[House Hearing, 116 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]



 
              ASSESSING U.S. SECURITY ASSISTANCE TO MEXICO

=======================================================================

                                HEARING

                               BEFORE THE

                            SUBCOMMITTEE ON
          THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE, CIVILIAN SECURITY, AND TRADE

                                 OF THE

                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
                        HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                     ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS

                             SECOND SESSION

                               __________

                           FEBRAURY 13, 2020

                               __________

                           Serial No. 116-97

                               __________

        Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
        
        
        
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Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov, 

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             U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 
39-652 PDF           WASHINGTON : 2021 
                           
                           
                           
                           
                           
                           
                           
                      COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS

                   ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York, Chairman

BRAD SHERMAN, California             MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Ranking 
GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York               Member
ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey             CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey
GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia        STEVE CHABOT, Ohio
THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida         JOE WILSON, South Carolina
KAREN BASS, California              SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania
WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts   TED S. YOHO, Florida
DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island    ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois
AMI BERA, California                LEE ZELDIN, New York
JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas               JIM SENSENBRENNER, Wisconsin
DINA TITUS, Nevada                  ANN WAGNER, Missouri
ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York         BRIAN MAST, Florida
TED LIEU, California                FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida
SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania            BRIAN FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota            JOHN CURTIS, Utah
ILHAN OMAR, Minnesota               KEN BUCK, Colorado
COLIN ALLRED, Texas                 RON WRIGHT, Texas
ANDY LEVIN, Michigan                GUY RESCHENTHALER, Pennsylvania
ABIGAIL SPANBERGER, Virginia        TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee
CHRISSY HOULAHAN, Pennsylvania      GREG PENCE, Indiana
TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey          STEVE WATKINS, Kansas
DAVID TRONE, Maryland               MIKE GUEST, Mississippi
JIM COSTA, California
JUAN VARGAS, California
VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas

  
                    Jason Steinbaum, Staff Director

              Brendan Shields,  Republican Staff Director
                                 ------                                

  Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, Civilian Security, and Trade

                   ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey, Chairman

GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York           FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida, Ranking 
JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas                    Member
ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York          CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey
DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota             TED S. YOHO, Florida
ANDY LEVIN, Michigan                 JOHN CURTIS, Utah
VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas              KEN BUCK, Colorado
JUAN VARGAS, California              MIKE GUEST, Mississippi

                                     
                 Alexander Brockwehl, Staff Director                               
                                     
                                     

                  
                            C O N T E N T S

                              ----------                              
                                                                   Page

                               WITNESSES

Rodriguez, Mr. Hugo, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of 
  Western Hemisphere Affairs, U.S. Department of State...........     7
Glenn, Mr. Richard, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of 
  International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, U.S. 
  Department of State............................................    13
Feinstein, Ms. Barbara, Deputy Assistant Administrator, Bureau 
  for Latin America and the Caribbean, United States Agency for 
  International Development......................................    23

                                APPENDIX

Hearing Notice...................................................    43
Hearing Minutes..................................................    45
Hearing Attendance...............................................    46

                  OPENING STATEMENT OF CHAIRMAN SIRES

Opening statement submitted from Chairman Sires..................    47

            RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

Responses to questions submitted for the record from Chairman 
  Sires..........................................................    50
Responses to questions submitted for the record from 
  Representative Castro..........................................    86


              ASSESSING U.S. SECURITY ASSISTANCE TO MEXICO

                      Thursday, February 13, 2020

                          House of Representatives,
            Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere,
                       Civilian Security and Trade,
                      Committee on Foreign Affairs,
                                                     Washington, DC

    The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 9 a.m., in 
room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Albio Sires 
(chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
    Mr. Sires. We are going to get started. The ranking member 
is on his way. The reason for the early hearing is we have 
votes and people go back to the districts today. So I wanted to 
make sure I got this hearing in. So I am going to begin. Other 
members will be walking in as the hearing is progressing.
    Well, this hearing will come to order. This hearing, 
entitled ``Assessing U.S. Security Assistance to Mexico,'' will 
focus on evaluating the extent to which U.S. assistance under 
the Merida Initiative has been effective in strengthening 
Mexico's justice sector institutions, combating crime, and 
protecting human rights.
    Without objection, all members may have 5 days to submit 
statements, questions, and extraneous materials for the record, 
subject to the length limitation in the rules. I will now make 
an opening statement and then turn it over to the ranking 
member for his opening statement.
    Before I open with my statement, I want to thank everybody 
that is here. It is early, it is miserable outside, and I 
certainly want to thank the witnesses for being here.
    Good morning, everyone, and thank you to our witnesses for 
being here today.
    In reading the news over the last few weeks, the shocking 
headlines from Mexico have been impossible to escape. Last week 
I saw that kids as young as 6 years old are arming themselves 
to defend their families in a rural part of the Guerrero State. 
As cartels have sought to assert control over the area, the 
murder rate has doubled and the community has nearly shut down. 
Kids, who should be in school learning math and science, are 
instead learning how to fire shotguns and ambush armored 
vehicles.
    As a former teacher, I believe that nothing is more sacred 
than the investment we make in our children's future. It broke 
my heart to think that these kids are being deprived of their 
right to learn and grow free from violence and fear.
    And we know that what is happening in Guerrero is just a 
microcosm of the broader trends we are seeing across Mexico. 
Mexico's homicide rate has reached its highest level in 
decades. Targeted attacks against journalists, human rights 
defenders, and local public officials have continued at rates 
higher than almost anywhere in the world.
    A recent report from the International Federation For 
Journalists found that Mexico is the deadliest country in the 
world for journalists. Of the 49 journalist killings it 
documented in 2019, ten were in Mexico. Most journalist 
murders, like most homicides in Mexico, are never solved.
    I have long advocated for robust U.S. assistance to help 
Mexico strengthen its democratic institutions, combat 
corruption, defend human rights, and improve security. I 
believe that Mexico and the United States have a shared 
responsibility to reduce violent crime and improve quality of 
life for those living on both sides of our border.
    The United States must enact stricter gun laws, dedicate 
more resources to combating money laundering by the cartels, 
and increase investment in programs to reduce domestic demand 
for illegal drugs.
    But we also expect a sincere commitment on the Mexican side 
to reducing this violence. I appreciate the efforts that 
Mexico's security forces are making, but they are being 
outgunned by these brazen and well-resourced cartels.
    A Mexican civil society organization called Common Cause 
released a report this week showing that 953 police officers 
have been murdered in Mexico in just the past 2 years. I admire 
those courageous individuals who are putting their lives on the 
line, but it is clear that substantial political commitment is 
needed to address the underlying problem of impunity and 
corruption which are perpetuating the violence in Mexico.
    Now is the time for the U.S. Government to look critically 
at our assistance programs to determine what is working and 
what is not. I am eager to hear from the State Department and 
USAID about our strategy and how Congress can measure tangible 
progress under the Merida Initiative. I sincerely hope that the 
Trump Administration is prioritizing security in our engagement 
with Mexico rather than pressuring Mexico to use the National 
Guard to prevent desperate people from migrating.
    I know that many of my colleagues share my frustration that 
we have not made more progress under the Merida Initiative. I 
hope that this hearing will help us develop a clearer sense of 
what next steps we should take.
    I look forward to working with my colleagues and with the 
executive branch on a bipartisan basis to explore solutions to 
these difficult challenges.
    Thank you.
    And I now turn it over to Ranking Member Rooney for his 
opening statement.
    Mr. Rooney. Thank you, Chairman Sires, for holding a second 
hearing to followup on this very important and timely issue 
regarding the security situation in Mexico.
    The relationship with Mexico is among the most 
strategically important relationships for the United States. We 
are linked by geographic proximity, as well as economic, 
historical, and cultural ties, and the events occurring in 
Mexico directly impact our country.
    Recent years have brought widespread violence, criminality, 
and a deteriorating security condition in Mexico, which has 
been largely driven by the drug cartels. You cannot ignore the 
fact that the paper today had the article about the children in 
Guerrero.
    So cooperation is a critical component of our relationship 
with Mexico, and it is important that we review security 
conditions there and our assistance programs to identify what 
has been most effective and what has been ineffective in 
assisting the country to address its security challenges.
    I am concerned that recent events in Mexico have resulted 
in the deaths of nine U.S. citizens, including three children, 
at the hands of the Mexican drug cartels. These events reflect 
the continued security challenges which Mexico faces and the 
need for both the United States and Mexico to take steps 
together to address them. Through intimidation, extortion, 
corruption, and pervasive violence, the Mexican people are 
terrorized daily.
    The Lopez Obrador administration is taking steps to have a 
newly created Mexican National Guard take the lead on security. 
This force has also supported some immigration enforcement. 
Much work remains to properly train and equip them, and 
questions remain about other steps the Mexican Government can 
take to address thesecurity challenges.
    Despite the efforts of previous Mexican administrations to 
combat the cartels and address security, 2019 saw a 30 percent 
increase in Mexico's homicide rate, much of which driven by 
these drug-related crimes. Further, the cartels have expanded 
their drug trade to supply the surge in U.S. demand for 
methamphetamine, heroin, and synthetic opioids. I suggest 
anyone interested in this topic read the book ``Dreamland'' 
about the Nayarit drug gangs.
    We must also acknowledge the flow of illegal weapons from 
the United States to Mexico, especially assault weapons and 
high powered weapons, which contribute materially to the 
violence, along with the systemic corruption, impunity, and 
lack of rule of law.
    Since 2007 under the Merida Initiative, the United States 
has provided roughly $3 billion in security assistance to 
Mexico. Mexico, of course, has also contributed much more.
    From 2014 to 2018, U.S. security assistance has focused on 
the rule of law, anticorruption, and human rights in Mexico. 
The Trump Administration has added focus on attacking the 
financing of the cartels and combating the increased trade in 
opioids and synthetic drugs, which I think is a positive step.
    Yet the United States and Mexico must continue to work 
together to improve existing security infrastructure and ensure 
that regional security priorities are addressed. It is also 
critical that the Mexican Government communicate to us what 
they are doing to address the problem and present a 
comprehensive security strategy that U.S. assistance can 
support.
    For its part, the United States should explore ways to 
modernize the security assistance provided under Merida, and we 
need continued intelligence sharing, capacity building, and the 
provision of technology and equipment. We should also review 
our coordination on the border about security where we can 
support Mexico's efforts to carry out inspections and 
screenings.
    The U.S.-Mexico security relationship has come a long way, 
but we must continue to build our relationship on a foundation 
of mutual trust and cooperation. This is a joint responsibility 
and serves the interests of both countries to do so.
    Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you, our career foreign 
service officers, for being here today, and I look forward to 
hearing the testimony.
    Mr. Sires. Thank you. Thank you very much, Ranking Member 
Rooney.
    I will now introduce Mr. Hugo Rodriguez, Deputy Assistant 
Secretary of State in the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs. 
Mr. Rodriguez, is a career foreign service officer who most 
recently served as deputy chief of mission in Paraguay. He 
previously served as the consul general at the U.S. Embassy in 
Mexico City and later as the mission's acting minister 
counselor for consular affairs.
    Mr. Rodriguez, we welcome you to the hearing.
    We will then hear from Mr. Richard Glenn, deputy assistant 
secretary of State in the Bureau of International Narcotics and 
Law Enforcement Affairs. In his current role, Mr. Glenn 
oversees the Office of Anti-Crime Programs and Western 
Hemisphere Programs. He began his work with the INL in 2011 as 
deputy director of the Merida Initiative in Mexico City and has 
also served in Ecuador and Argentina.
    Mr. Glenn, thank you for joining us today. Welcome.
    Finally, we will hear from Ms. Barbara Feinstein, Deputy 
Assistant Adminstrator in USAID's Bureau for Latin America and 
the Caribbean. Ms. Feinstein oversees USAID programs in Mexico, 
Central America, and the Caribbean. A career member of the 
Senior Executive Service, she was previously Deputy Assistant 
Adminstrator for Legislative and Public Affairs and served as 
the Deputy Chief of Staff to Administrator Rajiv Shah and Chief 
of Staff to Acting Administrator Alonzo Fulgham.
    Ms. Feinstein, thank you for joining us today.
    I ask that the witnesses please limit your testimony to 5 
minutes, and, without objection, your prepared statements will 
be made as part of the record.
    Mr. Rodriguez, we recognize you first for your testimony.

 STATEMENT OF MR. HUGO RODRIGUEZ, DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY, 
 BUREAU OF WESTERN HEMISPHERE AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

    Mr. Rodriguez. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Rooney, 
distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank you for the 
opportunity to appear before you today to discuss U.S. 
bilateral security cooperation with Mexico. I must also thank 
the U.S. Congress, and this committee in particular, for its 
consistent, bipartisan, strong support of the U.S.-Mexico 
relationship in general and the Merida Initiative in 
particular.
    While our bilateral agenda in Mexico covers a wide array of 
issues, including trade and commercial relationships, illegal 
immigration, educational exchanges, and efforts to create a 
more competitive partnership in a globalized world, security 
cooperation has always been the central element of that agenda.
    The United States and Mexico are essential partners in 
confronting the transnational criminal organizations operating 
on both sides of the U.S.-Mexico border. These TCOs and their 
subsidiaries have engaged in unprecedented levels of violence 
and pose a fundamental challenge to Mexico and its people. They 
are also a major threat to the United States.
    We must take a comprehensive approach to attack these TCOs, 
including the targeting of their business model, from 
production and trafficking of illicit drugs to their illicit 
finances and revenue. This is critical for the safety of all of 
our citizens.
    The necessity of our cooperation has been made even clearer 
over the past few months with the horrific murders of nine 
American citizens on November 4, 2019, in Bavispe, Sonora, and 
the failed operation to arrest Ovidio Guzman in Culiacan in 
October 2019. These events are in addition to the many lives of 
Mexican security forces and citizens that continue to be lost 
in the fight against TCOs.
    The Trump administration is committed to working with 
Mexico to combat these organizations. In just the last month, 
Attorney General Barr, Director of the National Drug Control 
Policy Office Carroll, U.S. Customs and Border Protection 
Deputy Commissioner Perez, and Acting Assistant Secretary of 
State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Kozak have all separately 
visited Mexico to discuss our joint efforts and the ways we can 
increase our collaboration to more effectively confront this 
threat.
    Transnational criminal organizations traffic Mexican 
heroin, methamphetamine, fentanyl, and Colombian cocaine to the 
United States. To address these and related threats, the United 
States and Mexico partner through the Merida Initiative to 
support Mexico's efforts to improve security, reduce drug 
production and trafficking, enhanced criminal prosecutions and 
the rule of law, build public confidence in the justice sector, 
improve border security, reduce irregular migration flow, and 
promote greater respect for human rights.
    U.S.-Mexico security cooperation has been expanding and 
evolving since the Merida Initiative was launched in 2008 and 
is based on the recognition and commitment that our countries 
share responsibility for combating transnational criminal 
networks and protecting our citizens from the crime, 
corruption, and violence they generate. The Merida Initiative 
is founded on mutual respect and reflects our understanding of 
the tremendous benefits derived from collaboration.
    U.S. assistance has provided crucial support to the Mexican 
Government in its efforts to build the capacity of its rule of 
law institutions while enhancing cooperation between the U.S. 
and Mexican Governments through the provision of equipment, 
technical assistance, and training. The Merida Initiative also 
enables greater cooperation between U.S. and Mexican law 
enforcement agencies, prosecutors, and judges as they share 
best practices and expand their shared capacity to track 
criminals, drugs, arms, and money.
    President Lopez Obrador has made the reduction of violence 
the key goal of his security policy and has pledged to fight 
corruption in Mexico. To advance efforts to combat our shared 
security challenges, the United States and Mexico have 
developed a new bilateral structure, the Mexico City-based 
High-Level Security Working Group.
    Under the umbrella of the HLSWG, we have jointly developed 
bilateral working groups to tackle issues of the highest 
importance. These working groups focus on drug policy, 
migration, illicit finance, cybersecurity, armed forces, 
emergency response, justice sector, and arms trafficking.
    Through these groups, we are identifying priorities and 
specific actions we can take together to make progress in each 
area. For example, we are looking at ways we can increase joint 
efforts to combat synthetic drugs and illicit drug production, 
increase drug interdictions and TCO prosecutions, and stem 
illicit finances. We are also working to reduce the number of 
illicit firearms, weapons, and the quantity of ammunitions 
crossing the U.S.-Mexico border.
    The continued threat posed by transnational criminal 
organizations to both Mexico and the United States requires our 
continual support. Bilateral cooperation must continue, and the 
Merida Initiative provides a comprehensive, flexible framework 
through which our partnership can move forward to the benefit 
of both Americans and Mexicans.
    Let me turn the microphone over to my colleagues, and then 
I will be happy to answer any questions you have. Thank you.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Rodriguez follows:]
    
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    Mr. Sires. Mr. Glenn, we will now hear from your testimony.

  STATEMENT OF MR. RICHARD GLENN, DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY, 
BUREAU OF INTERNATIONAL NARCOTICS AND LAW ENFORCEMENT AFFAIRS, 
                    U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

    Mr. Glenn. Chairman Sires, Ranking Member Rooney, 
distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank you for the 
opportunity to appear before you today to discuss our efforts 
with Mexico.
    The mission of the Department of State's Bureau of 
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs is to keep 
Americans safe by countering crime, illegal drugs, and 
instability abroad. We have provided assistance for the last 12 
years under the Merida Initiative to build Mexican 
interdiction, law enforcement, and prosecutorial capacity.
    Our assistance has two principal purposes: First, to stop 
illicit drugs before they reach the United States; and second, 
to improve Mexican capacity to dismantle each component of 
transnational criminal organizations' business model, from drug 
production to trafficking to their illicit proceeds, and hold 
them accountable for their crimes.
    Despite the news that U.S. drug overdoses are finally on 
the decline for the first time in 20 years, more than 67,000 
Americans died in 2018 overdosing on drugs, many of which come 
from Mexico. Mexico is the source of most heroin and 
methamphetamine consumed in the United States and is a major 
transit zone for cocaine and synthetic opioids like fentanyl.
    Meanwhile, in Mexico, Mexicans face their own epidemic, an 
epidemic of violence, with the homicide rate hitting a record 
high of 29 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2019. Impunity is high, 
public trust in police is low, and organized crime erodes 
government institutions through corruption.
    Meanwhile, the Mexican Government continues to consolidate 
its transition to the accusatorial justice system, with some 
progress but major growing pains.
    In the face of these challenges, the Merida Initiative has 
better positioned U.S.-Mexico security cooperation to confront 
the evolving drug threat, tackle corruption and security, and 
build trust between U.S. and Mexican law enforcement. INL has 
learned, and we have adapted our programs to meet the changing 
environment, tackle priority issues for changing U.S. and 
Mexican administrations, and prioritize sustainability and 
measurable impact.
    Where there is sustained Mexican political will, we have 
seen our investments bear fruit. One example, the more than 400 
K-9s donated since 2011 have helped to interdict over 23 tons 
of narcotics. It includes fentanyl, it includes more than 
56,000 guns, and millions of dollars in smuggled cash.
    We have since expanded the K-9 program to State police and 
corrections partners, and our next step is working closely with 
Mexico to develop a strategic plan for the deployment of K-9s 
to targeted locations to increase seizures and save more lives.
    We have learned that no amount of equipment or training can 
reduce impunity absent sustainable institutional improvements. 
This requires continued political will, resources, and urgency 
to tackle today's immediate problems while laying the 
foundation for an enduring culture of lawfulness and 
accountability.
    We are under no illusion that we have substantively reduced 
the number of drugs entering the United States or the level of 
violence in Mexico. We have a long road ahead. Yet U.S. 
investments, when fully embraced and leveraged by Mexico, yield 
improvements that can add up over time. We seek opportunities 
to make the greatest impact for our investment while mitigating 
risk and ensuring sustainability.
    On the campaign trail and throughout his first year in 
office, Mexican President Lopez Obrador has repeatedly vowed to 
take aim at transnational criminal organizations by combating 
illicit finance, corruption, and arms trafficking. With 
Mexico's explicit commitment, we have an opportunity to more 
effectively tackle our shared threat.
    Mexican political will must be backed by action and 
resources, and those will only make a measurable difference if 
they are deployed in a strategic manner with identified 
targets. We welcome the recent actions by the Government of 
Mexico in the wake of the visit by Attorney General Barr and 
look to build on this momentum.
    INL is well-positioned to bolster Mexican capacity to 
tackle our shared threats, but our assistance is only effective 
when tailored to complement Mexico's own strategic efforts.
    INL continues our important work in Mexico at a difficult 
time that calls for urgency. I will be the first to acknowledge 
the current statistics make it hard to argue we are making 
headway. Nonetheless, these sobering numbers are exactly why we 
must continue to work closely with Mexico.
    We engage at every level to ensure our programs are matched 
with committed partners in the Mexican Government and we 
encourage Mexico to take a strategic approach to our shared 
challenges, and we will continue to do so, for the enduring and 
significant change we seek requires nothing less.
    Thank you, and I look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Mr. Glenn follows:]
    
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    Mr. Sires.Thank you.
    Ms. Feinstein.

     STATEMENT OF MS. BARBARA FEINSTEIN, DEPUTY ASSISTANT 
  ADMINISTRATOR, BUREAU FOR LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN, 
       UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

    Ms. Feinstein.Chairman Sires, Ranking Member Rooney, 
members of the subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to 
discuss USAID's work in Mexico under the Merida Initiative.
    Since 2008, USAID has partnered with the Department of 
State and other U.S. agencies to address the crime, justice, 
and corruption challenges that undermine Mexico's stability and 
threaten our mutual security and prosperity.
    Under the Merida Initiative, USAID works to strengthen 
justice institutions, address corruption and impunity, protect 
human rights, reduce crime and violence, and build 
transparency.
    Undoubtedly, as you and as my colleagues have clearly 
articulated, the challenges before us are both enormous and 
daunting. And that is why USAID is clear-eyed and laser-focused 
on those areas where we have credible partners willing to work 
with us, who exhibit the necessary political will to enact 
systemic change.
    And as I have outlined in my written testimony, we are 
seeing tangible results in each of the areas in which we work, 
results that we will continue to press the Federal, State, and 
local governments to replicate.
    On rule of law, we are supporting the Mexican Government to 
carry out a seismic shift in its judicial system, moving from a 
presumption of guilt to a presumption of innocence. Working 
primarily at the state level, where the vast majority of crimes 
are tried, we are providing demand-driven support to 
prosecutors, judges, investigators, and defense attorneys to 
implement protocols and procedures to build more effective 
cases and secure prosecutions.
    This is a long-term endeavor, but we are seeing progress. 
In the States of Chihuahua, Coahuila, Zacatecas, Nayarit, and 
Tabasco, our work has helped to increase prosecutions of felony 
crimes by 400 to over 700 percent. And in a similar set of 
states, our support to specialized homicide units has increased 
the number of indictments for homicides by 47 percent.
    So why is this significant? Because it provides evidence of 
what can be done when sufficient political will, resources, and 
capacity are marshaled toward a set of shared outcomes.
    The systems we are putting in place at state levels will be 
the foundations on which the entire justice system will grow 
and function, and for that reason, USAID is intentionally 
focusing and concentrating our programs under Merida in 13 
specific states where we see unique promise and partnership. 
And we are applying those same principles to our work in 
anticorruption and crime and violence prevention.
    With regard to Mexico's national anticorruption system, we 
have purposefully shifted our resources to supporting state-
level special anticorruption prosecutors and civil society.
    And we are seeing tangible results here as well. In 
Coahuila, USAID support to the Special Prosecutor for 
Anticorruption resulted in a 267 percent increase in the number 
of investigations closed. And in Jalisco, our support led to 
charges being filed in connection with 10 criminal 
organizations, a 400 percent increase over the baseline.
    With regards to crime and violence prevention, USAID has 
also sharpened our geographic focus. We are working in 10 of 
the Government of Mexico's 27 priority cities for reducing 
violence where we see evidence of political will, a pledge to 
invest their own resources, and a commitment to using data and 
evidence to inform crime and violence prevention.
    And here we are also seeing encouraging impact. The 
recidivism rate for incarcerated or paroled youth USAID works 
with is just above 3 percent, compared to the national rate of 
60 percent.
    Finally, with regard to human rights, and specifically the 
untenable levels of violence perpetrated against human rights 
defenders, journalists, and others, USAID is partnering with 
the Government of Mexico to improve its ability to prevent, 
investigate, and prosecute human rights abuses while also 
strengthening civil society to hold the government accountable.
    USAID supports Mexico's National Protection Mechanism, 
which provides protective measures to more than 1,162 
journalists and human rights defenders.
    We are also helping to reduce the backlog of unsolved 
disappearances and to bring closure to criminal cases. USAID is 
supporting experts to identify the remains of victims and build 
forensic evidence for prosecution against the perpetrators.
    And on that note, we are very encouraged by the Mexican 
Government's recent announcement of an Extraordinary Mechanism 
for Forensic Identification to deal with the disappearance 
crisis and look forward to expanded cooperation in this space.
    In conclusion, against an extraordinarily challenging 
landscape, we are seeing signs of progress that can be scaled 
up and replicated, provided the political will and sufficient 
resources exist to do so.
    Chairman Sires, Ranking Member Rooney, members of the 
subcommittee, thank you again for the invitation to testify. I 
look forward to your questions.
    [The prepared statement of Ms. Feinstein follows:]
    
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    Mr. Sires. Thank you, and we will now turn to questions.
    I will start it by asking, as I mentioned in my opening 
remarks, I was taken aback to read that children are forming 
armed groups to defend the community in Guerrero.
    Ms. Feinstein, Mr. Rodriguez, Mr. Glenn, can you provide 
examples of U.S. programs that have been effective in reducing 
violence and weakening the cartels at the local level, both in 
urban and rural communities?
    Mr. Glenn, we will start with you, put you in the hot seat 
first.
    Mr. Glenn. The Merida Initiative programs, in terms of 
rural communities, have focused primarily on increasing the 
ability of police to do their jobs at both the Federal and the 
State level. We have generally avoided local police for various 
reasons.
    The professionalization of the police is essential. Taking 
them from basically no or very little academy support and 
academy training at the beginning to now more professionalized 
policing ensures that they, at least at the beginning, have 
that kind of support and know-how to do their jobs.
    Obviously, there is a lot more to do. The transition now 
with the Federal police turning into the National Guard, along 
with pieces of both the Marines and the Army, it is going to be 
key that they take on that training and deploy into those 
regions. And I think, as far as we understand the purpose of 
the National Guard, it is to get out into those rural areas and 
help secure those communities that desperately seek that peace 
and stability.
    Mr. Sires. Ms. Feinstein.
    Ms. Feinstein. From USAID's perspective, as I mentioned in 
my testimony, we are focused on targeted municipalities that 
have the highest levels of violence, including ones that the 
Government of Mexico has specifically targeted. And our 
approach is to look at where we have partners that are willing 
to invest their own resources and where we see that political 
will.
    We are employing a variety of approaches to crime and 
violence prevention. In certain municipalities we have a model 
called Civic Justice. It is similar to community courts that 
exist in the United States, for example, where we will look at 
misdemeanors, for example. And for youth that are committing 
these crimes, we know through evidence that that can often be 
escalated and lead to more sophisticated levels of crimes.
    If we can address that, build confidence in the system, and 
strengthen the social fabric between the community, between 
local law enforcement, the municipal government, and the 
justice system, then we think we can pave a foundation for 
stronger rule of law at the local level.
    We are also not working in rural areas. In addition, as I 
referenced in my testimony, we are working with youth who are 
already in conflict with the law. Those are youth who have been 
in prison and/or on parole. And that is where, as I have said, 
through techniques such as cognitive behavioral therapy, family 
counseling, working with youth before they exit prison to have 
a more successful reintegration into society, we are seeing 
very striking levels of lower levels of recidivism, around 3 
percent compared to the 60 percent national average.
    Mr. Sires. Thank you.
    Would you like to add something, Mr. Rodriguez?
    Mr. Rodriguez. I will defer to my colleagues who can speak 
more knowledgeably to the programs themselves, sir.
    Mr. Sires. Last year 21 human rights defenders and 10 
journalists were killed. In 2012, the Mexican Government 
created the mechanism to protect human right defenders and 
journalists. But since August 2017 at least six beneficiaries 
have been murdered.
    What needs to be done for the killing of journalists and 
human rights defenders to actually be investigated and 
prosecuted?
    Mr. Rodriguez.
    Mr. Rodriguez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    You point to one of the biggest crises that we believe 
faces Mexico, both upholding the standards of human rights as 
well as the protection of journalists. This is something that 
we have raised frequently with the Government of Mexico. My 
belief is that they share that concern.
    I can defer to Rich and to Barbara about the programs we 
have in place that are helping to strengthen those efforts. But 
I would say that both for us and for the Government of Mexico, 
this is a priority. And we have seen them take steps to address 
both the protection of journalists and human rights in general.
    Mr. Sires. Mr. Glenn.
    Mr. Glenn. I will defer to Barbara on the specifics on 
programs that specifically focus on journalists and human 
rights defenders.
    In general, our efforts with both State-level and Federal-
level attorneys general and the investigative branches of law 
enforcement are to focus on increasing their ability to collect 
forensic evidence so that they can produce prosecutions. So 
that does not prevent the aggression against journalists, but 
when it does happen, it ensures that the Mexican Government can 
get justice.
    Ms. Feinstein. And briefly, I would add that from USAID's 
perspective, we are working on this issue on a number of 
different fronts.
    One is, we are providing technical assistance and support 
to the National Protection Mechanism, as I mentioned earlier, 
that provides actual protective measures, from panic buttons to 
residential security upgrades to protection teams for 
journalists, and we are connecting journalists to that 
mechanism so that they can take advantage of those services as 
they exist.
    In addition, on a more structural and fundamental level, we 
are also providing support to the Special Prosecutor's Office 
for Crimes Against Freedom of Expression so that they can 
strengthen their protocols, strengthen investigations, to be 
able to go after the perpetrators who are so viciously going 
after journalists.
    And then last, we do also provide direct support to 
journalists in terms of assistance with digital security, how 
they can protect themselves online, what methods they can take 
to be more secure.
    Mr. Sires. Thank you.
    Congressman Rooney.
    Mr. Rooney. Thank you, Chairman Sires.
    I would like to start with Ms. Feinstein. I have two basic 
questions.
    One is, can you give us a little more specifics about how 
the AID programs have involved under the Merida Initiative and 
about our participation versus Mexico's?
    And then what judicial reforms do we need to execute in 
Mexico to increase convictions and prevent the prolonged legal 
proceedings of the cartel members?
    Thank you.
    Ms. Feinstein. Thank you for that question.
    In terms of the evolution of our programming, at the 
beginning of the Merida Initiative, as we have talked about, 
Mexico has embarked on this seismic shift to transform their 
judicial system from one with a presumption of guilt to a 
presumption of innocence.
    And so while all of that has been on paper and USAID has 
worked very hard, with the Mexican Government very much in the 
lead to try to ensure that implementing legislation has been in 
place in each of the states to carry out that reform, that is 
obviously the easiest part because now you have the laws on the 
books.
    But in terms of the cultural change that is actually 
required to get all the individual actors in that system, 
including those who had been part of the old system, to go from 
a system where your judge is the same as your prosecutor to a 
system where, in fact, you have to go and make the tough 
decisions about which cases you are actually going to 
prioritize and then build those cases, work on forensics, as my 
colleague mentioned, and try to build the strongest evidence 
that you can to achieve those convictions_the issue, as we see 
it, is a structural and a systemic one.
    It is not necessarily judicial reforms that are needed at 
this point--obviously, there could be some tweaks here and 
there--but it is reform of a system which requires the actors 
that are in that system to work together.
    So in terms of the evolution of our approach and what we 
have done differently, in the rule of law space, whereas in the 
beginning, as I said, our work was mostly focused on helping at 
the state level to ensure the implementing legislation was in 
place, the next stage for us was classroom training for all of 
the individuals. So that is judges, defense attorneys, 
prosecutors, investigators, et cetera.
    And we have realized that classroom training, while 
helpful, was not enough. What we needed to do was actually 
accompany, provide targeted assistance to actually bring these 
actors together.
    And the examples that I mentioned earlier in terms of the 
increases in prosecutions were a result of a very deliberate 
effort to bring all of those actors around the table.
    There is a tradition in Mexico in the judicial system where 
one part of it sends a letter to the other part of it, they are 
in receipt of the letter, and 1 month later maybe they will 
respond, as opposed to just picking up the telephone or being 
collocated--for example, prosecutors and investigators--to 
build more effective cases and move them through the system.
    So one thing, as I said, has been moving from that 
classroom training to hands-on technical assistance.
    Within the crime and violence space we have had an 
evolution where at the beginning there might have been a 
thought, ``okay, let's go to the violent areas and provide 
opportunity to underprivileged communities and that will 
probably reduce violence."
    Well, in fact, the evidence shows that that is not a very 
successful approach. Instead what you need to do is target more 
effectively who are those individuals that are most likely to 
be perpetrators of crime or victims of crime, consider those 
your at-risk communities, and actually look at the 
interventions that work most effectively.
    So that might be cognitive behavioral therapy, family based 
counseling, a variety of mechanisms, bringing the different 
parts together, and that is what we are doing and that is where 
we are seeing results.
    And on the municipal model we are pleased to see that the 
Government of Mexico has taken that civic justice model that I 
mentioned before, that we piloted in Escobedo and in Morelia, 
they have scaled that up to different parts of the country.
    Mr. Rooney. How has the recidivism rate been affected by 
those programs of the family counseling and things you are 
talking about?
    Ms. Feinstein. In the case of our work with at-risk youth, 
as I mentioned, we work with youth who are in prison and are 
likely to be released some time in the next 5 years. And we 
will work with them to give them the kind of training, life 
skills, and then once they come out, the vocational education 
to better reintegrate into society. And we are seeing 
recidivism rates of just over 3 percent as compared to the 60 
percent national rate.
    Mr. Rooney. That is really great to hear.
    One last quick thing. What is the contribution of the 
United States versus Mexico under the Merida agreement.
    Ms. Feinstein. I would not be able to tell you across every 
element of it. I do not know if my colleagues have that 
information.
    I would say at the local level, in terms of security, on a 
regular basis, on an annual basis, USAID's contribution, is 
around 40 million, about 37 to 40 million per year. And I know 
local security contributions are on the average of about 400 
million.
    Mr. Rooney. Thank you.
    Mr. Sires. Thank you, Congressman Rooney.
    Congressman Vargas.
    Mr. Vargas. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman and Ranking 
Member. I apologize for my voice today. It is a bit raspy.
    I think most of us here, really all of us here on the dais, 
want to see a very successful Mexico. In fact, interestingly, 
most of the Congress voted in favor of USMCA and see Mexico not 
only as a good neighbor, but obviously as a fellow partner in 
trade. However, there obviously are some problems.
    Mr. Glenn, you said, I believe, the current statistics make 
it hard to say that we are making headway. So I guess my 
question would be, should we shift our approach or strategy 
under the Merida Initiative? I mean, if the statistics are what 
they are, and they are pretty horrific, should we do something 
different?
    Mr. Glenn. Absolutely, and I think we are. We have learned 
from the 12 years of experience that we have. We also have a 
new Mexican administration that is focusing on different areas 
and we will go along, as far as we can, to support those 
efforts of the current Mexican administration.
    I think the focus on going after the illicit finance in a 
larger, greater, more focused way will be a major shift that 
will give us the kinds of results that we seek, focus on arms 
trafficking and helping the Mexican Government, at least from 
our end, from our foreign assistance end of arms trafficking, 
helping the Government of Mexico position equipment that we 
have donated previously so that they can protect their border 
and scan for guns and money coming south.
    So shifting those kinds of resources and that kind of focus 
can help change the way that we focus the Merida Initiative 
resources that we have.
    Mr. Vargas. Okay. One of the concerns I have is one of the 
shifts that we have seen also is the creation of this National 
Guard where, I believe, 25,000 of them now are being used to 
prevent Central American migration. I mean, that concerns me. I 
thought that they were supposed to be out there interdicting 
drugs and doing all these other things against the narco-
traffickers, not against Central American migrants.
    I do want to ask you also about MPP or the Migrant 
Protection Program or what we normally call the Remain in 
Mexico. Fifty-nine thousand migrants have been returned to 
Mexico, and as of December 31, 2019, there are at least 
reports, public reports, that 816 of these migrants have become 
victims of violent crimes, such as rape, kidnapping, and 
torture, after being attacked and returned to Mexico.
    Now, that does not seem to me then it is very safe to 
return to Mexico when we see the statistics. Why are we 
continuing with this?
    Mr. Rodriguez.
    Mr. Rodriguez. Thank you, Congressman.
    You raise an excellent point. The levels of violence in 
Mexico are of great concern to us, as is the violence that 
migrants face along the entire route of the journey. And one of 
our efforts has been to share responsibility, to look for 
partners to help us in addressing the irregular migration and 
helping to build capacity, particularly in Central America at 
this point, for offering asylum and offering support closer to 
the home, closer to the point of departure of these migrants so 
that they do not have to undertake the dangerous journey, 
including the dangerous conditions in Mexico.
    The Government of Mexico has owned the concerns that we 
have about the levels of violence, particularly in the northern 
tier of Mexico. They have committed to us to provide the same 
protections to the migrants as they do to their citizens, and 
to U.S. citizens that are traveling in the area as well.
    Mr. Vargas. But I guess that is my point. I mean, the 
statistics do not prove out that it is safe for their own 
citizens.
    I mean, Tijuana. I live in San Diego, one of the safest, 
largest cities in the United States. Across the border in 
Tijuana, they have the murder capital of the world. And yet a 
lot of the migrants that are sent to Tijuana, they are not from 
Tijuana, experience this incredible level of violence against 
them.
    I mean, when you say they are returned and they are going 
to provide safety as they do for their own citizens, well, it 
is not safe. That is the whole point.
    Mr. Rodriguez. I agree with you, sir. The levels of 
violence are of tremendous concern. And I think the Government 
of Mexico shares that concern and is appropriately focused on 
it.
    But this is a large-scale problem. We assist through the 
Merida Initiative in the ways that we can. But, again, my 
understanding from the Government of Mexico is that they 
understand the problem and are focused on it.
    Mr. Vargas. My time has expired.
    The only thing I would like to add is, I am not sure about 
this ``hugs'' thing either. The new President says ``hugs 
instead of bullets.'' I am not sure that is going to work.
    Thank you.
    Mr. Sires. Thank you, Congressman.
    Congressman Yoho.
    Mr. Yoho. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I appreciate you all being here. And I want to thank you 
for the work that you and your agencies do, because I know you 
do it with a good intention and you put forth everything and 
the teams that are with you. But yet this is my eighth year in 
Congress and I hear the same thing over and over, again, good 
governance, we are working on rule of law, going after--
increasing the judicial system and all that, but yet we are not 
seeing it.
    And, Mr. Glenn, you brought that up. I think you said under 
no illusion that we have decreased the drug trafficking and 
flow, I think is what you were saying. And we know that. We 
know there is more drugs coming in.
    I want to look--I like to look at things as, what is the 
solution? How do we change this?
    Ms. Feinstein, you were talking about there was 3 percent 
recidivism versus the 60 percent in the programs. How long have 
you tracked that? Is that within a year? Is that a 5-year 
period or a 10-year period, that 3 percent? And do they stay 
reformed and not go back into illicit activities?
    Ms. Feinstein. Sir, I can get you the specifics on that, 
but my understanding is that it is a multi-year effort, that we 
are not just tracking people when they come out, because 
clearly that wouldn't be a good indication of whether 
recidivism is actually taking place.
    Mr. Yoho. No. That would be a skewed number and that is 
what we do not want reported. So I do not know, is there a 
report out there that will say this is a 3 percent recidivism 
after 6 months, after a year, after 5 years?
    Ms. Feinstein. Absolutely. I can get that for you.
    Mr. Yoho. If you could get that, that would help us, 
because that gives us the programs that are working that we can 
bolster.
    You were also saying that a 40 percent increase in 
convictions, and I forget what area it was, Chihuahua or 
somewhere, but you were saying that the 40 percent increase in 
sentencing or conviction. What about the sentencing and the 
reform side of that? Or do they get pardoned or get early 
release? Do we know what happens? Because you can go ahead and 
convict them, but what happens after that? Do you have any 
idea?
    Ms. Feinstein. Certainly. The specifics that I was 
mentioning for the 47 percent was our support to specialized 
homicide units, and that is in a series of states I can read to 
you or not, where we have increased the number of indictments. 
So that was indictments for homicide.
    My other statistic was in terms of prosecutions of felony 
crimes. In terms of prosecutions, there are obviously a variety 
of ways that that could be resolved. It could result in 
incarceration, it could result in alternative dispute 
resolution, plea bargaining. So a variety of different methods.
    I think the challenge with the Mexican judicial sector is 
that under this new system, as you, I am sure, are aware, in 
any criminal justice system, whether in our system or any 
system around the world, criminal justice systems only have the 
capacity to process about 10 percent of the crimes that are 
coming in.
    So you have to make strategic decisions about how you are 
going to prioritize. You could have a prosecutor that goes 
after the easiest crimes and then kind of juices their rate.
    Mr. Yoho. Well, that is the stuff we need to look at.
    Ms. Feinstein. What we are trying to do is look at the most 
serious crimes. So in this case, taking all these different 
elements, bringing them together, and asking, what is it that 
would really make a difference for the community, for people in 
Mexico? Looking at serious crimes like homicides, like home 
invasions, armed robberies, et cetera, not the easy ones.
    And then look for--and for us it is not a sign--this has 
been a cultural change issue also in Mexico where people want 
to see folks behind bars and not necessarily look at plea 
bargains and other issues.
    Mr. Yoho. All right. I appreciate it.
    Mr. Glenn, you were talking about you do not work with the 
local law enforcement for obvious reasons. I want you to state 
what those obvious reasons are.
    Mr. Glenn. I think it is recognized by the Mexican 
Government itself that the level of corruption at the local 
level is very high.
    Mr. Yoho. OK, and we know that, and I just want that on 
record, because we have put so much money into these programs, 
but yet the results are not there.
    I want to switch over to another question. The GAO reports 
show that 70 percent of the guns seized in Mexico by Mexican 
authorities come from America.
    Do we track that to find out who they came from here in 
America? And if so, what do we do? Do we have extradition laws 
that allow that person to go to Mexico if those guns were 
involved in a crime?
    Mr. Rodriguez. So we do work closely with the Government of 
Mexico to track those guns. ATF is present at the U.S. Embassy 
in Mexico City. And in the cases where we have tracking 
information where there are serial numbers on the guns, there 
is cooperation to share that with U.S. law enforcement so that 
we can track back----
    Mr. Yoho. Have we sent our people down there that have 
been----
    Mr. Rodriguez. We have U.S. law enforcement officials in 
Mexico.
    Mr. Yoho. No. The person that broke the law here selling 
the guns, have we sent them to Mexican prisons or their 
judicial system?
    Mr. Rodriguez. I would have to check with DOJ on specific 
cases. I cannot recall off the top of my head cases, but that 
does not mean----
    Mr. Yoho. Would that be a strong deterrent if we did?
    Mr. Rodriguez. I would assume it would be a very strong 
deterrent, yes, sir.
    Mr. Yoho. I think so.
    I yield back, Mr. Chairman. Thank you.
    Mr. Sires. Thank you, Congressman.
    Congressman Dean Phillips.
    Mr. Phillips. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member 
Rooney, and to our witnesses.
    We had a similar hearing about a month ago relative to aid 
to Mexico and, not surprisingly, corruption took center stage.
    So I would like to begin with a question to you, Mr. Glenn, 
and you, Ms. Feinstein, about how corruption very specifically 
impacts your work, starting with you, Mr. Glenn. And if you can 
be specific about corruption, not general.
    Mr. Glenn. So our focus is on improving law enforcement. 
Our anticorruption efforts in the past and going forward as 
well, and our focus will be on how do we eliminate or how do we 
help the Mexican Government eliminate corruption within their 
public security forces.
    Mr. Phillips. But can you talk about that? I want to hear 
specifically about that corruption in those security forces.
    Mr. Glenn. Sure. I think we have, at least, the alleged 
conduct of the former head of the Federal Police, Garcia Luna, 
who was arrested recently, I believe in Dallas. He was, at the 
time that I was in Mexico, one of our principal interlocutors.
    So obviously that shakes the trust that we have. In order 
to do the work that we do, we have to work with those who the 
Government of Mexico has in place. We do our best to vet, not 
only do we do the Leahy vetting that is on the human rights 
side, but we also do the internal vetting to make sure that, to 
the best of our knowledge, our partners are with us and not 
against us.
    Mr. Phillips. And if we uncover troubling information, do 
they act on it, our Mexican partners?
    Mr. Glenn. To the extent that I know, yes.
    Mr. Phillips. Okay. Thank you.
    Mr. Rodriguez. If I could just jump in?
    Mr. Phillips. Sure, Mr. Rodriguez.
    Mr. Rodriguez. I know that Mexico has created an 
independent Federal prosecutor for corruption crimes, and they 
have moved to remove immunity from elected officials who engage 
in corruption, and they established the National Anti-
corruption System.
    President Lopez Obrador ran on a platform of targeting and 
prosecuting corrupt officials. We learned yesterday that the 
former head of Pemex was arrested in Spain based on a request 
by the Government of Mexico for alleged corruption involving 
Odebrecht. So they are pursuing corruption in both current and 
former government officials.
    Mr. Phillips. Okay. And, Ms. Feinstein, specifically in 
your work, how does corruption affect it?
    Ms. Feinstein. Sure. So corruption_anticorruption_is one of 
the areas that we have as a focus for our work in Mexico 
because of the toll that it takes on the Mexican State at every 
level where that is encountered by individuals on a day-to-day 
basis, as well as businesses.
    For example, corruption is estimated to cost Mexico between 
5 to 9 percent of its GDP. So it is obviously an enormous 
problem for the private sector and for individuals on a day-to-
day basis.
    Complementing what my colleagues have said, one of the 
areas of work that USAID engages in is looking at the 
procurement process in Mexico, since a lot of the historic 
corruption scandals in Mexico have related to government 
procurement.
    And so what we have done is to provide the tools so that a 
spotlight can be shined on where corruption is going on with 
regard to sole-source procurement, for example, and have 
invested in blockchain analysis of the weaknesses in the 
procurement process. And we are working with specific states on 
a demand-driven basis to help them look at vulnerabilities in 
their procurement systems so that they can make those changes.
    Mr. Phillips. I appreciate that. Thank you.
    Mr. Rodriguez, another line of questioning here. Russian 
Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov recently announced that Mexico 
was in talks to purchase Russian-made helicopters. If that were 
to proceed, would it risk sanctions by the United States under 
Section 231 of the CAATSA act?
    Mr. Rodriguez. Thank you, Congressman.
    We have looked into that. We obviously saw that read-out of 
the meeting between Foreign Minister Lavrov and Foreign 
Secretary Ebrard. We read it with great interest, and it is 
concerning to us. Based on our initial investigation, it 
appears that such a sale would trigger potentially sanctions 
under CAATSA. And we do not have further specifics for you this 
morning, but I would be happy to give you a fuller read-out on 
that when we have it.
    Mr. Phillips. Have we made our position clear to our 
Mexican friends?
    Mr. Rodriguez. I believe we have at the embassy level, and 
I will need to check on that to confirm. But at the Washington 
level we have raised this as an area of concern with our 
counterparts in Mexico City to raise with the Government of 
Mexico.
    Mr. Phillips. Okay. We would appreciate that information. 
Thank you.
    Mr. Rodriguez. Thank you, sir.
    Mr. Phillips. I yield my time.
    Mr. Sires. Thank you, Congressman.
    Congressman Ken Buck.
    Mr. Buck. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    Ms. Feinstein, I want to ask you a quick question. You 
mentioned different ways that we are trying to protect 
journalists. Could you just go through those really quickly 
again? I remember a panic button.
    By the way, who answers the panic button on the other side? 
I hope not the corrupt law enforcement that we just heard about 
it.
    Ms. Feinstein. This is through the National Protection 
Mechanism, which is something that we as USAID helped the 
Government of Mexico to establish in the previous----
    Mr. Buck. I asked you, who answers it on the other side?
    Ms. Feinstein. It is officials associated with the National 
Protection Mechanism, which are vetted, vetted police, vetted 
law enforcement, who will then redirect that----
    Mr. Buck. And have you measured the response time of those 
folks?
    Ms. Feinstein. We recognize that this is not a foolproof 
mechanism. And so if, for example, you are a journalist and 
someone is trying to kill you and has, therefore, been in your 
presence, no call from a panic button is going to result in law 
enforcement coming and bailing you out immediately, which is 
why a panic button----
    Mr. Buck. Do you know what would? I was in law enforcement 
for 25 years and there were a lot of people that did not like 
me. Just like being a Congressman, there are a lot of people 
that do not like me now. But I did have a gun. Are we training 
these folks in the use of firearms?
    Ms. Feinstein. Not to the best of my knowledge. I believe--
--
    Mr. Buck. Would that be a more efficient--I mean, if it 
takes 15 minutes for someone to show up and you have got 20 
seconds to react, would that be a more efficient way of or more 
effective way of trying to help folks?
    Ms. Feinstein. So I would refer you to technical experts on 
this. I am not an expert in law enforcement, so you clearly 
have more expertise in this area than I do.
    What I will say is a panic button is one of a variety of 
mechanisms that are provided. We also provide support so that 
there are residential security upgrades as necessary, 
protection teams, et cetera, so it is not just the panic 
button.
    And I think, with some exceptions, this has been successful 
in terms of protecting journalists and keeping them alive. I 
think our hope would be that there are more resources invested 
in this mechanism so that it can be expanded to provide greater 
protection, which we would prefer not to have to do, but is a 
reality in Mexico today.
    Mr. Buck. I think someone just handed you a note. They may 
have told you whether you guys give them guns or not.
    Ms. Feinstein. No. In fact, that was an answer to Mr. 
Yoho's question on the recidivism rate----
    Mr. Buck. Oh, Okay.
    Ms. Feinstein [continuing]. Which we track for 12 to 18 
months afterwards.
    Mr. Yoho. Thank you.
    Mr. Buck. Mr. Rodriguez, I wanted to know about the flow of 
drugs across the border and what the Mexican Government is 
doing. My understanding is that they have enhanced military or 
law enforcement presence along the border. Is that correct?
    Mr. Rodriguez. If I could, Congressman, I would like to 
pass this to Rich because the programs, the cooperative 
programs that we have with the Government of Mexico, really 
fall under his area of expertise.
    Mr. Glenn. So the interdiction responsibility lies with 
multiple agencies within the Government of Mexico. The military 
is one of them. The National Guard is increasingly taking on 
that role.
    Mr. Buck. And I am specifically asking about the border 
area. Is there enhanced security--military, law enforcement--on 
the border area?
    Mr. Glenn. There is enhanced focus on borders, both on the 
Mexican southern border as well as Mexico's northern border.
    Mr. Buck. And what is happening as a result of that? What 
result do we see?
    Mr. Glenn. Well, we see increased amounts of seizures. We 
see greater success with the equipment that we have donated to 
them whether it is hard equipment or the K-9s that I mentioned 
earlier. We have also been trying to get them to focus and 
cooperate more on ports and the influx or importation of 
precursor chemicals.
    Mr. Buck. How much money have we given to Mexico in the 
last 10 years to assist in this? And why is it that we are 
asking them to help with ports? Is there obviously some 
incentive for them to help with ports?
    Mr. Glenn. Sure.
    Mr. Buck. Do they also help with physical barriers along 
our southern border, their northern border?
    Mr. Glenn. Yes. Let me touch first on the amount of money 
that we have spent over the last 10, 12 years specifically on 
border security, and that can be ports, both sea ports and land 
ports. We have spent about $200 million on equipment and 
training. So that is nonintrusive inspection equipment, and K-
9s.
    Mr. Buck. I am wondering about Mexico. How much money do 
they spend? Are they paying for a wall, I guess is this the 
question?
    Mr. Glenn. Are they paying for a wall? A physical wall? Not 
that I know of. But in terms of personnel dedicated to 
screening and protecting both--well, to protecting the border, 
yes, they have deployed. I do not know a specific number on how 
much money they have spent.
    Mr. Buck. I yield back.
    Mr. Sires. Thank you, Congressman.
    Congressman Joaquin Castro.
    Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairman.
    Under the Migrant Protection Protocols, thousands of 
vulnerable people--asylum seekers--are forced to live in 
dangerous conditions in Mexico due to the Trump 
Administration's policies as they await their asylum claims. I 
recently, along with 16 other Members of Congress, visited the 
border and I saw firsthand the conditions of disarray and fear 
and came away believing that it is an inhumane situation that 
we are placing these folks in.
    Mexican border towns have become incredibly dangerous, and 
migrants have become victims of violate crime, including 
kidnapping, robbery, and rape, as they languish at the border.
    So my question for you all is, do you know how many 
individuals are currently in Mexico under the Trump 
Administration's remain in Mexico policy awaiting adjudication 
of their asylum claims?
    Mr. Rodriguez. Congressman Castro, I do not know that I 
have that number right in front of me, but if you will permit 
me, I would be happy to get that number back to you, if I could 
take that.
    Mr. Castro. OK. Do you believe that these people along the 
border are actually safe in that environment?
    Mr. Rodriguez. Safe is--well, let me put it this way. We 
and the Government of Mexico are working to increase their 
safety.
    So our Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration works 
with international organizations, such as UNHCR and IOM, to 
provide support to migrants under the MPP program.
    And to that extent, we are working directly to try to 
provide support and safety to those individuals, as well as 
encouraging and working with the Government of Mexico to 
provide support and safety to those individuals as well.
    Mr. Castro. The State Department acknowledges that some of 
those Mexican cities are cities that the State Department has 
advised Americans not to travel to?
    Mr. Rodriguez. Yes, sir.
    Mr. Castro. Because of the danger of those cities?
    Mr. Rodriguez. Yes, sir.
    Mr. Castro. What steps are the State Department and USAID 
taking to protect these people as they pursue their asylum 
claims?
    Mr. Rodriguez. I will let Barbara talk about USAID, and I 
will only add that my understanding from DHS colleagues is that 
the period of time that these individuals are waiting in Mexico 
for their asylum hearings and the processing is meant to be as 
expedited as possible.
    Mr. Castro. And I guess, based on what we heard from folks 
the other day, it is quite the opposite, which is courts in the 
United States are bringing these folks in for court dates and 
then setting a reset court date 3 or 4 months later, basically 
hoping that people will either stay in Mexico or just go away. 
So the folks that do remain there are being subject to these 
very dangerous conditions, threatening conditions.
    But I have got just about a minute and 40 seconds left--
unless you wanted to say something about USAID.
    Ms. Feinstein. No, just to mention that this is actually 
not within USAID's mandate in Mexico. It is, as DAS Rodriguez 
mentioned, with the Population, Refugees, and Migration Bureau 
of the State Department. So we are not engaging in that area of 
work.
    Mr. Castro. I mean, it sounds like this is more in the 
wheelhouse of USAID than some of the work that you have been 
describing for the last hour.
    Ms. Feinstein. So specifically in terms of how the U.S. 
Government handles migration, that is primarily within PRM, 
within the State Department, and so the work on asylum 
strengthening, for example, is not something that USAID engages 
in. That is something that PRM does.
    Mr. Castro. You talked about the reform of Mexico's legal 
system or justice system. Do they have a public defender system 
or indigent defense system there?
    Ms. Feinstein. They do. And through our work, we work with 
public defenders, with the defense attorneys, at the state-
level primarily.
    Mr. Castro. And how extensive is that system now? Is it 
nationwide?
    Ms. Feinstein. Yes. It was part of the judicial reform 
law--or whole change to the justice system in terms of 
presumption of innocence rather than presumption of guilt, and 
that has now been implemented in every single state. That being 
said, there are some states that are a lot more mature that are 
progressing more effectively in that than others.
    Mr. Castro. Let me ask you all one last question, which is 
there are a lot of fully automatic actually and semi-automatic 
weapons that are trafficked to Mexico from the United States. 
Does the U.S. Government fund or help Mexico retrieve those 
guns, not just track the serial numbers, but actually go get 
them?
    Mr. Glenn. So under the Merida Initiative we have aided and 
assisted the Government of Mexico in the form of primarily 
recovering and being able to track weapons, so through serial 
number, through the forensics.
    ATF is present in the embassy and does work with the 
attorney general's office, with State-level attorneys general 
offices to retrieve weapons that have been used in the 
committing of crimes, to then be able to track them back to the 
United States and hopefully find who it is that bought them and 
how they have come across the border.
    Mr. Castro. Thanks. I yield back.
    Mr. Sires. Congressman Vicente Gonzalez.
    Mr. Gonzalez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
    I have a few questions. I am certainly concerned about the 
trade routes to my district and the violence on those roads. 
Being that Mexico last year had, if you consider the confirmed 
murders and disappearances, the number exceeds every soldier we 
lost during Vietnam, and this is just in 1 year.
    Being that the violence is just this extreme, and Mexico 
being our No. 1 trading partner, are we having the conversation 
that this could potentially be a national security threat if we 
have a failed State or portions of the country are failed? And 
my opinion, they already are in certain States. Are we having 
those conversations with Mexico?
    Mr. Rodriguez. Thank you, Congressman Gonzalez.
    We do have conversations every day about the security 
threats to Mexican citizens and U.S. citizens, and the fact 
that this obviously represents a national security concern both 
for Mexico and for the U.S. So, yes, sir, we do have those 
conversations, we are talking about that.
    Mr. Gonzalez. Being that Mexico's homicide rate has 
skyrocketed over the past few years, and we have also witnessed 
a series of issues of impunity in prosecuting crimes, 
especially those committed against American citizens in Mexico, 
recently we have had, just in the past few months, I can recall 
about 11 deaths of American citizens on Mexican soil.
    Are we doing anything to try to extradite those individuals 
who are found to be the perpetrators of those crimes?
    Mr. Rodriguez. Let me speak specifically to the horrific 
murder of nine American citizens in Sonora at the end of 2019.
    Mr. Gonzalez. Chihuahua. Wasn't it Chihuahua? The Mormons?
    Mr. Rodriguez. It was Bavispe, Sonora, on the border with 
Chihuahua.
    Mr. Gonzalez. Okay.
    Mr. Rodriguez. President Lopez Obrador, in his conversation 
with President Trump, agreed to a joint investigation involving 
the FBI, and that investigation has been ongoing, and I would 
urge you to talk to FBI about where they are with that. So 
there are conversations and joint investigations going on 
addressing the homicides.
    I would also recognize, as you mentioned, that the homicide 
rate has been going up. Specifically since 2014, it has gone up 
every year. This is a problem that the Lopez Obrador 
administration inherited and has been very focused on. It is 
going to take a great deal of effort to bend that curve, but 
they are working on that.
    And I can turn it over to DAS Glenn to talk about some of 
the efforts we provide under Merida to help professionalize 
investigations and prosecutions.
    Mr. Glenn. I could speak specifically quickly to 
extraditions and the assistance that we provide through the 
Merida Initiative.
    Mr. Gonzalez. I am sorry to interrupt, but I want to know 
about extraditions on crimes perpetrated against Americans in 
Mexico. And I know that we have taken a special interest on 
this case, but there are many others, and I am curious if we 
have a concerted effort that we are actually trying to go after 
folks that harm American citizens in Mexico.
    Mr. Rodriguez. Attorney General Barr has traveled twice in 
the last 2 months to Mexico to speak with his counterparts 
there and to urge a focus on extraditions. The Government of 
Mexico has responded in a very fulsome way, and we have seen a 
large number of high value extraditions over the course of the 
last 3 months, as well as a high volume of fugitives returned 
to the U.S. for crimes that occurred in the United States. So, 
yes, we are getting a very fulsome response on extraditions.
    As far as the underlying grounds for each of those cases, I 
would have to defer you to DOJ. I don't know if they are 
specific to crimes against American citizens in Mexico.
    Mr. Gonzalez. Yes, that is the only reason I am asking, 
because in the last 90 days we have had at least 11 American 
citizens murdered in Mexico. One or two of them were from my 
district, so it is quite a concern. One was just on the bridge 
coming across, on the Mexican side, and we had a 13-year-old 
kid get shot and these nine. And this is just what I know of. I 
don't have any more confirmations from the State Department, 
but it certainly is a concern.
    Thank you for your testimony.
    Mr. Rodriguez. You are welcome.
    If I might just add, if I could just take 1 more minute, I 
am a career consular officer with the Foreign Service, and I 
have spent a good deal of my career working in Mexico on Mexico 
issues with regard to the safety of American citizens. We take 
it very seriously.
    We are immediately engaged when an American citizen is 
either injured or something more grave happens to them in 
Mexico. And I can tell you from my experience, the Mexican 
Government and their consular function kicks in to work very 
closely in tandem with us in those cases. So in terms of 
cooperation, in my experience over the past 20 years, it has 
been very comprehensive.
    And speaking once more to extraditions, I think we have had 
something north of 30 high-value extraditions in the past 90 
days.
    Mr. Gonzalez. Thank you.
    Mr. Sires. Thank you, Congressman.
    Well, thank you all for being here. Today is an important 
hearing. Reducing violence and insecurity in Mexico is no easy 
task. But I hope that my colleagues and I can work more closely 
in the coming months with the executive branch to evaluate our 
assistance to Mexico and improve our strategic approach toward 
Mexico.
    I thank the witnesses and all the members for being here 
today.
    With that, the committee is adjourned.
    [Whereupon, at 10:12 a.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]

                                APPENDIX
                                
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                  OPENING STATEMENT OF CHAIRMAN SIRES
                  
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            RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD
            
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