    [House Hearing, 116 Congress]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]

                         THE FY20 BUDGET: EXAMINING THE
         ADMINISTRATION'S POLICY OBJECTIVES FOR A TURBULENT MIDDLE EAST

    =======================================================================

                                    HEARING

                                   BEFORE THE

                                SUBCOMMITTEE ON
           THE MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA, AND INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM

                                     OF THE

                          COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
                            HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                         ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS

                                 FIRST SESSION

                                   __________

                                October 29, 2019

                                   __________

                               Serial No. 116-74

                                   __________

            Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs

    [GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

    Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov,

                           or http://www.govinfo.gov

                                  __________

                        U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
    38-199PDF                  WASHINGTON : 2019

    --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

                        COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS

                       ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York, Chairman

    BRAD SHERMAN, California             MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas, Ranking
    GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York               Member
    ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey		     CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey
    GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia         STEVE CHABOT, Ohio
    THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida	     JOE WILSON, South Carolina
    KAREN BASS, California		     SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania
    WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts	     TED S. YOHO, Florida
    DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island	     ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois
    AMI BERA, California		     LEE ZELDIN, New York
    JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas		     JIM SENSENBRENNER, Wisconsin
    DINA TITUS, Nevada		     ANN WAGNER, Missouri
    ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York          BRIAN MAST, Florida
    TED LIEU, California		     FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida
    SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania	     BRIAN FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
    DEAN PHILLPS, Minnesota	             JOHN CURTIS, Utah
    ILHAN OMAR, Minnesota		     KEN BUCK, Colorado
    COLIN ALLRED, Texas		     RON WRIGHT, Texas
    ANDY LEVIN, Michigan		     GUY RESCHENTHALER, Pennsylvania
    ABIGAIL SPANBERGER, Virginia	     TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee
    CHRISSY HOULAHAN, Pennsylvania       GREG PENCE, Indiana
    TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey	     STEVE WATKINS, Kansas
    DAVID TRONE, Maryland		     MIKE GUEST, Mississippi
    JIM COSTA, California
    JUAN VARGAS, California
    VICENTE GONZALEZ, Texas

                    Jason Steinbaum, Democrat Staff Director
                   Brendan Shields, Republican Staff Director

                                 ------

       Subcommittee on the Middle East, North Africa, and International
                                   Terrorism

                     THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida, Chairman

    GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia         JOE WILSON, South Carolina,
    DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island            Ranking Member
    TED LIEU, California		     STEVE CHABOT, Ohio
    COLIN ALLRED, Texas		     ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois
    TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey	     LEE ZELDIN, New York
    DAVID TRONE, Maryland	             BRIAN Mast, Florida
    BRAD SHERMAN, California	     BRIAN FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
    WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts	     GUY RESCHENTHALER, Pennsylvania
    JUAN VARGAS, California		     STEVEN WATKINS, Kansas

                     Casey Kustin, Staff Director

                                C O N T E N T S

                                  ----------
                                                                       Page

                                   WITNESSES

    Schenker, Honorable David, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Near
      Eastern Affairs, U.S. Department of State......................     7
    Harvey, Honorable Michael T., Assistant Administrator, Bureau for
      the Middle East, U.S. Agency for International Development.....    13

                                    APPENDIX

    Hearing Notice...................................................    33
    Hearing Minutes..................................................    34
    Hearing Attendance...............................................    35

                 RESPONSES TO QUESTONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

    Responses to questions submitted for the record from
      Representative Deutch..........................................    36

                         THE FY20 BUDGET: EXAMINING THE
         ADMINISTRATION'S POLICY OBJECTIVES FOR A TURBULENT MIDDLE EAST

                           Tuesday, October 29, 2019

                            House of Representatives

       Subcommittee on the Middle East, North Africa, and International
                                   Terrorism

                          Committee on Foreign Affairs

                                         Washington, DC

        The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:34 p.m., in
    room 2172 Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Theodore E.
    Deutch (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
        Mr. Deutch. All right. This hearing will come to order.
    Welcome, everyone. The subcommittee is meeting today to hear
    testimony on the Trump Administration's budgetary and policy
    priorities in the Middle East for Fiscal Year 2020. We look
    forward to hearing from our witnesses about the FY20 budgets
    for the Department of State's Near Eastern Affairs Bureau as
    well as USAID's Bureau for the Middle East. I thank the
    witnesses for appearing today. I now recognize myself for
    purposes of making an opening statement.
        Thank you, Assistant Secretary Schenker and Assistant
    Administrator Harvey for testifying today. Nearly 3 years into
    the Trump Administration, the United States faces a multitude
    of challenges in the Middle East. While the Administration
    touts its maximum pressure policy, Iran continues to
    destabilize countries from Iraq to Yemen to Lebanon. Despite
    President Trump's bellicose rhetoric, Tehran has been able to
    launch attacks on international shipping and regional States,
    undermining U.S. deterrence and credibility in the progress.
        The Iranian nuclear program is more advanced today than it
    was that President Trump took office, and the international
    community is more divided in confronting it. Iran continues to
    unjustly imprison Americans, including my constituent Bob
    Levinson, and violate the human rights of its own people. Iran
    also continues to support Bashar al-Assad and fuel the conflict
    in Syria, which has led to the deaths of more than 600,000
    people and the displacement of millions both inside Syria and
    in neighboring countries.
        This conflict and the humanitarian crisis it created will
    reshape the Middle East for decades to come, but our policy in
    Syria remains ambiguous at best. President Trump has now twice
    announced the rapid and complete withdrawal of U.S. troops from
    Syria, with little notice given to international allies and
    partners on the ground. This approach has ceded U.S. leverage
    over a future political solution in Syria, placed American
    troops and civilians in danger, undermined our credibility,
    removed pressure on ISIS, and betrayed our Syrian partners who
    fought valiantly in recent years to counter ISIS with American
    support.
        I commend the successful operation this weekend to take out
    ISIS leader al-Baghdadi, but I caution that the removal of one
    individual should not validate our current withdrawal strategy.
    If anything, it should show us the importance of our
    counterterrorism mission and cooperation with partners on the
    ground in Syria.
        The President has also provided a strategic victory to our
    adversaries. Russia has used military force, economic support,
    and weapons sales to become the arbiter of Syria's future and
    to increase its regional influence at the expense of the United
    States. Yemen remains ravaged by civil conflicts, foreign
    intervention, and the world's worst humanitarian crisis. The
    Trump Administration has offered unstinting support to Saudi
    Arabia and the UAE in their military campaign in Yemen,
    ignoring the bipartisan support in Congress for ending U.S.
    military support for coalition operations.
        And while I understand the risk posed by the Houthis and
    Iranian forces, the conflict has led to tens of thousands of
    civilian casualties, shifted focus from al-Qaida in the Arabian
    Peninsula, and dramatically worsened a humanitarian
    catastrophe. The region also faces ongoing challenges. Israel
    confronts threats on its borders from terrorist organizations
    like Hezbollah and Hamas, and peace with the Palestinians
    remains elusive. People in the West Bank seek a prosperous
    future, while Gazans suffer in need of humanitarian aid.
        The dispute splitting the Gulf Cooperation Council is at a
    stalemate. Libya, a state on the doorstep of Europe, is
    fractured and an arena for an expanding proxy war between
    regional powers. However, U.S. policy must not be solely
    reactionary and only respond to the many crises in the Middle
    East. It must also be forward-looking and grasp the many
    opportunities in the region.
        A youth bulge--approximately 45 percent of the Middle East
    is under 25 years old--presents a chance to reset U.S.
    relations with the people of the region in the coming decade.
    Tunisia just completed a successful round of elections as the
    country moves forward on the difficult path of democratic
    development.
        Protesters took to the streets in Algeria on Friday for the
    36th week in a row to demand their government root out
    corruption and better meet the needs of the people. In fact, in
    recent weeks, protests have gripped other countries throughout
    the region including Egypt, Lebanon, and Iraq, and led to the
    resignation of Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri earlier
    today. More than 8 years after millions took to the streets to
    protest corruption and autocracy, these demonstrations indicate
    that too many regional governments remain unaccountable to
    their people and opposed to open civil society, transparency,
    and human rights.
        I am disappointed that the Trump Administration has offered
    an inconsistent message on human rights and democratic values.
    At a time when many are questioning American commitment to the
    region, the Administration has too often turned a blind eye to
    human rights abuses and equivocated in expressing support for
    good governance in the Middle East. The Administration often
    articulates maximalist goals in the Middle East, but has cut
    the resources needed to achieve them.
        For the third straight year, the Trump Administration has
    proposed drastic cuts to our foreign affairs budget. The FY20
    budget requested an estimated $6.5 billion in total bilateral
    assistance to the MENA region, a figure that is 6 percent less
    than the FY19 request and 11 percent less than what Congress
    appropriated in FY19.
        This subcommittee has oversight responsibility over the NEA
    Bureau and Middle East Bureau budgets and I hope this hearing
    today can help us get some better understanding of the
    Administration's strategy and a clearer articulation of U.S.
    policy in the Middle East and how we are allocating resources
    to accomplish our objectives in the region. I am grateful to
    the witnesses for appearing, and with that I will turn it over
    to Ranking Member Wilson for his opening statement.
        Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Chairman Ted Deutch, for calling
    this important hearing, examining the Trump Administration's
    policy objectives for the turbulent Middle East. We appreciate
    our distinguished witnesses, Assistant Secretary David Schenker
    and Assistant Administrator Michael Harvey, for their
    extraordinary service and for their testimony before the
    committee today.
        Formulating U.S. policy is not easy, but letting alone to
    crafting a policy of so many complexities in a region like the
    Middle East with centuries of conflict, but our two witnesses
    surely have their jobs cut out for them and we thank them for
    their positive efforts. Indeed, the Middle East has vexed both
    Republican and Democrat administrations alike.
        But despite the difficulties, the United States has
    remained engaged in the region. We have been invested in the
    people and the potential of the Middle East. Although we may
    have disagreed across the aisle about specific policies, we can
    all agree that U.S. engagement and commitment to the Middle
    East is necessary. It is definitely preferred to a Middle East
    in which rogue regimes like Russia, Iran, or China are power
    brokers.
        To be fair, the Trump Administration has presided over many
    important successes in the Middle East. Today's hearing comes
    just days after the U.S. Special Forces successfully conducted
    a raid in northwest Syria, which led to the deserved death of
    the leader of ISIS, the murderous Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. But to
    ensure that this murderous ideology of ISIS does not resurrect
    from the ashes of Syria and Iran will require an enduring
    American commitment. Not just to the global war against
    terrorism, but to the stability of the Middle East itself.
        I also commend this administration for spearheading the
    maximum pressure campaign against Iran. This is the right
    approach against the world's foremost State sponsor of
    terrorism, but I am deeply concerned about the current approach
    is simply not enough. In the past year alone, Iran has cemented
    its stranglehold over Iraq and Lebanon and significantly
    increased the amount of territory it controls in Syria.
        It appears that there is only so much that can be
    accomplished through economic sanctions. How are we working to
    push back the increased Iranian influence in the region in ways
    other than sanctions? Consistently over the decades, the
    Iranians have remained committed to exporting their evil
    ideology throughout the Middle East, fostering terrorism,
    sectarianism, and violence everywhere. Meanwhile, the United
    States has sought to support democracy in the region, hemming
    and hawing about its role in the region.
        There are plenty of reasons for the U.S. to renew its
    resolve and commitment to the region. The Middle East today is
    teeming with potential. In the past year alone, we have seen
    the citizens of Sudan, Egypt, Algeria, and most recently Iraq
    and Lebanon, take to the streets and give expression to their
    democratic aspirations. I am even hopeful that the spark of
    liberty will 1 day ignite a democratic movement in Iran as
    well, which has a historic background reflective of the Persian
    culture.
        Just last week, the world as we inspired as the runner-up
    in Tunisia's Presidential elections met with the country's
    newly elected president, a sign of strengthened faith in
    Tunisia's democratic institutions. I was fortunate to travel to
    Tunisia last month with the Helsinki Commission and I was
    inspired to see this fledgling democracy in action.
        The U.S. must not concede influence to those who counter
    the spirit of democracy and freedom in the Middle East. There
    is simply no substitute for U.S. leadership in the region. I
    look forward to hearing from the distinguished witnesses today
    and I yield back my time.
        Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Ranking Member Wilson. It is now my
    pleasure to introduce the witnesses. And before I do, without
    objection, all members may have 5 days to submit statements,
    questions, and extraneous materials for the record subject to
    the length limitation in the rules.
        Assistant Secretary David Schenker is the Assistant
    Secretary of Near Eastern Affairs at the U.S. Department of
    State. He was sworn in on June 14, 2019. Prior to joining the
    Department of State, Assistant Secretary Schenker was director
    of the Program on Arab Politics at the Washington Institute for
    Near East Policy. He previously served in the Office of the
    Secretary of Defense as Levant country director, and he was
    awarded the Office of the Secretary of Defense Medal for
    Exceptional Civilian Service in 2005. Before joining the
    government in 2002, he was a research fellow at the Washington
    Institute and a project coordinator of large, centrally-funded
    USAID projects in Egypt and in Jordan.
        Assistant Administrator Harvey, Michael Harvey, was
    appointed Assistant Administrator of USAID's Bureau in January
    2019. He comes to the position after serving more than 30 years
    as a Foreign Service officer for USAID, with multiple overseas
    assignments including Mission Director in Nigeria, Mission
    Director in the West Bank and Gaza, Deputy Mission Director in
    Iraq and Jordan. He most recently served as a faculty member of
    the National War College in Washington, DC, and chaired USAID's
    Task Force to Defeat the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria as
    Assistant to the Administrator. Assistant Administrator Harvey
    has received numerous awards from the Department of State and
    USAID for his exceptional service.
        Thank you both for being here today. Let me remind the
    witnesses to please limit your testimony to 5 minutes. And,
    without objection, your prepared written statements in their
    entirety will be made part of the hearing record. Again, thank
    you so much for being here today.
        Assistant Secretary Schenker, you are recognized.

      STATEMENT OF DAVID SCHENKER, ASSISTANT SECRETARY, BUREAU OF
             NEAR EASTERN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

        Secretary Schenker. Chairman Deutch, Ranking Member Wilson,
    thank you for inviting us here today to discuss the
    President's----
        Mr. Deutch. Can you pull the microphone a little closer?
        Secretary Schenker. Yes. Is that better?
        Mr. Deutch. Yes.
        Secretary Schenker. OK. Thank you for inviting us here to
    discuss the President's FY20 budget request. Stability is the
    Administration's imperative in the Middle East and North Africa
    to protect the American people and our interests abroad. That
    core objective, which benefits U.S. interests as well as the
    region's, drives our diplomatic and foreign assistance.
        The President's FY20 foreign assistance budget request of
    $6.6 billion for the region will support national security
    priorities to counter Iran's malign influence, ensure the
    enduring defeat of ISIS, support persecuted religious and
    ethnic minorities throughout the region, and maintain support
    to key allies and critical partnerships across the region. The
    request also recognizes that the United States cannot alone
    bear sole responsibility for addressing challenges in the
    region.
        The President's request places an emphasis on burden-
    sharing, leveraging the U.S. taxpayer dollars against
    investments from our regional partners and the international
    community. The Administration's Iran strategy focuses on
    neutralizing Tehran's destabilizing influence and constraining
    its malign activities, particularly its support for terrorism
    and militants. Strong diplomatic, economic, and security
    measures must be bolstered by U.S. assistance programs that
    support key partners and seek to deny access and influence to
    Iran and its proxies.
        Resource requested in this budget will counter Iran's
    malign influence in Lebanon, Iraq, and Yemen by working through
    our partners, our local partners. The territorial defeat of
    ISIS in Iraq and Syria is a major milestone that should not be
    underestimated. The FY20 request reflects significant progress
    in encouraging our allies to support stabilization activities
    in Syria. We also continue to hold ISIS accountable for the
    atrocities it committed including genocide against Iraq's
    persecuted communities.
        Ensuring the survival of Iraq's minority religious and
    ethnic communities is a vital interest of the United States and
    stands in direct opposition to the extremist vision ISIS sought
    to impose on Iraq. U.S. assistance will enable Iraq to become a
    constructive, stabilizing influence in the region. The FY20
    request of $166 million supports U.S. assistance that promotes
    further integration of Iraq into the global economy, which in
    turn will create opportunities for U.S. businesses and jobs
    here at home.
        As we have seen over the last few weeks, stabilization in
    Syria will require more resources than one country alone should
    provide. We expect our allies and partners to increase
    contributions to stabilize Syria and ensure that ISIS cannot
    return. In Yemen, we are working with international donors to
    address critical humanitarian needs that will help create a
    foundation for durable peace. In addition, the FY20 budget
    requests $41 million in economic assistance to support the
    Yemeni people and their institutions.
        The FY20 budget reflects our commitment to comprehensive
    Arab-Israeli peace, which hinges on a safe and secure Israel.
    Consistent with the 2019 through 2028 MOU between the United
    States and Israel, the President's budget requests 3.3 billion
    of FMF for Israel, the single largest foreign assistance
    investment in the region. The Administration continues to work
    toward a comprehensive and lasting peace between Israel and
    Palestinians.
        In support of these efforts, the President's FY20 request
    includes 35 million in security assistance for the Palestinian
    Authority security forces, and includes funding in the
    Diplomatic Progress Fund that could also be used for assistance
    for the West Bank and Gaza. Encouraging deeper partnerships
    between Israel and its neighbors will reduce Israel's
    international isolation and improve regional security.
        The FY20 request includes $1.275 billion for Jordan,
    consistent with the 2018 bilateral MOU. I would like to thank
    the subcommittee for sharing the Administration's staunch
    support for the U.S.--Jordan relationship. The U.S. assistance
    has helped Jordan weather the impact of the Syrian crisis and
    supports the longstanding U.S.-Jordanian relationship.
        Egypt, the region's most populous country, is also
    important to U.S. interests. The FY20 request includes 1.3
    billion in FMF to support the Egyptian Armed Forces' capacity
    to counter terrorism in the Sinai and secure the country's land
    and maritime borders, including the Suez Canal.
        In closing, the President's FY20 request contributes to
    achievement of our national priorities in the region and
    supports investments to advance our interests. Thank you for
    your enduring support to our diplomacy in the region and our
    foreign service investments, foreign assistance investments.
    Our ability to respond quickly to needs in the region and
    allocate funding effectively requires your continued support. I
    look forward to answering your questions. Thank you.
        [The prepared statement of Secretary Schenker follows:]

        [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

        Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Assistant Secretary Schenker.
        Assistant Administrator Harvey, you are recognized for 5
    minutes.

     STATEMENT OF MICHAEL HARVEY, ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR, BUREAU
     FOR THE MIDDLE EAST, U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

        Mr. Harvey. Thank you. Chairman Deutch, Ranking Member
    Wilson, and distinguished members of the subcommittee, thank
    you for the opportunity to testify on the important role of the
    development and humanitarian assistance programming in the
    advancing U.S. interests in the Middle East and North Africa.
    It is an honor to be here with Assistant Secretary Schenker and
    to be representing Administrator Green and the professionals of
    USAID.
        USAID recognizes that most of the nations in this region
    are actually middle-income countries, countries with young
    populations whose energy, education, and inspiration can be
    tapped to help speed their countries' journeys to self-
    reliance. We believe well-targeted investments by the United
    States and other donors can play a critical role in helping
    these countries lock in democratic advances where they have
    occurred and drive job-creating, economic growth through
    modern, free-market economies.
        In line with administration policies, USAID focuses its
    programming to support our friends and allies and steadily work
    toward graduating countries from foreign assistance. Helping
    partners build self-reliance is key to the broader U.S. effort
    to counter malign influences coming from outside, while
    demonstrating American values in the context of renewed great
    power competition. In Iraq, we continue to support the
    government's initiatives to strengthen fiscal management and
    improve service delivery. Progress in these areas will
    strengthen Iraqi sovereignty and provide an effective counter
    to Iranian influences within the society.
        Another key area of focus is our support for religious and
    ethnic minorities in Northern Iraq. Building on the $400
    million investment we have made thus far to help communities
    recover from the atrocities of ISIS, the Administration is
    requesting $150 million to support vulnerable, religious, and
    ethnic minority groups globally. This investment will help
    ensure these communities are able to remain in their historical
    homelands and to thrive as crucial components of their larger
    societies.
        I want to note that as part of our effort to expand USAID's
    partner base as a global initiative, earlier this month
    Administrator Green announced six direct awards to local Iraqi
    organizations who are working to implement our programming with
    ethnic and religious communities who have been targeted for
    genocide. We point with pride to our pilot early grade reading
    and high school programs targeting science, technology,
    engineering, and math programs in Egypt. The Government of
    Egypt has now expanded these programs across the country,
    demonstrating the capacity to take on these successes and
    address and forward the country's development effort.
        But let's be clear, job creation across the region is a key
    concern. Our work with the private sector is yielding results.
    We recently handed diplomas and employment contracts to the
    first group of logistics students who graduated in the Suez
    Corridor logistics training program and we are doing similar
    job-matching projects across the region, helping both the firms
    and the young people they will employ.
        In Tunisia, with the support of Congress and in particular
    this subcommittee, the United States has played an important
    role since 2011 in solidifying the country's democratic
    transition. During my recent visit there, I was very honored to
    officially reopen the USAID Tunisia office as a full mission,
    and on that same trip to sign our first 5-year bilateral
    agreement with Tunisia. While there, I traveled to Kairouan, in
    Tunisia's interior, where I had the pleasure of visiting USAID
    businesses that are now growing and with young people who are
    actively participating with their local governments in setting
    the path forward for their communities.
        And before I close, a word on burden-sharing just to echo
    the Secretary's remarks. The Administration's foreign
    assistance request prioritizes investments matched by host
    government commitments and encourages international donors to
    share the burden of development. Our work in Syria is an
    example. USAID programs have restored water and electricity to
    hundreds of thousands of Syrians in areas liberated from ISIS.
    We helped revitalize agriculture, rehabilitate canals, and all
    of these activities were funded by our coalition partners.
        We will continue to put U.S. interests first and to be full
    partners in advancing U.S. national interests in this region.
    With the support of Congress and through the strategic
    efficient use of resources, we will continue to present the
    best of the American people to the people of the Middle East
    and North Africa. Thank you, sir, and I look forward to your
    questions.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. Harvey follows:]

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        [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8199.019

        [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8199.020

        [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T8199.021

        Mr. Deutch. Thank you very much. Thanks to both of you
    again for being here, and sincere thanks for your work in
    service to the country advancing American interests and
    admirably representing American values throughout the region.
    We will now begin 5-minute questioning. I will begin followed
    by the ranking member and then we will alternate between the
    parties.
        Secretary Schenker, last week the Iranian Foreign Ministry
    reportedly sent to the United States a list of people it is
    demanding in a proposed prisoner swap. The regime also made
    another proposal for a prisoner exchange back in April. Could
    you speak to the Administration's view of Iran's recent
    proposal and tell us whether the Administration would engage in
    a prisoner exchange with Iran or does it reject the idea on
    principle?
        Secretary Schenker. Thank you for the question,
    Congressman. The United States and the Administration, a
    priority is to get back our Americans held unjustly in Iran,
    basically hostages over there. This is not a prisoner exchange.
    We are talking about exchanging people who have been kidnapped,
    Americans who are in Iran versus Iranian prisoners, people who
    have done illegal things here like try and, for example, kill
    the Saudi Ambassador in Georgetown through an Iranian plot.
        That said, it is a priority to get our people back and we
    are looking into all sorts of opportunities if they should
    present themselves. But I cannot get into details on that.
        Mr. Deutch. Now, can you comment on these reports of this
    proposal?
        Secretary Schenker. I cannot.
        Mr. Deutch. Can you tell us whether there are any talks
    underway with Iran to secure the release of Americans and U.S.
    legal permanent residents held hostage?
        Secretary Schenker. Yes, I am not going to get into those
    details here. What I would say that it is a priority for us to
    get our people back, but there has been a history, actually, of
    these types of offers and Iran generally leverages them. And
    when you pay for this type of behavior and when you pay for
    kidnapping you generally get more.
        Mr. Deutch. To both of you, let me ask about the
    Administration's freezing of assistance to West Bank Gaza in
    August 2018. If Congress acts to remove the constraints imposed
    by the Anti-Terrorism Clarification Act, should the United
    States consider resuming certain types of aid to Palestinians
    and, if so, which types and under which conditions?
        Secretary Schenker. Well, let me start by saying that the
    Administration supports the victims of terrorism. This is an
    important piece of legislation.
        Mr. Deutch. Assistant Secretary, does the Administration
    support the so-called active fix?
        Secretary Schenker. We are willing to engage with Congress
    on every level to fix that.
        Mr. Deutch. Assistant Administrator Harvey, can you answer
    the question about whether aid should and, if so, which type of
    aid should flow again assuming the active fix addresses that
    issue?
        Mr. Harvey. Well, I will let the Assistant Secretary
    address the issue of whether there should be an active fix.
    That is a broader conversation. If assistance were to resume,
    if the political decision were made that the circumstances
    would justify that, we would take a look very closely with our
    Palestinian partners to determine where to start. I would not
    want to prejudge it now, but historically water and wastewater
    have been very high priorities for both the Israel neighbors
    and the Palestinians themselves, and I am sure that would be at
    least one place where we would start.
        Mr. Deutch. OK, so Assistant Secretary Schenker, let me get
    back to you. So assuming that--thank you for your offer to work
    with us. Assuming that an active fix is achieved, should aid
    start to flow? Would the Administration recognize the benefits
    of any type of aid flowing to West Bank and Gaza?
        Secretary Schenker. I think that would be something that
    would have to come after the rollout of the peace plan, but I
    cannot really comment on whether----
        Mr. Deutch. And why is that?
        Secretary Schenker. Well, I think that there is this
    enormous aid package that awaits the Palestinians that
    underpins this, the peace proposal.
        Mr. Deutch. So, let--Assistant Secretary, let's talk about
    that. Do you have--can you tell us what role your desk has
    played or that you personally have played in helping to draft
    this peace process?
        Secretary Schenker. None.
        Mr. Deutch. But you are aware of what is in it?
        Secretary Schenker. No. I have seen public statements from
    Special Advisor Kushner about this, the talk about raising
    money to underwrite that.
        Mr. Deutch. OK, then let me just focus on the one issue of
    U.S. security assistance. Help me understand why we should wait
    for a peace proposal that may come soon or may never come at
    all to resume the funding of the security coordinator that
    helps to protect Palestinians and Israelis.
        Secretary Schenker. Yes. No, that is a great question.
        Mr. Deutch. Thanks.
        Secretary Schenker. We would love to spend that right now.
    We have allocated $35 million. We have the security coordinator
    out there. We have it fully staffed. We are underwriting that.
    We would like to spend this 35 million to do the train and
    equip; we are just being held back by the ATCA.
        Mr. Deutch. And, finally, all of----
        Secretary Schenker. But that is good to go, that 35
    million.
        Mr. Deutch. And any other projects, are there any other
    projects since--my understanding, Assistant Administrator
    Harvey, is operations have essentially wound down in West Bank
    and Gaza as a result of both the combination of ATCA and the
    Administration's decision to withhold all funds. So are--can
    you prioritize where funds would be spent?
        Secretary Schenker. I do not have a list right now, but I
    can get back to you on that.
        Mr. Deutch. I would appreciate----
        Secretary Schenker. I would think, by the way I would think
    that the wastewater management would be, as Mike Harvey said,
    would be a leading factor of public health.
        Mr. Deutch. OK, I appreciate that.
        Mr. Wilson, you are recognized.
        Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Again, I thank both of
    you for being here. Thank you for your service. And both of
    you, I know, make a difference on behalf of freedom and
    democracy in the world.
        Assistant Secretary Schenker, what is the Near Eastern
    Affairs Bureau of the State Department doing to counter Iranian
    influence in the region?
        Secretary Schenker. Well, first of all, we are implementing
    crushing sanctions on the Iranians. This, as a result, denied
    some $50 billion in oil revenue and is likely going to result
    in a constriction of their economy by double digits by the end
    of 2019. This economic pressure provides them with less money
    with which to fund their regional proxies, terrorist
    organizations like Hezbollah which are facing increased
    pressure because of the lack of funds available to them. That
    is on one side.
        We are working with our partners to multilaterally
    constrain Iran's malign behavior. This is building coalitions
    in the region whether through the international maritime
    security construct, also known as Operation Sentinel, and also
    calling out Iran by name, something the E3 did to hold Iran
    responsible for what it did in Aramco a few weeks back. That is
    sort of unprecedented.
        Likewise, we are exposing Iran, the Iranian regime's
    brutality and governance problems. We are working through local
    partners. We are strengthening and financially backing the
    Lebanese armed forces which someday could serve as a
    counterbalance to some of Iran's pernicious activities in
    Lebanon. We are pressing our Saudi allies and, actually, with
    some prospect of success to get a peace agreement in Yemen
    which would roll back Houthi, the pernicious Houthi influence.
        Mr. Wilson. Well, we appreciate each of your initiatives.
    And can either of you here today guarantee to the subcommittee
    that no U.S. taxpayers' funds are sent to the Iraqi Government
    which, including the Iraqi Federal Police, which could be
    disbursed to the Iranian-backed militias operating in the
    country?
        Secretary Schenker. I believe that is the case. We are not
    providing any FMF to Iraq this year, but I will have to check
    on the other funds. I believe that they are not funding the
    Hashtashabi directly.
        Mr. Wilson. Thank you.
        And then, Assistant Secretary, what is your assessment of
    the relationship between the U.N. operations within Syria and
    the Assad regime in Damascus? Would you say the Assad regime
    benefits from U.S. programming in Syria?
        Secretary Schenker. Well, if I can punt to Mike Harvey on
    that my understanding is no, that it does not benefit the Assad
    regime.
        Mr. Harvey. Congressman, you are raising a very serious
    issue that concerns us greatly. As you know, the one place
    that--the one activity that we do have in Assad-controlled
    areas is our humanitarian assistance program that is
    implemented almost exclusively through U.N. agencies with a few
    exceptions and the issue of keeping control over resources and
    ensuring integrity of that program is a constant challenge. But
    it is something we work very closely with our U.N. partners on,
    we watch very closely, and it is--please do keep the attention
    on it as we will as well.
        Mr. Wilson. And I am grateful that we have bipartisan
    legislation on this point. And I know it is not covered very
    often, but actually people of both parties can work together
    substantially, particularly in the Middle East.
        And then, Secretary Schenker, are there any U.S. citizens
    currently held or detained by the Saudi Government and what
    efforts is the Administration making for their release?
        Secretary Schenker. Thank you. This is an issue of concern.
    There is Walid Fitaihi, who is a dual national, who is being
    held by the Saudis. We have been engaging with the Saudi
    Government continuously about the case that Mr. Fitaihi had
    been held for some 2 years without charge. And recently he was
    charged and released and they are going through a trial. We
    view that as a positive development and hopefully that trial
    will be over soon and then Mr. Fitaihi will be exonerated and
    be able to come home.
        Mr. Wilson. And thank you for following through on that and
    I yield back my time.
        Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Wilson.
        Mr. Allred, you are recognized.
        Mr. Allred. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And I want to thank
    our witnesses for your service to our country. I am trying
    though to discern this Administration's policy in the Middle
    East.
        On this subcommittee we have heard testimony that has been
    widely ranging and I think been conflicting as well. The
    President says he wants to support Israel, but I think he has
    taken many steps that have empowered Iran. The President says
    that he wants to destroy ISIS, but we have handed them a
    lifeline in Syria with our actions. And, Mr. Schenker, you have
    talked about how this budget is intended to stabilize the
    region while you are also calling for large cuts to that
    budget.
        And so I am trying to understand what our policy is in the
    Middle East and I want to begin with these cuts to foreign aid
    and to the priorities that you have laid out that many of them
    I agree with, and the justification has been to increase
    ``burden-sharing'' across international partners. Do you
    believe that this is actually going to lead to our allies
    contributing more or are we just giving Russia, Iran, and China
    a bigger opening to increase their influence in the region?
        Secretary Schenker. Thank you, Congressman. No, I believe
    that actually our partners have stepped up. I think the best
    example of that would be Syria, where the President, the
    Administration zeroed out the budget last year of $300 million
    for humanitarian assistance and we raised among our partners
    325 million, including 180 million from Saudi Arabia and the
    United Arab Emirates. They stepped up and they have stepped up
    again and made similar commitments for this year.
        So I think, you know, across the board we find our allies--
    --
        Mr. Allred. And do you find these commitments to be
    sustainable? I am wondering because we have a national security
    interest in this region. We do not use foreign aid out of the
    goodness of our hearts in all cases, we use it because it
    stabilizes countries. It allows us not to have to commit our
    brave men and women to conflicts abroad. We have a national
    security interest in it. If we are shaking down our allies and
    getting them to step in while we are not going to pay, then
    maybe in the short term that is something that we can do. But I
    do not see that as a sustainable Middle East policy for the
    United States.
        Secretary Schenker. Sir, I understand your concern. So far
    we have been successful in raising funds from our allies. I
    think that we have to go every day and make the case to them
    about why it is not only in our interest but it is in their
    interest. Certainly, Saudi Arabia and the Emirates have stepped
    up on Syria, but, you know, across the board they see things
    and share in many ways the same threat perception in the region
    and are willing to back our efforts.
        Mr. Allred. Yes. Let's talk about Syria and let's talk
    about how this Turkish incursion impacts this budget request.
    Is this reflective, this budget request reflective of these
    current events or is this something that was formulated before
    these events?
        Secretary Schenker. The budget was formulated before the
    Turkish invasion.
        Mr. Allred. And so how is this invasion going to impact
    this request and your plans in the region?
        Secretary Schenker. Yes. Well, that is a good question. We
    have in the budget quite a bit of flexibility. Not only the
    President had said immediately after the invasion that we would
    provide $50 million plus another 4.5 million to support the
    White Helmets and 50 million for humanitarian assistance, we
    have also obligated funds, if necessary, if there is a mass
    refugee flow of Syrian Kurds or Syrians into Iraqi Kurdish
    area.
        And we have flexibility through the Relief and Recovery
    Fund, which has $145 million in it, and through the Diplomatic
    Progress Fund.
        Mr. Allred. OK. OK, so I understand, you know, we want to
    be, if we are going to appropriate, we need to be part of the
    discussion about how this is going forward. That is what I am
    trying to get to. So I see you have some plans, but, Assistant
    Administrator Harvey, if you could talk about what USAID's role
    will be in this potential refugee crisis that we are seeing
    unfolding in northern Syria.
        Mr. Harvey. Well, when we are dealing with the issue of
    refugees we will be working very closely with our State
    Department colleagues in the Refugee Bureau. We have been
    supporting the humanitarian assistance program within Syria
    which includes both people who are in their homes but also
    people who have been displaced by the conflict. We have about
    90,000 people displaced from the recent Kurdish Turkish actions
    whom we will be supporting through the ongoing and existing
    humanitarian assistance program.
        For the most part, we have access to them and our partners
    are implementing programs remarkably. If there is a--we have
    about 12,000 refugees who have crossed into Iraq. The systems
    are in place and the resources are in place to deal with that
    population. We, actually, are using a planning figure of about
    50,000. If we are lucky, we will not get anywhere near that if
    the cease-fire holds and Turkish operations stay where they
    are.
        My worry is less of dealing with the immediate humanitarian
    situation as it is reestablishing political stability in that
    area and that is going to be a serious challenge for all of us.
        Mr. Allred. I agree. And that is why I disagree with the
    budget request. We will formulate what we think is necessary as
    we did in FY19. And thank you for your time.
        Mr. Harvey. OK. Thank you, Congressman.
        Mr. Allred. I yield.
        Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Allred.
        Mr. Kinzinger, you are recognized.
        Mr. Kinzinger. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Thank you both for being here. Specifically, on USAID, I
    want to say you, I do not think you guys get enough credit. And
    just generally with State Department you guys do not get enough
    credit, because when you alleviate a conflict, obviously, you
    do not know that it has been alleviated until we have, when it
    is unsuccessful. So I want to thank you and your folks for all
    the good work.
        And, you know, specifically, I think it is important to try
    to make sure we are spending taxpayer resources effectively and
    efficiently in a targeted way. I think we should not cut those
    resources simply to cut them. We should make sure they are
    efficient. But I also, you know, it is important to make sure
    when we do that, we are following the President's priorities
    even if we disagree. And that is, you know, where we come into
    play especially in an area like this.
        But especially I want to commend, obviously, the people who
    took out al-Baghdadi this weekend. It was a great thing. It is
    not the end of the war on ISIS, this is a generational fight.
    This is going to go on for a long time and I think we have to
    accept and understand that. That is where you guys come in
    extremely importantly as well, making sure that that next
    generation is not radicalized. And that not only are they not
    radicalized that they actually push back against
    radicalization. But, you know, the more leaders we kill, the
    dumber they get. It is like in Iraq when we did that during the
    surge. You just, you take them out and you accelerate the
    number you are taking out and pretty soon they run out of
    people to lead and it capitulates.
        So I wanted, obviously, I have expressed a lot of concerns,
    generally, with Syria's policy, but I will leave those for now,
    but I do want to turn to the regime who I think the corruption
    was key to Baghdadi's caliphate and there is a whole lot on the
    inception of ISIS and what Bashar al-Assad did. But I think now
    it seems all but certain that Assad will consolidate much
    control over the country.
        Mr. Harvey, you mentioned about, you know, rebuilding and
    USAID projects within Assad-controlled territory. I want to
    echo what my colleague Mr. Wilson said. We do not want taxpayer
    dollars going to prop up Assad. And so you can add me to that
    list and I know you guys are with me on that too, so. But as
    the founder of the Syria Caucus, I am going to continue to urge
    my colleagues to hold those responsible for war crimes in Syria
    accountable.
        So, Mr. Schenker, if President Trump were to sign--I think
    he has said he is willing to do it. We have one Senate hold-
    out, but if he signs into law the Caesar Syria Civilian
    Protection Act of 2019, what kind of impact would that have on
    the Assad regime and their supporters?
        Secretary Schenker. Thank you and I share with you the
    pleasure at the killing of Baghdadi. This was----
        Mr. Kinzinger. It is worth celebrating, for sure.
        Secretary Schenker. Yes. No, it is a great thing, but there
    is no knockout blow. So, I think that it is important that we
    recognize what Assad has done. We are spending money in funding
    projects to document the mass atrocities. We are working on
    recordkeeping and underwriting some of that. This is a regime
    that is beyond the pale.
        And we are focused narrowly, remain to focus narrowly on
    three things in Syria, you know, preventing the resurgence the
    ISIS. We are working on preventing, you know, Iranian influence
    in the country and rolling that back and also a political
    future through the implementation of 2254. And this is the
    issue about Caesar. This is a regime that cannot be allowed to
    persist as-is, the people have to have a say in the direction
    of their country. Refugees were not ancillary to this conflict.
    Assad ethnically cleansed his country of Sunni Muslims. He
    wanted to get rid of them. So the Caesar Act, I think, is very
    important in that regard in holding to account.
        Mr. Kinzinger. And I think another point on that is, look,
    it is going to be out of those refugee camps that Assad created
    where you get radicalization because people are hopeless,
    uneducated in many cases, you know, and it is easy to blame
    whoever, and that is where you find radicalization so
    countering that is going to be important.
        And can you also address, you know, with Putin obviously
    standing up the Assad regime, how are you guys working to
    counter their malign influence in the region?
        Secretary Schenker. The Iranians are--I am sorry. The
    Syrians are--the Russians are playing a pernicious role across
    the region. It is not just in Syria. It is Libya and elsewhere.
    We are working on a number of strategies. We are trying to
    contain them by working with our allies. We are certainly
    hammering our allies with warnings about CAATSA sanctions and
    others, but also letting them know, I think having a frank
    dialog, about what Russia does when they are on the ground.
        Mr. Kinzinger. Yes. And I think--I am out of time and I
    appreciate your service, but I think it is important to--it is
    a lesson when they, you know, basically showed up in Syria in
    2012 or 2013. It is a lesson, because we see them in Venezuela
    and we will see them elsewhere. Stop them early. Prevent them
    from coming in. Thank you both for your service. Mr. Chairman,
    I yield back.
        Mr. Deutch. I thank you, Mr. Kinzinger.
        Mr. Malinowski, you are recognized.
        Mr. Malinowski. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Assistant Secretary Schenker, I am going to start off by
    just reading the lead of a story in the Wall Street Journal
    from yesterday about Egypt and about one young woman in
    particular, Esraa Abdel Fattah, who is a political activist in
    that country.
        The lead of the story is, Egyptian security officers
    grabbed her from her car in the country's capital on October
    12th and blindfolded her, took her to a secure facility, two
    lawyers who visited her in prison said she was slapped, beaten
    on her arms and back, threatened with electrocution as officers
    demanded the password to her mobile phone. When she refused,
    the officers bound her hands and legs, choked her with her own
    jacket, forcibly used her fingers to unlock the phone.
        And you know as well as I do, I know your experience and
    you know mine, that this is a routine story in Egypt and things
    have gotten worse in the last month. More than 4,000 people
    detained since protests seeking the removal of President Sisi
    started up, the largest, I think, wave of arrests that the
    country has seen since he came to power. And, you know, I do
    not think I need to ask you if this is wrong because I am sure
    you agree that it is, but I will ask this.
        Since our policy toward Egypt is based or allegedly based
    on advancing our security interests, does this kind of
    repression which is escalating now help or hurt legitimate
    efforts to fight extremism or terrorism in the country?
        Secretary Schenker. Thank you, Congressman. I am familiar
    with that story. I know Esraa. I met her several times. I think
    it is outrageous. You should know that I had the Egyptian
    ambassador in my office last week to talk about Esraa. This
    matters greatly to the Administration. Egypt has a long way to
    go on human rights.
        You heard we--the Administration made a statement in
    September talking about the rights of Egyptians to demonstrate
    peacefully and the obligation of the Egyptian authorities to
    protect demonstrators. This is something that is very important
    to the Administration and we talk about it.
        Mr. Malinowski. Well, thank you and I am glad that you did
    that. But I guess I am asking a more fundamental question,
    because I remember sitting in your chair a few years ago saying
    something along the lines of Egypt has a long way to go. And it
    seems to have an even longer way to go today, and yet here we
    have the same security relationship that we used to have. You
    know, any progress in Sinai over the last several years?
        And, once again, the question I would ask you, do their
    tactics help or hurt in the fight against what we say is our
    shared enemy?
        Secretary Schenker. Actually, on Sinai, they have made some
    progress. I think it is incremental. They have received
    training that is more narrowly tailored to that type of
    counterterrorism mission, but more importantly they have
    recognized and I think through our counsel that
    counterterrorism requires than just a military component. And I
    will actually let my colleague Mike Harvey talk about what we
    are doing and what the Egyptians are doing in the Sinai in that
    regard.
        Mr. Malinowski. Well, actually, hold on. I do not have that
    much time so.
        Secretary Schenker. OK.
        Mr. Malinowski. Because I have a different question I
    wanted to ask Mr. Harvey.
        But, look, I would just say the fundamental problem here is
    that, you know, even as the President pulls back from Syria,
    claims that it is just a bunch of sand and we need to get out
    of the Middle East and we cannot do these things forever, when
    the people we were helping, both Kurdish and Arab, are actually
    fighting and dying with us to fight terrorism, many of whom
    actually share our values, incredibly brave civil society
    activists who we are no longer supporting because we have
    pulled back so much of our programming there, and yet we
    continue to spend $1.3 billion of the taxpayers' money helping
    the Egyptian military put on military parades with their tanks,
    and that does not sit well with me.
        I have a very quick question with very little time left for
    you, Mr. Harvey, and it is about Yemen. When was the last time
    we, USAID or through the United Nations, provided a no-strike
    list to the Saudi military in terms of humanitarian locations,
    targets that we ask them not to hit in Yemen?
        Mr. Harvey. Congressman, I actually cannot answer that
    question, I do not know. But I do know that it is a constant
    point of discussion between our two governments.
        Mr. Malinowski. OK, so--but we have provided them with no-
    strike lists?
        Mr. Harvey. We certainly have, both through AID and through
    our DOD colleagues.
        Mr. Malinowski. OK. I think that is a very important thing
    to confirm on the record, because we have, you know, not just
    broad concerns about human rights and targeting that we have
    shared with the Saudis that they have not always listened to,
    but specific locations and coordinates that they have hit that
    we have specifically given them as locations not to hit. I
    think that elevates this to the highest possible level of
    concern. Thank you. I yield back.
        Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Malinowski.
        Mr. Chabot, you are recognized.
        Mr. Chabot. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and I want
    to apologize for not being here to hear the testimony. I had an
    honor flight at the World War II Memorial and that is obviously
    a priority. And we see those great American heroes. It used to
    be mostly World War II veterans like my father who would be a
    hundred, if he were still alive, next month, but now it is
    Korean War veterans and Vietnam War veterans and on and on.
        But it is one of those things, so I apologize for not being
    here a little earlier. And if I repeat some of the questions
    that were already answered, I apologize for that too. But I
    certainly appreciate the tougher line that this Administration
    has taken against Iran, for the most part, which under the free
    hand given by the JCPOA greatly expanded its influence in the
    region and I would like to focus on Iran's so-called land
    bridge to the Mediterranean.
        A critical goal of this quarter is for Iran to be able to
    threaten and potentially, ultimately, attack one of our most
    significant allies in the world and that is Israel. Could
    either one of the gentlemen here discuss the Administration's
    plans to curtail Iran's ability to move equipment or supplies
    or fighters into and through Syria and onto the Israeli border?
    So, thank you.
        Secretary Schenker. Thank you, Congressman. The land bridge
    is an issue of enormous concern to the Administration. Before
    the Turkish incursion into northern Syria, the positioning of
    our troops there as an ancillary benefit to being present and
    fighting ISIS there had limited Iran's ability in some way to
    do everything it wanted. We still have residual presence there
    that as long as we are able to provide security and stability
    and work with our SDF partners in these areas, which we
    continue to do, that may limit Iran's ability somewhat.
        But this is a priority and if we curtail our presence then
    it becomes, it would become more difficult to do so. As you
    know, the Israelis appear to be, they have hit Iranian targets
    in Syria for some time, attempted weapons transfers to Lebanon,
    this is something that is not a secret. So that in some way is
    also curtailing the efforts to establish this land bridge full-
    time.
        Mr. Chabot. Thank you.
        Did you want to add anything?
        Mr. Harvey. Not specifically, Congressman, because we are a
    few steps to the side of that broader debate. But much of what
    USAID's sort of premises its development activities in this
    region on is that enabling these countries to stand on their
    own as fully sovereign countries that control their destiny, it
    better enables them to push back from the nefarious intent of
    both Iran, Russia, and others.
        Mr. Chabot. Thank you.
        Secretary Schenker. Yes. If I might add, I mean in some
    ways the weak link there has been Iraq more than Syria. As you
    know, Iran is storing ballistic missiles in Iraq. Iraq is not
    able to exert its sovereignty and push back. This is a real
    problem and will remain a problem for some time until Iraq can
    exert sovereignty.
        Mr. Chabot. Thank you very much. And I am sure that my next
    question has probably been mentioned and discussed prior to my
    being here. Obviously, the taking out al-Baghdadi was a huge
    victory. Just a horrific, horrible individual, the head of
    probably the most despicable organization that we have seen in
    a long, long time, so I want to commend the President and all
    those that worked with him in accomplishing this and obviously,
    principally, our men and women in uniform who, you know, took
    the action to end this horrible person's time on this earth.
        Could you discuss the Administration's plans moving forward
    to ensure that ISIS does not reestablish itself under, you
    know, and a new caliphate under, especially in Syria under a
    new leader? What are the Administration's plans at this point
    in ensuring that that does not happen?
        Secretary Schenker. Thank you, Congressman. That is a top
    priority for the Administration, the fight against ISIS, the
    prevention of the resurgence of ISIS 2.0. Contrary to what many
    people say, the Administration continues to work with our SDF
    partners on the ground in Syria. We have troops embedded with
    units and we continue to fight ISIS there. And that will be a
    key point of our presence going forward, whether in At Tanf or
    outside that area.
        So I would anticipate the counterterrorism mission will
    remain a very high priority for the indefinite future. This is
    as I think as Congressman Kinzinger said, it is a generational
    mission.
        Mr. Chabot. Very good. Thank you very much.
        My time has expired, Mr. Chairman.
        Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Chabot.
        Mr. Keating, you are recognized.
        Mr. Keating. Well, thank you.
        A question just following up on Iraq. It is a great
    concern. We have seen the demonstrations. We know the situation
    there in detail. We know that there was an order for
    nonemergency personnel in May to leave. That is going to run
    out next month. It seems from the budget there has been a cut
    in security funds. Does that represent what the future is
    there? It is such a critical area along with so many areas, but
    without a presence there it is going to be that much more
    difficult from the Stateside. Could you comment on what the
    prospects look like in this critical area right now that often
    gets overlooked?
        Secretary Schenker. Thank you. I share your concern. The
    safety and well-being of the diplomats in NEA is a top priority
    for me. It is my responsibility in many ways. And so, we are on
    ordered departure, we have been, and in 8 days or 7 days it
    will be 6 months. The security situation is such that this is
    what I believe is the new normal.
        That said, while we have not the height of the numbers that
    we had before, we have sufficient numbers on the ground to do
    our mission. And, in fact, even under ordered departure, this
    year, even so far, we have done more visits with the Iraqi,
    more engagements with Iraqi parliamentarians outside of the
    embassy compound than we did when we had our full complement
    the year before we went on ordered departure.
        So we are engaged diplomatically in a way that, you know,
    as we were before, even more so. Our military presence there,
    while the FMF has been zeroed out, part of this is burden-
    sharing, but part of it also is that the military has CTEF
    funding where it can do train and equip and fund and work with
    the Iraqi military, notwithstanding the absence of FMF. So we
    remain engaged. We have numbers of troops there. We have a full
    diplomatic corps. I have been in Iraq maybe four times in the
    past 4 months, so this is a priority for us. If you want to
    roll back Iran in the region, this is the beachhead and we are
    there and we are not leaving.
        Mr. Keating. Yes. Well, thank you for your engagement in
    that. Just briefly, too, I mean there has been 14 million
    Yemenis on the verge of starvation, 85,000 have died of famine.
    Are we engaging with multilaterals? What are we doing there to
    try and help one of the worst humanitarian situations in the
    world?
        Mr. Harvey. I am sorry, Congressman. Did you say Yemen?
        Mr. Keating. Yemen, sorry. Oh, your microphone is on. Yes,
    your mike is--there.
        Mr. Harvey. Yemen is a remarkable challenge for all us. It
    is one of the largest humanitarian assistance programs
    anywhere. It is an extremely difficult place to do work. The de
    facto authorities in the north, the Houthis, make it very
    difficult and yet despite that we are extremely proud of the
    performance of our WFP colleagues in particular, but also
    UNICEF, WHO, and the panoply of American and international
    NGO's who have been working in Yemen.
        Mr. Keating. Thank you for your work. I just wanted to
    touch one other----
        Mr. Harvey. Yes.
        Mr. Keating [continuing]. Topic too. It is hard in 5
    minutes.
        But I have long felt that we could have a greater
    significance if we could better work with our EU allies on
    their development programs and sort of coordinate better what
    they are doing and what we are doing in critical areas of the
    world. Is there an opportunity to even have a multiplier effect
    beyond what we are doing now, because I think there is an
    enormous opportunity that way.
        Mr. Harvey. Congressman, I could not agree with you more.
    The EU is an interesting institution and I will leave it at
    that. What is in countries like Yemen where we are almost
    entirely dependent upon the United Nations, it is easier
    because that mechanism sort of forces joint pooled funding of
    activities. In countries where we have more bilateral
    programming there is more coordination than you might see.
        But they are, to be perfectly honest, challenging partners
    because their bureaucracy is even slower than ours. And
    whenever I am feeling frustrated about USAID's bureaucracy, I
    just look at the others and I feel a little better, but it is
    something that we are committed to. We have folks assigned in
    Brussels where we meet with our Brussels counterparts. But
    let's not forget that the German, the French, the British
    bilateral assistance programs, especially the British and the
    Germans, are huge around the world and those bilateral
    partnerships are extremely close. I mean, I just, having spent
    4 years dealing with Boko Haram in Nigeria, not successfully
    but that is another conversation, the partnership we had with
    the Brits and the Germans was as good as it could get.
        Mr. Keating. Good. I hope it is something that our
    committee and the subcommittee I chair can continue to work on.
    Thank you for your service. I yield back.
        Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Keating.
        Mr. Trone, you are recognized.
        Mr. Trone. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Assistant Secretary Schenker, accountability for the murder
    of Jamal Khashoggi is vital to the broader U.S. interest in
    supporting the rights and freedoms of individuals, in
    particular freedom of the press. Does not failing to provide
    consequences for the Khashoggi assassination embolden the
    perpetrators, and what is the Administration doing to prevent
    this possibility?
        Secretary Schenker. Thank you, Congressman.
        Accountability, the Secretary has said, is critical in the
    murder of Jamal Khashoggi, getting to the bottom of it. I knew
    Khashoggi. It is something that matters to me, personally, as
    well. In 2018, the Administration sanctioned some eleven--17
    Saudis involved in the murder of Khashoggi with the Global
    Magnitsky sanctions. Right now, there is some 11 defendants in
    Saudi Arabia in the middle of a trial. I think both the defense
    and the prosecution have finished their cases and we are
    waiting on verdicts. I think the judicial process as we see it
    falls short of full accountability and we have indicated that
    to the Saudis. We are encouraging, nonetheless, a fair and
    transparent judicial process.
        Mr. Trone. It certainly seems like we are not getting that
    at the end of the day, but under crown prince, again, the Saudi
    Government has intensified its crackdown on dissidents, human
    right activists. In 1918, the repression was directed against
    the women, leading women's rights advocates who were seeking to
    end the male guardianship system that enables systematic abuse
    and repression. In May 18, authorities arrested a dozen
    prominent women's rights activists and accused several others
    of grave crimes, including treason, directly related to their
    activism. There is also reports that women were subjected to
    sexual harassment and torture.
        What is the State Department's view on Saudi Arabia's
    crackdown against these activists and dissidents?
        Secretary Schenker. Thank you. It is a concern of the
    Administration and the State Department some of these human
    rights allegations of abuse, but I would like to say that it is
    a bit of a mixed bag here. For example, the Saudi Government in
    the last 4 months lifted, ended the guardianship law, so now
    women can travel abroad without the permission of their
    children, for example, or a male guardian. Several of the women
    drivers have been released from jail. Walid Fitaihi, who I
    talked about before, a dual national U.S. citizen has now been
    charged and is on trial, but has been released from jail.
        You know, on other issues and they have been very positive
    as well, the Saudi Government is working to put the Yemeni
    Government back together by fostering negotiations between the
    Southern Transitional Council and the Hadi government. They are
    about to get an agreement on that. They have a deescalation
    with the Houthis that actually appears to be taking hold. At
    our encouragement, they gave, last month, $500 million to
    humanitarian assistance in Yemen.
        So let's say that Saudi, too, has some way to come or some
    room for improvement in terms of human rights, but they are
    working on it. They are putting together a committee on
    trafficking human persons to look into this more closely so
    they do not have some sort of bad rating next year from the
    assessment from the U.S. Government next year. I actually think
    they are making an effort and, in some places, succeeding.
        Mr. Trone. So it is an effort, but it looks like there is
    lots of room to go. We still have dissidents in jail. We still
    have lots of conversation about torture and abuse that they are
    suffering. We still have a crown prince that has not been held
    accountable. So, yes, progress is great, but we are not where
    we need to be and I think we need to continue to pressure and
    push for where we should be. We all know, morally, where we
    should be.
        Secretary Schenker. Well, thank you. This is a topic of
    ongoing discussion between us and the Saudis, but I think that
    while we should continue pushing, where credit is due, I think
    we should give them credit.
        Mr. Trone. Quickly to Tunisia, the legislative--the
    elections just happened in Tunisia. We would like to see them
    move in a good direction, but we cut foreign aid from 86
    million roughly in half. Do you have concerns about the message
    that sends?
        Secretary Schenker. Thank you. We think that the number is
    right on Tunisia, in two parts. By the way, we too think that
    the elections were a dramatic success and see this as really a
    positive development. I was just in Tunisia last month right
    before the elections. I met with the independent electoral
    commission. It is something that is a source, I think should be
    a source of pride for them and certainly for the region. It is
    unusual.
        We think the number is the right figure. The FMF, the
    INCLE, the money that we provide for the security forces is the
    same, basically, but some of the ESF has decreased. And if we
    need to, we can make that up with MEPI. They also get a great
    deal of money from Europeans, once again, burden-sharing. And
    all this money, there is an issue of absorptive capacity, so we
    think we are at the right amount.
        Mr. Trone. Thank you.
        Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Trone. I just had a couple of
    followups and then, Mr. Wilson, if he has any.
        Assistant Secretary Schenker, you said Iraq is a beachhead.
    I think you were referring to Iraq as a beachhead in
    confronting Iranian aggression; is that right?
        Secretary Schenker. Right.
        Mr. Deutch. November is the 6-month statutory deadline for
    extending the ordered departures and you have got to decide the
    future of U.S. Government presence in Iraq. Are there plans to
    strengthen the security of the U.S. embassy in Iraq to enable
    the return of U.S. personnel? Or tell me where that stands.
        Secretary Schenker. Yes. This has been something that I
    spend a great deal of time on, actually, you know, safety and
    security of diplomatic personnel in Iraq, in particular. I do
    not want to get into the details of how we came to it,
    discussions, we think security at the embassy is adequate.
    Actually, better than adequate.
        Mr. Deutch. Sufficient for the return of personnel, to
    enable U.S. personnel in the resumption of the----
        Secretary Schenker. To accomplish the mission.
        Mr. Deutch. Yes.
        Secretary Schenker. And we have got a number of diplomats
    that we think is appropriate and I can brief you about this in
    another setting.
        Mr. Deutch. OK.
        Secretary Schenker. But yes, we are committed to the
    mission.
        Mr. Deutch. Great. Right, I would like to do that if we can
    arrange that.
        And then, finally, also on the topic of Iran, this time in
    Syria. I think if I understood you, you said if we curtail our
    presence it would be more difficult to prevent, effectively,
    the land bridge that was asked about earlier. Did I understand
    you correctly and when you say if we curtail our presence, if
    we curtail our presence the way we are doing, if we curtail our
    presence beyond what we are doing, what were you referring to?
        Secretary Schenker. For basically beyond what we are doing.
    But as Ambassador Jeffrey said during, I believe during his
    testimony to you, our presence is a stabilizing force and to
    the degree that we are present it sets better conditions for
    the right things to happen in Syria.
        Mr. Deutch. So are you--so I will ask. So are you confident
    that the current strategy effectively prevents Iran from
    establishing that land bridge that we have, this committee in
    particular has worried so much about?
        Secretary Schenker. I think it complicates Iranian efforts
    to do so.
        Mr. Deutch. Does the Administration assess U.S. efforts to
    prevent the spread of Iranian influence in Syria and Iraq and
    Lebanon as successful?
        Secretary Schenker. Sir, it is a work in progress. In Iraq
    right now a lot of the intercommunal violence that you are
    seeing is based on, our belief is, Iranian overreach because
    Iran is so enmeshed in the society. Many Shiite there like
    everywhere throughout the region are Shiite nationalists and
    are pushing back on this.
        Mr. Deutch. OK. And so, let me just wrap up again on this
    issue of the land bridge. So there are, how many troops are in
    Tanf?
        Secretary Schenker. I am not at liberty to say.
        Mr. Deutch. But the withdrawal of troops from northern
    Syria, the withdrawal--I just want to make sure I understand.
        Secretary Schenker. There is still a residual U.S. presence
    that goes beyond At Tanf.
        Mr. Deutch. And you are confident that whatever that number
    is that residual presence is sufficient to prevent Iran from
    establishing a land bridge from Tehran through Baghdad and
    Damascus over to Beirut?
        Secretary Schenker. I think it plays a positive role on
    that front.
        Mr. Deutch. Well, I am sure some is better than none. I am
    just asking whether it is a sufficient number to prevent Iran
    from establishing that.
        Secretary Schenker. I really cannot comment.
        Mr. Deutch. OK. I appreciate it.
        Anything further, Mr. Wilson?
        Great. Well, thanks. I thank the witnesses and all the
    members for being here today. Thanks for your testimony,
    Assistant Secretary Schenker and Assistant Administrator
    Harvey. Members of the subcommittee may have some additional
    questions for you and we ask our witnesses to please respond to
    those questions in writing. I would ask my colleagues to submit
    those questions for the hearing record within five business
    days.
        And with that and, without objection, the subcommittee is
    adjourned.
        [Whereupon, at 3:48 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]

                                    APPENDIX
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                RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD
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