[Joint House and Senate Hearing, 116 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
LIFE UNDER OCCUPATION: THE STATE
OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN CRIMEA
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HEARING
BEFORE THE
COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE
ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
JANUARY 28, 2020
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Printed for the use of the
Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe
[CSCE 116-2-2]
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via www.csce.gov
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U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
39-691PDF WASHINGTON : 2020
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COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE
LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS
HOUSE SENATE
ALCEE L.HASTINGS, Florida ROGER WICKER, Mississippi,
Chairman Co-Chairman
JOE WILSON, South Carolina BENJAMIN L. CARDIN. Maryland
ROBERT B. ADERHOLT, Alabama JOHN BOOZMAN, Arkansas
EMANUEL CLEAVER II, Missouri CORY GARDNER, Colorado
STEVE COHEN, Tennessee MARCO RUBIO, Florida
BRIAN FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire
RICHARD HUDSON, North Carolina THOM TILLIS, North Carolina
GWEN MOORE, Wisconsin TOM UDALL, New Mexico
MARC VEASEY, Texas SHELDON WHITEHOUSE, Rhode Island
Executive Branch Commissioners
Department of State, to be appointed
Department of Commerce, to be appointed
Department of Defense, to be appointed
[II]
LIFE UNDER OCCUPATION: THE STATE
OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN CRIMEA
----------
January 28, 2020
COMMISSIONERS
Page
Hon. Alcee Hastings, Chairman, Commission on Security and
Cooperation in Europe.......................................... 1
Hon. Roger F. Wicker, Co-Chairman, Commission on Security and
Cooperation in Europe.......................................... 11
Hon. Sheldon Whitehouse, Commissioner, Commission on Security and
Cooperation in Europe.......................................... 11
Hon. Robert B. Aderholt, Commissioner, Commission on
Security and Cooperation in Europe............................. 11
Hon. Marc Veasey, Commissioner, Commission on Security and
Cooperation in Europe.......................................... 19
WITNESSES
Oleg Sentsov, Ukrainian writer and filmmaker held prisoner by
Russia for 5 years............................................. 3
Tamila Tasheva, Deputy Permanent Representative of the President
of Ukraine in the Autonomous Republic
of Crimea...................................................... 5
Melinda Haring, Deputy Director, Atlantic Council's Eurasia
Center; Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy Research Institute....... 8
APPENDIX
Prepared statement of Hon. Alcee Hastings........................ 26
Prepared statement of Hon. Benjamin L. Cardin.................... 28
Report prepared for the record by Maria Tomak, co-founder of the
Ukrainian NGO Media Initiative for Human Rights................ 30
LIFE UNDER OCCUPATION: THE STATE
OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN CRIMEA
----------
January 28, 2020
Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe
Washington, DC
The hearing was held at 10:00 a.m. in Room 210, Cannon
House Office Building, Hon. Alcee Hastings, Chairman,
Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, presiding.
Commissioners present: Hon. Alcee Hastings, Chairman,
Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe; Hon. Roger F.
Wicker, Co-Chairman, Commission on Security and Cooperation in
Europe; Hon. Sheldon Whitehouse, Commissioner, Commission on
Security and Cooperation in Europe; Hon. Robert B. Aderholt,
Commissioner, Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe;
and Hon. Marc Veasey, Commissioner, Commission on Security and
Cooperation in Europe.
Witnesses present: Oleg Sentsov, Ukrainian writer and
filmmaker held prisoner by Russia for 5 years; Tamila Tasheva,
Deputy Permanent Representative of the President of Ukraine in
the Autonomous Republic of Crimea; and Melinda Haring, Deputy
Director, Atlantic Council's Eurasia Center; Senior Fellow,
Foreign Policy Research Institute.
HON. ALCEE HASTINGS, CHAIRMAN, COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND
COOPERATION IN EUROPE
Mr. Hastings. Good morning and welcome to the United States
Helsinki Commission.
Our subject this morning is ``Life Under Occupation: The
State of Human Rights in Crimea.'' Almost all of us in this
room know about this situation. I'd ask us now to come to
order. [Bangs gavel.] And I will say that some of my colleagues
who aren't as diligent about time as I am will be coming along.
I believe on both sides of the aisle we have commissioners that
are going to join us this morning.
It's hard to believe that almost 6 years have passed, 5 of
which Oleg Sentsov was in prison most of that time. Just as it
did in Georgia 2008, Russia defied international law and in a
sudden, brazen display of revanchism rewrote the borders of a
sovereign nation. Of course, we know how Crimea was just the
opening salvo in President Putin's--I guess he's still
president. It seems like last week or two he's been reforming
everything so he can be leader for life--but his campaign to
stop what he saw as the inexorable movement of a fledgling
democracy toward greater integration with the West, its values,
and its institution.
A little disclaimer here. At the time that the Orange
Revolution took place I was the lead monitor for the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in that
election, so I saw firsthand some of the beginnings of a
change. And, I might add, I went back as the lead monitor for
the second election. And I felt in both instances that the
elections were handled appropriately.
To Mr. Putin, the Ukrainian people's desire for closer ties
to the European Union, for stronger democratic institutions,
and to an end to endemic corruption was impermissible. So he
did the unthinkable, and through blatant subterfuge and an
utter disregard for international law, he took by force a part
of Ukraine's sovereign territory, changing forever the lives of
the people who live there. He went on to instigate a bloody
conflict that's ongoing in Eastern Europe at the cost of, so
far, 13,000 dead and many thousands more injured or displaced.
Putin did all of this in order to stymie Ukraine's Euro-
Atlantic aspirations.
Today we're here to talk about the lives of the people who
live under the heavy hand of Russia-occupied Crimea. Some of
them forced to flee their homes, some to give up their
fundamental freedoms of expression, and worship, and even their
ethnic and cultural identity in order to survive. Through a
variety of hardline methods, including forced citizenship, sham
referendums, legal intimidation, disinformation, and
prohibitions on access to and use of Ukrainian language,
Russian authorities have sought to stifle dissent and project
to the world a false image of a prosperous, free Crimea.
I was never in Crimea, but I read a lot about all of
Ukraine when I was doing work there. And my understanding
before all of this intervention, Crimea was flourishing,
particularly in the area of tourism. And I also know for a fact
with our discussions with Ukrainian leaders that there was a
very strong leaning of Ukraine to join NATO at some point in
their future. By limiting access to the international and
Ukrainian human rights organizations, the Kremlin has
effectively created a veil between Crimea and the rest of the
world.
This morning we have three respected witnesses with us who
will pull back the veil and show us the harsh reality of
Russia's oppressive occupation, one which includes arbitrary
arrests, harassment, imprisonment, censorship, and other brutal
tactics aimed at forcing a proud people into submission--
whether they be civil or society activists, community or
religious leaders, artists, journalists, or simply those whose
religion and ethnicity are viewed with distrust and fear. The
goal of today's hearing is to shine a light on the human rights
situation in Crimea and to send a clear signal to the people
there that the U.S. Congress, particularly Alcee Hastings, the
Helsinki Commission, and the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe, have not forgotten about your plight.
First to speak is a man who comes to symbolize, through his
courage and moral strength, all those Crimeans who refuse to
bend to the Kremlin's will. Oleg Sentsov is a Ukrainian
filmmaker and director who was detained by Russian authorities
in May 2014 on trumped-up charges of terrorism and was
sentenced to 20 years in a Russian prison. But he refused to be
silenced. In 2018, he began a hunger strike that lasted 145
days to call for the release of all Ukrainian political
prisoners held in Russia, capturing the world's attention to
his and his countrymen's plight. This nation and Congress never
forgot about you, Mr. Sentsov. And it moves me greatly to have
you here with us, once again a free man. When I just met you I
told you I thank you for your courage. I really, really do. We
look forward to hearing your thoughts on the situation in
Crimea.
Next we will have Ms. Tamila Tasheva, who is the deputy
permanent representative of the president of Ukraine in the
Autonomous Republic of Crimea. That takes a lot of courage
also, and you're deeply appreciated. Before being named to her
current position, Ms. Tasheva worked as a cofounder and head of
Crimea SOS, a human rights group focused on the plight of
internally displaced persons, as well as the overall human
rights situation in Crimea. She was also a volunteer during the
Euromaidan. Prior to 2014, Ms. Tasheva was a civil society
activist and organizer of events and initiatives highlighting
the religious and ethnic culture of Crimea. I welcome you, Ms.
Tasheva, to today's hearing. And we appreciate your
participation.
And last--and I'm not going to go back through their
biographies, I believe you'll find at the desk outside further
information on all of them--last we have Ms. Melinda Haring,
who is deputy director of the Atlantic Council's Eurasia
Center. Previously Ms. Haring was the editor of the Council's
Ukraine Alert blog that she controlled. She is a long-time
observer of the region, whose work has been published by NPR,
Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty.
A footnote there, I wish we had a great deal--and I'm
talking about Congress now, to you all--I wish we had a great
deal more Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty. And I'm an
advocate for funding them appropriately, which we have not been
doing for a decade, in my judgment.
She's appeared in The Washington Post and other prominent
outlets over the course of her career. Ms. Haring has worked
for Eurasia Foundation, Freedom House, and the National
Democratic Institute. In addition to her duties with the
Atlantic Council, she is also vice chair of the board of East
Europe Foundation in Kyiv, and a term member of the Council on
Foreign Relations. Welcome, Ms. Haring, and thank you for your
testimony today.
I turn now to Mr. Sentsov for any offering that he may wish
to make. Thank you, sir.
[Note: Mr. Sentsov's remarks are provided through an
interpreter.]
OLEG SENTSOV, UKRAINIAN WRITER AND FILMMAKER HELD PRISONER BY
RUSSIA FOR 5 YEARS
Mr. Sentsov. Thank you very much for inviting me to speak
at this commission. I will speak about what I experienced and
what other people experienced as well during and after the
occupation of the Crimea when the revolution of dignity won a
victory, which was on February 22d, 2014, when we displaced the
government of Yanukovych, who was directly subordinating to
Putin. Putin realized that he was using Ukraine as a sphere of
influence and decided to take at least something. He decided to
take the Crimea because that's where many Russian-speaking
people were residing and earlier Crimea had been, at some
point, a part of the Russian empire, and the Crimea was the
home to a Russian naval base.
Russia likes to say that there was some allegedly legal
referendum about the Crimean people's will expression. But this
has nothing to do with the reality. In reality, this was a
military occupation and a seizure of territory. It started on
the night of February 26, 2014. This was 3 weeks before the so-
called referendum. Military servicemen without any insignia who
would be easily recognized as----
Mr. Hastings. The little green men?
Mr. Sentsov. One could easily see they were Russian regular
military servicemen because of the equipment, the weapons, and
the way they spoke. They did not actually conceal that they
were Russians. So partly people welcomed them, but a part was
against it. But it was impossible to object because military
patrols were everywhere. They set up machine guns at street
intersections and armored cars were patrolling streets as well.
And then military columns were moving out of Sevastopol, the
naval base, but also from Kerch, from across the strait, from
the Russian territory. So within a few days, the Crimea was
flooded with Russian military and Russian vehicles. Russian
military vehicles, trucks, did not even have their license
plates removed. They felt so confident, they were not scared of
anything.
I, as well as many other Crimeans who were against this,
tried to speak out and do something against it. We were setting
up protests and rallies against it. But this was dangerous
because we were facing obstacles. Our actions were dispersed,
and our activists got arrested. Some activists were missing--
were disappearing and some were found killed. Very soon there
was established an atmosphere of fear, where you could not say
anything against Russia. And this was long before that
referendum came. At the same time, Russia deployed and utilized
its propaganda specialists and pro-Russian activists. They were
installing symbols of Russia and setting up rallies, and
shouting: Russia! Russia!
But it's obvious when you hear a person from Russia speak.
They have a different accent than the Crimean speak Russian. It
was obvious that this was a political show staged by people
brought in from Russia. But this was being done to make a
picture--a nice picture for Russian TV, a propaganda picture
showing that Crimeans allegedly support Russia. And in order to
maintain this atmosphere of fear and suppress any desire to
resist, our criminal case was fabricated in part. This was to
show everyone and make them understand that any resistance is
futile. So they fabricated this case alleging that I was part
of some group that was preparing some explosions. All those
detained, arrested on those charges were tortured during
interrogations because there were no proofs--no explosives, no
weapons, nothing. But not everyone can stand tortures. That's
why some made confessions. They later refused from those
earlier testimonies during the court, but----
Mr. Hastings. Mr. Sentsov, what were some of the things
that they did to you, if you don't mind? I know that's
difficult to talk about, but----
Mr. Sentsov. Beatings of people with arms, legs and batons,
suffocating them with a plastic bag. This is a very simple, but
very effective torture. I've only seen this in--but prior to
that I saw this only in an American movie, or some other
movies. And when I saw that in a movie, I could not understand
why it breaks people so apparently easily. But when they
deprive you of breathing, that impacts your most basic
instinct, to breathe. You're seized by a very strong, like,
animal fear, and you can't resist it. You are willing to
survive so strongly you're ready to say anything. But I did not
sign what they wanted. That's why I was given this sentence of
20 years in prison.
They proposed me a deal saying if I testify against
Ukrainian leaders, I will only get 7 years in prison. And I
refused to do that. While I was in the Russian prison
afterwards, I incidentally intersected with a Russian military
serviceman who was in a neighboring cell. He was a former
serviceman of the Russian Spetsnaz, the special operation force
of the GRU. He was sentenced for criminal offense performed--
while he was drunk he killed a police officer.
And he told me more about how Crimea was seized, because he
was a part of that operation. He said that back on February 22d
of 2014, this was the day when Yanukovych's power collapsed,
they received orders and were transferred from Novorossiysk, a
port in Russia, to Sevastopol in the Crimea. Then they waited
for 3 days in Sevastopol for orders to move. And then on
February 26th, they started occupying the Crimea. So his
testimony only added to the picture of this occupation that I
knew. He told me that after the Crimea he was involved in the
military action in the Donbas, how they were entering Ukraine's
territory from the Russian territory, performing their
operations, and then leaving back. And he explained that all
the most serious military action against Ukrainian military
were done by Russian Spetsnaz, the special operation forces.
That's all I know on this question, but I'm sure Tamila can
add more.
Mr. Hastings. I'll come back and ask you some questions at
some other time, if you don't mind.
But Ms. Tasheva.
TAMILA TASHEVA, DEPUTY PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF THE
PRESIDENT OF UKRAINE IN THE AUTONOMOUS REPUBLIC OF CRIMEA
Ms. Tasheva. Honorable chairman, dear colleagues, it's a
great honor to be invited here today to testify about the
realities of life under occupation and the state of human
rights in Crimea. Almost 6 years have passed since Russia
started its aggression against Ukraine by invading Crimea and
initiated hybrid warfare with its proxies in Eastern Ukraine.
Everybody residing in the territory of the Autonomous Republic
of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol was forced to get Russian
passports and acts of enforced citizenship, unrecognized by
Ukraine and international community. In Crimea, it is
impossible to live without the Russian passport because people
who do not have them are deprived of social services and
medical care.
Russia's next step was the prosecutions of disloyal groups
of population, including Crimean Tatars, who ignored the so-
called referendum and leaders did not recognize Russian
jurisdiction over Crimea, and ethnic Ukrainians. Russia's
instruments of prosecution included harassment, imprisonment on
political grounds, kidnapping and murder. At least 20
individuals were killed and 50 kidnapped, of which 15 remain
missing and have yet to be found. More than 100 individuals
were imprisoned on political grounds. And the houses of at
least 350 individuals were searched and their residents
detained.
Russia cynically imposes ideologies, but specifically on
the young generation. Children and youth are brought up in the
spirit of militant patriotism and taught to glorify the
occupying state. Such an ideology puts pressure on children and
negatively influences their consciousness. According to the
occupying authorities, at least 8,500 children in Crimea were
incorporated into the military movement, in the young army.
Half of them were inducted as recently as 2019.
Mr. Hastings. Ms. Tasheva, were they boys and girls, or
just boys are being----
Ms. Tasheva. Yes, it's boys and girls.
Mr. Hastings. Boys and girls.
Ms. Tasheva. Since the spring of 2015, Russia launched a
recruitment campaign in Crimea for its own military. As a
result, at least 20,000 Crimeans were conscripted to Russian
military service. Most of the conscripts are sent to military
services in faraway regions of the Russian Federation.
Since the beginning of the occupation, at least 78 criminal
proceedings in Crimea have been initiated against individuals
who have avoided the mandatory conscription. During this
occupation, the Russian Federation has directly and indirectly
displaced the local Crimean population and replaced them with
their own citizens. Since the beginning of the occupation about
a thousand Ukrainian citizens have been forcibly deported.
About 42,000 people registered in mainland of Ukraine as
internally displaced persons from Crimea. The replacement of
the local disloyal Crimean population with the Russian
population is ongoing. From 2014 to 2019 estimates guess
between 140,000 and 300,000 Russian citizens changed their
place of registration from regions of Russia to the so-called
Federal city of Sevastopol or Republic of Crimea. The occupying
administration plans to increase the number of migrants to more
than 450,000 people.
Following widespread arrest of Crimean Tatars in 2016 a
civic movement known as Crimean Solidarity emerged to unite
relatives of the imprisoned lawyers and activists. In May 2018
Server Mustafayev, the key coordinator of the movement, was
arrested and charged with participation in terrorist
organization. On 27th March 2019, mass searches took place in
the homes of 25 activists in order to harass members of the
movement. Twenty-four people were detained after the searches
and targeted with a criminal prosecution. The occupying state
creates a territory that lacks many rules of law and suppresses
any struggle of the local inhabitants for their rights.
Due attention should be drawn to the situation of the
Crimean Tatars in occupied Crimea. After the beginning of
occupation, Russia attempted to bribe key Crimean Tatar leaders
to announce their support of Russia. However, after being
rejected, Russia started to struggle with the Crimean Tatars by
eliminating their national institutions, particularly the
Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People, which was formally banned
for extremism. Some leaders of Mejlis were criminally
prosecuted, harassed, and tortured. On April 19, 2017 the
International Court of Justice addressed the case, Ukrainians
versus the Russian Federation, and obliged Russia to reject the
existing limitations, to refrain from further constraining
measures against Mejlis. The International Court of Justice
order has not yet been implemented by the Kremlin.
From its side, Ukraine creates all the conditions for
preserving, restoring, and supporting communication with its
own citizens residing in the temporary occupied Autonomous
Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol. We realize the
failures of certain actions, including several laws and
regulations adopted right after beginning of Crimean
occupation, regarding poor border crossing conditions within
the temporarily occupied territory, a recognition of our own
citizens living in occupied territory as nonresidents, and
other discriminatory regulations as identified by Ukrainian and
international human rights organizations.
But the official policy of Ukraine has now undergone
significant changes. In particular, the checkpoints at the
administrative border with Crimea were completely equipped and
improved, including the construction of service zone. An
amendment to the current legislation canceling discriminatory
regulations related to nonresident status was also developed. A
new TV channel is planned as a source of credible information
for the residents of occupied territories to counter Russian
propaganda.
We express our gratitude to the United States of America
for its consistent support of the territorial integrity of
Ukraine and assist in countering armed aggression by the
Russian Federation. We firmly believe that only through joint
effort is it possible to counteract systematic violations of
human rights. On this occasion, we would like to assure you
that we recognize that the consistent support of the United
States in voting for the resolution on Crimean accession of the
U.N. General Assembly during the imposition of the promulgation
of sanctions on Russian Federation, and in particular on
resolving the problem with gas transportation.
We highly appreciate Crimean declaration by U.S. Secretary
of State Mike Pompeo adopted in July 2018. We hope that all
European countries will follow suit and adopt their own Crimean
declaration. We are convicted that next step should be the
creation of an international platform for negotiation on the
return of the temporarily occupied Autonomous Republic of
Crimea and the city of Sevastopol. Thank you very much for your
attention and I would welcome your questions and comments if
you have.
Mr. Hastings. Thank you, Ms. Tasheva.
I'm known to throw staff off and depart from the regular
routine. We don't have any notepads in the audience, but before
hearing from Ms. Haring, maybe we could pass around a couple of
these that members have not occupied yet. And if any of you
would write a question----
I think I'm prepping for what's happening in the Senate.
That's how they do that. But just raise your hand, and we'll
have our staff pick it up. I'd like to do that because it's
kind of hard to just sit up and listen, and never have anything
to say.
But Ms. Haring has a lot to say, so without my involvement
anymore, Ms. Haring, we're welcome to hear you.
MELINDA HARING, DEPUTY DIRECTOR, ATLANTIC COUNCIL'S EURASIA
CENTER; SENIOR FELLOW, FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE
Ms. Haring. Thank you, Chairman Hastings, for the
opportunity to speak today. Crimea hardly gets any attention so
thank you so much for your leadership and your passion for
Ukraine. The human rights situation in Russian-occupied Crimea
is acute and getting worse. It merits a hearing as a stand-
alone issue. But I want to provide a little bit of framing
beyond all of the grim statistics that we can all throw out.
What happens in Crimea has significance that goes beyond
the plight of 2 million people who live there. What happens in
Crimea may not stay in Crimea. What Moscow is learning in
Crimea is how to apply a range of oppressive and coercive
tactics to minorities it perceives as hostile and of
questionable loyalty. These insights could be applied elsewhere
in Russia, which is home to considerable non-Russian minority
populations. How the U.S. Government reacts to the ongoing
abuses in Crimea will undoubtably factor into Moscow's calculus
on comparable situations in the future.
The picture in Crimea is grim. It's no exaggeration to say
that the peninsula is becoming a police state. Crimea was once
the pearl of the Black Sea and a premier vacation destination,
as you noted. It's now bereft of tourists. It's cut off from
the world without any access to independent media. And it's a
place where occupying authorities use children to spy on their
parents. The media is controlled by the government, independent
media sources are forbidden and have been blocked or barred
from the peninsula.
The good news, though, is that the U.S. Government worked
quickly to stand up an excellent independent source of
information that is flourishing today. Within 3 months of
annexation Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty's Ukraine service
launched a website called Crimea Realities, and it tracks all
the developments in Crimea in three different languages--in
Russia, Ukrainian, and Crimean Tatar. It's the top-ranked news
source on Crimea, with approximately 2.4 million visits per
month in 2019. I, too, share your enthusiasm for Radio Free
Europe/Radio Liberty. And their Ukraine service--I cover
Ukraine broadly--is outstanding.
Mr. Hastings. Good. Thank you.
Ms. Haring. Absolutely. Religious freedom is also a serious
concern. The Ukrainian Orthodox Church is forbidden in Crimea.
And Crimean Tatars are routinely interrogated after Friday
prayers. I can go into this in more detail, but the legal code
was changed after annexation. And that's a big deal.
Mr. Hastings. And that includes the Jehovah's Witnesses?
Ms. Haring. That's correct, sir. That's correct. Another
area of concern that Tamila has gone into is education and
language rights. I won't belabor that point.
Since annexation, 50,000 people, including more than 25,000
Crimean Tatars, have fled. Approximately 500,000 Russians have
moved in, primarily--they're primarily military personnel and
civil servants. The situation is getting worse. According to
the Crimean Tatar Resource Center, the number of politically
motivated arrests has increased ninefold in the last 2 years.
One hundred Crimean political prisoners are being held in
Russia. And the problem is, we don't know their names. We know
Oleg Sentsov's name, but we don't know the other hundred names.
And, Mr. Chairman, I would love for you to help us get their
names out there. That's something that Congress is really good
at doing.
The FSB [Russian Federal Security Service] is doing its
absolute best to stamp out dissenting thought. Up to 200,000
people over the last 6 years have been approached, intimidated,
or interrogated by the FSB. And they aren't nice. Here's what
they do: They break into your home between 4 and 6 a.m., when
your children are sleeping. They sometimes enter from the roof.
They brandish automatic weapons and grenades, and they're in
full special forces gear. Russia has effectively turned Crimea
into a Russian military base.
It's no exaggeration to say that Crimea is armed to the
teeth. And I have a lot of statistics on APCs [armored
personnel carriers] and all kinds of gear if you want to talk
about it. The Soviet Union's bases on the peninsula have been
restored, and anti-aircraft missile systems now line Crimea's
perimeter. Additionally, the Russian Government may have placed
nuclear weapons in Crimea. Perhaps most troubling, though, are
reports that the state is using its security services to
encourage ordinary people to spy on their neighbors and their
families.
Given these many challenges what can the government--what
can the U.S. Government do? Continue to speak out
unambiguously. Crimea is Ukraine, full stop. Continue to invest
heavily in Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty's Ukraine service.
This is a lifeline that keeps the people of Crimea from being
cut off from the larger world. Help make the names of the
hundred Crimean prisoners known. The United States should
support cultural, religious, and educational institutions in
Ukraine that operate outside of Crimea--many of them are in
Kyiv, but support resistance to Russian occupation there.
Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman, for your leadership and
passion for Ukraine.
Mr. Hastings. Thank you, Ms. Haring.
We've been joined by United States Senator Sheldon
Whitehouse. And I'm delighted. I indicated to him that we have
not asked questions. But in an effort to let him set up, I'm
going to just ask the two that came to me from the audience.
And now more. [Laughs.] I'll ask these after Senator Sheldon
finishes up.
How do you see justice in Ukraine in a case of Russia
leaving Crimea? It's an interesting question. That's if Russia
were to leave, how do you see justice? And I guess another way
of putting that would be to compare justice before the
intervention with what you're experiencing now.
Mr. Sentsov. What matters is that Russia should leave. And
all those questions that may come up, we'll deal with them
later.
Mr. Hastings. All right. The senator and I have probably
have the very same questions.
So I hope I'm not treading in his territory. But this came
from the audience, and I was going to ask: What next? And what
can the U.S. Congress do to support Crimean independence? And I
ask all three of you that question. And then I'll turn to my
friend, Senator Whitehouse. Believe it or not, some of us are
friends up here. [Laughter.]
Ms. Tasheva. A Senate commission on legal reform along with
a working group on reintegration was established at the State
level. And a national concept of traditional justice is
finalized within the framework. This concept consists of four
main blocks--compensation for damages to victims and
responsibility for crimes committed during the armed conflict.
Rights to truth and restoration of historical truths. And
reform of the security sector. The concept will become the
framework for the development of a legal regulation system
regarding issues connected with the aggression conducted by
Russian Federation.
Yes, I am answering for your question, what is happened
after Crimea is--the occupation. Because Ukraine works on
traditional justice concept, what we do after the occupation,
and what we must do before occupation, and what are our plans.
If--yes.
Mr. Hastings. Mr. Sentsov.
Mr. Sentsov. Regarding the question, what the U.S. Congress
can do, the U.S. Congress has already done a lot. The sanctions
were adopted. They haven't killed Russia, but they have made an
effect. This most recent action regarding Nord Stream project,
that was a very powerful step. And it's not that it makes
serious economic impact on Russia, but it heavily impacts
Putin's political ambition. And I hope those efforts will
continue.
The most important thing is that the policy would not
switch from continuous pressure to efforts to make peace. For
Putin, any attempt to make peace is seen as a sign of weakness.
It's impossible to talk with him, because he does not want
peace in Ukraine. His goal is to conquer Ukraine and to control
all neighboring countries of the region. And that's what
Ukraine will never accept, which is why making peace with Putin
is impossible. And we hope the Congress will not allow that to
happen behind our backs. We need to continue putting pressure
on Putin on every front until we defeat this terrorist state.
Mr. Hastings. All right. We've--yes, Ms. Haring. I was
going to say, before you make your remarks, we've been joined
by our commissioner Robert Aderholt, who is the immediate vice
chair of this organization. Go ahead.
Ms. Haring. Thank you so much.
As an editor I don't think I'll surprise you by saying:
Words matter. And the Russians hate it when we call Crimea
Russian-occupied. So our words matter. We can continue to speak
out and use our voice. And I agree with Mr. Sentsov that
Congress has been exemplary. And there's a number of things,
though, that I think we can do. Like I said before, helping to
make the names of the hundred political prisoners in Crimea
known. Let's make them international stars. Don't forget their
names. Keep the sanctions on, absolutely.
The United States should support cultural, religion, and
educational institutions in Ukraine that help--that are based
outside of Crimea, but that support the resistance. And I can
give you some specific examples, if you'd like. We need to
continue to invest heavily in Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty's
Ukraine service. And I have to admit, this is a thorny problem.
There's a debate within the expert community. Are we going
to have to wait 50 years, like we did in the Baltics? And some
people think that. I can tell you that the Crimean Tatar
community doesn't think that they have that long. That there
aren't as many of them. And they think the situation--that the
status quo will not hold and that we have to do something more
now.
Mr. Hastings. All right. We've been joined now by the vice
chair of the organization, my good colleague and friend Senator
Roger Wicker. And, Roger, where we are, we have had opening
statements and I have continued to have a few things to say. I
see Gayle Wicker just walk in here. Hey, Gayle. And we're going
to go to Senator Whitehouse. And then if you don't mind, I'll
come to you. I'll defer--maybe have one question or so while I
get you ready--and then we'll go to Robert. I know you all have
a lot of stuff going on.
HON. ROGER F. WICKER, CO-CHAIRMAN, COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND
COOPERATION IN EUROPE
Mr. Wicker. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. But I don't mind
waiting my turn. And many people have come here and----
HON. SHELDON WHITEHOUSE, COMMISSIONER, COMMISSION ON SECURITY
AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE
Mr. Whitehouse. And I don't mind yielding to the vice
chairman. There's a reason why somebody is the vice chairman.
They should get some priority. And if you want to go ahead,
feel free to do so. Again, I'm ready----
Mr. Hastings. Well, you were here first, Senator. So we're
trying to toe the line.
Now, Robert, the ball's in your court.
HON. ROBERT B. ADERHOLT, COMMISSIONER, COMMISSION ON SECURITY
AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE
Mr. Aderholt. I'm going to defer to the senator, so.
[Laughter.] Let me say it's good to be here. I'm still trying
to--sorry I was late. I had a previous engagement, but glad to
have each of you here, glad to hear your comments on this
issue, and this is very informative. This is a big issue for
us. We all have friends that are in Ukraine. And so we want to
be a friend of Ukraine in every way possible. But, yes, let
me--let me just pass right now, and come back to me later.
Mr. Hastings. All right. All right. We'll then go to
Senator Whitehouse.
Mr. Whitehouse. Let me start with a question for Ms.
Haring. History, unfortunately, is an exhibit of instances in
which one country occupies another country, or the territory of
another country. Of those many instances with which our history
is replete, are there any that make a good analogy for the
nature of Russian occupation of Ukraine today? In some cases,
the occupier can be seen as a liberator, and afterwards backs
off. I think we occupied France at the end of the war, and the
French were actually okay with that. And we gave them their
country back, and the Marshall Plan kicked in, and everything
was great. That was a fairly benign exercise. The exercise of
occupation power that preceded that was obviously less benign.
And this has happened all around the world. Do you think
there's an analogy in history for what the Russians are doing
in Crimea, in terms of the scope of that oppression? How would
you rate it? And either--on a scale of, you know, 1 to 10 or in
terms of comparison to a previous episode in history?
Ms. Haring. Well, I have to admit, I'm a political
scientist and not a historian. So I----
Mr. Whitehouse. You're from the Foreign Relations
Institute.
Ms. Haring. I know, I know. So obviously what the Russians
are doing in Crimea is not benign. The comparison that most
people draw is to the Baltic States, and the idea is----
Mr. Whitehouse. The Soviet occupation of the Baltic States?
Ms. Haring. The Soviet occupation of the Baltic States. The
human rights situation, though, in Crimea is arguably worse
there than it is in Russia. The tactics are harsher. The things
that the FSB are doing to people are worse in Crimea than they
are in Russia.
Mr. Whitehouse. Is there--this will be a question for all
of you--is there--in many occupations there is a resistance
that is operating within the occupied territory. Is there a
resistance operating against the Russian occupation within
Crimea? And how would you describe it?
Mr. Sentsov. Regarding the comparison with occupation of
the Baltics by the USSR in 1940, at that time troops were
brought in with some mottos and proposing a referendum. So yes,
there is a comparison. But regarding resistance in the Crimea,
so one example of resistance is myself. I was part of--I was
trying to resist, and I was sent to prison for 20 years. And I
actually did not do anything. I was just against. If you simply
speak out and say you are against, you don't like it--even
though you are a public figure, a film director, they can still
put you to prison and shut you down.
And this shows to the people that anyone who dares speak
against it will have the same fate. Then after the beginning of
the invasion in late February 2014, there was a lot of
nonacceptance of Russian invasion among those people who were
pro-Ukrainian. Many of them were--some of them were Crimean
Tatars. But the Russian machinery reprisals, with the KGB and
other agencies of force, this machine is very hard to fight
against. If you follow news from Russia, people come out with
just a poster on the street, and they get 3 years imprisonment
for doing that. People may get 4 years of prison for just a
line they posted on Facebook.
So it's very hard to do any resistance when you're
confronted with such a strong machinery of reprisals. Whereas
in the Crimea the situation is even much worse. They cannot
only imprison you. They can kidnap you and kill you. Everyone
knows this, everyone understands this, therefore everyone's
keeping on. Whereas acts of disagreement and physical
resistance can be found, and then people get arrested with
charges of preparing some acts of terror or other attacks. Even
though the majority of those who were pro-Ukrainian at the
beginning have fled the territory into Ukraine, but then still
there are people who do not accept Russian occupation,
primarily first and foremost the Crimean Tatars. So Tamila, who
represents that nation, can say more.
Mr. Whitehouse. Representative Tasheva, your thoughts on
the occupation and resistance?
Ms. Tasheva. [Through interpreter.] I want to thank you for
your question. I want to say that this attempt to occupy and
annex Crimea is not the first in history of our peninsula. In
1783, the previously independent Crimean Statehood was ruined
by Russian Empress Catherine the Great. The majority of Crimean
Tatars physically lived on the territory of the Crimea until
mid-19th century, and their state language was the Crimean
Tatar language. So the myth of Russian propaganda of the
Russian State, that this is allegedly the native land of
Russia, is wrong.
So the occupation did not take place in 2014. It was
continuing all through the times of Ukraine's independence.
Those marionette administrative bodies that were functioning in
the Crimea, they continued working toward that end. And the so-
called Ukrainian media, which were operating in the Crimea at
the time, were actually funded from Russia. So what also
happened in 2014 was really the last step in all that
development. So we in Ukraine need to maintain as close
connections as possible with the people who are still residing
in the peninsula, and show them Ukraine's successes, and
provide care for those people who still live in the occupied
territories.
And we certainly want to continue fighting for returning
the peninsula back to Ukraine. It is very important to
establish a platform for some talks about the future of this
peninsula. As you know, there is a platform for talks on the
future of the territories in the east. But we do not have a
negotiation group regarding Crimea. So it is very important
that you, the United States, get involved in that as well.
One other remark, in regard to the question on how the U.S.
could help Ukraine further, in addition to all the help that is
provided now. One other thing is to continue supporting the
civic activists and human rights lawyers in the Crimea because
they are there and they continue to make efforts inside the
Crimea.
Mr. Whitehouse. Thank you very much, colleagues. I
appreciate your courtesy. I would say that our witnesses are
very welcome and much appreciated. I very much regret that our
secretary of state said that Americans don't care about
Ukraine, seeming to imply that Americans should not care about
Ukraine. I think he is wrong on both counts. And I think your
testimony today helps remind us why he is wrong on both counts.
Thank you.
Mr. Hastings. Thank you very much, Senator. We had--before
you all came in I opened up questions. So the audience wrote
down two. And while you're getting ready, one kind of applies
to what was just said by Ms. Tasheva about organizations on the
ground.
How can Congress' own exchange program, the Open World
Leadership Center, support your efforts to provide factual
information about the occupation to Members of Congress? The
Open World Program supports congressional diplomacy efforts.
And they put both their names, and I'd ask them when we
conclude the program if you would speak with me briefly. I'll
inform you where we stand, certainly stand ready to help.
But this question was for you, Mr. Sentsov. And I had
something similar, and full well expect that the other
questioners will as well. When you were in prison, you met
many--well, since being released from prison--you've met many
European top officials, including French President Macron. You
had a speech at European Parliament. And I would say to you
that I beat you there. I spoke to them some years ago.
[Laughs.] But what would you say to the U.S. Congress and to
our President Donald Trump? That's the question that came from
the audience.
Mr. Sentsov. First of all, I would say thank you for
support for Ukraine. I would also express hope that the
American side will stick to the agreements. Back in the 1990s,
as you may remember, Ukraine voluntarily gave up its third-
largest nuclear arsenal at the time. And there was the Budapest
Memorandum. So it was desired that after the collapse of the
Soviet Union there would be only one nuclear state among the
post-Soviet nations.
So for Ukraine, in exchange for giving away those nuclear
weapons, received promises. This agreement--memorandum was
signed by the U.S., Great Britain, and Russia. And the promise
was that these three countries will support us and protect our
territorial integrity. But all that stopped working when Russia
broke on that promise. Now, I am very hopeful that the United
States will never break its word and will continue helping
defend Ukraine from that real aggressor until that time when
our territory and our borders are restored.
Mr. Hastings. Thank you.
Representative Aderholt.
Mr. Aderholt. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I wanted to talk a little bit about the--going back to the
Tatar community that you--of course, we talked about. We really
focused on it this morning. Do we have a number of how many
people have actually fled the peninsula? What is that estimated
to be?
Ms. Haring. Since the annexation, 50,000 people, including
more than 25,000 Crimean Tatars, have fled. But the problem is
that they're being replaced by Russians who are primarily
military personnel and civil servants. The number that I have
is 500,000 Russians.
Mr. Aderholt. And of course, I know that there are other
faiths other than the Tatars in the area, including the
Orthodox Church of Ukraine and Jehovah's Witnesses. Is that
correct? Can you talk to us a little bit about what ways that
their freedoms are being restricted? Even though they're not
Tatars, even though they're associated with the Orthodox Church
of Ukraine and Jehovah's Witnesses? What issues do they have to
deal with by these occupying authorities?
Mr. Sentsov. In Russia, they persecute anyone who is not
belonging to the Russian Orthodox Church. In fact, it's in
their laws. And Jehovah's Witnesses is just the most wide-known
organization of such kind. They are permitted everywhere,
except Russia. So hundreds of people are kept in prisons on
charges of just belonging to that organization. They're not
just kept in prison, but they are beaten, and tortured, and
humiliated. And there is a Muslim organization, Hizb ut-Tahrir,
which is legal in Ukraine and other countries, but in Russia it
is forbidden. So some of the Tatars that got--who are sentenced
in Crimea were actually sentenced for belonging to that
organization. Not for anything they did, but for just belonging
to that organization. And that's persecution by religious
identity, which is done by Russia today, in the 21st century.
Mr. Aderholt. Is it more severe if you're actually in
Crimea, in this area if someone's a Jehovah's Witness, or if
they're a member of some other church than the Russian Orthodox
Church, than it would be, say, if it's in Russia, the country
itself?
Mr. Sentsov. Well, they are persecuted in Russia. But in
the Crimea much more strongly so, because the Crimea is in the
focus of attention of Russian leaders. So any manifestation of
disagreement, discord, even in terms of religious identity,
causes strong repression. I talk with those who leave, come to
Ukraine from the Crimea. They all talk about atmosphere of
fear. It's fear, stagnation, seeing no light ahead. This kind
of atmosphere. And this is all a direct consequence of the
Russian occupation, which turned the previously flourishing
region into some kind of a stagnating swamp of Russia.
Ms. Tasheva. I add a little bit. Russian Federation used
anti-
extremist and anti-terrorist legislation of Russian Federation
to prosecute disloyal population in Crimea. For examples, they
used anti-terrorist legislation among Crimean Tatars and
different activists from Crimea--for example, Crimean
Solidarity Group. And they prosecute. And say that we
prosecuted not Crimean Tatars, we prosecute terrorists. And
they marginalized this group of people because most of
politically motivated cases, which we are now, it's a terrorist
case.
But most of them, these people, are activists of Crimean
Solidarity Group. Crimean Solidarity, it's a group of people
which unite families of political prisoners in Crimea, human
rights activists, and human rights lawyers. And every day,
every week they have searches in their houses. And of course,
they're prosecuted not because they're terrorists. Because they
are activists.
Ms. Haring. Thank you so much for the question. So there's
a really important legal distinction here. Before annexation,
Crimea did not--or, Ukraine did not have a human rights problem
with its minorities. Human rights were fine in Ukraine. The
minority communities were flourishing. The problem----
Mr. Hastings. Does that include the Jehovah's Witnesses?
Ms. Haring. So the issue is that the Jehovah's Witnesses
are illegal in Russia. After annexation, Russian law now
applies to Crimea. And Russian law--so it's an imported legal
code from Russia that's hostile to religious minorities. And
the law has these vague provisions on extremism in missionary
activity that can be used as a prosecutor wants. It also has an
onerous registration process that can really squelch religious
minorities through unreasonable and vague procedures. So
bureaucrats can just delay if they want to, if they don't like
them. We have specific examples in the last year or two of
Crimean authorities either trying to order the demolition of
Ukrainian chapels or trying to end leases on churches in
Crimea. So the situation is getting worse. It's really acute
for anyone who's not part of the Russian Orthodox Church in
Crimea.
Mr. Aderholt. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Hastings. Thank you very much.
Senator Wicker.
And we've been joined by Commissioner Marc Veasey from
Texas.
Mr. Wicker. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. And I'm glad
to see so much attention to this, and attendance from both the
House and the Senate.
Let me just mention, to follow up on what Representative
Aderholt brought up with regard to religious freedom, and the
lack of it in Crimea. I have a bill, S. 3064, the Ukraine
Religious Freedom Support Act.
Mr. Hastings. Can we get the number again, Rog?
Mr. Wicker. S. 3064. It is a companion bill to legislation
in the House, which apparently the authors have done a better
job on than I have, or perhaps they got a head start. But in
the House, the companion bill is sponsored by five Republicans
and seven Democrats, Representatives Wilson, Fitzpatrick,
Bilirakis, Harris, Meadows, Cleaver, Cohen, Moore, our own
Representative Veasey, Eshoo, Lipinski, and Quigley. So I would
mention that as some legislation that perhaps will be helpful,
in that it would clarify the Office of International Religious
Freedom authority and require that they consider religious
freedom violations in Russia and occupied areas of Ukraine,
considering a, quote, ``country of particular concern,''
unquote, or CPC designation, in Russia. I would encourage
friends of Ukraine and Crimea on both ends of Capitol Hill,
both sides of the aisle, to cosponsor that, and thank the ones
that have.
I also would like to acknowledge the question, Mr.
Chairman, that you read from representatives of the Open World
Program. Would they raise their hands? Okay, yes, hello,
ladies. Thank you very much. I would mention, Mr. Chairman,
that I was there at the inception of the Open World Program.
And it was a bipartisan effort, with Representative Bud Cramer,
and me, and the strong leadership of Senator Stevens in the
Senate. And seeing as he had such a high-ranking position on
the Appropriations Committee, and we can give him most of the
credit there. But it has been a bipartisan program that we've
had to defend as part of the leg branch appropriation bill each
time it comes around. Because it doesn't seem to fit in a
legislative setting.
The key to it is, and what makes it so special, is we house
it in an organ of the Congress, which is the Library of
Congress. So when we sponsor exchanges around the world, and it
began in Russia and now has moved to areas sort of in the
Russian sphere, in the former sphere of the Soviet Union, they
know that it's not an organ of, first, one president's
administration. And then, another, that it is--these are
representatives inviting citizens from these various countries
to come to the United States to find out--to live with us, to
stay in our homes, to find out how we live and how we actually
practice freedom of speech, freedom of association, freedom of
religion in this country. So thank you for being here.
And I'm so glad that Senator Whitehouse appeared today as a
member of the Democratic Caucus of the U.S. Senate. We're in an
impeachment trial right now. And we certainly are not agreeing
with everything that's being said on both sides of that issue,
but if there is a silver lining to this cloud of impeachment,
Mr. Chairman, it may be the strong cries of support from both
sides of the aisle over in the U.S. Senate to support the
freedom fighters in Ukraine.
And perhaps I hadn't noticed it to the extent that I have
during the arguments both in the House and the Senate, but
let's celebrate the fact that day in and day out people on both
sides of the aisle now are talking about how important it is
that the United States support our allies who are fighting for
freedom in Ukraine, and not only with blankets and night-vision
goggles, but now in recent years with the lethal weapons that
they've been asking for--these tank-busting missiles. And once
impeachment is over, we'll get this behind us, Mr. Chairman,
and we'll lock arms on the issues that you and I have stood for
for so long. But the echo of strong support for Ukraine.
And today, the echo of strong support for Ukrainians who
live in occupied Crimea is still strong. And I want to thank
whoever has emphasized today that Crimea is still a part of
Ukraine. The law-abiding international neighbors from around
the world, from all over Europe, have resoundingly rejected
this sham referendum that took place in Crimea, which was
nothing more than a sham. A total farce, and a joke. And stated
that we may not be able right now to change the physical
situation in Crimea, although that is our goal, but we still
come down with a strong position that Ukraine is--that Crimea
is a part of Ukraine. Since Fiscal Year the foreign operations
appropriations have restricted funds for implementing policies
that would recognize Russian sovereignty over Crimea. I think
it's important that we have done that on a bipartisan basis.
And Ms. Tasheva, I believe you mentioned in your testimony
that Secretary Pompeo issued the Crimea Declaration. And you
celebrate that, I do believe, which reaffirms, and I quote, as
policy of the United States' ``refusal to recognize the
Kremlin's claims of sovereignty over territory seized by force
in contravention of international law. In concert with allies,
partners, and the international community, the United States
rejects Russia's attempted annexation of Crimea, and pledges to
maintain this policy until Ukraine's territorial integrity is
restored,'' unquote. That's the policy of the U.S. Congress, as
adopted in this foreign operations appropriation. That's the
strong policy, as enunciated by the chief foreign policy
officer in the United States of America--Secretary Pompeo. And
I very much appreciate that.
If I might just ask one question. I've spoken for a long
time. But could Mr. Sentsov and Ms. Tasheva tell us what the
prospects are of another prisoner exchange, and what can we do
on both sides of the aisle here in the Helsinki Commission--as
we travel in a few weeks, I hope, to the OSCE Parliamentary
Assembly. What can we do to try to make yet another prisoner
exchange a reality?
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Hastings. Mmm hmm. Thank you.
Mr. Sentsov. Well, it was announced by our authorities that
next exchange is in preparation now. And I am thankful for it
being--for this being preparation and moving on, because at
this time near a hundred of our hostages are held in Russian
prisons. And most of them are Crimean Tatars. And close to 300
individuals are held by pro-Russian separatists in the Donbas.
We cannot establish the precise number and conditions in which
they are, because the separatists do not allow any monitoring
groups to come in and see.
But according to testimonies from those who were released
back in December, according to those words, those people were
held in terrible conditions. Those people are lacking any
minimum standards of keeping, and no medical help. And they are
mistreated. They are humiliated. They are beaten. And so people
are dying there. We are familiar with the case of one soldier
that was tortured to death by separatists in captivity.
Actually, we received his body. And this body has multiple
fractures, and cuts, and burns. And we were told that he
committed suicide. And these are terrible things. And it's a
threat to--it kills real people.
But those--that harsh imprisonment of people in captivity
is only a consequence of Russian aggression. In the Crimea,
Russia held the whole nation as hostages, 300,000 Crimean
Tatars who are against the Russian State. And so at any time
Russia can put more hostages in prison. So we certainly must
continue fighting for release of hostages. But this is just a
little problem. And the much bigger problem is Russian
aggression. This is why the big issue, and what I am speaking
about, is the need to continue fighting against Putin until the
time when he frees that territory.
Ms. Tasheva. [Speaks in a foreign language.]
Mr. Wicker. Your English is actually pretty good.
[Laughter.]
Ms. Tasheva. Yes. My English not good, unfortunately. Now
we're working on two tracks. One of them it's release of people
who are in temporary occupied territory, Luhansk and Donetsk
Oblast. And another track, it's persons who are jailed in
occupied Crimea and the territory of Russian Federation. It's
very sensitive process. And from your support, of course, it's
to do most famous----
[Off-side conversation.]
Ms. Tasheva. ----more publicity for some names. For
example, human rights activists Server Mustafayev or Emir-Usein
Kuku, who had--from Amnesty International have this status----
[Off-side conversation.]
Ms. Tasheva. ----prisoners of conscience, yes. And we
understand that this track, Crimean Tatar track, it's very
difficult actually because Russian Federation and Putin don't
like Crimean Tatar minority in Crimea. And this process is very
difficult.
And another issue that I need to mention that Oleg also
said, we must fight against Russian occupation not only about
human rights in Crimea, because all of issues with human
rights, we have because we have occupation. When we don't have
this occupation of Russian Federation in our lands, we don't
have hundreds of tortured, hundreds of political prisoners. And
the main problem, of course, it's aggression of Russian
Federation on Crimea and on Luhansk and Donetsk Oblast.
Mr. Hastings. Mr. Veasey.
HON. MARC VEASEY, COMMISSIONER, COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND
COOPERATION IN EUROPE
Mr. Veasey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I had a chance to visit Ukraine a few years ago. And just
to be able to see people's everyday expressions there, you can
tell how much this is weighing on the country and what a
concern this is. And of course, here in the United States
there's a big concern with us too. I was concerned about some
human rights issues, particularly freedom of movement in
Ukraine. What are some of the consequences for a resident of
Crimea who refuses Russian citizenship? And how are their
rights, including freedom of movement, being curtailed by
occupying forces? Either or--either.
Mr. Hastings. Ms. Tasheva. And you can use the translator.
Ms. Tasheva. [Through interpreter.] This will be with
translation, sir. The first thing I want to point out is as the
result of Russia's occupation, because they are ousting the
local indigenous population, the Crimean Tatars, we now have a
new notion in Ukraine of internally displaced persons. So these
individuals, internally displaced persons, who move to mainland
Ukraine are allowed to enter the Crimean territory with a
Ukrainian passport, on condition that they have a residential
registration in the Crimea. Then they do not have to fill out
any additional paperwork to enter the Crimea. But then if they
don't have a residential registration in the Crimea, they're
only allowed to enter Russia-controlled territory for up to 90
days.
But many of the people who originally lived in the Crimea
and have a Ukrainian passport, some of them they just don't
have a stamp of residential registration in the Crimea. And
accordingly, the Russian requirements make it necessary for
them to--will allow them to only stay there for up to 3 months
with their family, and then they have to leave the territory
and come back again. So essentially this does not allow the
Crimeans who would even want to stay--live in the Crimea with a
Ukraine passport, they are not able to do that--are not allowed
to do that.
Then there is a certain number of people who were deported
by Russian authorities from the Crimea. Deported as people--as
unreliable individuals. And they are not allowed to be in the
Crimea. This applies to individuals who were in the process of
obtaining Ukrainian citizenship. So when the occupation came,
they were not--this procedure was not complete for them. So now
essentially they are individuals without citizenship.
[Continues in English.] Stateless persons.
[Continues through interpreter.] Well, the Ukrainian State
also has certain limitations for crossing the border of the
administrative line. Any individual from Ukraine is allowed to
enter the occupied territory of the Crimea. But if you're a
citizen of a foreign country they must receive a special
permission from Ukrainian authorities. This requirement takes
into account considerations of safety, but Ukraine is making
every effort to facilitate foreign citizens in obtaining such
permissions if they need to enter the Crimean territory for
journalistic work or for human rights work.
There are two official checkpoints between occupied Crimea
and Ukraine. So any foreign individual who enters the Crimea,
other than through those official checkpoints between Ukraine
and the Crimea, they essentially violate Ukrainian laws. And
this is the reason why we ask you to tell your government to
watch this, and make sure that U.S. citizens, especially public
figures, if they want to visit the occupied territory they
don't do this other than through the Ukrainian checkpoints,
because any instance when somebody from outside visits the
Crimea through the Russian territory is used by the Russian
Federation for propaganda. There have been instances when some
political figures from the European countries visited the
Crimea without Ukrainian permission. The Government of Ukraine
condemns such instances.
Mr. Veasey. Yes. I also wanted to ask you about freedom of
the press. You know, we've had our own issues, you know, here
with social media and the 2016 campaign, with Russians trying
to influence elections here in the United States, and really
all around the world. But when it comes to freedom of the press
in Ukraine, are there still any independent news outlets at all
that are able to report freely? Are their lives being--you
know, being basically compromised by reporting? I mean, what's
going on there in terms of being able to spread information
about what's really happening in the occupied territories from
media outlets?
Mr. Sentsov. Well, in Ukraine itself there is a big number
of independent media outlets. And the people trust them. While
prime TV channels certainly are under control of rich tycoons,
the oligarchs, that's five or six individuals. And they are in
relations of animosity. So there's no collusion between them,
which means there is no monopoly in control of the media, like
you see in Russia. So in Ukraine mainstream media you can see a
whole spectrum of opinions on different issues.
Mr. Veasey. And that's being broadcast in Crimea too?
Mr. Sentsov. I'm speaking about Ukraine. And I want Tamila
to speak about what's in the Crimea.
Mr. Veasey. Okay, yes.
Ms. Tasheva. In Crimea we don't have any Ukrainian media.
After 2014, most production moved from Crimea to mainland. For
example, the TV channel ATR, it's Crimean Tatar channel. It's
Chornomorska, a TV channel, and other TV channels and
newspapers. Now in Crimea they have only civil journalists,
actually, who work on the ground and reporting about human
rights relations in Crimea. They write articles on Facebook
pages, on Twitter, on Telegram channels. And it's only one
channel when we have this information from Crimea. If we say
about broadcasting from Ukrainian side to Crimea, it's also
difficult because in Crimea they have only satellite. And with
these satellites they have a chance to see and to watch
Ukrainian TV channels.
Mr. Veasey. So they do? The people--they can in some areas
watch Ukrainian television?
Ms. Tasheva. They can watch Ukrainian television if they
have satellite.
Mr. Veasey. If they have--only if they have satellite. What
percentage of the people there have satellite?
Ms. Tasheva. It's small.
Mr. Veasey. It's a very small percentage?
Ms. Tasheva. Unfortunately it's a small number. Or maybe
from internet, of course.
Mr. Veasey. What percentage of people in the occupied
territories have access to social media, like Facebook?
Ms. Tasheva. Most of them.
Mr. Veasey. Most of them do? Yes. So they can get news
through that.
Ms. Tasheva. If they need it, of course, yes.
Mr. Veasey. Ms. Haring.
Ms. Haring. Mr. Veasey, I also wanted to note that after
annexation Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty set up a website in
three languages--in Ukrainian, Russian, and Crimean Tatar. It's
called Crimea Realities. And it's excellent. It is the most
popular website tracking all the developments in Crimea. So
it's an online website. It had 2.4 million visits per month in
2019.
Mr. Veasey. I wanted to ask Mr. Sentsov very briefly,
what's the oldest age of males in Ukraine that you're seeing
that are being conscripted?
Mr. Sentsov. The question was what is the oldest age?
Mr. Veasey. Yes. Yes.
Mr. Sentsov. I cannot say for sure. I know that they used
to conscript individuals at the age of 18. Now it's 20. That's
the lower threshold. But maybe it's until 25. I'm not sure. But
I know that--so this lower threshold was actually recently
moved back to 18, from 20 to 18. I cannot tell you about the
upper limit, though.
Mr. Veasey. Okay, okay. And finally, Ms. Haring, you may be
best to answer this question, or one of the other panelists.
I'm not sure who would be--who this goes to. But as far as
Russia's long-term plan, of course, their goal is to,
obviously, come into an area, they want to be able to have
certain control over an area. Do you see this occupation as
being long term, or do you see it as more of a--you know, do
you see the Russians' strategy being, Let's go in here and
indoctrinate as much as we possibly can, and then leave so we
can continue to have long-term influence in the area? In the
past, they've been reluctant to, obviously, take in new
territories, particularly where they think there's a lot of
corruption and they think that it won't fit in neatly into what
they want to do long term. But how do you see that sort of
playing out? I'm just curious about that.
Ms. Haring. The Russians have no intentions to give Crimea
back, full stop. It was--you have to remember, it was a big PR
boon, as well, when Putin went in and----
Mr. Veasey. Right.
Ms. Haring. ----quickly took Crimea. And like I said
before, they have sent approximately 500,000 Russians to go
ahead and move there permanently. I mean, I can run through--
it's interesting when I say that it's become--it's become a
Russian military base. The amount of equipment that's been
moved there and the number of people is staggering.
So before annexation there were zero battle tanks. There's
40 now. There were 92 APCs. There's 680 now. There were 24
artillery systems. There's 174 now. There were 22 combat
aircraft. There's 113 now. They're not going to move this
stuff.
Mr. Veasey. Yes. Yes, absolutely.
Mr. Sentsov. Russia has no intention to return either
Crimea or the Donbas under Ukraine--back to Ukraine's control.
So our strategy on return of Crimea has to be long term. We
must continue pressure, making pressure on Russia to not allow
it to stabilize its presence. And also, this should not allow
the international community to recognize Russia's occupation
and continue exerting the pressure.
Early or late, one day, Putin's power will end. He may
either die or his heirs/successors may replace him. Or maybe
one day the people of Russia will rise against his dictatorship
because, in fact, the situation in Russia is far from being
stable. The people have been tired of all that confrontation.
So an explosion like that is realistic to expect. It's
impossible to predict it, however. So any of those
possibilities may take place.
And once there's a new government in Russia they will have
to look for support from the international community, because
right now there is one single political or government
institution in Russia; it's called Vladimir Putin. Everything
is subordinated to him. There are no independent courts, no
independent media, nothing independent. So when that key
element disappears the whole system will collapse, and whoever
comes to replace him will need to find sources of stabilizing
the system. And that person will have to look for support from
foreign countries. And at that moment, when Russia's power is
in transformation, the United States and other allies need to
have a very clear standing. And the position should be very
clear that the Western partners will support and give help to
Russia only on condition that it returns occupied Donbas and
occupied Crimea back to Ukraine.
And again, we can go back to those parallels in history
saying that occupation of Crimea is kind of like occupation of
the Baltics in 1940, and they had to wait for 50 years to
regain their independence. Here we'll probably have to wait for
less than that because Putin cannot last another 50 years. But
important thing is we need to be prepared for that moment, when
it comes. And that is the only opportunity to reestablish the
status quo.
Mr. Hastings. Well, we take your point. And you all have
been very generous with your time. If you will just permit me a
few minutes to carry what Senator Wicker was saying, please,
particularly Mr. Sentsov and Ms. Tasheva and anyone else that
may be from Ukraine, Crimea, or that general area, please don't
let what's going on in the U.S. Senate give you the impression
at all that there is not complete support for Ukraine. One day
soon, whatever is happening there will be over. But I'll still
be the chairman of the Helsinki Commission and other
congresspersons and senators will be about their business, and
a part of our business is trying to do what we can to assist in
Ukraine.
And in my view, the best thing that we could do now is
support President Zelensky's effort and those that are like-
minded to do the things that are necessary to stabilize that
country and to gain its independence. We should not be
unmindful--and although it has only been mentioned in passing--
that there is a hot war ongoing in Donbas, and that people in
that area are dying and are in an embattled situation. So we
didn't cover that this morning. Let the word go forth that we
need to do what we can to assist Ukraine in being able to carry
the day in that area.
And for Ms. Tasheva and Mr. Sentsov, I wasn't going to ask
you where your families are, but I hope that in your efforts
your families are safe and that anything we can do, if need be,
to help.
The other thing that I've learned as I've traveled about
the world is that civil society is critically important, and so
is a justice system that affords due process--are critically
important. We didn't have time to delve into that this morning,
but it's on our minds here at the Helsinki Commission as well
as the religious discrimination that we find not only in
Crimea, but throughout. And we need to address that in Crimea
especially. I kept saying the Jehovah's Witnesses. I forgot to
mention the Orthodox Church is there as well in some
significant numbers to try and assist the Tatar religion effort
that's ongoing.
One of the things I--two of the things that I agonize about
are when this kind of thing takes place people that were in
small businesses lose their businesses. Like overnight their
businesses are gone. And that's not healthy in any of our
societies, unless they were closing some of the CVSes that I
know about. [Laughter.] I had to wait 10 minutes to get a razor
blade. [Laughs.] I'm saying to myself, What's up with this? But
I think I'd know a little bit about it.
But my last moment should be a moment of seriousness. I
read a book over the holiday that encompassed a portion of my
life. I'm 83 years old, and I grew up in a segregated society
in a little town named Altamonte Springs, Florida. It's close
to Orlando, and of course there was no Disney World at that
time. On Christmas night of 1951--I would have been and was a
sophomore in high school--a man and his wife were killed--his
name was Harry Moore, her name was Harriette--by a bomb that
they're pretty certain where it came from, but certainly there
was Ku Klux Klan influence that caused that. I remember as if
it were yesterday the tension. And that city was 50 miles away
from where I lived, but their people were fleeing and coming
through my area, and some had relatives in my area, and it was
a devastating thing.
Mr. Moore was the chief executive of the NAACP at that time
in Florida, and he was advocating that black teachers should
receive the same pay as white teachers. And that's among the
things that caused his death. He was a principal of a school.
He lost his job. His wife was a teacher. She lost her job. And
they had a family, two girls, and her mother and her brother as
well.
But with that said, Mr. Moore made a statement at a large
gathering before his death. And the one thing that was the
takeaway from it was freedom never dies. Freedom never dies.
One of the things that's troubling to me is how the
children are affected in these changes. And I've met dictators,
kings, and queens, and the Pope, and everyone, and all of us
have this extraordinary concern for children, and yet we
persist in allowing not just Russia but other authoritarians
and dictators around the world to subject the harshness of
what's going on in Crimea to the children. It's beyond unfair,
and for as long as I live I'll be speaking out about it. And
that's whether it's to Putin or to his cousin or--not to his
momma; he doesn't even speak to his momma, who lives in Georgia
I might add, and that's kind of interesting. A person that
doesn't speak to their mother, count me out.
Thank you all. [Laughs.] Thanks so much. I'm going to come
down and say hello and we'll take some pictures, if that's
okay.
[Whereupon, at 11:56 a.m., the hearing ended.]
=======================================================================
A P P E N D I X
=======================================================================
Prepared Statements
----------
Prepared Statement of Hon. Alcee Hastings
Good morning and welcome to this U.S. Helsinki Commission
hearing ``Life Under Occupation: The State of Human Rights in
Crimea.'' We will now come to order.
It is hard to believe that almost six years have passed
since Russia's invasion and subsequent occupation of Crimea.
Just as it did in Georgia in 2008, Russia defied international
law and, in a sudden, brazen display of revanchism, rewrote the
borders of a sovereign nation.
Of course, we know now Crimea was just the opening salvo in
President Putin's campaign to stop what he saw as the
inexorable movement of a fledgling democracy towards greater
integration with the West, its values, and its institutions. To
him, the Ukrainian people's desire for closer ties to the EU,
for stronger democratic institutions, and for an end to endemic
corruption was impermissible. So, he did the unthinkable and,
through blatant subterfuge and an utter disregard for
international law, he took by force a part of Ukraine's
sovereign territory, changing forever the lives of the people
who lived there. He then went on to instigate a bloody conflict
in eastern Ukraine that remains active to this day, at the cost
of 13,000 dead and many thousands more injured or displaced.
Putin did all of this in order to stymie Ukraine's Euro-
Atlantic aspirations.
Today we are here to talk about the lives of the people who
live under the heavy hand of Russia-occupied Crimea. Some have
been forced to flee their homes; some to give up their
fundamental freedoms of expression and worship and even their
ethnic and cultural identity in order to survive. Through a
variety of hardline methods, including forced citizenship, sham
referendums, legal intimidation, disinformation, and
prohibitions on access to and use of Ukrainian language,
Russian authorities have sought to stifle dissent and project
to the world the false image of a prosperous and free Crimea.
By limiting access to international and Ukrainian human rights
organizations, the Kremlin has effectively created a veil
between Crimea and the rest of the world
This morning, we have three respected witnesses with us who
will pull back that veil and show us the harsh reality of
Russia's oppressive occupation--one which includes arbitrary
arrests, harassment, imprisonment, censorship and other brutal
tactics aimed at forcing a proud people into submission,
whether they be civil society activists, community or religious
leaders, artists, journalists, or simply those whose religion
and ethnicity are viewed with distrust and fear.
The goal of today's hearing is to shine a light on the
human rights situation in Crimea and to send a clear message to
the people there that the U.S. Congress, the Helsinki
Commission, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in Europe have not forgotten about your plight.
First to speak is a man who has come to symbolize through
his courage and moral strength all those Crimeans who refused
to bend to the Kremlin's will. Oleg Sentsov is a Ukrainian
filmmaker and director who was detained by Russian authorities
in May of 2014 on trumped-up charges of terrorism and sentenced
to 20 years in a Russian prison. But he refused to be silenced.
In 2018, he began a hunger strike that lasted 145 days to call
for the release of all Ukrainian political prisoners held in
Russia, capturing the world's attention to his and his
countrymen's plight. This nation and this Congress never forgot
about you, Mr. Sentsov, and it moves me greatly to have you
here with us, once again a free man. We look forward to hearing
your thoughts on the situation in Crimea.
Next we have Tamila Tasheva, who is the Deputy Permanent
Representative of the President of Ukraine in the Autonomous
Republic of Crimea. Before being named to her current position,
Ms. Tasheva worked as a co-founder and head of ``CrimeaSOS,'' a
human rights group focused on the plight of internally
displaced persons as well as the overall human rights situation
in Crimea. She was also a volunteer during the Euromaidan.
Prior to 2014, Ms. Tasheva was a civil society activist and
organizer of events and initiatives highlighting the religious
and ethnic culture of Crimea. Welcome, Ms. Tasheva, to today's
hearing. We appreciate your participation.
Lastly, we have Melinda Haring, who is Deputy Director of
the Atlantic Council's Eurasia Center. Previously, Ms. Haring
was the editor of the Council's ``Ukraine Alert'' blog. She is
a longtime observer of the region, whose works have been
published by NPR, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, the
Washington Post and other prominent outlets. Over the course of
her career, Ms. Haring has worked for Eurasia Foundation,
Freedom House, and the National Democratic Institute. In
addition to her duties with the Atlantic Council, she is also a
vice chair of the board of East Europe Foundation in Kyiv and a
term member of the Council on Foreign Relations. Welcome, Ms.
Haring; and thank you for testifying today.
With that, I turn it over to our first speaker, Mr Sentsov.
Prepared Statement of Hon. Benjamin L. Cardin
When we look at the ongoing crisis in Crimea and Eastern
Ukraine, it is easy to wonder how much the United States can
really do in the face of Russia's reckless aggression. I can
assure you, however, the United States response to the invasion
and ensuing occupation of Crimea has been clear and unified in
its support for Ukraine's sovereignty. The U.S. is holding
accountable those who carried out and perpetuate this egregious
and illegal occupation.
First, the legislative and executive branches have issued
strong and consistent condemnations of Russia's actions.
My bill, the Countering Russian Influence in Europe and
Eurasia Act of 2017, which was included in the CAATSA law,
states the United States policy ``to never recognize the
illegal annexation of Crimea by the Government of the Russian
Federation.'' In similar fashion, in July 2018, Secretary
Pompeo issued the Crimea Declaration, stating that just as the
United States refused to recognize the Soviet Union's
annexation of the Baltic States, so too would we refuse to
recognize Crimea as a part of Russia.
But our stance consists of more than just words. CAATSA
authorized hard-hitting sanctions on human rights abusers in
Russia-occupied territories and on entities operating in
occupied Crimea. It also prohibited U.S. investment, trade, and
business there.
These sanctions authorities are broader and far more
complex than I can adequately describe here, and they
frequently overlap with sanctions relating to Russia's
aggression in Eastern Ukraine. But the important point is that
as early as March 2014, the United States has stood against
this illegal occupation of Crimea in word and deed. Because
Crimea is separate from the Minsk Agreements, even their
implementation will have no effect on our Crimea-related
sanctions. Those sanctions will remain in place until Crimea is
returned to Ukraine.
It is unfortunate that these sanctions are necessary. But
as we will hear today, the problem is not confined to the act
of the illegal annexation itself, which took no more than a few
days. It also includes the ongoing campaign of oppression
against Crimea's inhabitants, which is marked by gross
violations of human rights. Freedom of movement, religion,
speech, assembly, and more are at stake.
The occupation has torn families apart by forcibly creating
bureaucratic obstacles and borders where none had previously
existed. It has also contributed to the crisis of Internally
Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Ukraine. At least 1.5 million IDPs
have been displaced by the Russian occupation and the conflict
in Eastern Ukraine. This only considers those who are
officially registered as IDPs, so the actual number of
displaced people in the country is likely even higher.
We are here today as a reminder that Crimea must not be
forgotten, and that Russia's human rights abuses are no longer
confined within Russia's borders. We cannot allow Russia's
behavior to go unnoticed or unpunished. We may not know what
the future holds for Crimea, but we owe it to future
generations to hold Russia accountable and to learn as much as
we can from experts like the witnesses we have here today. I
look forward to hearing their testimonies.
Report Prepared for the Record by Maria Tomak, Co-Founder of the
Ukrainian NGO Media Initiative for Human Rights
Ukrainian Detainees Held by Russia: Dozens Remain Imprisoned
Over the last six months, the Ukrainian government has been
active in negotiating with the Russian Federation on the
release of Ukrainian citizens detained in response to an armed
conflict between the two nations. After a two year stagnancy in
negotiation between these two groups, two waves of prison
releases in September 2019 and December 2019 freed individuals
held within the Russian Federation, occupied Crimea, and those
kept in non-government controlled areas in Eastern Ukraine. All
together, more than a hundred Ukrainian citizens were freed (35
from the Russian Federation and occupied Crimea and 76 from
non-government controlled areas in Donetsk and Luhansk
regions). Those released included military personnel taken
prisoner beginning in Winter 2015 (like the sailors captured by
Russia in the Kerch Incident), as well as a number of
civilians. Writer and filmmaker Oleg Sentsov, along with Radio
Free Europe and Radio Liberty contributors Stanislav Aseev and
Oleg Galaziuk--all of whom previously voiced criticism of the
ongoing conflict between Ukraine and the Russian Federation--
were amongst those freed. While this marks a notable victory in
the ongoing struggle for free speech rights in the region, the
problem of illegal detainees persists. Currently it remains
important to underline the following:
1. The war in Eastern Ukraine is ongoing, as is the
occupation of Crimea. Under these circumstances,
innocent people continue to experience arrest. Despite
the release of multiple Ukrainian citizens from Crimea
and Russia in the last few months, at least three
additional pro-Ukrainian activists have been arrested
in Crimea. Ukrainian human rights NGOs estimate that at
least 96 persons remain illegally detained by Russia in
the Russian Federation and occupied Crimea. While most
individuals experienced initial arrest in the occupied
territory of Crimea, they have since been transferred
to detention centers within the Russian Federation.
This transfer is a violation of International
Humanitarian Law.
2. While a prisoner exchange in September 2019 brought
freedom to many Ukrainian citizens, it excluded all 69
of the imprisoned Crimean Tatars who remain in jail to
this day. Accusations of terrorist intentions against
this group, the Russian Federation's excuse for their
continued imprisonment, remain baseless. According to
an FSB investigation, none of the Tatars have committed
any violent acts or shown any suggestion of planning to
do so.
3. The group of imprisoned Crimean Tatars includes many
journalists and activist bloggers. Their imprisonment
stands as punishment for their bravery in speaking up
against human rights violations in Crimea. At least 32
of the 69 currently imprisoned were active in the
Crimean Solidarity group, a civic initiative started by
families of the original group of Tatars detained for
political activism. On top of providing support for the
families of imprisoned Tatars, the group documents the
illegal activities of occupying authorities in Crimea,
publishing updates to social media outlets in Ukraine.
Beginning in February 2019, members of the group have
faced large scale arrests, including activists Timur
Ibragimov, Marlen Asanov, Seiran Saliev, Memedeminov,
Server Mustafaev, and Enver Mamutov. Activists Raim
Ayvazov, Remzi Bekirov, Osman Arifmemetov, and Vladlen
Abdulkadyrov's reports of torture experienced during
their detentions have gone uninvestigated despite their
repeated statements on the matter. As a result of the
arrests of these 69 individuals, at least 165 Crimean
children have been left without parental care.
4. After the recent release of prisoners from the non-
government controlled areas in Eastern Ukraine in
December 2019, the Media Initiative for Human Rights
managed to obtain information about many other
prisoners kept by Russian-backed forces in Donetsk and
Lugansk who were not previously listed. NGOs are
currently questioning those released in order to map
out all of the remaining prisoners. Given the security
situation in the non-government controlled areas (which
is quite harsh even compared to the occupied Crimea),
it is difficult to track the individuals who remain in
prison. They may be kept by different armed groups in
different places which are not necessarily
``official,'' even for the de-facto authorities of the
area. The estimated number of the remaining prisoners
in the non-government controlled areas in the Eastern
Ukraine is at least 101 people (83 of them in Donetsk
and 18 in Lugansk). Meanwhile, the Ukrainian government
says it has information about at least 184 illegal
detainees in non-government controlled areas in Donbas.
5. The rehabilitation of released political prisoners
remains a prominent issue on Ukraine's agenda. The
Ukrainian government has previously discussed the need
to provide them with legal status, social support, and
rehabilitation--but has yet to actually materialize
this aid. Although President Zelenskiy has the ability
to submit draft laws to the Ukrainian parliament, he
has taken no action nor made any public statements
regarding the issue.
We appreciate attention from the United States government,
non-governmental organizations, and intergovernmental
institutions like the UN devoted to the illegal detainment of
Iranian citizens. Given all of the atrocities taking place
around the world and the ongoing detainment of US citizens
abroad, we appreciate America's commitment towards Ukraine all
the more. We understand that without the constant attention
already being paid to this issue, many of those released would
have remained in prison.
Because of the strides made possible by our international
community, we ask for your continued support of Iranian efforts
to negotiate for the release of the remaining political
prisoners. In order to keep the pressure on, we ask that you:
1. Continue to support illegally detained Ukrainian
citizens through public statements, reminding the world
that the war is not over and dozens of people remain in
illegal detention.
2. To appoint a U.S. Special Representative for Ukraine
Negotiations to report directly to the President of the
United States on the international armed conflict in
Ukraine and respective humanitarian consequences.
3. To acknowledge the problem of militarization in
Crimea and the changing demographic situation in the
occupied peninsula, specifically through the making of
public statements and the organization of public
events.
4. To ensure that the process of release for current
detainees transforms into a systematic negotiation
platform giving preference to humanitarian issues.
5. To extend sanctions to Russian officials in Russia
and in occupied Crimea involved in the persecution of
the Crimean Solidarity group and other human rights
activists and journalists.
6. To maintain transatlantic unity with regards to the
sanctions against the Russian Federation and its
officials (precisely those responsible for these grave
human rights violations) as a response to Russian
aggression against Ukraine, the European Union, and the
United States.
7. To hold a regular Helsinki Commission hearing
regarding human rights violations, international armed
conflict, and security perspectives in Ukraine. In
addition to acknowledging the hostage crisis, this will
address other pressing issues in the region, including
the militarisation of Crimea and the changing
demographics of the occupied peninsula.
We call on the Russian authorities and demand that they:
1. Stop the oppression of Ukrainian citizens in
occupied Crimea--especially independent journalists,
bloggers, and those affiliated with the Crimean
Solidarity group.
2. Release all imprisoned Ukrainian citizens being
prosecuted for political motives within Crimea and the
Russian Federation.
3. Immediately halt the application of Russian
legislation on the temporarily occupied areas of
Crimea.
4. Introduce the permanent monitoring of the trials of
victims of political persecution in the Russian
Federation.
We call on the Ukrainian government and encourage them to:
1. Follow through on their commitments to provide all
illegally detained Ukrainian citizens with legal
status, social guarantees, and rehabilitation, as well
as to continue their efforts to release those still in
detention.
2. To enact legislative amendments which create a
procedure for the simultaneous release and exchange of
prisoners.
Previous prisoner exchanges raised tensions in Ukrainian
society due to the impunity of the Russian prisoners returned
to the Federation. This is predictable--however, it is also
avoidable. In order to ensure the rights of those released from
both sides, Ukraine should work to introduce legal amendments
that allow for simultaneous release in line with the norms of
International Humanitarian Law. Ukrainian civil society is
ready to draft relevant proposals of these amendments.
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