurring the lines of what constitutes a military threat
through economic coercion, the systematic stealing of
technology, influence campaigns, and malicious cyber activity.
They are contesting our military advantage in all the
traditional domains we fight around the globe: land, air, sea,
space, cyber, and information, plus one more very important
domain, values like democracy, sovereignty, the rule of law and
human rights. Competition is happening globally and right here
in our neighborhood, the western hemisphere.
We see this most acutely in Venezuela where the security
crisis created by Maduro has compounded every single security
crisis we face in this hemisphere, where Russia in their own
words is protecting their loyal friend, to quote, by propping
up the corrupt, illegitimate Maduro regime with loans and
technical and military support, where China, as Venezuela's
largest single state creditor, saddled the Venezuelan people
with more than $60 billion in debt and is exporting
surveillance technology used to monitor and repress the
Venezuelan people. Iran has restarted direct flights from
Tehran to Caracas and reinvigorated diplomatic ties. Along with
Cuba, these actors engage in activities that are profoundly
unhelpful for democracy and regional stability and counter to
United States interests.
How do we counter the threats and seize the opportunities
in this hemisphere? How do we counter the threats posed by
external state actors in Venezuela and across the region?
The best way to out-compete is by focusing our strengths,
the strong, enduring ties we have with our neighbors, and from
a defense perspective, these strong mil-to-mil relations are
grounded in shared professionalism. We work with each other
from a foundation of mutual respect, human rights, and shared
interests in regional cooperation and interoperability. We
reinforce and build on this through training, education,
intelligence, and information sharing and exercises. Security
cooperation is our best tool to continue building these strong
partnerships and turn the challenges of our hemisphere into
opportunities. Working together, training, and exercising
shoulder to shoulder with American military professionals is
our competitive edge, and no one can match our system.
We also need the right, focused, and consistent military
presence day in and day out to go along with this training and
education. We cannot achieve positive results and influence
outcomes without being on the playing field. I will point to
two examples of the positive impact of our presence, happening
as I speak.
Our strategic bomber force and F-16 fighter aircraft from
the South Carolina Air National Guard are training with the
very capable Colombian Air Force. This mission takes place in
conjunction with the 100th anniversary of Colombia's Air Force
and builds interoperability and readiness for the United States
and for our very capable Colombian partners while also
demonstrating our shared resolve in the face of regional and
global challenges.
Nearby, the United States naval ship Comfort is in Lima,
Peru to help our neighbors impacted by the manmade crisis in
Venezuela. Comfort shows the very best of the United States of
America and the strong partnerships we have in the world. It is
part of our enduring promise to our neighbors in this
hemisphere to be a steadfast, reliable, and trusted partner.
We appreciate the continued support of Congress and this
committee in helping us fulfill that promise. The SOUTHCOM
team, our military and civilian members and our families
appreciate the support of Congress and we will continue to
honor the trust you placed in us and the trust our fellow
citizens have placed in us.
I look forward to your questions. Thank you very much.
[The prepared statement of Admiral Faller follows:]
Prepared Statement by Admiral Craig S. Faller
Chairwoman Ernst, Ranking Member Peters: thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you today. I have been in command of U.S.
Southern Command (USSOUTHCOM) for nearly seven months. In that time I
have traveled frequently throughout our area of responsibility, meeting
with counterparts and learning about this vital, dynamic part of the
world--our neighborhood, the Western Hemisphere.
I've been inspired by the many strengths and opportunities of our
hemisphere: our cultural and economic ties are historic and enduring.
Our relationships are firmly rooted in common interests and the shared
values of democracy, sovereignty, human rights, and rule of law. The
most disturbing insight, however, has been the degree to which External
State Actors (ESAs)--China, Russia, and to a lesser extent, Iran, and
North Korea--have expanded their access and influence in our
neighborhood. Each actor engages in a wide array of concerning,
potentially destabilizing activities, blurring the lines of what
constitutes a traditional ``military threat'' through economic
coercion, the systematic stealing of technology, pernicious
disinformation campaigns, and malicious cyber activity. With every
inroad they make, they gain additional opportunities to interfere with
our security relationships, undermine our efforts to reinforce
international norms, and potentially hold our interests at risk.
As the National Defense Strategy recognizes, the principal problem
facing the Department of Defense is interstate strategic competition
with China and Russia. I believe an important element of this involves
competition for values, ideas, and ideals. In Latin America and the
Caribbean, this competition is also taking place in parallel with
another competition: one between legitimate governance and illegitimate
power wielded by transnational criminal organizations and violent
extremist organizations. These groups threaten citizen safety, regional
security, and the national security of the United States and our allies
and partners. This region is the largest source of illicit drugs and
illegal migrants to the United States. Rule of law is under constant
assault by illicit networks that engage in bribery, coercion, and
violence that disrupt legitimate economic opportunities. Their illegal
activities in turn provide fertile ground for ESAs--particularly China
and Russia--who capitalize on the opportunities provided by weak
institutions and corruption to expand their influence. We see this most
acutely in Venezuela, where Russia contributes to propping up the
corrupt Maduro regime in return for increased access and leverage, but
this practice is widespread. Enormous sums of Chinese cash, coupled
with murky conditions on loans and business deals, have the potential
to exacerbate the region's corruption problem.
Where threats are transregional, multi-domain, and global--like
ESAs--the United States must renew focus on our neighbors and our
shared Western Hemisphere neighborhood. Our strong partnerships, rooted
in shared values, provide us with an advantage that no competitor can
match. Continuing to increase security and stability in this hemisphere
will expand opportunities for legitimate trade and investment for the
United States and our allies and partners. Working with our partners to
address shared challenges and threats--including weak governance,
corruption, transnational criminal organizations, and the flow of
illicit drugs--not only increases the security of our homeland, it
decreases the ability of malign actors to exploit this region at the
expense of our shared interests.
I look forward to discussing the nature of ESA activity in detail,
how we're working with partners to address them, and what we need to
maintain our competitive edge.
china
China poses a significant long-term threat. While the military
problems it poses are most acute in the Indo-Pacific region, China has
nonetheless turned its attention to the Western Hemisphere, quietly
accumulating unprecedented levels of influence and leverage. China is
now inside our own neighborhood seeking to displace the United States
as the partner of choice and weaken the commitment of our partners to
the rule of law and democracy.
Economic engagement. China's increasing access is enabled by
economics. As in other parts of the world, China is adept at leveraging
its economic instruments of power to achieve its strategic interests,
often in ways that can undermine the autonomy of countries: corrupt
practices, non-transparent and excessive loans, restrictions on market
economies, and potential loss of control of natural resources. China's
aim is to become the region's largest investor and creditor. China
plans to increase trade with the region to $500 billion by 2025. With
19 nations in the region now participating in the One Belt One Road
Initiative and pledges of at least $150 billion in loans, Beijing is
translating this economic heft into political influence. It is the
single largest creditor of the Maduro regime, saddling the Venezuelan
people with more than $60 billion in debt and providing financial
lifelines that have helped keep Maduro in power.
Access. On the maritime front, China has significantly increased
its naval deployments to the region, increasing its regional port calls
by 70% over the last five years. Chinese companies currently have over
50 active port projects in the hemisphere, and planned investments will
more than double the amount of ports where China has a presence. In the
future, China could use its control of deep water ports in the Western
Hemisphere to support global military deployments. Particularly
concerning is China's effort to court Panama and exert control over key
infrastructure associated with the Panama Canal. Hong Kong-based
company Hutchison Whampoa operates ports on either end of the Panama
Canal, and the Chinese government has aggressively invested in Panama's
infrastructure, security, and telecommunications systems. China
recently completed three infrastructure projects valued at $1 billion,
and is slated to complete five more projects this year worth over $2.5
billion.
Data protection. China's telecommunications investments and access
to space tracking facilities in the hemisphere place military
operations, intellectual property, and private data at risk. Chinese
firms like Huawei and ZTE have aggressively penetrated the region with
telecommunication projects in 16 countries, providing the backbone of
commercial and government communication systems for most of the region.
As we've seen elsewhere, Huawei's 5G systems presents significant
national security concerns. Because of the intimate relationship
between Chinese businesses and China's National Intelligence Law, \1\
we have significant concerns that any data transiting China or
processed by Chinese companies is at risk to access by the Chinese
government. If governments in Latin America and the Caribbean continue
to gravitate toward using Chinese information systems, our ability and
willingness to share information over compromised networks is likely to
suffer.
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\1\ China's National Intelligence Law provides that ``any
organization or citizen shall support, assist, and cooperate with state
intelligence work in accordance with the law, and maintain the secrecy
of all knowledge of national intelligence work.''
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Surveillance technology and authoritarian systems. China is also
increasing sales of its surveillance technology through its ``Smart and
Safe Cities'' initiative. What seems like a good idea--technology to
help improve safety in crime-ridden areas, for example--may come with
substantial hidden costs. Citizens living in democracies in the Western
Hemisphere could potentially have their entire digital identity under
the surveillance of an authoritarian government. Beijing has a long
track record of controlling information and suppressing dissent within
China, and is now exporting these tools to the region's authoritarian
leaders, as we've seen in Venezuela with the new ``fatherland'' card--
created by ZTE--that Maduro uses to monitor citizens and dole out scant
resources to his loyalists. \2\
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\2\ Assistant Secretary of State Kimberly Brier, Remarks on China's
New Road in the Americas: Beyond Silk & Silver, April 26, 2019.
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Security cooperation. China uses weapons sales and donations and
security services' training (similar to our IMET program) to improve
security cooperation and offer an alternative to U.S. military
training. It has donated equipment to our partners in the region and
provided anti-riot gear the Maduro regime uses to suppress protests in
Venezuela. Additionally, China's ``no strings attached'' approach to
security cooperation and economic relationships presents a challenge to
Inter-American values of democracy, sovereignty, human rights, and the
rule of law. Unlike the United States and our allies, the Chinese
government places no demands on their partners to implement governance
reforms, protect human rights, strengthen institutional accountability,
or play by the established rules. China has zero interest in advancing
these values; instead, it often attempts to undermine them as part of
its long-term strategic goals that include support in international
fora and access to mineral wealth.
Sovereignty threats. China undercuts regional sovereignty and
international norms through the widespread practice of illegal fishing
in the exclusive economic zones (EEZs) of countries such as Argentina,
Ecuador, and Chile. When our partners have attempted to enforce rule of
law, Chinese flagged vessels have responded aggressively, endangering
the lives of sailors and coast guardsmen in the region. Although it has
pledged to designate all variants of fentanyl controlled substances,
China's capacity and will to stop illicit shipments has been uneven.
The vast majority of fentanyl flowing into the United States still
originates in China, with many of the precursor chemicals needed to
produce fentanyl illegally trafficked into Mexico, Central America, and
the Caribbean via regional drug dealers and corrupt Chinese
businessmen.
russia
In contrast to China's long-term strategic approach, Russia seeks
to be more of a ``spoiler'' in the region by attempting to disrupt or
undermine U.S. engagement. Russia seeks to sow disunity and distrust,
propping up autocratic regimes in Cuba, Bolivia, Venezuela, and
Nicaragua, which are counter to democracy and U.S. interests.
Disinformation. Moscow continues to use Latin America and the
Caribbean to spread disinformation. As we've seen elsewhere in the
world, Russia floods the internet, social media, and television outlets
with original and reproduced propaganda, using RT-TV and Sputnik Mundo
to employ a ``fog of falsehood'' designed to disorient audiences. These
state-run media outlets allow Russia to discredit, slant, or outright
fabricate stories about the United States, our partners and allies, and
our role in the region. Russia also supports it authoritarian cronies
through propaganda and other information-related tools, providing
positive media coverage of its autocratic allies, papering over
repression and socioeconomic inequity in Venezuela, Cuba, and
Nicaragua.
Shows-of-force. Russia's deployment of two nuclear capable bombers
to the Western Hemisphere last year, and its most recent deployment of
its most advanced warship (an ADM GORSHKOV-class frigate) are intended
as shows of force to the United States. While aimed at us and the
region, this message is also aimed at Russia's domestic audience, as
part of a broader effort to distract from internal issues and endemic
corruption. In addition to its regular deployment of intelligence
collection ships, Russia has also deployed underwater research ships to
Latin America capable of mapping undersea cables--information it could
use to cut critical lines of communication during a future crisis.
Security cooperation. Latin America and the Caribbean is a major
market for Russian arms sales, and Moscow continues to make inroads
into traditionally US-dominated training activities. Since 2009, Russia
has sold nearly $9 billion in military equipment to Venezuela,
including combat aircraft, tanks and Surface-to-Air-Missile systems
(SAMS). In March, Russia inaugurated a helicopter training center that
can train up to 300 Venezuelans on Russian-made aircraft, allowing the
Venezuelan military to increase its combat readiness. Since 2012,
security officials from nearly all Central and South American countries
have received Russian CN training. These engagements, combined with
Russia's Counter Transnational Organized Crime Training Center (CTOC)
in Nicaragua, potentially provide Moscow with a regional platform to
recruit intelligence sources and collect information.
Support to authoritarianism. Russia uses the sanctuary of its
robust relationships with traditional allies--Cuba, Nicaragua, and
Venezuela--to gain a foothold close to our homeland, and enable
destabilizing activities by like-minded, authoritarian governments.
Russia has successfully pursued simplified port access agreements in
Nicaragua, and is establishing joint space projects with partners in
the region, such as Cuba, which it could eventually leverage for
counter-space purposes in the event of a global conflict. The Cubans
and the Russians remain the main foreign supporters of the Maduro
regime, with both malign actors providing security advisers and Cuba
embedding numerous personnel in Venezuela's armed forces and
intelligence services. As tensions increase with Russia in Europe,
Moscow may leverage these longstanding partnerships to maintain
asymmetric options, including forward deploying military personnel or
assets.
iran.
Iran remains the most significant state sponsor of terrorism around
the world. Iran has looked to reenergize its outreach in Latin America
and the Caribbean in recent years. The Iranian Threat Network, to
include Lebanese Hezbollah, maintains an established logistical,
facilitating, fundraising and operational presence in this region that
can be quickly leveraged with little or no warning in a contingency.
Many of these Hezbollah networks cache weapons and raise funds, often
via charitable donations, remittances, and sometimes through illicit
means, such as unsanctioned drug trafficking and money laundering. Last
September, Brazil arrested a Hezbollah financier in the tri-border area
near Paraguay and Argentina, and in recent years Paraguay, Peru, and
Bolivia have arrested multiple Hezbollah-linked suspects. Having a
footprint in the region also allows Iran to collect intelligence and
conduct contingency planning for possible retaliatory attacks against
U.S. or Western interests.
north korea
Although not as significant a threat as other ESAs, we remain
concerned that Pyongyang could use its small presence in the region to
collect intelligence or conduct contingency planning. Given its efforts
to generate revenue and history of working with supporters like Cuba to
circumvent sanctions, North Korea is likely engaged in some form of
illicit activity in Latin America.
Outcompeting ESAs. Outcompeting China and countering other ESAs
requires a whole-of-government approach, of which the military plays a
small but important role. Strong partnerships--enabled by engagements
and presence, intelligence and information exchanges, and education and
training--are our primary bulwark against the influence of malign
actors in the hemisphere and are bolstered by our work together on
military professionalism.
Engagements and presence. We have to be on the playing field to
compete. The same presence that strengthens our partnerships sends a
powerful signal to Russia, China, and others that the United States is
committed to the region and to the security of our neighborhood. Key
leader engagements, high-profile visits, multinational exercises with
visible U.S. presence, and our wide array of security cooperation,
training, and capacity-building demonstrate meaningful U.S. commitment.
We appreciate efforts by the Congress to recognize the need for
consistent presence and focused attention on this hemisphere. In recent
years, Congress has generously provided funding for additional air and
maritime platforms, as well as intelligence capabilities that enable
USSOUTHCOM to strengthen our partnerships throughout the region. During
my recent posture hearings before the Senate and House Armed Services
Committees, I witnessed bipartisan support for reinvigorating our
relationships within our neighborhood and USSOUTHCOM is postured to
work side-by-side with our partners to advance the security of this
hemisphere against all competitors.
Information & intelligence sharing. For our part, we are increasing
cooperation with partners to better understand, expose, and counter the
malign activities of Russia, China, Iran, and their authoritarian
allies. We are also working more closely with other U.S. combatant
commands and the Joint Staff to ensure that globally integrated plans
and operations are informed by threats and opportunities in this
hemisphere, as well as continuously improving the quality, frequency,
and depth of our intelligence exchanges.
Education and training. Additionally, our work with partners to
reinforce the hemisphere's substantial, but incomplete, progress in
human rights is even more critical in light of Russia and China's own
disregard for human rights. USSOUTHCOM's Human Rights Initiative--which
just celebrated its 20th anniversary--has conducted more than 200 human
rights engagements that have enhanced the ability of partner nations to
build professional forces that have legitimacy in the eyes of their
populations.
As I have discussed in previous testimony, the Department of
State's security assistance programs--like International Military
Education and Training (IMET) and Foreign Military Financing (FMF)--are
strategic game changers. Education and training for partner nation
personnel facilitate mutual understanding of our values, doctrine, and
cultures, while building life-long friendships that enable strong
partnerships despite political shifts or changeovers. This
understanding allows us to operate with our partners more effectively,
while strengthening shared values. Since 2009, IMET has provided
opportunities for over 55,000 students from the region to attend
schools like the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation
(WHINSEC), the Inter-American Air Force Academy (IAAFA), and the Inter-
American Defense College (IADC). While China and Russia have made
inroads in equipment sales, our partners still prefer United States
equipment, which offers the ``total package'' approach that includes
training, maintenance, and sustainment. Just like U.S. military-to-
military partnerships, U.S. equipment is built to last. We also
appreciate the support of Congress on our security cooperation programs
that enable us to build these partnerships.
conclusion.
Chairwoman Ernst, Members: I'll end with a final observation.
External State Actors offer the region many things (not all of them
benign), but the United States takes on the hard challenges--helping
our partners develop leaders, agencies, and institutions. Our partners
in the region want to work with us, train with us, learn from us, and
fight alongside us. They share our vision of a safe, prosperous, and
secure neighborhood. The right, focused and modest investments in this
hemisphere yield a solid rate of return for the United States, in the
form of capable partners that contribute to our shared security, and
reduced opportunities for inroads by External State Actors. Thank you.
Senator Ernst. Thank you very much, Admiral.
What we will do, I will go ahead and start with just a
couple questions, and we will go back and forth in order of
arrival. With that, we will go ahead and get started. Feel free
to take as much time as necessary, Admiral, to discuss the
challenges and opportunities that you have in SOUTHCOM.
Just to start, sir, the National Defense Strategy clearly
identifies great power competition between the United States
and, of course, China and Russia as the most pressing threat to
national security. Given their expanding presence in your AO
[area of operations], the NDS has particular relevance to your
area of responsibility. If you could, explain what is the role
of the United States military as we are competing with China
and Russia in the western hemisphere. What more can we be
doing?
Admiral Faller. Our focus is to build strong partnerships.
Twentyseven of 31 nations are democracies. We focus on
partnerships. That is the best way to out-compete China. Our
partners want to work with us. They want the advantage of
United States education, training, and exercises and military
equipment. It is the best in the world. It is up to us to
deliver that in a way that is relevant and also provides a
return on investment for American taxpayers. That is our focus.
Colombia and Brazil are two very good examples where we
spend a lot of time. We have traveled to Colombia on multiple
occasions. We have been to Brazil. Their chiefs of defense have
been to see us. It begins with intelligence sharing and
education, frankly, at a person-to-person level and a mil-to-
mil level. We enhance each other's situational awareness,
strengthen our understanding of the opportunities and
challenges, and work on education both in their schools and in
ours. I have had the opportunity to go down and speak at their
institutions. That is the foundation.
That counters Russia and China best because frankly they
cannot compete with our system. They are trying. They are in
the area. Everywhere I go, the chiefs of defense say the
Chinese have come. They have offered us free education,
unlimited travel, an opportunity to go to their schools. They
have taken and replicated our model. They have stood up Spanish
language training in Beijing. The message I get from our
capable partners is we do not want to train with them. We want
to continue.
The best way is to be consistent to offer the level of
service and demand that the partners can meet. We operate at
their speed and then also ensure that there is something that
we give back. When you meet a new chief of defense, for
example, the new chief of defense in El Salvador and the new
minister of defense in El Salvador, both graduates of United
States service schools--in fact, the chief of defense I think
has been to five United States schools, and the minister of
defense graduated the Naval War College in Newport. They are
committed to working with us, not with others, and that is the
way we move forward in a real meaningful way, Senator.
Senator Ernst. Thank you very much.
Just to go a little bit further with that, I do firmly
believe in those mil-to-mil opportunities, whether through
training, exercises, or through educational opportunities.
Now, maybe you can expand a little bit on the lack of
opportunity that we have been able to extend to other military
members in attending our military schools. If you could talk a
little bit about what some of those challenges are, whether it
is funding or otherwise, it would be good to hear about that.
Admiral Faller. The opportunity to expand our offerings of
education in our military schools and training in our schools--
and there is a difference, but both to get after technical
schools and the some of the professional military--is the
single best investment we can make long-term to our
partnerships. Graduates of our school systems go back with an
understanding of U.S. doctrine, U.S. tactics, techniques, and
really become lifelong friends. The chief of defense in
Argentina, for example, is an honor grad of the Army War
College and very proud of it and was just admitted into the
Army War College Hall of Fame. That fact is known by the
political leadership in Argentina and it is valued. I find him
to be one of my best generals. He has also been one of my best
strategic partners.
The principal source of funding for education comes from
the International Military Education Training, IMET, account.
It is State Department-funded that has basically been flat-
lined as long back as I can do the math. Then your dollars, in
current year dollars, of flat accounts, get us less school
seats over time because the schools cost more than what we are
able to contribute within the rules.
I have advocated and former defense secretaries have as
well that we would be well served to look at an increase in
this. The overall account of the entire Department of Defense
is somewhere just north of $100 million, and for SOUTHCOM, it
is about $11 million. I think I could absorb $18 million, a
modest increase. When you look at the kinds of monies we are
spending in other areas, this is a low amount of money for a
high dividend, high payoff. I would advocate that is an area we
could expand.
I am glad we are not like these others. I will not dignify
by naming the names of the countries that come in and offer no-
strings-attached training. I am glad we have vetting and
emphasize human rights. It is the right thing to do. It should
be a high bar to go to our schools. We should get a return on
investment from it. I think we do the right things with the way
we screen and invest and look at the long-term return on
investment for both our forces. That is an area I think we
would do well to expand, Senator.
Senator Ernst. Very good. Dollars well spent. Thank you
very much, Admiral.
Ranking Member Peters?
Senator Peters. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Again, Admiral Faller, thank you for being here. Admiral,
we appreciate it.
I think it is clear from the discussion that we had earlier
in my office, as well as in your testimony that you provided
here at the opening, is that you agree that corruption, lack of
economic opportunity, violence, and really the failure of
democratic governance in the Northern Triangle is a significant
cause for some of the mass migration that we are seeing out of
these countries, as well as the drug trade through these
countries. Is that an accurate statement?
Admiral Faller. Senator, the connection between weak
governance, corruption, transnational criminal organizations,
and then even the opportunity for China and Russia, as you
articulated, is significant, and I consider that the number one
security threat that we face here in this hemisphere because
that same corruption breeds criminal activity, could breed
terror activity, and certainly breeds the kind of dirty deals
that other external state actors come in and thrive on.
Senator Peters. In order to deal with that breakdown of the
governance, it would probably make sense to have a whole-of-
government approach in dealing with it, and that means not just
the military operations that you are engaged in but also NGO
[non-governmental organization] activities that are working on
civil society instructors. I know you have had experience
working with some of the NGOs, particularly in the Northern
Triangle. Are they helpful? Do you think that is part of the
approach that we need to take in order to stabilize those
countries?
Admiral Faller. Strong institutions and strong defense
institutions in these countries contribute to the whole-of-
government solution, and that is where we focus. We have a
program called defense institution building which gets after
that through our Perry Center here in Washington, DC. As that
plays into a whole-of-government strategy across what we call
the DIME, diplomacy, information, military, and economics, that
is the best solution long-term. When we play into that with the
private sector and NGOs, that is the best way to get the most
lasting, resilient, long-term results, Senator.
Senator Peters. You are saying programs like USAID, State
Department programs, in those countries are critically
important for us in our work to stabilize those areas and
hopefully prevent migration and some of the drug trafficking
that comes out of those countries?
Admiral Faller. The integration of all elements of our
power is key. I have a civilian deputy who is a full ambassador
from the State Department. She has former USAID experience,
Ambassador Ayalde, and we have a senior executive from USAID
that sits to my immediate left at every meeting as one of my
most senior reps so we can figure out how to best integrate it.
Senator Peters. The Trump administration recently cut off
all non-defense aid to the countries in the Northern Triangle,
as I know you are aware of, Guatemala, Honduras, and El
Salvador. Did the administration consult you as to whether or
not that would make sense?
Admiral Faller. The pressure that is being applied to these
governments I would offer is good. The decision to cut off is a
policy decision, and I am not normally part of policy
decisions, Senator. But I advocated and articulated to the
defense leadership the important contributions that
professional militaries from Honduras, Guatemala, and El
Salvador have made, particularly in the counternarcotics fight
where their special forces are really getting after it in a way
that is paying dividends for United States security. That is
why we were able to continue our mil-to-mil engagement,
Senator.
Senator Peters. Admiral, the Leahy Law bars assistance to
security forces who have committed gross human rights
violations, as you are aware. Would it make sense to add
corruption to the list that would cut off security assistance,
particularly of corruption that enables drug and human
trafficking?
Admiral Faller. Senator, I do not know that I would have
thought through enough how corruption might play in the Leahy
Law. I think the Leahy Law is extremely effective. It is
demanding, rightly so, and it produces units that we can trust
and that we can look at and know are doing the right thing with
respect to human rights.
Senator Peters. Admiral Faller, in the ``Financial Times''
interview from June 26th, 2019, President Putin said that,
quote, there are no Russian troops in Venezuela and
characterized the personnel there as just specialists and
instructors to train local forces. Yet, multiple press outlets
have reported that paramilitary forces linked to the Wagner
group deployed to Venezuela to provide security for President
Maduro. These are the same forces, as I know you are very
aware, that conducted missions on the Kremlin's behalf in
Ukraine, Syria, and other countries across Africa.
How would you characterize the actions of the Kremlin and
Kremlin-linked forces in Venezuela? Is it just regular
training, as Mr. Putin alleges, or is it something more
nefarious?
Admiral Faller. Senator, we have consistently seen the way
Russia manipulates media around the world. At one point in
February from my full Senate Armed Services Committee hearing,
about a week before the hearing, I was here doing pre-hearing
office calls, and I came out of Senator Rubio's office to the
news that Russian state TV was reporting my presence on the
Colombia-Venezuela border, including a picture of someone who
was not me and B roll footage of tanks and planes poised to
conduct an invasion. I think that sort of states Russia's
approach overall to accuracy.
There are Russian troops. There are Russian defense
contractors. Their presence is in the hundreds. In Venezuela,
they are supporting the Maduro regime. They are keeping Russian
gear operable. They are conducting a full range of activities
you would expect a foreign power to do to prop up their puppet
regime.
Senator Peters. Thank you, Admiral.
Senator Ernst. Senator Hawley?
Senator Hawley. Admiral, thank you for being here and thank
you for your leadership.
Is it fair to say that one key Russian and Chinese
objective in the region is to reduce United States influence
and access?
Admiral Faller. Senator, I think it is. I would
differentiate it slightly.
I think for Russia that I would characterize it as almost a
wounded bear wanting power. Their principal objective is to
make the U.S. look bad at whatever turn they can and do
anything that would blunt a U.S. advantage, even if that
advantage is for the international good and the people, as it
is in Venezuela.
For China, they have legitimate economic interests around
the world, and I know we are working hard as a nation to figure
out how those legitimate international interests can actually
be played using the rule of law. They have an economic interest
primarily. But make no question that my research, my study, the
56 ports that they are working on, the extensive IT
[information technology] infrastructure, the extensive work
they are doing in cyber, the space access that they are working
on, all these things that would be characterized I think by
Chinese state officials as soft power--they have hard aims. As
I said in earlier testimony this year, they are setting the
stage for future access and influence that would have clearly
military dimensions.
Senator Hawley. Just on this last point there about China
with their ports, with their cyber, with their development, you
see that as part of a larger strategic plan on China's part to
ramp up their influence in the region and also to diminish
ours. Is that fair to say?
Admiral Faller. China has global aims that extend beyond
economic, and I think we have got to continue to out-compete
China globally, including in this neighborhood, this
hemisphere.
Senator Hawley. Thank you for that answer.
Give us a sense of what you think in your judgment that
looks like. What does it look for us to out-compete them, and
what do we need to be doing to meet and turn back their
strategic aims here?
Admiral Faller. There are a lot of security challenges
around the world, as have been outlined: North Korea, Iran,
Russia and their near abroad, China, South China Sea. We have
to make sure that we look at those globally, and we are as a
department. We have to make sure that they are resourced
globally and resourced to a sufficient level so that China does
not come in and fill that vacuum when we are not there. At a
point, you cannot do that and just be a schoolhouse in
Carlisle, Pennsylvania and Newport, Rhode Island or Montgomery,
Alabama, at any one of our excellent war colleges, or at
Western Hemisphere Institute for Security at Fort Benning or
here in the Perry Center in Washington. At a point, we have got
to be in the region, be present. That means U.S. Navy ships,
Coast Guard cutters, Marine special purpose MAGTF [Marine Air
Ground Task Force] forces, special operations forces, small
numbers. We have in some cases adequate numbers now, but if we
took reductions--we might have to for the global fight--that
would have a disproportionate impact I think in the long-term
ability to work with our partners.
Senator Hawley. Are there capability gaps that you have
currently that you are concerned about that we should be doing
something about?
Admiral Faller. I am concerned. The littoral combat ship is
an excellent platform the Navy is bringing online. It has had
some growing pains. I am confident we are going to come out of
those. The sergeant major and I spent several hours on a
littoral combat ship in Mayport, Florida recently. It is a
capability we need. We do not have it. The Navy is committed to
deploying one in October. I will not give the name but a ship
in October. We look forward to that. We do not have a Navy
combatant now, and so that is a capability gap.
Intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance assets are
challenged worldwide. We need those for monitoring the
situation in Venezuela, also for the global counternarcotic
fight, the crisis in this nation. That is our number one asset
to detect that flow. We are short assets, yes, Senator.
Senator Hawley. Thank you for that. That is very helpful.
Let me ask you about our mil-to-mil contacts there, which
you have already discussed some. They seem to be in your region
relatively narrow focused and at the small unit level. I am
just wondering. Do you feel that our training events with our
partner nations are focused at the right level, and are they
having the effect that you think they should be?
Admiral Faller. We do focus at the unit level, and the
basic blocking and tackling rightly starts there. But we also
have some high end exercises with our very capable partners.
So we just completed UNITAS, which is the longest serving
maritime exercise that the United States has of 60 years. This
was the 60th year. Our very capable Chilean partners led that
and hosted it and were in command of that exercise. Twelve
nations in that exercise from around the globe, observers from
the UK [United Kingdom] and others and ships from Ecuador in a
very capable high end exercise.
At the same time, we had our Forces Commando, so 19 special
operations forces, squads working together as a team in a
competition also in Chile simultaneously operating.
We do have high end exercises. I think there is more we
could do to increase the level and complexity of those and
bring more partners in, and that is one of the things we are
focused on if there are additional resources for exercises.
Senator Hawley. Can I ask just one more question, Madam
Chair?
The last question just on UNITAS, since you mentioned it,
Admiral. I understand over 1,700 personnel participated, 12
nations. Can you describe the degree of trust among the member
nations, the participating nations, alignment of priorities,
things you feel came out of this that you would report on to
us?
Admiral Faller. I attended the opening ceremony and had a
chance to sit into the pre-sail brief in the hangar of a
Chilean frigate and went down the line and met the lieutenant
who was leading the diving salvage and the aggressor force of a
03 lieutenant who was leading the opposition force, the
commander of the Chilean sub who was going to go out and sink
the high end American destroyer, the Michael Murphy, named
after one of our Medal of Honor winners. You saw a band of
brothers standing there on the flight deck. It would make any
one of us proud. That is exercise money, train dollars that is
well spent. That exercise covered everything from HADR [high
availability disaster recovery] to response to a terrorist
activity, and it was intense.
Senator Hawley. Thank you.
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Ernst. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Thank you, Admiral Faller, for being here today.
You mentioned the shortfall in the global counternarcotics
effort, and as I am sure you are aware, the opioid crisis in
the U.S. was responsible for more than 47,000 deaths in 2017.
Much of those substances come in through Mexico. Heroin grown
in South American countries, particularly Colombia, is
trafficked to the United States by air and sea. It has a real
impact on the entire country, as you know. In New Hampshire, we
have the second highest opioid-related overdose deaths in the
nation.
Can you talk a little bit about what you are doing to
coordinate with State governments and the U.S. on this effort?
Admiral Faller. The drug crisis is a national security
crisis, Senator. It is that easy to get drugs in and the other
illicit commodities that can come along those same networks. It
is a significant focus of ours.
As I mentioned in a previous question, there are
insufficient resources dedicated. We are working as hard as we
can with the Coast Guard. It is a premier agency, and they are
working hard. They have dedicated twice the number of cutters
to the effort than what they commit in their annual global
plan, which shows the level of commitment. Our Navy has stepped
up to commit more.
Joint Interagency Task Force South in Key West, as you
know, is the premier center and, with about 1.5 percent of the
budget, gets about 90 percent of the drugs headed into the
country, cocaine which is principally coming from Colombia.
We are working as hard as we can with our partners across
the U.S. interagency, principally in the Joint Interagency Task
Force South, and in the committees here in Washington, D.C. to
look at ways to be more effective and to put more resources and
intelligence and thought into the interdiction problem.
It is also a supply problem and a demand problem. In that
regard, I would have to say that Colombia has stepped up in a
significant way, and while the statistics that you cite do not
reflect that because of the time lag, what has been published
and made public for 2018 since President Duque has taken over
is a significant increase in eradication, manual eradication, a
significant increase in Colombian partner interdiction, a
significant increase in the Colombian forces' contact with the
narcotraffickers and the terrorist groups that deal in this.
Working with our partners, both in the United States
interagency and our other host nation partners, 40 percent of
our interdictions right now are by these partner nations that
we train and work with in Colombia. I mentioned already the
very capable forces of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala. I
would have to add in there Panama and Costa Rica have stepped
up.
But more can be done, and we are dedicated to that because
there are still way too many drugs that are getting through and
getting to this country, Senator.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you very much.
I want to switch subjects now. I am looking at a contract
award document from the Defense Logistics Agency for February
of 2018. One of the projects described here is for a
contingency mass migration complex at Naval Station Guantanamo
Bay, and it is a $23,164,000 fixed price contract for
construction of that mass migration complex. It includes site
shaping for tents, concrete pads for camp headquarters. It goes
on to talk about mass notification system, various
infrastructure requirements.
Are you aware of this contract, and have you been part of
any discussions about what that mass migration complex is going
to be used for? Is it going to be used for movement of migrants
from our southern border to Guantanamo Bay?
Admiral Faller. Senator, one of our missions is to be able
to handle any kind of mass migration event that is a SOUTHCOM
mission. We have experienced that in the past with some
migrants from Cuba and Haiti.
Part of the naval station at Guantanamo Bay is an
unimproved field that could be subject to any kind of weather
conditions, mud. To get that field to a standard so if we had a
mass migration, as I mentioned from Cuba or Haiti, we could
keep the migrants on cement pads instead of in the mud and have
power and water for sanitation ready to go. We did not
currently have adequate facilities for the numbers that we
would estimate in those worst kind of migrations.
I have been down to look at the progress. I was there at
the start of the work. Work is ongoing. We are supervising it.
We also run an annual training drill. We actually send our
Army South soldiers there to walk through the command and
control and the interagency coordination that may be required.
I am very much involved in the details. That is for a projected
future mass migration event. There has been no discussion or no
order given to me to prepare that site for any kind of
southwest border flow.
Senator Shaheen. Are you aware of any discussions that have
been held that you may not have been given a direct order, but
have you been part of--or do you know of any discussions that
have been held to move southern border migrants there?
Admiral Faller. No, Senator. Nobody has had a discussion
with me to that effect.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Senator Ernst. Senator Hirono?
Senator Hirono. Thank you, Madam Chair.
I would like to follow up on the questions that Senator
Shaheen just asked.
She referred to a $23 million----
Senator Shaheen. It is over $23 million. It is almost $24
million.
Senator Hirono. Twenty-four million dollar contract to
house people as a result of mass migration. What is that money
for? Is it just what? I do not understand. Is it not going to
go to put some buildings up in this field that you are talking
about at Guantanamo Bay?
Admiral Faller. Senator, we currently have a migration
operation principally for Cuban migrants, and there are a small
flow of migrants that come from Cuba----
Senator Hirono. This money is for mass migration. I do not
think we are talking about Cuba or Haiti.
Admiral Faller. The current facilities are inadequate to
hold any more than a few hundred. The worst case plans based on
historical analysis or some kind of future event--it could be a
weather-related event--would call for a larger infrastructure
footprint that could hold into the tens of thousands. That is
what that is based on. It is based on electrical
infrastructure, sewage, water, power, concrete pads, some
sanitation buildings. It is a very spartan camp, though,
Senator.
Senator Hirono. Admiral, are you saying that this money is
not for the purposes of moving some of the migrants from the
Northern Triangle countries to Guantanamo Bay?
Admiral Faller. That is correct, Senator, not for.
Senator Hirono. Any news reports that say that there is a
potential for housing these people at Guantanamo Bay would be
mistaken?
Admiral Faller. I have seen the same news reports, Senator,
but the program money and the project we are overseeing and the
mission we have is for mass migration, not the southwest
border.
Senator Hirono. You have not gotten any order or there is
no direct order, no discussion about sending people from the
Northern Triangle to Guantanamo Bay. But if such an event
occurs or such discussions occur, would you let this committee
know?
Admiral Faller. Senator, I assure you I would if there was
a discussion or an order that I had in that respect.
Senator Hirono. Okay, because of course with thousands and
thousands of people coming from the Northern Triangle, our
facilities are bursting at the seams and there is no question
that there is an acknowledgement that some of our defense
assets might be put to use to house these people. I think it is
a matter of great concern for us.
On page 1 of your testimony you talk about the impact of
interstate competition with China and Russia, who are
capitalizing on the instability within your AOR. China, as you
know, is a primary threat in the Indo-Pacific AOR, but they
are, of course, increasingly turning to other countries; they
spread a wide net.
What impact have China's activities on Southern Command had
with your relationships with partner nations? Because, you
know, China is very busy trying to insert themselves into
having influence with our partner countries in that area. Is it
making it harder for you to retain these important
relationships with our partner countries?
Admiral Faller. Our partners still want and view us as a
partner of choice, and our schools, education, and everything
is preferred.
I think the challenge comes in if we do not have the speed,
the quantity, or for some reason we are not there to be able to
provide the partnership. From that respect, I will give you one
example, Senator. I am having my third cup of tea with one of
the leaders from a capable Caribbean partner nation. I do not
start out asking about China. I start asking about the things
that are mutual threats, how they perceive them. I have a lot
to learn in my tour. But we get to China, whether they bring it
up, I will bring it up. Then I will be blunt and ask what is
China providing for you, and this particular chief of defense
said they gifted me $23 million last year. I said, well, what
did you do with it? Just $23 million. Here is cash. I looked at
my security cooperation card, and I think my total sum of
assistance was $1.5 million, which I thought was pretty
adequate.
We are not going to compete in volume. We have to compete
in quality and speed of relevance. Sometimes that may be fast,
sometimes slow based on what the partner needs.
That does make it challenging, though. Twenty three million
dollars. The chief of defense said, well, I did not buy any IT
with that, Admiral. I am like, well, okay. But I mean, there
are only so many uniforms you can buy for $23 million. You did
something with it. I get it. It is hard to turn down cash. That
is the challenge that we are competing with.
Some of the partners are turning it down.
Senator Hirono. One wonders for how long can they turn down
what might be basically free money.
Are China and Russia also involved in the Northern Triangle
countries?
Admiral Faller. It is different per country, and I try to
always break them apart and go country by country. The previous
leadership in El Salvador had a little different view about
China and changed directions. I think the new leadership is
much more pro-U.S. and really wanting to partner. I mentioned
their chief of defense and minister of defense, and that is
including both Russia and China. I see the same in Honduras and
Guatemala. From a policy perspective, they stuck by Taiwan and
the United States. Guatemala and Honduras have. I think it is
different, but Russia and China are in there. They are trying
to make inroads, and they will take every opportunity to move
in if we are not.
Senator Hirono. It sounds as though, with that kind of
competition, your presence, whatever we can do to shore up our
relationships is a constant thing for you. Keep doing it.
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Ernst. Admiral, we will go ahead and do a second
round of questioning. I think our members have additional
questions they would love to hear your thoughts on.
We talked a little bit about Argentina during your office
call and some of the deep space tracking facilities that are
there. If you could in an unclassified setting in this room,
can you elaborate on the assessed purpose of that facility and
the threat that it is posing to our military and to other
assets that we have here?
Admiral Faller. China is working in space around the globe
and across all elements of space. I think our focus on space is
exactly right because we have to stay ahead in this area. They
are looking for access points. They have found them in South
America, and Argentina is principally one. The extent to what
China is doing and the degree of military activity at that site
is extremely concerning to the security of the United States.
Senator Ernst. Can you expound on what is the impact to the
United States?
Admiral Faller. China has the ability to have a more global
view of all space activities, and that could run the gamut of
offense and defense. Beyond that, we would have to go to a
different setting, Senator.
Senator Ernst. Absolutely. Thank you. I appreciate that.
Outside of China and Russia--we spent a lot of time
visiting about them. But Iran and Iranian proxies do have a
long history in South America and in the western hemisphere.
There was the 1994 bombing of a Jewish center in Argentina and
the presence of Hezbollah-affiliated fund raising activities
across the region.
How would you characterize their presence in this
hemisphere, and what are their primary objectives?
Admiral Faller. Iran continues to be the number one state
sponsor of terror around the world, and their long arm of
malfeasance is everywhere. We have seen that recently in their
attacks on tankers. They have at least two attributable terror
attacks here in this hemisphere
right here in Washington, D.C. where they attempted to kill
the Saudi ambassador to the United States really within blocks
of where we are sitting and their state-sponsored terror attack
in Argentina. There are active connections between the Iranian
regime and Lebanese Hezbollah fund raising activities
throughout the region. We watch these closely. There is also
Iranian sponsorship of Islamic centers with very dubious and
questionable purposes throughout the hemisphere that has
considerable ties to known terror activities in Iran. We keep
our eye on this, and we work closely with our capable partners
such as Brazil and Argentina to share information about these
threats.
Senator Ernst. In your estimation then, these elements that
exist in this hemisphere--are they capable of hindering U.S.
objectives?
Admiral Faller. We have seen what Iran is doing day in and
day out, Senator, in the Arabian Gulf, in Yemen, in Saudi
Arabia, in the UAE [United Arab Emirates], what they have done
here in the past. I do not put much stock in their good
intentions going forward. I think we have got our eye on this
one as best we can with the resources we have.
Senator Ernst. Thank you, Admiral.
I will yield back my time.
Senator Peters?
Senator Peters. Thank you, Madam Chair.
I am going to pick up on a question that the chair asked
you about the domains. You have talked about the space domain,
but the other domain that we need to be focused on is cyber, in
particular Chinese activities around the world in that area.
Could you explain what the Chinese may or may not be doing
in Latin America to expand their cyber capabilities?
Admiral Faller. Start with the crisis in Venezuela. The
Maduro-made crisis there, which now pushed out over 4 million
migrants--unfortunately, it is affecting their region--is being
aided, abetted by Russia, Cuba, and to a lesser extent but a
significant one, China. As I mentioned in my opening statement,
China is also involved in enabling cyber for the Maduro regime.
We look broadly beyond that. The attractiveness of IT
infrastructure and the safe city/smart city concept where IT
infrastructure can provide surveillance opportunities for
security forces is being actively pursued by a number of
important partners in the region. We have been very actively
involved with our interagency partners to explain the risks,
and on a mil-to-mil and security force level, the partners get
it. They have been able, in some cases, to articulate to their
leadership to slow or stop some projects.
But they turn to us and say what is our alternative. Just
like was mentioned about the money, Senator Hirono mentioned at
some point you do need resources. They all say, hey, we need IT
infrastructure. What is the alternative that will come forward
that we can provide?
On a mil-to-mil level, we are working on some important
security cooperation packages with CYBERCOM [U.S. Cyber
Command], some of our first-ever security cooperation packages
with partners that want to do more in this area. We have made
some visits to do some assessments, and with the support of
Congress, we are going to come forward with some 333 packages
that will do training, education, and cyber infrastructure in a
mil-to-mil realm. They are the first ones ever we are pushing
with a couple of our very capable partners.
That has got to be our response, and that is another reason
why we need to--when I talk more broadly about being there and
being consistent, that is one of the areas we are going to look
moving forward and that will help both of us on cyber defense.
But China is there in a big way, Senator.
Senator Peters. China uses cyber not just to deal with
security issues, surveillance issues to prevent crime, but also
to keep track of their population and, some would argue, to
manipulate the population and get them more compliant with the
regime.
Do you believe Latin American governments are also moving
in that direction with the assistance of the Chinese?
Admiral Faller. Senator, when I talk to our partners about
the United States versus China, I said, look, I am not here to
bash China. I am not here to even ask you to make a choice. I
am here to talk about what is important to you and what is
important to us, and I think I know where you come from where
you honor and respect democracy, rule of law, human rights, and
sovereignty. I look at those sort of four representative
variables. I said I look at the competition that you might do
business with, these other external state actors, and I know
where we stand. We are not the perfect people, but we work
really hard at being good in this country and particularly in
our military. We make mistakes, but they are usually honest
mistakes. I know where we stand on those four variables. I also
know where the competition stands on those four variables. When
you buy into a product, are you prepared to buy what might come
with it, what kind of rule of law, what kind of respect for
human rights?
I do not see currently an indication that people are buying
into that in a way that is corrupting them or causing them to
stray from their commitment to us and their commitment to
professionalism. On a mil-to-mil level, I do not. But it
concerns me when you look long-term, when you leverage
yourself, and you look down the list, democracy, human rights,
rule of law.
Senator Peters. Thank you, Admiral.
Senator Ernst. Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Admiral, as I am sure you are aware, in 2017 President
Trump signed into law the Women, Peace, and Security Act, which
mandates that we prioritize the inclusion of women in conflict
negotiations and security structures and in peace negotiations.
Can you talk about how SOUTHCOM is implementing that law
and how you see it helping you to accomplish your mission?
Admiral Faller. Master Chief Stacey Arin is my gender
advisor, sort of the alter ego to the command sergeant major
here. She was at our full Senate hearing. She is out actually
on a field trip working on this.
When we look at professionalism, what it takes to be a
professional force, I think that is principally why people want
to partner is we are professional. Professional forces are
legitimate. Professional forces respect human rights, rule of
law. They also respect talent and allowing equal opportunity to
come in and compete irrespective of who you are, what you do,
and whether you are a female or a male. That is what our
approach is and how we talk about it.
My commanders conferences that I have--we have a big one
coming up in August in Brazil for all the South American
countries. That will be a focus point of the discussion with
our counterparts and how they work that and how we work with
them. We have actually had requests from some of our partners
to say how did you, the United States, work through the
integration of putting women on the team on combat ships at
sea. That is one of the projects we are taking on with one of
our partner nations right now. They are receptive to it.
We appreciate the act because it came with resources that
help us to sponsor training courses. We hosted the first course
where we are training the trainers. We had all the combatant
commands at SOUTHCOM, and I kicked the course off. It was the
afternoon of my first day in command actually. We are looking
to kind of move this forward in practical ways that deliver
combat capability. I actually think it does--I know it does--
deliver combat capability.
Senator Shaheen. Well, I think it is also important to
point out that there is a growing body of evidence that shows
what a difference it makes to have women at the table in
conflict resolution and peace negotiations where we know if
women are part of those negotiations, they are more than 30
percent likely to last for longer than 15 years. I think for
all kinds of reasons, including the ones that you cite, it is
very important for us to see this law implemented. Thank you
very much.
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Ernst. Senator Hirono?
Senator Hirono. Thank you.
Admiral, the Joint Interagency Task Force South helps
detect, monitor, and stop drug trafficking. Last year, only 6
percent of known drug movements were interdicted.
Can you clarify for me? You mentioned it in your response
to one of the questions that 40 percent of interdictions are by
our partner countries. That is 40 percent of the 6 percent of
the drugs that are interdicted?
When President Trump declared a national emergency to fund
his border wall, he announced he would pull $2.5 million from
the Department of Defense's drug interdiction program. That is
the program that we are talking about.
How are the funds in this drug interdiction program used to
address drug trafficking? If these funds are diverted to build
a border wall, how would this impact your ability to complete
your drug interdiction efforts?
Admiral Faller. Senator, the Joint Interagency Task Force
South, as you mentioned, currently led by a Coast Guard two-
star, is key to this effort, and they are doing a great job
with about 1.5 percent of the overall counternarcotics funds
for the entire United States Government to get about 90 percent
of all the cocaine. Still, it is not enough. As you cite, 6
percent.
The policy decision on how the border security is done is
not something that I am involved in. We have not had any cut in
our funding for the counternarcotic fight. However that money
is flowed, we have received the money that we have needed and
do need to fight the fight that we are in. We do need more
assets. That does cost money. But the principal problem that we
face has not been a shortage of the counternarcotics money. We
appreciate Congress' support in that. Thank you.
Senator Hirono. Clarify for me that this $2.5 million--you
are not going to miss it if it goes away?
Admiral Faller. If it went away, if we lost the money from
our counternarcotics fund, we would miss it. I guess it was a
long answer to we have not had a cut in our counternarcotics
funding.
Senator Hirono. Well, it may happen the way things are
going.
Considering that, since the President is talking about
diverting this money for a wall which, by the way, is not going
to help in terms of your drug interdiction efforts because most
of your drugs come through the regular ports of entry, not
where a wall will be.
You noted in your testimony on page 2 that this area, your
AOR, is the largest source of illicit drugs and illegal
migrants to the United States. You note further on that you are
working with your partners to address shared challenges and
threats in this area, including weak governance, corruption,
transnational criminal organizations, and the flow of illicit
drugs. You say that you are looking forward to discussing the
nature of this activity in detail and how you are working with
the partners to address these issues.
Can you give me an example of how you are working with your
partners to go after all of these, the weak governance,
corruption, and, you know, all the litany of bad things?
Admiral Faller. It is a team effort, and it is a big list,
Senator, as you point out. Our principal partner within the
Department of Defense is our NORTHCOM [U.S. Northern Command].
General O'Shaughnessy and I are in constant communication about
how we ensure there is no seam between the Guatemalan-Mexican
border and how we view and track these challenges.
At its heart, these are intelligence-driven challenges.
What are the drivers of the migration? What are the key
criminal organizations that are involved in the illicit
trafficking, whether it is people, arms, drugs that prey on the
weak governance? Sharing intelligence with our partners,
building their capacity to understand their own environment,
and then taking that intelligence and building into packages
that we pass to partner nations' law enforcement and our own
law enforcement is key because most of these challenges involve
action by other government entities working very closely with
Homeland Security to pass information that we know when we know
it about migrant caravans or illicit drugs.
Senator Hirono. Really, Admiral, to make an impact, you
have to have a long-term commitment to addressing these issues,
corruption, as I said, the entire litany. It does not help when
you have $450 million that is taken away from particularly the
Northern Triangle countries. It does not help. I think you have
to kind of acknowledge that.
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Ernst. Thank you.
I appreciate the subcommittee's participation in today's
activities.
Admiral Faller, thank you very much for being here and
representing our men and women of SOUTHCOM so aptly. We truly
do appreciate your service to our nation.
Thank you, Sergeant Major Zickefoose, for being here as
well.
To you and your team, we appreciate the great input that
you have provided for all of us.
With that, this hearing is closed.
[Whereupon, at 4:03 p.m., the committee adjourned.]