[Senate Hearing 115-812]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 115-812
SIX YEARS OF WAR IN SYRIA:
THE HUMAN TOLL
=======================================================================
HEARING
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
__________
MARCH 15, 2017
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available via the World Wide Web:
http://www.govinfo.gov
__________
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
40-436 PDF WASHINGTON : 2020
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
BOB CORKER, Tennessee, Chairman
JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland
MARCO RUBIO, Florida ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire
JEFF FLAKE, Arizona CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware
CORY GARDNER, Colorado TOM UDALL, New Mexico
TODD YOUNG, Indiana CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut
JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming TIM KAINE, Virginia
JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts
ROB PORTMAN, Ohio JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon
RAND PAUL, Kentucky CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey
Todd Womack, Staff Director
Jessica Lewis, Democratic Staff Director
John Dutton, Chief Clerk
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
----------
Page
Risch, Hon. James E., U.S. Senator From Idaho.................... 1
1Cardin, Hon. Benjamin L., U.S. Senator From Maryland............ 1
Merkley, Hon. Jeff, U.S. Senator From Oregon..................... 4
Farida, Dr., Syrian American Medical Society, Aleppo, Syria...... 5
Prepared statement........................................... 6
Abdulkhalek, Dr., Syrian American Medical Society, Aleppo, Syria. 7
Prepared statement........................................... 9
Rajab, Dr. Mohamed Abu, Syrian American Medical Society, Aleppo,
Syria.......................................................... 10
Prepared statement........................................... 11
Keny-Guyer, Neal, Chief Executive Officer, Mercy Corps, Portland,
OR............................................................. 12
Prepared statement........................................... 14
Miliband, Rt. Hon. David, President and Chief Executive Officer,
International Rescue Committee, New York, NY................... 20
Prepared statement........................................... 22
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
The Committee Received No Response From Mr. Neal Keny-Guyer for
the Following Questions Submitted by Senator Todd Young........ 48
Responses of The Right Hon. David Miliband to Questions Submitted
by Senator Todd Young.......................................... 49
(iii)
SIX YEARS OF WAR IN SYRIA:
THE HUMAN TOLL
----------
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 15, 2017
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 11:05 a.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. James E.
Risch presiding.
Present: Senators Risch [presiding], Rubio, Johnson, Flake,
Young, Cardin, Menendez, Coons, Kaine, Markey, and Merkley.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES E. RISCH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IDAHO
Senator Risch. The meeting will come to order. Good
morning, everyone, and thank you for attending.
Today marks the sixth anniversary--I use that word
guardedly--to the start of the civil war in Syria. We all know
that it has caused the largest humanitarian crisis on the
planet since World War II.
There are many, many issues regarding the conflict, and
today we are going to explore some of those. And a few of them
that we will talk about are the food shortage in Syria, and the
substantial starvation and deprivation that has occurred there,
a recent development where Turkey has revoked the permits for
certain humanitarian NGOs to distribute food there. Education
is a big issue, of course, for everyone in the world. And with
6 years of this war, there is an entire generation that is
going to be deprived on the educational front.
There are a number of issues regarding that, and we are
going to delve into all of those.
So with that, I would like to recognize our distinguished
ranking member, Senator Cardin, for his comments.
STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Cardin. Chairman Risch, first of all, thank you
very much for stepping in to chair this hearing. We should
point out that Senator Corker has commitments with President
Trump today in Tennessee, and that is the reason why he is not
able to chair the hearing.
I have talked to Senator Corker. I know his personal
interests in regards to the humanitarian crisis in Syria. I can
assure everyone that this committee will work together to do
everything we can to help in regards to the humanitarian crisis
that exists in Syria today.
As Chairman Risch pointed out, the war has been going on
for 6 years, 6 long years. The country and many of its cities
have been reduced to rubble. Loved ones have been killed and
wounded. Syrians are now destitute, two-thirds in extreme or
abject poverty.
I heard that it could cost as much as 25 percent of a
Syrian family's income to pay for water. Think about that for a
moment, spending one-fourth of your income so that you have
water for your family.
The essential infrastructures have been destroyed in the
country. Schools have been destroyed, hospitals, sanitation
systems, electrical grids. Five million Syrians have fled their
homeland.
And it is tragic for all Syrians, but particularly for the
innocent children, many of whom have been killed. The mental
health of the Syrian children, we just received a report last
week from Save the Children, and it is tragic. As that report
points out, these children have lost their childhood. They have
been absent from school because school does not exist in many
parts of Syria today. Their speech has been affected. And they
have many issues, including partial amnesia.
So this is a tragic situation for all in Syria. The act of
war has challenged the humanitarian efforts to get help to the
people who have been victimized. We know that.
I have grave concern about the Trump policies as to how it
is assisting and dealing with the crisis in Syria.
And, Mr. Chairman, let me just mention three points that
concern me.
First, we have heard that President Trump will be
submitting a budget that has a 37 percent cut in the State
Department's budget. If America is going to be active in
dealing with the humanitarian needs, how do we do that with a
budget that is already inadequate, cutting it by over one-
third?
We have also heard reports that the humanitarian budget may
be zeroed out in some cases. That is not what America stands
for. We, our country, have been the leader globally in pursuing
humanitarian needs, recognizing that it is part of what we
stand for as a Nation, but it is also in our national security
interests to make sure that there is stability in countries.
Can we really do that with a budget that cuts development
assistance by that size and amount of money? Budgets talk about
priorities. Is that what our priority is going to be?
Secondly, I have grave concern about Mr. Trump's policies
as it relates to Russia in dealing with Syria. Russia has
supported and facilitated the atrocities that have taken place
in Syria. They have targeted civilians. They have attacked
humanitarian convoys. We know about the U.N. convoy that was
attacked, killing 14 civilians and wounding and severely
injuring another 15 more.
Russia has participated in war crimes. They need to be held
accountable. I will be reintroducing shortly the Syrian War
Crime Accountability Act. I urge my colleagues to help us get
that done so we make it clear to all who are participating in
atrocities in Syria that they will be held accountable for
their activities.
Third, let me mention the refugee policy of the Trump
administration, the most recent executive order. There have
been now over 100 Republican and Democratic national security
experts who have sent a letter, saying that the President's
executive order is harmful to U.S. national security interests
and beneath the dignity of our great Nation.
I could not agree more. It is counterproductive.
Let me just share with the members of this committee the
conversations we had with King Abdullah of Jordan. Jordan has
accepted 650,000--650,000--Syrian refugees. King Abdullah has
made it clear that that has not presented a security challenge
for the country of Jordan.
The United States has accepted a few thousand Syrian
refugees. There has been no example of any security threat.
These individuals are vetted as extremely as we have for anyone
coming to America, taking anywhere from 18 to 24 months. I
think the members of this committee know that.
We talk about that frequently. And, Mr. Chairman, with your
permission, I would like to introduce three families who are
with us today, because I think it is important to put a face--
these are not numbers. These are people who are escaping terror
and persecution that are now making America their home to help
build this great country, as many of our parents and
grandparents came to this country to build a better life for
their children.
If I might, let me first introduce Mohammed and his family
who arrived in the United States on November 16th of last year.
Mohammed was a pastry chef in Damascus prior to fleeing to
Jordan. Mohammed and his family remained displaced in Jordan
for more than 4 years before resettling by the International
Rescue Committee in Maryland.
Thank you.
Next, let me introduce, if I might, Aouad, who arrived in
the United States last June. Aouad was in the farming and
wholesale business in Daraa, Syria, before fleeing to Jordan.
Aouad was displaced for 3 years before he was referred to the
United States for resettlement. The International Rescue
Committee also helped resettle Aouad in Maryland.
Thank you for being here. I appreciate it.
And finally, let me introduce Samir and his wife, who
arrived in the U.S. in December. Samir owned a market in Homs,
Syria. Samir and his wife fled to Egypt to escape the war where
they remained for 5 years before being resettled by the
International Rescue Committee in Maryland.
Welcome.
I am proud that you are here in the United States. I am
particularly proud that you are in my State of Maryland.
Our State has embraced diversity. Our State, I believe, is
stronger because of the diversity that we have.
It is very interesting, Mr. Chairman, and I will conclude
on these remarks.
Thank you all very much.
When we look at Maryland counties that surround D.C., we
have Prince George's County and Montgomery County, considered
to be two of the strongest counties in the United States. Both
have embraced diversity for decades, and it is a place in which
we welcome immigrants.
Mr. Chairman, we need to know Mr. Trump's policies as it
relates to Syria and ending the conflict in Syria in the
national interests of the United States. We do not have that
information today. What we do have is a panel of experts who
can help us deal with the humanitarian crisis that exists today
and how we can be helpful in dealing with those needs.
I welcome our panel.
Senator Risch. Thank you, Senator Cardin. And I think all
of us are anxious to see a specific policy regarding America
moving forward regarding the Syrian situation. And that, I am
sure, will be forthcoming. We all have our ideas about it. I
think everyone is getting some input into that.
Today, though, we are going to be talking about the
humanitarian crisis. I suppose there will be some overlap, but
today is a focus on the humanitarian crisis.
And certainly, over the last 8 years and particularly the
last 6 years, our policy in Syria has been drifting, to say the
least. And it really needs focus. If we do not focus it, we are
going to have the same result that we had over the last 6
years. And it is unacceptable in the world, and it is
unacceptable to America.
We have five witnesses to testify today. First of all, we
have three witnesses who are Syrian doctors who have come here
to testify: Dr. Farida, Dr. Abdulkhalek, and Dr. Rajab. Our
fourth witness is Mr. Neal Keny-Guyer. Senator Merkley has
asked to say a few words about Mr. Keny-Guyer, and I will yield
to Senator Merkley.
STATEMENT OF HON. JEFF MERKLEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OREGON
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I am
very pleased to introduce my friend, Neal Keny-Guyer, the CEO
of Mercy Corps, a Portland-based humanitarian and development
nonprofit.
Mercy Corps is a unique organization. It works in over 40
countries, almost all of which are either in conflict, like
Syria, or recovering from conflict or natural disaster.
Mercy Corps is committed to innovation. Even in complex and
fragile states, Mercy Corps works to make markets function
better so that poor families can earn a living and lift
themselves out of poverty.
In places like Ethiopia, Nepal, Uganda, Mercy Corps'
commitment to innovation is allowing them to help the poorest
of the poor. Their commitment to innovation is impressive, but
also their courage, working in some of the most difficult
locations to be found on the globe.
In considerable danger to their own team, Mercy Corps has
assisted millions of Syrians over the course of the war. They
are one of the largest U.S. Government partners providing
assistance to Syrians affected by the war. And Neal's team
continues to do all they can to alleviate the suffering of
vulnerable individuals, vulnerable citizens.
I look forward to hearing your testimony, Neal. Thank you
so much for the work of your organization.
Senator Risch. Thank you, Senator Merkley.
Our fifth and final witness is the Right Honorable David
Miliband, who is president and chief executive officer of
International Rescue Committee.
So with that, I am going to recognize all five of you to
make statements. We are on a short string here, obviously, as
we always are in the U.S. Senate. We would ask you to keep your
remarks to no more than 5 minutes. However, your full remarks
submitted in writing will actually be included in the record of
this hearing.
So with that, I am going to recognize our three doctors
from Syria, and I guess I will let you decide on who is going
to go first to present their statement.
Doctor.
STATEMENT OF DR. FARIDA, SYRIAN AMERICAN MEDICAL SOCIETY,
ALEPPO, SYRIA
Dr. Farida. Good morning. Chairman Risch, Ranking Member
Cardin, distinguished members of the committee, thank you for
the opportunity to appear before you today. My name is Dr.
Farida. I am an OB/GYN from Aleppo. I am here today not only as
a doctor, but as a wife, a mother, and a Syrian.
Throughout the past 6 years, I have witnessed unspeakable
horrors. I worked in M2 hospital in Aleppo, which was in the
opposition-held area of the city. There, together with my
fellow health workers, we risked our lives every day to save
the lives of the others. We refused to leave until the very
last minute.
I was one of the many victims of chemical attacks, siege,
cluster munitions, bunker-buster bombs, and finally, forced
displacement.
I left Aleppo on December 12, 2016, along with my husband,
Dr. Abdulkhalek, and our 8-year-old daughter. In the months
leading up to our displacement, I can only describe the events
as hell.
In my hospital, M2, my team and I treated many women with
severe injuries. One woman came with shrapnel, which penetrated
her womb, cutting the 5-month-old fetus into two pieces. It
took three doctors at once to stabilize the patient. We saved
her life, but her unborn baby lay dead on a nearby table, split
in two from the waist down.
Many other women died because they could not make it to the
hospital due to the lack of ambulances and fuel, or because of
the dangerous conditions on the roads. Instead, they bled to
death in their homes, along with their newborn children.
A hospital was the most dangerous place in Aleppo. My unit
in M2 hospital was on the third floor. We were subjected to a
daily barrage of rockets, barrel bombs, and cluster munitions.
One day, I was performing a cesarean section when a missile
struck the fourth floor, causing the ceiling to partially
collapse. The surgical staff had to flee the room, but the
doctors could not because we were forced to clean the debris
out of the patient's abdominal cavity. Thankfully, we were able
to save her life.
After my hospital, M2, was partially destroyed by
airstrikes, we tried to build a new hospital underground, but
the siege prevented the materials from entering the city.
I then moved to M3 hospital, where I worked until it was
targeted by both airstrikes and chemical weapons.
Through all of this, I had my daughter at my side. As a
mother, how am I supposed to explain all of this to an 8-year-
old who has known nothing about violence, killing, and
destruction? How am I supposed to protect her?
I remember one day back in July when there was a chlorine
attack near the hospital. She came running into the operating
room, crying, unable to breath. I left the patient, gave my
daughter oxygen, and held her close. What else could I have
done?
This broke my heart. That feeling of powerless to protect
my child has broken me to this day.
I wish I could say that these atrocities and the plight of
so many Syrian families was unique to Aleppo. Sadly, this is
not the case. They are happening right now in other parts of
Syria. Presently, more than 600,000 Syrians live under siege.
This must end. Humanitarian access must be granted to these
areas, and the international community must work together to
end this practice once and for all.
In Idlib, East Ghouta, Daraa, Hama, and Homs, airstrikes
have intensified, and the humanitarian aid has been nearly
nonexistent. Three hospitals have been targeted by airstrikes
in the past 2 weeks, and one of SAMS' nurses was killed by an
airstrike last week.
It is our duty as human beings to advocate to all involved
parties on the ground to allow humanitarian access, and to
finally hold those who violate international humanitarian law
accountable.
Later this month, my family and I will return to Syria to
continue our work at a hospital in northern Syria. The reason
is simple. It is our duty. As doctors, we have taken an oath to
treat any and all patients, regardless of their affiliation. We
have a moral obligation to try and save as many lives as
possible, even if that means sacrificing our own.
The Quran teaches us that ``to save one life is to save all
of Humanity.'' Work with us to save lives.
If you want to do anything, do it now. There is no time to
wait, as Syrians continue to die day after day.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Dr. Farida follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. Farida
Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, distinguished members of
the committee: thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today. I am here today not only as a doctor, but as a wife, a mother,
and a Syrian. Throughout the past 6 years, I have witnessed unspeakable
horrors. I worked as an obstetrician in M2 hospital in Aleppo, which
was in the opposition-held area of the city. There, together with my
fellow health workers, I risked my life every day to save the lives of
others. I refused to leave until the very last minute. I was one of the
many victims of chemical attacks, siege, cluster munitions, bunker
buster bombs, and finally, forced displacement.
I left Aleppo on December 12, 2016, along with my husband, Dr.
Abdulkhalek, and our 8-year old daughter. In the months leading up to
our displacement, I can only describe the events as hell. Bodies parts
scattered on the streets; blood everywhere; constant bombardment by air
attacks; buildings reduced to rubble. In my hospital, M2, my team and I
treated many women with severe injuries. One woman came with shrapnel
which penetrated her womb, cutting the 5-month-old fetus into two
pieces. It took three doctors at once to stabilize the patient. We
saved her life, but her unborn baby lay dead on a nearby table, split
in two from the waist down. Many other women died because they couldn't
make it to the hospital due to the lack of ambulances and fuel, or
because of the dangerous conditions on the roads. Instead, they bled to
death in their homes, along with their newborn children. The women who
were fortunate enough to make it to the hospital often couldn't wait to
leave.
A hospital was the most dangerous place in Aleppo. My unit in M2
hospital was on the third floor, so we were subjected to a daily
barrage of rockets, barrel bombs, and cluster munitions. One day I was
performing a cesarean section when a missile struck the fourth floor,
causing the ceiling to partially collapse. The surgical staff had to
flee the room, but the doctor's couldn't because we were forced to
clean debris out of the patient's abdominal cavity. Thankfully we were
able to save her life.
After my hospital, M2, was partially destroyed by airstrikes, we
tried to build a new hospital underground, but the seige prevented the
materials from entering the city. I then moved to M3 hospital, where I
worked until it was targeted by both airstrikes and chemical weapons.
From there I moved to Al Quds hospital, which was the last remaining
hospital in the city. Through all of this, I had my daughter at my
side. As a mother, how am I supposed to explain all of this to an 8-
year-old who has known nothing but violence, killing, and destruction?
How am I supposed to protect her? I remember one day back in July when
there was a chlorine attack near the hospital. She came running into
the operating room, crying and unable to breath. I left the patient,
gave her oxygen, and held her close. What else could I have done? This
broke my heart. That feeling of powerless to protect my child had
shaken me to this day.
On December 11, 2016 I was working at M3 hospital when a patient in
labor arrived. The few remaining staff were making preparations to
deliver her baby when a chlorine bomb hit the hospital. We were unable
to deliver the baby there, so I made the decision to travel by
ambulance across the city to Al-Quds hospital, the last hospital still
in operation. This was the only way to save her life and the life of
the baby. I said goodbye to my husband and daughter. When I left, I
thought to myself that it would be the last time I would see them. The
drive to Al-Quds was extremely dangerous, and the scene we encountered
in the streets was pure carnage. Bodies everywhere; burning cars;
collapsed buildings. Those images will never escape my head.
Thankfully, we made it to the hospital and were able to deliver the
baby. But I couldn't leave my family; I needed to go back to them. So
the ambulance driver and I embarked on the treacherous drive back to
M3, taking heavy fire from helicopters overhead. Thankfully we arrived
unharmed. The next day, the doctor was shot while attempting to drive
to the hospital to check in on my health.
I wish I could say that these atrocities and the plight of so many
Syrian families was unique to Aleppo. Sadly, this is not the case. They
are happening right now in other parts of Syria. Presently, more than
600,000 Syrians live under siege. This must end. Humanitarian access
must be granted to these areas, and the international community must
work together to end this practice once and for all. In Idlib, East
Ghouta, Daraa, Hama, and Homs, airstrikes have intensified, and
humanitarian aid has been nearly nonexistent. Three hospitals have been
targeted by airstrikes in the past two weeks, and one of SAMS nurses
was killed by an airstrike last week. It is our duty as human beings to
advocate to all involved parties on the ground to allow humanitarian
access, and to finally hold those who violate international
humanitarian law accountable.
Later this month, my family and I will return to Syria to continue
our work at a hospital in Northern Syria. The reason is simple: it is
our duty. As doctors, we have taken an oath to treat any and all
patients, regardless of their affiliation. We have a moral obligation
to try and save as many lives as possible, even if that means
sacrificing our own. The Quran teaches us that: ``to save one life is
to save all of humanity.'' Work with us to save lives. If you want to
do anything, do it now. There is no time to wait, as Syrians continue
to die day after day.
Thank you.
Senator Risch. Thank you for your testimony.
Doctor, you are next.
STATEMENT OF DR. ABDULKHALEK, SYRIAN AMERICAN MEDICAL SOCIETY,
ALEPPO, SYRIA
Dr. Abdulkhalek. Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Cardin,
members of the committee, my name is Dr. Abdulkhalek. I am an
ophthalmologist from Aleppo and was the director of M3
hospital, one of three hospitals in the Syrian American Medical
Society supported and besieged eastern Aleppo.
This hospital was built in 2014 and constructed underground
to protect the patients and staff from airstrikes. M3 was a
small hospital, so we were often overwhelmed by the large
number of patients and wounded arriving at our facility.
We did our best to save as many lives as we could, but we
were forced to make very difficult decisions. With the
overwhelming number of wounded civilians and the limited
resources that were available to us, we had to face the
unimaginable task of deciding who to save and who to leave to
die.
Can you imagine having to make this decision? Yet, my
colleagues all over the city and I faced this every single day.
We asked for help from the international community many
times. We communicated with U.N. agencies. We risked our safety
and that of our families by appearing on international media.
We did everything we could, yet help never arrived.
The U.N. system is clearly broken, as it has no means to
enforce its mandates and hold perpetrators accountable for
these crimes.
I was one of three doctors from Aleppo assigned to
negotiate a plan for medical evacuations with the U.N. and
World Health Organization. At first, these negotiations were
moving well, with the cooperation of many parties, including
Russia. However, as the regime and its allies began to take
more territory, the cooperation disappeared and the evacuations
never occurred. Instead, the attacks on medical facilities,
schools, and markets escalated.
Last year, on December 11, as we were trying to save lives
and care for victims of barrel-bombing attacks, the hospital
was attacked by a chlorine bomb. We immediately ran into the
inner room, closed the door, and covered our faces. We then
heard a knock on the main door and encountered three men who
were suffocating from the gas. We brought them whatever
medicine we still had available. Thankfully, we were able to
save their lives, but many others who were outside died from
the gas.
After this attack, many hospital staff had to leave,
fearing for their lives. Everyone was afraid that a second bomb
would strike again.
The previous day, another chlorine attack had hit the
hospital. Most of the victims were children, and we only had
one unit of oxygen. The medical staff worked tirelessly to try
to pass the mask from one child to another, so that they would
not suffocate.
These chlorine attacks occurred after repeated attempts by
the regime and its allies to destroy the hospital using barrel
bombs and cluster munitions had failed. Instead, they resorted
to chemical attacks to drive us out.
I am asking you today to hold the perpetrators of these
attacks accountable.
It must be made clear that attacks on health care and the
use of chemical weapons on civilians and health care workers
are unacceptable and that international humanitarian law must
be strictly enforced. This cannot be the new norm in Syria.
In Homs, the 3-year siege has blocked the delivery of
medical supplies, such as blood bags, serum bags, and
antibiotics. In the past 6 months, the siege has extended to
create a complete lack of movement for all materials and
medications.
Yet, the world does nothing.
In East Ghouta, which is also under siege by the regime,
there were more than 30 patients in desperate need of kidney
dialysis medication earlier this month, after their medication
had run out due to lack of aid deliveries. We pleaded with the
U.N. and other international actors to deliver the lifesaving
medication, but it was not until after three patients died that
the medications were delivered. And even then, it was a SARC
convoy, not a U.N. convoy, that entered the area.
In 3 weeks, those medications will run out, and the
patients' lives will once again be at risk. We need sustained
humanitarian access.
Constant violations of international humanitarian law,
regular use of chemical weapons against civilians, besiegement
of civilian areas, manipulation of humanitarian aid, and forced
displacement are facts, not claims. I myself witnessed or was a
victim of every one of these heinous acts.
I am here today to ask the American Government for help. Do
not let these acts continue. Do not let more innocent civilians
suffer. Do not forget the human toll of this war--the refugees,
the education gap, the destruction of the health care system.
An entire generation has been lost. The world failed
Aleppo. Now is your chance to help protect and save the
millions of Syrians still caught in the middle of this
conflict.
Enforce international law. Hold perpetrators of war crimes
accountable. Reform the U.N. aid system. Make the protection of
civilians and hospitals a priority.
I ask you to be a voice for us. Do not fail us again.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Dr. Abdulkhalek follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. Abdulkhalek
Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, members of the committee:
my name is Dr. Abdulkhalek. I'm an ophthamologist from Aleppo, and was
the director of M3 hospital, one of three hospitals the Syrian American
Medical Society supported in besieged eastern Aleppo. This hospital was
built in 2014, and constructed underground to protect the patients and
staff from airstrikes. M3 was a small hospital, so we were often
overwhelmed by the large number of patients and wounded arriving at our
facility. We did our best to save as many lives as we could, but we
were forced to make very difficult decisions. With the overwhelming
number of wounded civilians and the limited resources that were
available to us, we had to face the unimaginable task of deciding who
to save, and who to leave to die. Can you imagine having to make this
decision? Yet my colleagues all over the city and I faced this every
single day. We asked for help from the international community many
times. We communicated with U.N. agencies; we risked our safety and
that of our families by appearing on international media. We did
everything we could, yet help never arrived.
The U.N. system is clearly broken, as it has no means to enforce
its mandates and hold perpetrators accountable for these crimes. I was
one of three doctors from Aleppo assigned to negotiate a plan for
medical evacuations with the U.N. and World Health Organization. At
first, these negotiations were moving well, with the cooperation of
many parties, including Russia. However, as the regime and its allies
began to take more territory, the cooperation disappeared and the
evacuations never occurred. Instead, the attacks on medical facilities,
schools, and markets escalated.
With the destruction of the largest trauma hospital, known as M10,
in the eastern part of Aleppo by early December, our small M3 hospital
became one of two functioning hospitals in the city, providing care to
more than 200,000 civilians, including 85,000 children. Equipped with
only one OR we had to expand to three ORs, but that was not enough. We
had to use the floor of our operating rooms to accommodate two
surgeries in each of them at the same time. Doctors were performing
major surgeries on the floor, sometimes without anesthesia.
Last year, on December 11, as we were trying to save lives and care
for victims of barrel bombing attacks, the hospital was attacked by a
chlorine bomb. We immediately ran into the inner room, closed the door,
and covered our faces. We then heard a knock on the main door, and
encountered three men who were suffocating from the gas. We brought
them whatever medicine we still had available. Thankfully, we were able
to save their lives, but many others who were outside died from the
gas. After this attack, many hospital staff had to leave, fearing for
their lives. Everyone was afraid that a second bomb would strike again.
The next day, another chlorine attack on the hospital. Most of the
victims were children, and we only had one unit of oxygen. The medical
staff worked tirelessly to try and pass the mask from one child to
another, so that they wouldn't suffocate. These chlorine attacks
occurred after repeated attempts by the regime and its allies to
destroy the hospital using barrel bombs and cluster munitions had
failed. Instead, they resorted to chemical attacks to drive us out.
I am asking you today to hold the perpetrators of these attacks
accountable. Whether it be ISIS, the Syrian government, or any other
actors, it must be made clear that attacks on healthcare and the use of
chemical weapons on civilians and healthcare workers are unacceptable,
and that international humanitarian law must be strictly enforced. This
can't be the new norm in Syria.
I am also asking the U.S. government to use its influence to help
improve the U.N. aid delivery system. Currently, the aid is not
reaching the people most in need, particularly in non-government areas.
Instead, the aid system is being used to enrich government officials,
as well as to punish civilians in non-government areas by denying them
delivery of aid or removing essential items such as medications or baby
formula. In Aleppo, aid for the city was disproportionately given to
the western portion of the city. It even got to the point where
residents of western Aleppo would sell their excess rations to
residents of eastern Aleppo, for extremely high prices. This is
unacceptable. The U.N. aid delivery system must be fair and equal, and
meet the needs of all the beneficiaries.
In Homs, the 3-year siege has blocked the delivery of medical
supplies, such as blood bags, serum bags, and antibiotics. In the past
6 months, the siege has extended to create a complete lack of movement
for all materials and medications. The situation today is dire, as
people now lack basic food elements, including bread and meat. There
are many reported cases of malnutrition, particularly among children.
Yet the world does nothing. In East Ghouta, which is also under siege
by the regime, there were more than 30 patients in desperate need of
kidney dialysis medication earlier this month, after their medication
had run out due to lack of aid deliveries. We pleaded with the U.N. and
other international actors to deliver the life-saving medication, but
it wasn't until after three patients died that the medications were
delivered. And even then, it was a SARC convoy, not a U.N. convoy, that
entered the area.
Constant violations of international humanitarian law, regular use
of chemical weapons against civilians, besiegement of civilian areas,
manipulation of humanitarian aid, and forced displacement are facts,
not claims. I myself witnessed or was a victim of every one of these
heinous acts. I am here today to ask the American government for help.
Do not let these acts continue. Do not let more innocent civilians
suffer. Do not forget the human toll of this war--the refugees, the
education gap, the destruction of the health care system. An entire
generation has been lost. The world failed Aleppo. Now is your chance
to help protect and save the millions of Syrians still caught in the
middle of this conflict. Enforce international law; hold perpetrators
of war crimes accountable; reform the U.N. aid system; make the
protection of civilians and hospitals a priority. I ask you to be a
voice for us. Don't fail us again.
Senator Risch. Thank you, Doctor.
Dr. Rajab.
STATEMENT OF DR. MOHAMED ABU RAJAB, SYRIAN AMERICAN MEDICAL
SOCIETY, ALEPPO, SYRIA
Dr. Rajab. Good morning. My name is Mohamed Abu Rajab. I
was the director of M10 hospital in Aleppo, the largest trauma
hospital in the eastern part of the city.
The hospital was established by the Syrian American Medical
Society, SAMS, in February of 2013. Because of the many attacks
on the hospital, SAMS moved it underground, to protect its
patients and medical workers.
From the opening of the hospital in 2013 until it was
bombed out of service on October 14, 2016, M10 was hit by
airstrikes 22 times. In October 2016, the hospital was targeted
four times in 1 week, removing it from service.
I myself was injured by shrapnel in one of the attacks.
Some of the shrapnel remains in my body to this day.
Do you remember the young boy Omran whose photo became a
symbol of the children of Aleppo? We treated him at M10.
Thankfully, he survived his injuries. Sadly, his brother, Ali
who was 11, died from his injuries.
Most of our patients at M10 were children. So much death
and suffering. And for what? The people of Syria simply want to
be free.
The use of bunker-buster bombs changed everything. It was
not until the entrance of Russia into the conflict that we
started to see these advanced weapons: bunker-buster bombs,
parachute bombs, and more.
We moved from one hospital to another, as each was targeted
and taken out of service. We were convinced that we were going
to die.
When the final evacuations began, we were scared of what
would happen to us. The Iranian militias were looting houses
and killing anyone who resisted.
We went to a checkpoint and boarded the infamous green
buses. We ultimately made our way north to Idlib. We would have
been arrested if we had entered a government-controlled area.
This kind of forced displacement cannot be allowed to
continue. I love Aleppo. I love Syria. It is my home. It is a
part of me. I dream of one day returning to my home with my
family and living in peace.
I call on you to protect hospitals and health workers. This
is a simple request.
In addition, we must allow civilians to remain in their
homes and not be forced to evacuate. When you live in freedom,
you must help others to be free.
The United States Government must be a voice for the
innocent people of Syria and must be a moral compass for the
parties involved.
Thank you, sir.
[The prepared statement of Dr. Rajab follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. Mohamed Abu Rajab
Good morning. My name is Mohamed Abu Rajab. I was the director of
M10 hospital in Aleppo, the largest trauma hospital in the eastern part
of the city. The hospital was established by the Syrian American
Medical Society, SAMS, in February of 2013. It had four operating
rooms, which made it the largest surgical center in eastern Aleppo.
Because of the many attacks on the the hospital, SAMS moved it to an
underground, fortified structure to protect its patients and medical
workers in 2014. In March of 2015 we added a CAT scanner, the only one
in eastern Aleppo.
From the opening of the hospital in 2013 until it was bombed out of
service on October 14, 2016, M10 was hit by airstrikes 22 times. In
October 2016, the hospital was targeted five times in one week,
removing it from service. I myself was injured by shrapnel in one of
the attacks. Some of the shrapnel remains in my body to this day. Yet I
was one of the lucky ones- I survived; many others did not. Do you
remember the young boy, Omran, whose photo became a symbol of the
plight of the children of Aleppo? We treated him at M10. Thankfully, he
survived his injuries. Sadly, his brother, Ali who was 11, died from
his injuries a week later. Most of our patients at M10 were children.
So much death and suffering- and for what? The people of Syria simply
want to live in peace and to be free.
We built the hospital underground in order to protect the doctors
and patients from the airstrikes. However, the use of bunker busters
made this ineffective. It wasn't until the entrance of Russia into the
conflict that we started to see these advanced weapons: bunker buster
bombs, parachute bombs, and more. We moved from one hospital to
another, as each was targeted and taken out of service. We struggled to
eat, to sleep, and to protect our families. We were convinced that we
were going to die. We lost many of our friends, colleagues, and family
members.
When the final evacuations began, we were scared of what would
happen to us. The Iranian militias were looting houses and killing
anyone who resisted. We went to a checkpoint and boarded the infamous
green buses. Many people were locked in the buses for up to 20 hours
without food, water, or bathrooms. Some of the militias forced people
to remove all their clothes and wait in the buses in nothing more than
their underwear. We ultimately made our way north to Idlib. We would
have been arrested if we had entered a government-controlled area. This
kind of forced displacement cannot be allowed to continue. I love
Aleppo. It is my home. It is a part of me. I dream of one day returning
to my home with my family and living in peace. But I need your help. I
call on you to protect hospitals and health workers. This is a simple
request. In addition, we must allow civilians to remain in their homes,
and not be forced to evacuate. When you live in freedom, you must help
others to be free. Who among us does not like peace? The United States
government must be a voice for the innocent people of Syria, and must
be a moral compass for the parties involved.
Thank you.
Senator Risch. Thank you very much, Doctor.
We will now move to Mr. Keny-Guyer.
STATEMENT OF NEAL KENY-GUYER, CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER, MERCY
CORPS, PORTLAND, OREGON
Mr. Keny-Guyer. Chairman Risch, Ranking Member Cardin,
Senators, I almost feel like I should just stop right now after
this human face and the courage of our Syrian friends.
And I just want to thank Drs. Farida, Abdulkhalek, and
Rajab for their courageous work in upholding humanity. You
touch us all. Thank you.
I also want to say what a privilege it is to be with my
friend David Miliband and his great organization, IRC. We work
closely together, and proudly, around the world.
And also, I have to thank my friend Jeff Merkley for, first
of all, his incredible friendship and for his incredible
support to Mercy Corps, to our State, and to our country.
And finally, to Tim Kaine for all he has done on behalf of
Mercy Corps, and, of course, for his friendship as well.
While the politics on the ground in Syria have changed, the
one thing that remains constant is the suffering of the Syrian
people.
And at this point, I really want to thank the U.S.
Government, USAID, the State Department, for years of
leadership in supporting the Syrian people. I think we need to
recognize this. The U.S. has been the largest donor, the
largest supporter, a leader in upholding whatever aid there can
be for Syria over these years.
Now, if I may, and Chairman Risch referred to it, Senator
Cardin referred to it, I want to begin with Mercy Corps'
situation in Turkey where recent events have diminished our
ability to alleviate the suffering inside Syria.
We have conducted one of the largest humanitarian
operations from Turkey to Syria with the permission and full
cooperation of the Turkish Government over the past 5 years.
As you all may know, just a few weeks ago, the Turkish
Government revoked Mercy Corps' registration to operate in
Turkey or to deliver cross-border assistance. That has
disrupted lifesaving assistance for 360,000 Syrians that we
reach every month inside, and has effectively ended support to
100,000 people in Turkey, Syrian and Turkish citizens.
To date, our situation remains unresolved. We continue to
seek a dialogue with Turkish officials so that we may resume
our operations as soon as possible. We stand ready to correct
any technical mistakes we might have made.
Meanwhile, we have had no choice but to shut down our
presence in Turkey while working closely with our partners and
donors, including USAID and the State Department, to quickly
fill any gaps in our assistance.
Now we all know Turkey has been a generous global leader in
humanitarian action. It welcomed more than 3 million Syrian
refugees and boosts one of the world's most important policies
on refugees: allowing them to earn a living for their families
and offering them a path to citizenship.
Like the United States, Turkey is a signatory to
international humanitarian laws requiring protection of
innocent civilians caught in the conflict.
As an independent and impartial humanitarian organization,
Mercy Corps' mandate is to deliver essential aid to civilians
in need on all sides of the conflict. And I can tell you that
we are very proud of our principled humanitarian efforts in
Syria and around the world today.
Of course, we all know the only solution to the suffering
of Syrians is a political resolution. Humanitarian aid saves
lives and it sustains hope. Only peace saves societies and
nations. Strong, smart U.S. engagement remains a critical
component.
Distinguished Senators, I know this issue is tough, but
please remain resolute in your push for a durable peace in
Syria.
Meanwhile, the scale of suffering is staggering. The dark
statistics defy description. Imagine the combined populations
of Oregon and Tennessee in need of humanitarian assistance, and
that is Syria today.
At a recent Helsinki conference on supporting Syrians,
Humam, a young Syrian who works for Mercy Corps, told the
assembly, he said, ``I'm waiting for the war to stop so I can
go back and rebuild Syria. I believe that we can rebuild Syria
better than before. I feel I have a lot of power, and I can
bring my skills. I can now speak out and lead. I want the same
for other youth as well.''
And friends, let us remember Humam. Let us remember the
human face of the people involved. And let us never lose hope,
regardless of how complex or how dark sometimes the days seem.
Thank you very much.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Keny-Guyer follows:]
Prepared Statement of Neal Keny-Guyer
Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin: Thank you for inviting me
to testify before the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee today
about ``Six Years of War in Syria: The Human Cost.''
I am here in my capacity as Chief Executive Officer of the global
organization Mercy Corps. In more than 40 countries around the world,
we meet the urgent needs of today through emergency humanitarian
assistance and disaster risk reduction, and help build stronger
tomorrows by connecting people to the resources they need to strengthen
their communities from within. Last year alone, we reached about 30
million people around the world.
Mercy Corps' global headquarters are in Portland, Oregon, and I
would like to thank Senator Merkley for his outstanding and devoted
support of our agency and our mission.
Mercy Corps has been working in the Middle East and North Africa
for more than three decades. For almost the entire duration of the
conflict in Syria, we have conducted one of the largest humanitarian
operations to help innocent Syrians trapped in the crossfire. We have
worked through Syrian employees and partner organizations who have
risked everything, even their own lives, to bring relief to civilians
in their war-torn country. I talk to our teams there daily and visit
the region often. We stand alongside the people inside Syria and
support Syrians who are trying to rebuild their lives in Lebanon,
Jordan, Turkey and Greece, in addition to the communities hosting them.
While the situation on the ground has changed over the last year,
the unacceptable levels of suffering of the Syrian people have remained
constant. I would like to express my great appreciation and sincere
respect for Drs. Farida, Abdulkhalek, Rajab, and their colleagues, as
well as the White Helmets, all of whom have risked their lives and
sacrificed greatly for the Syrian people.
On behalf of my team and the hundreds of thousands of Syrians we've
served over the last 5 years, I would like to express our deep
appreciation for your attention to the intense suffering and human toll
of this horrific war. Through the generous support of Congress, through
robust funding of the International Affairs budget, the United States
is helping save the lives of millions of the world's most vulnerable
people. Your continued attention is also essential to keeping this war
in the headlines in this country, and making sure that finding a
political solution to resolving this conflict is the top priority of
American diplomats.
report on mercy corps' turkey operations
I would like to begin by updating you on Mercy Corps' situation in
Turkey, from where we have delivered lifesaving aid to Syrians, with
the permission and cooperation of the Turkish government, for the past
5 years. As you may be aware, just a few weeks ago, the Turkish
government suddenly revoked Mercy Corps' registration allowing us to
operate in Turkey. This action disrupts lifesaving assistance to
360,000 Syrians every month inside Syria and effectively ends our
support to 100,000 Syrian refugees and Turkish children, women and men
in Turkey.
To date, our situation is not resolved, and we continue to seek a
dialogue with Turkish officials so that we may resume our operations as
soon as possible. In the meantime, we are shutting down our presence in
Turkey while working closely with our partners and donors, including
USAID's Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance and the State
Department's Bureau for Population, Refugee and Migration- both of
which have been extremely helpful-, to quickly fill any gaps in our
assistance to Syrians in Syria and to identify solutions for refugee
services in Turkey.
As you can imagine, this is a tough time for our team. I just
received a note from one of our team members who has worked on the
border for 4 years helping deliver almost 1 million food kits in Syria.
He said: ``We are sure that these problems will end soon just we ask
you not to give up, please don't say we have done our best and it
didn't work. We are sure that you will get that registration. We are
proud of this work, we are proud of Mercy Corps, we have not done
anything wrong, and this is why we all have a clear conscious [sic].''
principled humanitarianism in peril
The revocation of our Turkish registration is a deeply disturbing
turn of events. Turkey has been a generous global leader in
humanitarian action. A country of almost 80 million people, it has
welcomed more than 3 million Syrian refugees and boasts one of the
world's most progressive policies on refugees, allowing them to earn a
living for their families and offering them a clear path to
citizenship. Like the United States, Turkey is a signatory to
international humanitarian laws and the U.N. refugee convention,
requiring it to protect civilians caught in or fleeing conflict. It is
an important ally of the United States and NATO and an essential
partner in the fight against ISIS.
We have not been given any official justification by Turkey for the
closure of our program. And we are worried by the many news reports
that other international aid groups may also soon be ordered to cease
working in Turkey.
It is important you know that as an independent and impartial
humanitarian organization, Mercy Corps' mandate is to deliver essential
aid to civilians in need in Syria on all sides of the conflict. If we
were to appear to take sides, our credibility and our ability to reach
the people in greatest need, as well as the safety of our staff, would
be in grave jeopardy. We have lost count of the occasions when our
staff had to cross as many as a dozen armed checkpoints and multiple
lines of control when driving just 20 miles to deliver food. We were
only able to do this because we had proven to all parties to the
conflict that our assistance was going to vulnerable families--widows,
children, elderly citizens and others enduring the direst of
circumstances.
Our situation raises the very real specter that principled
humanitarianism is imperiled. I fear that it might no longer be just
irregular militias or non-state actors blocking urgent assistance, but
also members of the community of nations, even those most concerned
about the well-being of the Syrian people. In 2014, despite U.N.
Security Council resolutions requiring access to humanitarian aid be
granted for all Syrians, we were forced out of working in Damascus
because we stuck by our humanitarian principals and refused to stop
providing humanitarian assistance to civilians in opposition controlled
areas. The reality is Syria is a cauldron of the world's conflicting
political and military agendas, and humanitarian aid, with its
fundamental principles of impartiality and independence, risks becoming
another casualty of this horrifying war.
Syria would not be the first time principled humanitarian aid has
been threatened. For two decades, we have witnessed an alarming trend
in which humanitarian assistance falls victim to political and military
calculations. But the degradation of the safeguards has accelerated,
and Syria has become a laboratory for how that infringement of this
space can lead to devastating consequences for innocent men, women and
children.
These grave challenges are not in the power of humanitarians like
Mercy Corps to solve. They are political, and only member states of the
United Nations can resolve them. We ask you, distinguished Senators,
and the United States government to resolutely push for a lasting peace
in Syria. After 6 years and hundreds of thousands lives lost and
millions more ruined, finding a way out of this conflict must be a top
priority for politicians and diplomats. Until then, we also urge you to
continue America's strong financial support of the lifesaving
assistance to the Syrian people and to exercise your political power to
ensure that aid is provided to all innocent civilians in need, no
matter who they are or where they have found safety.
a great human catastrophe
The scale of the human toll of the war in Syria defies
description--the dark statistics are staggering. More than 400,000
people have been killed; 13.5 million are in desperate need of food,
clean water and other humanitarian assistance--half of these are
children. According to the United Nations, an estimated 6.3 million
Syrians have fled their homes and are trying to survive inside Syria.
Every day, another 6,000 or more people are displaced and 5 million
people have fled to safety in neighboring countries.
Mercy Corps continues to deliver lifesaving food, clean water and
other essential supplies to about 470,000 innocent Syrian civilians
each month. Our team members do this at great personal risk and with
unwavering courage--we have lost five team members to this conflict and
family members too. Just last week a Mercy Corps driver lost a son and
a nephew to an airstrike.
In December, as the Syrian government and Russian forces pounded
the city of Aleppo, we received scant reports from our remaining 19
team members in the city, who were delivering the last of our food
stocks at night during the short lulls in the bombing. They were too
afraid to turn on their lights, and made deliveries door-to-door
carrying boxes of food in wheelbarrows. Everyone eventually made it out
of the city--six of our team members were on the very the last green
evacuation buses. We are so thankful they are now safe.
The toll on our team has been great and we thank the many great
heroes of this conflict, like the doctors sitting next to me, for their
unwavering devotion and courage under these extremely dangerous
conditions.
Although the shape of the conflict has changed significantly over
the past year, Syrians are still suffering enormously and in ways we
cannot begin to express. Civilian protection remains the number one
challenge with people caught up in the fighting, facing death every
day. There have been few tangible advances by the international
community to end the misery and deliver a sustainable and inclusive
peace that reflects the needs and desires of the Syrian people.
These headline descriptions of the human cost of the war are, I'm
sure, familiar to everyone here. I find that the scale of the crisis is
so massive that it is too much to take in. So I will break it down into
four areas of focus: hotspots where the humanitarian crisis is most
acute; access to food, clean water and sanitation; the impact of the
war on adolescents and youth; and the effect on livelihoods.
hotspots and critical issues
In central Syria, the government of Syria is using similar tactics
in Eastern Ghouta as it did in Aleppo. Eastern Ghouta is facing a
tightening siege designed to force the armed opposition groups and the
350,000 plus civilians to surrender and accept some sort of
`reconciliation' agreement \1\. In the lead up to such an agreement,
already limited humanitarian access will be further restricted, and
fighting is expected to displace a large number of people. We expect
people to be in desperate need of shelter, water and sanitation, in
addition to food and medical supplies.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\1\ In this context, ``reconciliation'' is the process by which the
government of Syria reasserts its control over an area by negotiating
an agreement that centralizes local political groups, civil society and
humanitarian bodies under its authority, and forcibly evacuates
individuals and armed opposition fighters who are not willing to engage
with this process.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
In Idleb governorate, many of the people evacuated from communities
that have previously ``reconciled'' with the government are now caught
in the middle of armed opposition groups vying for control of this
area. No-one knows exactly what will happen in Idleb, but the fighting
will inevitably catalyze more displacement of people and affect access
for both commercial and humanitarian supplies, with severe implications
for the well-being of the innocent people trapped there.
In Raqqa, various military forces are launching an offensive with
the aim of pushing ISIS out of the city and surrounding areas. Current
humanitarian projections expect more than 432,000 people to be in need
of humanitarian assistance in Raqqa governorate, with upwards of
300,000 people potentially being displaced by the fighting.
In southern Syria, the government of Syria and opposition forces
are fighting over control of the JordanSyria border crossing.
Simultaneously, airstrikes are targeting ISIS and ISIS affiliates. Both
of these developments are forcing large numbers of people to flee their
homes. They urgently need shelter, food, and other basic supplies, in
addition to small amounts of cash assistance so that they can buy what
they need from local markets.
In short, countless innocent children, women and men across Syria
continue to bear the brunt of the war.
For years now we, as humanitarians, have delivered these same
reports:
Indiscriminate attacks are killing civilians and damaging
civilian infrastructure such as hospitals and schools.
All parties to the conflict are using humanitarian
assistance as a pawn, by withholding permission to reach communities
under siege and leveraging humanitarian access as a bargaining chip at
the negotiating table.
Humanitarian access is denied or heavily obstructed even
though unfettered access is required under international law.
Syrian humanitarian workers, who account for almost the
entirety of the humanitarian response inside Syria, are targeted and
criminalized for trying to help their communities survive.
I wish to be clear: These actions are illegal. They violate the
laws of armed conflict and international humanitarian law. This
flagrant violation of international law by warring parties in Syria
sets the world back by decades, and undermines the moral authority of
the international community. We need the international community,
including strong U.S. leadership, to exert all possible leverage to
ensure that civilians are protected, that humanitarian assistance is
allowed without any precondition or obstruction, and that humanitarians
are allowed to continue to work legally in support of their
communities, with their safety guaranteed.
food, water and sanitation: the basics of life
War tears down humanity in many different ways. As I share
examples, I wish to highlight how Syrians are trying to maintain their
humanity and dignity.
Food insecurity and the risk of hunger is one of the most serious
issues in Syria, with an estimated 7 million people currently food
insecure and a further 2 million at risk of food insecurity. A note of
hope from our food security experts is that despite the real threat of
food insecurity and hunger, levels of malnutrition where food aid has
reached people are relatively low in comparison to malnutrition in
other conflict zones. This shows that the food assistance provided by
the United States and other nations--through partners like Mercy
Corps--is working.
With no end to the conflict in sight, inaccessibility, besiegement
and displacement will continue to cause food insecurity on a massive
scale. In response to these needs, since 2012 Mercy Corps has partnered
with USAID's Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance and Food for Peace--
funded by the International Affairs budget and specifically the
International Disaster Assistance and Food for Peace Accounts. Thanks
to authorities and funding Congress has provided--and which Chairman
Corker has championed--Mercy Corps has been able to locally procure
large quantities of wheat in Turkey to deliver into Syria.
Among many interventions, since 2013, Mercy Corps has provided
flour to bakeries in order to ensure affordable bread prices for
families, keep bakers in business and support a functioning local
economy. At one point we were providing 19 bakeries with 50 percent of
their monthly flour needs, targeting communities in greatest need.
Bread is a staple of the Syrian diet, and one bakery alone--which
serves 40-some villages--requires some 14 metric tons of flour per day
to keep pace with the needs of their residents. Thanks to our
deliveries of flour, the price of bread was kept to 65 Syrian pounds,
whereas in other areas the price was more than twice as high, closer to
150 Syrian pounds. Separately, it is worth noting that by purchasing
food in the region, American taxpayers achieved more impact for their
dollar, and supplies were delivered quickly and at a lower cost, while
stimulating local markets.
Another basic need of human life is clean water, sanitation and
hygiene. Because of disrepair and destruction, water and sewage systems
are only functioning at a fraction of their previous capacity, and
shortages of electricity limit their operation in many places. As a
result, nearly 15 million people in Syria urgently need access to
water, sanitation and hygiene services.
One of the people we helped through our water and sanitation
programming is Mahmoud, a father of five. The family lives in a small
camp just outside of Aleppo, where they found relative safety after
fleeing attacks by Syrian government forces and ISIS. When they
arrived, they found that water was more expensive than they could
afford. It had to be trucked in from distant areas and was inconsistent
in quality. There were few latrines or washing facilities in the camp,
which led to the spread of disease, the inability to wash clothing or
cooking utensils, or to practice personal hygiene. As we all would be
as parents, Mahmoud was desperately concerned for the safety and health
of his children, and he could not afford the water they needed to stay
healthy.
In response to the needs of people like Mahmoud and his children,
Mercy Corps quickly provided toilets and showers, as well as clean
water to cover the needs of the camp. After our intervention, Mahmoud
said he and his family are less worried about the spread of disease
since they now have access to sanitation and hygiene facilities. Mercy
Corps continues to work hard to help families like Mahmoud's to
strengthen access to clean water and sanitation services. Although
Mahmoud's family and others like them continue to face enormous
challenges, interventions like ours show it is possible to make their
lives a little better and a little safer.
a generation we can't afford to lose
An entire generation of Syrian children, teenagers and young people
are growing up in a war zone. Nearly half the 4.8 million Syrian
refugees in the region are children, and more than 8.5 million children
and young people in Syria need immediate humanitarian support. Nearly
one in four of these young people is a teenager. The impact of the war
on them is horrific: a recent report found that 652 children were
killed last year, 255 in or near a school. Children's deaths rose 20
percent and injuries rose by 25 percent in 2016. Instead of worrying
about their schoolwork, they are terrified they or their families might
be killed, and worry about whether they will have food to eat and clean
water to drink. They are frustrated and isolated--young women in
particular rarely leave their homes. Young men and women both
experience a sense of powerlessness and constant humiliation.
We fear two related consequences of this situation: a lost
generation of youth and social instability. Widespread deprivation and
prolonged stress among Syrian youth seriously affects their well-being.
Young people are suffering from mental health issues and are more
likely to take part in high-risk behavior. Isolation and hopelessness,
combined with experiences of violence and injustice, are also pervasive
among Syrian adolescents. These make a dangerous recipe for producing
violent attitudes and actions. Without positive social connections and
prospects for their future, young people affected by conflict and
displacement may become a destabilizing force in their communities and
in the region.
But it is possible to address these issues. In collaboration with
UNICEF's No Lost Generation initiative launched in 2013, Mercy Corps
has been working hard to empower and address the needs of adolescents
impacted by the crisis in Syria. Through years of hands-on experience,
we know that the key to supporting this generation is to promote
learning and psychosocial resilience, build social understanding and
peace and help youth set their own goals for the future. We also know
that if you fail to address the effects that years of trauma have had
on young people's mental health, other efforts, such as education and
vocational training, will not be as effective.
Mercy Corps has developed a model for helping young people's
psychosocial needs, but these interventions need support. I urge the
Committee to increase funding for programming that meets psychosocial
and mental health needs of adolescents, including through fully funding
humanitarian accounts and Economic Support Funds in the FY 2018 budget
process.
At the Helsinki Conference in January, Humam, a young Syrian and
one of our Mercy Corps team members, told the assembly: ``For me, I'm
waiting for the war to stop so I can go back and rebuild Syria. I
believe that we can rebuild Syria better than before. I have a lot of
power that I bring from my skills. I can now speak out and lead. I want
the same for other youth too.''
As Humam expressed, the young Syrians of today will build the Syria
of tomorrow. They are at a crossroads in their lives--because of their
age and because of the hardship they face every day. Although they are
living in the darkest of hours, Mercy Corps sees immense possibility in
Syrian youth. We see changemakers full of incredible strength and
resilience, and capable of creating peace. They will decide today the
fate of our world tomorrow, and have the ability to drive lasting
change.
helping syrians regain control of their lives
A bright spot amid this misery is our success helping Syrians
regain a measure of control over their own lives, which they tell us is
their deepest desire. It is imperative that we do much better at
learning from Syrians who have found positive ways to cope with this
disaster and to support themselves. Right now, Mercy Corps is
conducting a study to identify positive strategies that Syrians are
using, so that we can support their adoption across the country.
Already we are using our deep understanding of the local context
and the needs of the people we serve to undertake longer-term,
sustainable programming. And we have been able to do this even in the
midst of siege by working with small-business owners to build ``siege-
resistant businesses.'' Abdulaziz, a blacksmith, was forced out of
business by a siege on his community; he couldn't continue because of
shortages in the electricity and fuel he relied on, as well as
increases in the price of the raw materials he needed. Thanks to a
grant from one of Mercy Corps' partners, Abdulaziz has been able to
open a new grocery store, which he hopes will be less vulnerable to the
impacts of siege than the blacksmith business; there is a greater
demand for groceries, and the business itself is less reliant on
electricity and fuel.
Across Syria, there are similar opportunities for longer-term
programming. Our experience shows us that it is critical to take a
holistic, multi-faceted approach to livelihoods and economic
opportunities. We have to work across the individual, business and
market levels. Vocational training alone is not enough. For example,
providing agricultural supplies to farmers as well as small loans to
start new businesses and get businesses back into operation will
support market development and provide individuals the means to support
themselves and their families.
recommendations for congress
Although the situation is bleak, there are a number of concrete
steps that Congress can take now to help the people of Syria. I would
like to leave the Committee with the following five key recommendations
that we hope will lessen their suffering:
1. Access. We ask that you continue to raise the primacy of
humanitarian access with all actors inside and around Syria.
2. Funding. Provide adequate funding for the U.S. government to
lead globally and reject any cuts in the President's FY 2018
International Affairs request. Diplomacy, development and lifesaving
humanitarian aid supported through the foreign aid budget are critical
to help not only the people of Syria, but also communities around the
world that are suffering severely. We ask that you fight in FY 2018 for
no less than $60 billion for the International Affairs budget, which
would still be only 1 percent of the federal budget. With growing
needs, it is more important than ever to shore up funding for the
various humanitarian and development accounts in the FY18 budget. We
ask that you fight for funding in the FY 2018 appropriations bills for:
International Disaster Assistance (IDA), and Food for
Peace (FFP) and the Migration and Refugee Account, which are
critical to providing lifesaving aid; and
Economic Support Funds, which provide development
assistance to fragile states and, in the case of Syria, can lay
the groundwork for community-level reconciliation and
livelihoods.
3. Continue to provide and expand authorities to allow for the
appropriate response, including local and regional procurement, cash
and vouchers. We would appreciate continued support for letting our
field team members, in partnership with USAID, utilize the most
effective response possible to incredibly complex crises. We appreciate
that the Chair has been a champion of using the most effective
interventions possible in foreign aid, which in many cases are through
local and regional procurement of commodities or providing cash or
vouchers to vulnerable families. The use of vouchers and cash for
internally displaced people and Syrian refugees has not only empowered
families with the dignity to buy what they most need, but also helps to
keep markets functioning, allowing for some degree of normalcy in a
completely abnormal environment.
4. Increase support for adolescents. Increase funding for
psychosocial, livelihoods and education for adolescents and others to
help them recover from years of trauma and harness their energy for
building a bright future.
5. Diplomacy. Humanitarians are not the solution to the Syrian
crisis. I urge you to work with the Trump administration to urgently
seek a political solution to the war in Syria in line with the Geneva
Communique and UN Security Council Resolution 2254. Our world leaders
must take decisive action and push for a lasting peace. The Syrian
people have paid too high of a price for six long years. The human
misery must end.
our call to action
Less than a year ago, I stood with the global humanitarian
community in Istanbul at the United Nations' first-ever World
Humanitarian Summit. There in Turkey, world leaders from government,
civil society and business stood up for our common humanity and action
to prevent and reduce human suffering. Then, as now, the government and
people of Turkey demonstrated their hospitality, and their
indispensable role at the forefront of humanitarian action. At this
historic summit, President Erdo?an stated in his closing remarks, ``As
the participants of this summit, we all know very well that pain knows
no color, ethnicity, language or religion.'' We could not agree more
and want to continue to support Turkey in what Mr. Erdo?an rightfully
called its ``vital role in the name of humanity.''
Mr. Chairman, Distinguished Members of the Committee, we hope that
the spirit of that summit will endure and its promises will be
realized. We thank this Committee, the United States government and,
most of all, the American people for your lifesaving support for the
people of Syria. We know that principled humanitarianism is directly
connected to our deeply held American values about what is right and
good in the world. Know that Mercy Corps stands firmly committed to
alleviating the long, intense suffering of the millions of Syrians
trapped in this great human catastrophe.
Thank you.
Senator Risch. Thank you.
And finally, the Right Honourable David Miliband.
STATEMENT OF THE RT. HON. DAVID MILIBAND, PRESIDENT AND CHIEF
EXECUTIVE OFFICER, INTERNATIONAL RESCUE COMMITTEE, NEW YORK, NY
Mr. Miliband. Chairman Risch and Senators, it is a real
honor to be back in front of this committee, sitting alongside
some extraordinary humanitarian leaders.
I want to echo what Neal has said about the really humbling
work that is done by the Syrian doctors. We are proud to work
alongside of them inside Syria.
I also echo the mutual admiration society that we are
creating for each other. Mercy Corps is an organization that we
are proud to stand alongside and to admire.
I will not take long for this opening statement. You have
the 10-page version, I think, in your papers, and I know that
there will be many questions. I also need to apologize that,
given the slightly later start time, I am going to have to
leave at about 1 o'clock, and I do apologize for that.
The International Rescue Committee is a refugee
resettlement agency in 29 U.S. cities, and we are an
international humanitarian aid agency. We have over 1,000 staff
operating inside Syria today, and 2,000 staff in the four
neighboring states.
In the south of Syria, we are proud to be the largest
supplier of health care, but our efforts are currently impeded
by a recent uptick in fighting between Syrian forces and
opposition groups; by airstrikes on medical facilities--we lost
eight of our hospitals in 2016 to airstrikes; and by a local
ISIS affiliate capitalizing on the chaos in the south.
In the northeast, I was in Iraq seeing some of the cross-
border work last week. In the northeast of Syria, we support
Iraqis fleeing violence from Mosul entering Syria as refugees,
and Syrians displaced by counter-ISIS operations.
The U.N. estimates that 400,000 more people could be
affected as Raqqa operations intensify in the next few months.
In Idlib Province in the northwest of the country of Syria,
IRC provides emergency assistance and safe classrooms to locals
and those forced from eastern Aleppo.
I have to report to you that increased infighting among
opposition groups, and air attacks from the regime and their
Russian supporters, are threatening civilians and our ability
to serve them.
I will not repeat all the statistics that you have heard or
that you know. I do want to point to one statistic that still
shocks me in the evidence I supplied. Subsequent to three U.N.
Security Council resolutions, the head of U.N. operations has
reported that less than 1 percent of those Syrian civilians
under siege inside Syria have been reached by humanitarian
operations, not because of inefficiencies in the U.N. but
because of deliberate blockage by the regime and, in some
cases, by opposition forces.
You will also know that 5 million Syrian refugees have fled
to Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, and Iraq. From my visit to Lebanon
last week, the priorities are clear. They are work, protections
for women and kids, and education.
Chairman and Senators, we point out in our statement that
there are three fundamental choices that now face the United
States Government and the Senate. The first is about politics
and diplomacy, because the truth is the U.S. has been absent
from the recent public diplomatic efforts. Russia, Turkey, and
Iran have put themselves center stage.
There is not just a war without end in Syria. There is also
a war without law. And a principled American voice is needed to
articulate support for international humanitarian law and
accountability for those who violate it. The truth is, if the
U.S. does not provide this voice, no one else will.
The second is about foreign assistance. We understand that
major cuts or proposals for major cuts to foreign assistance
will be announced tomorrow. This will be a tragedy for the
people of Syria and for the region. They would translate into
excruciating choices not just for NGOs but for the people that
we serve. It would also set back U.S. strategic leadership.
I hope you will allow me to say that, from my own time in
the U.K. Government, and now running an NGO, I know that U.S.
humanitarian leadership is second to none. Bilaterally and
through the United Nations, the U.S. provides 40 percent of
support for the United Nations High Commissioner on Refugees.
The U.S. genuinely drives the global system. The State
Department and USAID have led the global community in
humanitarian response for decades. They project American ideals
and protect American interests all for less than 1 percent of
the Federal budget or for 0.2 percent of national income.
The OFDA, the Office of Federal Disaster Assistance,
estimated that some 6.9 million Syrians in fiscal year 2015
were helped by the United States. That should be a benchmark
for the future. It would be a genuine tragedy for the U.S.
administration to lose faith in the value of humanitarian aid
just as it is proving it is worth.
Finally, the third choice is about refugee resettlement.
Last week's executive order suspending the resettlement program
and reducing resettlement numbers is a stark message to Syrians
and to allies in the region, including, I am sorry to say,
Iraqis who have worked with and risked their lives with and for
the United States.
The pause in the program, the uncertainty about its future,
is a gift for those who would argue that the United States will
not help refugees in need if they happen to be Muslim. That is
not true, but it is a calumny that is put around day by day
around the region.
In Lebanon and Iraq, I spoke with people affected by the
executive order. These are some of the most vulnerable people
in the world, and the most vetted entrants into the United
States. There already is extreme vetting for refugees who want
to get here.
The review that is being done is perfectly within the
rights of any new administration. What is wrong is a suspension
of the whole program that will lead to people going to the back
of the queue because of the pause that is under way.
I would urge this committee that, if there is to be a
review, it does not need to take 4 months. A 20- or 30-day
review could get to the bottom of this refugee resettlement
issue and the vetting arrangements quickly and allow the
program to continue.
Just remember this: After 9/11, the pause in the program
will was only 2 months. For no reason at all, there is now a 4-
month pause in the program despite the 120 leaders of the
American national security system who said that the program
stands.
Mr. Chairman, Senators, there can be no effective foreign
policy without effective humanitarian policy. I hope that is a
message that this committee can take up with pride and with
gusto.
Thank you very much, indeed.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Miliband follows:]
Prepared Statement of Rt. Hon. David Miliband
Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin and distinguished Senators:
The humanitarian dimension of the Syrian war has lacked for strategic
analysis and informed prescription, so I congratulate you for your
ongoing commitment to understand and address the humanitarian
catastrophe unleashed across the region and beyond. I spent last week
in Lebanon and Iraq, and am happy to contribute to your full committee
hearing from the perspective of the International Rescue Committee,
which is working across the full arc of this crisis, from Syria to the
four neighboring states, to the refugee transit routes in Europe, and
to refugee resettlement for the lucky few who are admitted to start new
lives in the U.S. We are able to do so because the United States
government has long been a valued partner. The State Department,
through its Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM), and
USAID, through its Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA) have
led the global community in humanitarian response. Likewise, PRM has
shepherded the refugee resettlement program for decades with bipartisan
support. Rarely has there been greater need for this U.S. leadership.
Nearly 18 months ago, I spoke to the committee about the human
suffering inside Syria and the impact on its neighbors. During the
summer of 2015, attention on Syria and its refugees had skyrocketed,
with stunning images in the news of families setting out across the
Mediterranean. But we now know that the worst was yet to come. The last
18 months have been the worst yet for civilians inside Syria. Since I
last testified to the Committee, the introduction of Russian airpower
has ushered in a new phase in the conflict--with devastating and
deliberate effects on civilians and civilian infrastructure. At least a
hundred thousand more Syrians have been killed; hundreds of medical
facilities have been purposely attacked (including those of IRC); the
number of Syrians in need of humanitarian assistance has ballooned by
over a million and it is harder than ever to reach them; nearly 700,000
people live under siege and millions more, nearly half of them
children, live beyond the reach of humanitarian organizations. \1\ Over
half of all Syrians--some 12 million people--have now been forced from
their homes, either as refugees or internally displaced.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\1\ Joint Statement on Syria- WFP, UNICEF, OCHA, WHO, UNHCR Jan 16,
2017.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
An additional million Syrian refugees have flowed into the already
fragile political and economic systems of Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, and
Iraq--bringing the number of Syrians seeking refuge in these front line
states to nearly 5 million. It is vital to recognize the extraordinary
openness of these countries to Syrian refugees, while also
understanding that it has become harder and harder to be a Syrian
living in these countries. After 6 years of war, most refugees--from
doctors and dentists to farmers, laborers and taxi drivers--have
depleted their savings and are living in poverty, with limited access
to legal work, struggling to afford healthcare and rent and in too many
cases unable to send their children to school. The education of Syrian
refugee children is probably one of the best illustrations of the
strain that the influx has placed on surrounding countries and the
failure of the humanitarian aid system to keep up. In Lebanon alone,
despite advances in enrollment numbers in the last school year, nearly
a quarter of a million Syrian children are still out of school, many
for 3 years or more. Across neighboring countries, that number rises to
700,000 \2\--threatening significant parts of an entire generation.
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\2\ http://www.un.org/apps/news/
story.asp?NewsID=53145#.WMTG4NLyt0w.
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The last time I spoke to this Committee, what had been a civil
intra-state conflict had evolved into a regional humanitarian disaster.
But the failures of the international community to respond
appropriately--to resolve the conflict, to protect civilians, to
provide adequate aid to the displaced and to host countries, and to
provide durable solutions, including resettlement for refugees--have
now engendered consequences far beyond Syria and the region. This is
not just about refugee flows. The conflict has exposed the divisions in
the U.N. Security Council, undermined International Humanitarian Law
(IHL), and in the assault on Aleppo plumbed new depths for the abuse of
civilians, including well sourced claims of renewed use of chemical
weapons. \3\
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\3\ Fourth report of the Organization for the Prohibition of
Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism 19
October 2016.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
The U.S., given its unique place in the global system, now faces
three significant choices that will have long term implications both
for the humanitarian situation and for regional politics.
The first major choice is about military and diplomatic
commitments. This is not an area where humanitarian organizations have
locus, but our staff and beneficiaries bear the consequences of the
decisions that are made, and so have a great interest in the issues on
the table and the players at the table. Since the collapse of the
Kerry-Lavrov dialogue last fall, the U.S. has been notably absent from
the public diplomatic efforts to achieve a political solution in Syria.
Russia, Turkey and Iran have put themselves center-stage. The U.S.
needs to decide what role it wants to play, and who it wants to ally
with, in the debates about the future of those parts of Syria still
outside government control, and the future shape of national
government. This cannot be considered independent of the commitments to
defeat Isis/Daesh in Iraq, where the U.S. again faces the conundrum
that Iran has the same declared enemy, but where victory threatens to
extend her influence. From the point of view of our staff and
beneficiaries, it is vital that there is a strong and principled
American voice articulating support for international humanitarian law
in the conduct of war(s), and for inclusive and legitimate governance
to underpin the peace. If the U.S. does not provide this voice, no one
else will.
The second choice concerns the contribution of humanitarian aid to
the relief of suffering and the promotion of stability in the region.
Tomorrow we will learn the Administration's plans for U.S. foreign
assistance. Major cuts have been foreshadowed in advance briefing.
These are the very resources that are used to throw a lifeline to the
families caught up in this crisis in the form of basic food, water and
sanitation, medical assistance, protection for women and girls and
education. My staff make use of these resources across the region: for
example when areas of Fallujah, Sal ah Addin, or Mosul are retaken from
Isis/Daesh, humanitarian workers are the next to enter. In Lebanon,
one-quarter of the population is now Syrian refugees. Allies such as
Jordan are struggling with the same disproportionate responsibility,
hosting over 1 million Syrian refugees. The humanitarian and economic
assistance provided is not just a moral choice, but a strategic
necessity. An insufficient humanitarian and development response
sustains and begets further crises. This is evident in the flows of
Syrian refugees to Europe, at great risk to refugees' lives and with
great political consequences for Europe. These flows began 3 years into
the war, when refugees' savings were depleted and sufficient aid, work,
and education for their children remained out of reach. It is also
demonstrated by the fact that U.S. troops are helping to clear some
parts of Iraq of terrorist groups for the third time; in part because
insufficient investment in humanitarian response, development progress,
and political reform has each time allowed extremists to take hold. In
the midst of an unprecedented global displacement crisis, now is no
time to be scaling back these efforts.
Third, there is the question of the interaction of flagship
domestic policy with foreign policy. The future of the Middle East is
about hearts and minds. Last week's revised Executive Order--which
suspends the refugee resettlement program in the U.S.--together with
the reduction in U.S. resettlement numbers from 110,000 to 50,000, is a
stark message to allies in the region coping with the humanitarian
crisis. It is good that Iraqis are no longer banned from travel to the
U.S., but Iraqi refugees remain subject to the 4-month pause on the
resettlement program. It is good that Syrian refugees now no longer
face an indefinite ban, but they are affected by the 4-month pause too.
In all 60,000 refugees approved for entry to the United States, after
extensive vetting, now face a life on hold or in reverse. Resettlement
is an American success story, and the 4-month halt to the program, with
uncertainty about what lies beyond, is a gift for those who would argue
that America will not help Muslims in need.
inside syria
The devastation in Aleppo is to be set out for you by some of the
doctors doing heroic work there. In late 2016, the conflict reached a
new low for brutality and destruction. In the final assault on Aleppo
there was deliberate targeting of civilians, hospitals, schools, and
public utilities, with starvation and the denial of medical care used
as weapons of war that brought the eastern part of the city and its
inhabitants to their knees.
Last week, the U.N. Human Rights Council released a report on the
conclusion of the Aleppo offensive that affirms what INGOs like the IRC
have long asserted--that Syrian civilians fell victim to war crimes
from all parties. Air strikes destroyed or otherwise rendered all
hospitals in eastern Aleppo out of service--meaning even a minor injury
or illness could turn life threatening. As the assault reached its
final and deadliest stages, daily Russian and Syrian airstrikes claimed
hundreds of lives. The report also alleges use of chlorine bombs,
resulting in hundreds of civilian casualties. Rebels also abused
civilians, firing shells indiscriminately into western Aleppo. In the
final days of the siege, the U.N. reported the killing and
``disappearing'' of civilians as well as forced conscriptions.
The IRC has been delivering aid into Syria since 2012, but our
experience thus far did not diminish the shock at what has befallen the
people of Aleppo. As civilians fled for their lives in the cold and
snow toward Idleb--our staff were there to meet them and provide
assistance. We are the largest health care provider in Southern and
Northeast Syria. Last year, thanks to funding from USAID, over 900,000
Syrians received primary, reproductive, and trauma care from the IRC
and our partners. Looking beyond the emergency, the IRC supports
schools in conflict-affected parts of Idleb province. Our classrooms
provide safety and stability to thousands of children--many have known
nothing but war and, according to a new IRC survey, are a full 6 years
behind in their studies. \4\ Our livelihoods programs (``cash
distribution'', and the like) are a lifeline to Syrians struggling to
pay rent and purchase food and other essential items for themselves and
their families.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\4\ IRC Report: Impact of War on Syrian Children's Learning:
Testing Shows Gaps in Literacy and Math skills 12 March 2017.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
If violence against civilians has characterized the Syrian
conflict, so too has violence against aid workers. IRC programming not
only connects us closely with the victims of violence inside Syria, it
has made us a target of violence as well. Although the U.N. Security
Council passed a resolution (2286) last spring condemning attacks on
medical facilities, hospitals and humanitarian operations continue to
be targeted at an alarming rate. IRC-supported clinics and hospitals
were bombed eight times in 2016, including the destruction of two
facilities in a single week in October. Another IRC-supported hospital
was hit just last month in southern Syria. These types of attacks on
aid workers and health facilities are commonplace and devastating,
affecting thousands of Syrians who rely on these facilities for
lifesaving aid and care. And they are designed to intimidate and deter
humanitarian aid workers. Last week, U.N. investigators confirmed that
the 2016 attack on a U.N. convoy carrying humanitarian aid that killed
14 aid workers was both purposeful and premeditated.
Six years into this war and 3 years after the adoption of U.N.
Security Council Resolution 2139, which demanded an increase in
humanitarian access, the neediest Syrians still cannot access the food,
water, and health care they need to survive. Capacity is not the issue.
The U.N. and its implementing partners stand ready and able to deliver
assistance to the hundreds of thousands of Syrians living in besieged
areas. Denial of lifesaving aid is explicit in the government's war
strategy. In December, the U.N. sought and received Syrian government
approval to reach close to one million Syrians. Subsequent delay
tactics and barriers put up by national and local authorities kept all
but one convoy from reaching its destination. As a result, according to
U.N. Humanitarian Chief Stephen O'Brien only 6,000 people--less than 1
percent of those living under siege--received the food, fuel, and water
needed to survive the winter and all were denied lifesaving medicines
and surgical supplies. Preliminary reports for 2017 show only marginal
improvements--leaving many Syrians without assistance for the better
part of a year. Civilians in parts of Idleb province, which has seen
its population swell with displaced Aleppians, have not received an aid
delivery since April of last year.
Daily life is desperate and dangerous for the Syrians trapped in
these neglected towns and cities. The IRC has heard from ordinary
people living in areas near Damascus that are under siege by the Syrian
government. They tell us, ``You never saw any malnutrition before the
siege.
Now you see some people who look like walking skeletons. Children
[are] passing out at school because they haven't eaten.'' The siege has
pushed up prices for basic necessities tenfold--with a loaf of bread
costing a full day's pay. Few jobs remain and children have left school
to help their families survive. This is needless suffering. And
``Peace'' achieved by means such as siege cannot, and will not, hold.
Beyond the sieges, there is a broad picture of increasingly
challenging choices for civilians and NGOs. There are access challenges
at various border points. NGOs have been afforded welcome hospitality
in neighboring states but we cannot be sure of what the future holds.
Shifting frontlines across Syria compound these problems. Syrian forces
are advancing toward crossings along the Jordanian border: if they
succeed in seizing them, it would deliberately and effectively cut off
large swathes of Southern Syria from cross-border assistance. The
regime is likely to set its sights on Idleb--where it has forced
opposition fighters to relocate as part of truce deals, straining the
humanitarian infrastructure. Hundreds of thousands of civilians--many
evacuees from Eastern Aleppo--cannot get the assistance they need and
wait in fear of the same brutal attacks and siege tactics. Violent in-
fighting among disillusioned opposition groups in Idleb is on the rise
and is disrupting humanitarian activities. Check points have sprung up
around the town of Dana--a center of IRC activity--and elsewhere around
the governorate. Clashes in January delayed much needed aid
distribution in eastern Idleb to thousands recently displaced from
Aleppo. Each uptick in fighting will severely hinder our ability to
provide health care and other forms of vital aid to the 700,000 people
displaced in Idleb.
The conflict is now shaped by Russian and Iranian support for
President Assad (exemplified by Moscow's Feb 28 veto of a UNSC
resolution to impose sanctions for Damascus' use of chemical weapons),
Turkey's focus on Kurdish forces in northern Syria, Saudi Arabia's
attention on Yemen. There are no shortage of actors in the region and
no shortage of interests, but none have civilian protection primary
among them. Keeping borders open and aid flowing is not at the top of
any actor's priority list. But humanitarian access is a right not a
privilege under the Fourth Geneva Convention and related protocols--not
a bargaining chip or confidence-building measure. There is experience
from Sudan (Operation Lifeline Sudan) and Afghanistan (Operation
Salaam) for negotiating access across conflict lines during a civil
war. It requires political leadership, credible interlocutors,
willingness to work with all sides, and clear pressure on all sides.
Ensuring that humanitarian assistance is available to those whose lives
have been shattered by this conflict is the minimum we must do.
The new Administration has commissioned a review of options for
countering Isis/Daesh. Two preoccupations have dominated the briefing
so far: speeding up military action and accelerating the return of
refugees (to Syria). We would submit that historical evidences shows
the following. 1. The conduct of war affects the prospects for peace.
This makes civilian protection a strategic as well as moral priority.
2. Military haste produces humanitarian harm, and in particular
military options without political destination risk ruin. The future of
Raqqa, for example, is a complex political as well as military
question. 3. Discussion of ``safe zones'' needs to be detailed not
rhetorical. The Committee has discussed this on various occasions. The
context inside Syria has shifted considerably since the idea was first
explored in 2013. The shifting frontlines and rearranging constellation
of parties on the ground, coupled with the multiple and contradictory
policy intentions of those parties, severely complicates the options.
At worst it would legitimize land grabs and put civilians or returning
refugees in jeopardy.
syria's neighbors
We know that Syria's civilians have borne and continue to bear
overwhelming harm from the country's conflict. The humanitarian,
economic, and political impact of the rapid and massive influx of five
million refugees on Syria's nearest neighbors is not properly
understood. Turkey hosts 2.5 million Syrian refugees, Lebanon 1.5
million, and Jordan 1 million--placing these countries among the
world's top refugee-hosting countries. The images of Syrian families on
flimsy rafts in the Mediterranean pulls at our heartstrings--and
rightfully so. But we can't let that blind us to the fact that most
Syrian refugees remain on the dry land of Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey.
In Lebanon, the arrival of Syrian refugees has led to a 30%
increase in its pre-crisis population of 4 million and made it the
highest per capita refugee host in the world. These already fragile
countries are shouldering unreasonable and unsustainable
responsibilities simply by virtue of their geography. Over a year ago,
Jordan's King Abdullah warned that his country was at a ``boiling
point'' and that ``the dam is going to burst.'' And the inadequate
international assistance has only made it worse.
While refugee-hosting governments and populations deserve great
credit for their hospitality and their sacrifice, we cannot overstate
how hard life is for Syrian refugees in these countries. In exile for
years, with their lifesavings now depleted, most Syrian refugees live
on the margins--unable to meet their families' basic needs, unable to
work, and unable to send their children to school. A 2016 assessment
found that 71% of Lebanon's registered refugees live in poverty, while
a full 90% of Syrians in Jordan live below the poverty line. \5\ And,
while this crisis brings to mind images of endless rows of tents, the
majority of Syrians are not living in refugee camps. Across the region,
refugees rent often-overcrowded apartments, squat in abandoned
buildings, or live in ad hoc shelters and informal settlements that
expose them to the elements and insecurity. And, despite advances in
enrollment numbers in the 2015/16 school year, nearly 60% of Syrian
children are still out of school--creating an entire generation lost to
this conflict.
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\5\ 3RP Regional Refugee and Resilience Plan 2017 and 2018 in
Response to the Syria Crisis.
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As the crisis intensifies so do the needs and the desperation of
vulnerable families. U.N. agencies, NGOs like the IRC, and government
service providers are unable to keep up with the demand for assistance,
which is increasing as refugees deplete their assets. As such, refugees
are coping by pulling children from school and putting them to work,
offering daughters for early marriage, and increasing indebtedness to
relieve economic pressure on themselves and their families.
It should have come as no surprise that in the absence of adequate
and appropriate international support, these countries are buckling
under the strain of their refugee caseload and taking steps to contain
political tensions within their countries. Refugees face restrictions
on their ability to stay and work legally, and often encounter barriers
to attending school. For instance, due to restrictions introduced in
2015 and only partially remedied last month, over 70% of refugees in
Lebanon lack residency permits, significantly increasing protection
risks, while simultaneously blocking access to formal justice, civil
documentation, and health services--not to mention livelihood and
education opportunities.
Second, these governments have closed many formal and informal
border crossings to limit the inflow of additional refugees. As a
result, hundreds of thousands of people are living in makeshift camps
on or near borders with little or no access to humanitarian assistance.
The most concerning example is the situation along the Berm, a desert
no man's land between the borders of Syria and Jordan. Tens of
thousands of Syrians have been trapped at the berm for 9 months, first
with no and now with limited humanitarian assistance. The situation at
the berm is a global responsibility--and it is a stunning snapshot of
the international community's failure to adequately address the refugee
crisis.
Likewise, it should have come as no surprise that in 2014, after 3
years under these increasingly pressing circumstances, refugees began
to undertake dangerous passage to Europe in increasing and often
staggering numbers. The top reasons refugees cite for moving on are
first the obvious and all too elusive search for security, closely
followed by a lack of jobs for refugee parents and education for
refugee children. \6\ Here is the clue to how to address the
humanitarian crisis. There is growing research showing that when
refugees are in a safe and decent job, and have access to enabling
services like education, they have the dignity of providing for
themselves and their families and can become net economic contributors
to their host economy. \7\ Like the rest of us, refugees want and
deserve opportunities to control their own lives and provide for their
children.
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\6\ http://www.unhcr.org/en-us/news/briefing/2015/9/560523f26/
seven-factors-behind-movement-syrian-refugeeseurope.html.
\7\ Philippe Legrain. 2016. ``Refugees Work: A Humanitarian
Investment That Yields Economic Dividends.'' Tent Foundation and Open
Network. T. Alexander Aleneikoff. 2015. ``From Dependence to Self-
Reliance: Changing the Paradigm in Protracted Refugee Situations.''
Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute. Alexander Betts et al.
2014. ``Refugee Economies Rethinking Popular Assumptions.'' Oxford,
U.K.: Humanitarian Innovation Project, University of Oxford.
www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/files/publications/other/ refugee-economies-2014.pdf.
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More aid is part of the answer, but change in the sector is also
important--notably to recognize the increasingly long term nature of
displacement (once out of their own country for 5 years, refugees are
likely to be away for 26) but also to address other changes in the
refugee experience (for example its increasingly urban nature). We
advocate strong commitment to evidence-based programming; clearer
``collective outcome'' measures for what we expect to achieve for the
health, safety, education, and incomes of displaced populations;
greater investment in R&D for the sector; and we also need to move
beyond short-term financing of basic needs and camp-based responses to
financing structures that respond to current trends in displacement. In
this regard, we have promising developments in the entry of the World
Bank, with strong U.S. support, to provide sustained financing to
refugee-hosting nations to improve their markets, institutions, and
health and education systems in exchange for greater access for
refugees to jobs and public services. The U.S. must similarly re-
evaluate its financing tools for humanitarian response and for refugee-
hosting nations. Finally, we must bring the interests of women and
girls--those disproportionally impacted by conflict--from the margins
to the mainstream. Seventy-five percent of Syrian refugees are women
and children. \8\ Conflict disproportionately affects women and girls
and they face unique and dangerous circumstances in displacement--
sexual violence, harassment, domestic violence, and economic
disenfranchisement. Gender inequalities that precede their displacement
are exacerbated by it, with women and girls often being the last to
receive the benefits of aid, and the first to bear the consequences of
displacement--through child labor or other exploitative work, early
marriage, and other desperate and negative ``coping mechanisms''.
Donors, host governments, and implementers need systematically to
identify and prioritize these gender-based challenges.
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\8\ http://data2.unhcr.org/en/situations.
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NGOs like the IRC are already working toward these goals with
strategies that include more employment and self-employment programming
to help refugees, and especially women, generate income, as well as
supporting host communities struggling with unemployment. With U.S.
government support, the IRC's small business program is helping Syrian
women in Jordan start new ventures to help keep their families afloat.
Likewise, Syrian children need to get back to school, but the region's
schools have been unable to absorb the hundreds of thousands of new
students. To change this calculus, the IRC provides community-based
education programs (flexible and tailored to the needs and
circumstances of refugee children) to increase education opportunities
and provide socio-emotional support for refugee children. Last year,
with U.S. government support, the IRC piloted new non-formal early
childhood education and retention programs in Lebanese communities,
designed to meet the immediate needs of refugee children while the
Lebanese government strengthens its capacity and reach to provide for
the hundreds of thousands of Syrian children within its borders.
The question is how to bring these efforts to scale and to do so
sustainably. The global community came together in 2016 to achieve that
very goal. Anchored by U.S. commitments, the global community committed
to a 30% increase in humanitarian aid and a doubling of resettlement
commitments globally in exchange for greater legal protections and
access for refugees to jobs, education, and other essential services in
their countries of first refuge. The agreement relies on a grand
bargain between wealthy nations and the low and middle income countries
that collectively host 88 percent \9\ of the world's 21 million
refugees. And while we can, and should, expect other wealthy nations to
do more, it is U.S. assistance and U.S. leadership that underpins the
global protection regime.
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\9\ Forthcoming: IRC-CGD Study Group Report.
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The U.S. commitment to provide humanitarian, development, economic,
and security assistance to support the protection of civilians in
countries of first refuge is also a function of enlightened self-
interest--the forced and premature return of Syrian refugees to an
unstable Syria, or of Afghan refugees to an unstable Afghanistan,
foments new currents of conflict and crisis that, given U.S. interests
and commitments in the region, draw U.S. funds and U.S. troops into
further quagmires.
the vital role of american leadership
The U.S. has major interests in the next phases of the Syrian
crisis. (1) To push back against regional instability that threatens
regional security as well as instability in Europe that distracts and
diminishes U.S. allies; (2) To fight ISIS and other terrorist groups
that capitalized on the lawlessness in Syria and the instability
elsewhere in the region to gain territory and resources; and (3) To
stand up for International Humanitarian Law that is one of the
foundation stones of the post-World War II global political order.
Amidst the noisy debate about the future of Syria, America's
humanitarian leadership is needed in the following areas:
Humanitarian Law and Civilian Protection: The U.S. can use
its role at the U.N. Security Council and beyond to increase the
diplomatic and economic price for those who support violation of
International Humanitarian Law. Ambassador Haley's strong condemnation
of Russia on February 28th for vetoing the resolution that would have
sanctioned Syria for its use of chemical weapons was important. There
are Security Council Resolutions on the books that should afford
protection to civilians and aid workers--like 2139 that demands
humanitarian access and 2286 that condemns attacks on hospitals.
Monitoring and reporting mechanisms that name and shame violating
countries and individuals would give these resolutions teeth. In
December 2016, the U.N. General Assembly established an investigation
mechanism that would create trial-ready evidence for eventual
prosecutions of those that committed war crimes and violations of IHL
in Syria. The U.S. should support this mechanism and push others to do
the same. A strong and vocal U.S. commitment to robustly implement its
international commitments towards the minimization of harm to civilians
and civilian infrastructure are rallying points for the U.S. to call on
other states to respond with comparable measures and to name and shame
those that do not. This matters not only for the lives of civilians
caught in the midst of conflict, but also for the aftermath of conflict
and for future conflicts.
A Commitment to Foreign Assistance: Resolving the crisis
is a complex political undertaking that requires skilled diplomacy,
tenacity, and a willingness to pressure all sides. However, responding
adequately to humanitarian needs of those requiring lifesaving
assistance is more straightforward; and something that the
international community, led by the United States, has no excuse not to
do. We can get assistance to the people who need it inside Syria, we
can provide adequate support to refugees living in precarious
situations in the surrounding countries, and we can support our allies
who have provided safe harbor to five million people as this conflict
has raged on; if we fund and organize to do so. The United States
through OFDA assisted some 6.9 million Syrians in FY 2015, and this
should be a benchmark for the future. \10\ Yet the combined U.N. appeal
in 2016 was only 57% funded by year's end. This year we're off to a
feeble start, with only 14% of the $9 billion appeal committed. These
seemingly sterile statistics translate into excruciating choices made
by U.N. agencies and aid organizations like the IRC regarding which
needs will go unmet and whose pleas for help will go unanswered. As
noted earlier in my testimony, it is these gaps in assistance that have
inspired so many refugees in the region to take dangerous journeys
onward to Europe in the hope of improving their untenable situation. As
stated in a recent letter--which I would like to submit to the public
record-- signed by 120 three and four star retired generals and
admirals urging Senate leadership to support the International Affairs
budget, ``now is not the time to retreat.'' I urge this authorizing
committee overseeing United States foreign policy and assistance to
defend the foreign assistance budget as Congress considers the FY 2018
and future year requests.
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\10\ Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance Annual Report for
Fiscal Year 2015.
The Case for Resettlement: When I was in Lebanon and Iraq
last week, I spoke with some of the people who are impacted by
President Trump's executive order. Over 75% of the refugees we resettle
in the United States are women and children. Many are Iraqis who have
served U.S. institutions, including the State Department, USAID, or
U.S. NGOs. They are the family members of those who served with
American troops. They are unaccompanied children, survivors of rape and
violence, widows struggling to make a new life, and those in need of
urgent medical care. They are those under persecution for their
political or religious beliefs. True to a proud tradition, the U.S.
takes the most vulnerable refugees. They are also the most vetted
population to enter the United States. Far from the experience of
Europe, where Syrian refugees arrived on Europe's shores by the tens of
thousands per week, every Syrian refugee that enters the U.S. is
selected for entry by the Department of Homeland Security, and vetted
by U.S. national security and intelligence agencies, undergoing a 21-
step, 2-year process that includes biometric and security screenings
and multiple forms of identify validation. The President's 4-month
pause will have a very significant impact on refugees who have waited
years and endured multiple screenings to enter the United States, as
each step of the security process has a different validity period.
There are 60,000 refugees cleared for entry to the United States who
would have arrived to the U.S. before the end of September, who are now
indefinitely delayed. It's a population the U.S. should proudly embrace
in keeping with its history and values, and in keeping faith with our
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allies shouldering the responsibility of millions of refugees.
We urge the committee to ensure a good faith, speedy review; to
encourage waivers for those most vulnerable; and to support an increase
in the number of refugees admitted upon completion of the review. Every
administration should take its opportunity to review security
procedures. President Bush did it after 9/11 , but even the `pause' of
resettlement arrivals after 9/11--a moment of existential crisis for
the nation--lasted just 2 months, after which the Bush administration
recommitted itself to the refugee admissions program. President Obama
also reviewed security procedures, several times, resulting in
continuous improvements and without denying entry to the neediest
refugee families. But once the review is complete, there is no reason
for an arbitrary cap. The world's greatest superpower should not reject
the world's most vulnerable. It is a symbolic show of solidarity with
the neighboring countries, and a life-changing, lifesaving intervention
for the individuals concerned.
I thank you and the members of the United States Senate for the
opportunity to provide the IRC's perspective on this defining
humanitarian challenge. I look forward to addressing your questions.
Senator Risch. Thank you.
And we are now going to proceed to a round of 5-minute
questions and answers, and I am going to reserve my time to
interject.
And I will recognize Senator Cardin.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I want to thank all five of you for your testimony, but I
want to join my two friends in paying special tribute to the
three doctors who are here today.
You really are inspirational to all of us. I grew up in a
generation watching M*A*S*H on television as I saw American
doctors perform during the Korean War and marveled how they
performed in combat situations. They were soldiers. You are not
soldiers, and you are performing with great personal sacrifice
to your own safety in order to save lives in your community,
under conditions you should not have to put up with.
So I just really wanted to express our deep appreciation
for your international humanitarian efforts, which really
inspire us and I think the global community to do more.
What we do is not at personal sacrifice to our lives. What
you do is. So I just really wanted to thank you for being here.
It is extremely valuable to the effort.
And I want to assure you that I am going to do everything
in my power to make sure that those who have committed these
atrocities--bombed hospitals, targeting hospitals for their
bombs, attacking humanitarian convoys in order to stop you from
getting the medicines you need to keep children alive--that
every one of those individuals who have committed these war
crimes, from the Assad regime to the Russian involvement, are
held accountable for their activities.
And, of course, the number one thing we need to do is end
this war. And that is not today's hearing. And I agree with the
chairman, that is not what we are here for today.
But the way to stop these atrocities, the way to stop this
humanitarian crisis, is to resolve the civil war, to deal with
the terrorists who are in the country, and to return stability
to the people of Syria by a government that represents all of
the communities in Syria.
So, Mr. Miliband, first of all, thank you for your
extraordinary leadership. We have had a chance to talk about
these issues. I could not agree with you more about the impact
of President Trump's executive order.
I just quote from your testimony that those who are
affected are family members of those who served American
troops. They are unaccompanied children, survivors of rape and
violence, widows struggling to make a new life, and those in
need of urgent medical care. They are those under persecution
for their political or religious beliefs.
A 2-month delay is too long for these people. As you said,
there was no need for this 4-month period, and we hope that it
is much shorter than that.
I just really want to talk a little bit and ask your--the
potential impact of the executive order in the region. We have
Turkey, we have Jordan, we have Lebanon that have literally
millions of Syrian refugees that border Syria. If they decide,
``Well, the present U.S. policy is that they are not taking
refugees. Maybe we should send these refugees back to Syria,''
what impact could that have on an already unsustainable
humanitarian need that exists in Syria?
Mr. Miliband. Thank you, Senator.
Look, the truth is that the numbers in small countries in
the region are staggering. Lebanon has a population of 4.5
million, and it has 1.5 million refugees. Jordan has a
population of 7.5 million; it has 650,000 refugees, and the
government says 600,000 unregistered refugees. Turkey,
obviously a much bigger country, 2.7 million refugees.
I think there are three things to have very clearly in your
mind.
First of all, the conditions for refugees on the ground are
getting tougher by the week. They are running out of savings.
They are having to reregister, which sometimes has fees
associated with it. Their kids are not in school. And they are
becoming more desperate.
The second situation is the political backlash against U.S.
allies in the region, like Jordan, is very real. The
unemployment rate amongst Jordanians is 26 percent, never mind
the poverty rate amongst Syrians is 78 percent. So there is a
political management difficulty, and the short-termism of the
humanitarian aid system compounds the difficulties for the
Government of Jordan.
We are working with them on an employment program to try to
help their companies take advantage of free trade access,
special free trade access to European markets, but that
requires 15 percent of the employees to be refugees. We are
trying to work with them to help square that circle.
The third aspect, the third consequence, that I think
relates to the first two is that many refugees, giving up the
hope of legal resettlement in the U.S., are frankly going to
take their lives into their own hands and try to get to Europe.
The European refugee crisis is not over, and the push factors
that are driving people from Syria and from the neighboring
states to get to Europe remain very strong, indeed.
And obviously, the greatest danger is that there is a
domino effect from a U.S. decision. Historically, the U.S. has
been the largest refugee resettlement country. The domino
effect goes through the European states, who then rein back,
and also leads to a series of actions by hosting states, like
Jordan and Lebanon, but also, frankly, Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia.
That means that the global ramifications become very real,
and instability is the result.
Senator Cardin. Thank you.
In regards to Mercy Corps, I want you to know I hope today
we are going to hear ways that we can help deliver humanitarian
aid effectively to those who are involved. Clearly, what was
done in Turkey needs to be reversed, and I am sure that we will
try to assist you. I will certainly be working with Senator
Merkley and Senator Kaine and others on our committee to see
how we can engage the Turkish Government to resolve your issue
so that you can get that aid back to the people of Syria. I
want you to know that we will be in communication with the
Turkish Government.
Senator Rubio. [Presiding.] Senator Johnson.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Senator Rubio.
I also want to thank the doctors for their testimony, for
your courage, for spending some time with me in my office
yesterday.
Mr. Keny-Guyer said the politics have changed, and I want
to ask you, Dr. Abdulkhalek, with the involvement of Russia,
you have obviously been witness of chemical attacks. You have
been present. Can you talk about the change in tactics, the
change in weapons the minute that Russia got involved?
Dr. Abdulkhalek. After Russia involved in the conflict, we
noticed a new development with weapons, like bunker-buster. The
bunker-buster can destroy underground structures. And parachute
bomb, we noticed they use progressive use of that bomb in the
last 3 months of the siege. And also cluster bombs, we had
photos by our own phones to that cluster bombs and the
parachute bombs.
Senator Johnson. Was there more frequent targeting of your
hospitals when Russia became involved?
Dr. Abdulkhalek. Yes, yes.
Senator Johnson. So they were not attacking ISIS. They were
attacking Aleppo.
Dr. Abdulkhalek. They are locating the hospital. They are
locating the hospital position, and they start targeting it
many times until we had to leave that hospital, fearing of our
safety and for the injured.
Senator Johnson. So, Doctor, you also talked about two
attacks----
Dr. Abdulkhalek. Yes.
Senator Johnson.--the use of chlorine. But you also said
regular use.
Dr. Abdulkhalek. Yes.
Senator Johnson. Any other chemicals that you are aware of
that have been documented that have been used, or is it
primarily chlorine?
Dr. Abdulkhalek. No, just chlorine attack. Just chlorine
attack.
Senator Johnson. You said regular use. Do you have any idea
how many chlorine attacks there were?
Dr. Abdulkhalek. On M3, there were just two chlorine
attacks because M3 was not known to the government. So the last
month, they discovered its place, so they started targeting it
by many weapons until they used the chemical weapon chlorine
gas.
But they targeted the area of the M2 the hospital with the
chlorine attack before, 6 or 7 months.
Senator Johnson. So, Doctor, you said the world has failed
Syria.
Dr. Abdulkhalek. Yes.
Senator Johnson. I could not agree more.
Dr. Abdulkhalek. Yes.
Senator Johnson. It is shameful.
Mr. Keny-Guyer, you said the politics changed. Describe
that. Describe the reality. It is great that we are going to
say that we are going to hold people accountable, but describe
the reality on the ground right now. What has changed?
Mr. Keny-Guyer. Well, I do not often find myself commenting
on the politics of a situation, but what I will say that has
changed, we all know, as an organization that had a significant
commitment to the city of Aleppo, we had team members who were
in Aleppo and actually were on the last evacuation bus out, and
we are very proud of them. They were given the opportunity to
leave, like many of these doctors, earlier on, and chose to
stay out of solidarity.
But obviously, the situation in Aleppo has changed. In the
north, you have now Idlib is very vulnerable. Many of the
citizens of Aleppo are now there. You clearly have the
Government of Turkey has come down into the Euphrates Shield
area, those areas. And then, obviously, the concern over Raqqa.
What has also happened in the southern part of the country
I think we should all be aware of, and it is very difficult,
and that is there have been efforts that have pacified some
areas, but, of course, along the Jordanian border, we have seen
an increase in conflict.
What has remained the same and I think is critically
important is the staggering need of innocent Syrians. And just,
if I may, in particular comment on, you know, all lives are
really important. But at the same time, we are particularly
concerned about young Syrians.
Nearly 4.8 million Syrian refugees in the region are
children, and there are more than 8.5 million children and
young people in Syria who are in need of immediate support,
never mind education but just immediate support.
Senator Johnson. I appreciate that. I have 35 seconds.
Mr. Keny-Guyer. Yes.
Senator Johnson. The point being is the world has failed.
We have stood by, the world, for 6 years and watched the
slaughter of a half million, at least, Syrians.
And I am all for a diplomatic solution, but diplomacy
follows facts on the ground. The facts on the ground are such
that Russia, Iran, and Assad have conquered Aleppo. They are
winning the war.
Is that not correct? Is that not the politics that have
changed? And what kind of diplomatic solution can there be when
the facts have changed so dramatically on the ground?
Mr. Keny-Guyer. Well, I am not sure I would go as far as
you did, Senator, in that situation.
You know, I have spent more than 30 years working in and
out of the Middle East, and I am always cautious to draw any
firm and fast conclusions that relate to the Middle East.
But what I will say is that we are no closer to a political
solution. I think you are right in that. And in fact, in many
ways, the situation is more complicated than ever.
The one thing I am sure of is that those who suffer the
most are innocent civilians and Syrians, and especially the
children.
Senator Johnson. I agree.
Senator Risch. [Presiding.] Thank you very much.
Senator Coons.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Risch and Senator Cardin.
Thank you, Doctors. Thank you for your incredible
testimony. Thank you for your bravery. Thank you for what you
continue to do to risk your lives in the service of humanity.
It is hard to hear your testimony. It is hard to endure the
images and the sounds and the stories of unspeakable suffering
and unthinkable human rights violations in Syria that continue,
week in and week out, month in and month out, over years. And
the hundreds of thousands of innocents who have been killed in
a way that just cries out for the world to respond should shock
the conscience of every Senator here and everyone who listens.
Thank you.
Delaware just welcomed its first Syrian refugee family. In
a small but important act, I think, a Christian church, a
Muslim mosque, and Jewish Family Services in partnership
welcomed a refugee family that had fled an area close to where
you are from because of a chemical attack years ago.
The United States has done a great deal, but nowhere near
enough.
My first visit to confront some of the reality of this was
with Senator McCain and a number of other colleagues to a well-
known refugee camp in Jordan where we had memorable meetings
with Syrians who said: We do not want sympathy. We do not want
tears. We do not want blankets. We want action. We want
accountability. And we want engagement.
It is encouraging to be reminded that American humanitarian
assistance did help 7 million Syrians last year, but it is
heartbreaking to realize that a likely dramatic cut in our
humanitarian assistance that may be announced tomorrow may
significantly affect hundreds of thousands if not millions of
Syrians and the whole region.
And I am gravely concerned that a pause and a travel ban
sends exactly the wrong signal about our values and our
willingness to welcome and embrace and support exactly the sort
of work you have done.
So to Mr. Keny-Guyer, thank you for the bravery and the
dedication of Mercy Corps. Along with Senator Cardin, whose
statement I think speaks for itself and was powerful, about the
importance of welcoming refugees to this country and about the
importance of supporting Mercy Corps, I will only say amen and
I look forward to trying to work with you to right this
situation in Turkey.
If I might, Mr. Miliband, I would just be interested in
hearing what you would think would be the actual human
consequences on the ground of having the United States nearly
abandon its humanitarian assistance obligations.
Mr. Miliband. Thank you, Senator.
I think that U.S. assistance should be seen in three or
four key areas. One is obviously the Food for Peace program
that is a significant contributor to food security for Syrians.
We are working with the U.S. Government cross-border on that
program.
Secondly, the U.S. has distinguished itself by the
flexibility and speed by which the Foreign Disaster Assistance
bureau works with NGOs like ours to reach those in grave need.
One obvious example is inside Syria, but I just draw your
attention to what is happening in Mosul at the moment.
I was about 15 kilometers from Mosul at the end of last
week. It is thanks to U.S. support that when ISIS is driven out
of an area of Mosul, humanitarians are the first to go in
after, including from the organizations represented here.
We are supported by the U.S. in doing that. And that work
is beginning to put together the elements of a functioning
city. So in the east of Mosul, there is some reconstruction
work that is allowing people to have basic services that they
can go back to.
Thirdly, U.S. foreign assistance is distinguished by its
ability to target the most vulnerable. Often, that is women and
girls, and it is often labeled as protection work, ``protection
work.'' We are certainly proud to be partnering across the
region with the U.S. in protecting women and girls from the
unspeakable levels of abuse that are often associated with
emergency humanitarian situations, and I think it is very
important to flag that.
The final thing I would mention is that it is a scandal to
me that less than 2 percent of the global humanitarian budget
is spent on education. That speaks to the short-termism of the
humanitarian assistance. There is a fiction that is convenient
for donors that these emergencies are short term. And,
tragically, it is a fiction that is embraced often by the host
countries for their own political reason.
The short-termism leads to a neglect of something like
education, but the U.S. is willing to support education. In the
Beqaa Valley last week, I was able to see some kids who had
been traumatized, traumatized refugees who I met 3 or 4 years
ago in the same informal settlement, so-called. They are being
helped by a program that is an education program that is giving
them the chance of rebuilding their lives.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Miliband.
If I might just in conclusion, Doctors, 15 of the last
remaining doctors in Aleppo, including you, sent a letter to
President Obama detailing atrocities of the sort that we have
heard testified to here today and asked for us to take action
around accountability.
I just want to commend Senator Cardin and Senator Rubio for
reintroducing the Syrian War Crimes Accountability Act and all
of us who are joining as cosponsors to insist on accountability
for the unspeakable war crimes that are being committed in
Syria against the Syrian people. Thank you for your testimony
today.
Senator Risch. Thank you.
Senator Young
Senator Young. Thank you, Chairman.
Thank you to our doctors. Thank you for your constancy of
purpose, for your courage, and for bringing light to an
otherwise very dark situation in Syria.
I agree with Mr. Miliband. We do, indeed, have a
fundamental choice to make on this authorizing committee about
our level of assistance we will continue to provide you and
others.
You are on the receiving end of international human rights
violations, and I would like to elicit from your testimony here
a few things that I just thought were incredibly powerful. I
will start with something Mr. Miliband said.
He indicated that the introduction of Russian airpower
ushered in a new phase of this conflict, devastating and
deliberate effects on civilians, civilian infrastructure. The
airstrikes destroyed or otherwise rendered all hospitals in
eastern Aleppo out of service--that despite U.N. Security
Council Resolution 2286 condemning attacks on medical
facilities, hospitals, and humanitarian operations.
And then the doctors. You each spoke in a very personal way
to the tragedies you have seen on the ground.
Dr. Farida, you note that, ``A hospital was the most
dangerous place in Aleppo.''
Dr. Abdulkhalek, you highlight the repeated attempts by the
regime and its allies to destroy the hospital where you worked
using barrel bombs, using cluster munitions.
Dr. Rajab, you noted that in the hospital where you served
as director in Aleppo, the hospital was bombed out of service
on account of 22 airstrikes. You were hit five times in 1 week.
I cannot imagine operating under these conditions. I cannot
imagine being in one of these hospitals. I cannot imagine
living in an area of the world where you are constantly under
this sort of attack.
And who do we blame for this? Well, I mean, there is plenty
of blame to go around, but certainly the Russian intervention
complicated matters significantly.
Mr. Miliband, you note that the U.N. Security Council
adopted Resolution 2286 in May 2016. Given Russia's permanent
seat on the Security Council and habit of vetoing resolutions
aimed at the murderous Assad regime, no matter how egregious
and deplorable Assad's actions have been, I was curious so I
went back and looked at the comments of the Russian
representative in May of last year during the passage of this
Security Council resolution.
Do you know what the Russian deputy permanent
representative emphasized in his comments? It is really
duplicitous, breathtaking, what he says. He says that it was
unacceptable that medical personnel continued to suffer attacks
since people's lives depended on their work. He said,
``Protecting humanitarian personnel, including medical
personnel, is one of the most important aspects of the whole
issue of protecting civilians.''
He further said members of the U.N. must do more work to
protect medical personnel. This, again, coming from the Russian
deputy permanent representative.
The Russian representative also tried to cast doubt
regarding Russia's conduct in Aleppo by emphasizing the need
for the Security Council to be guided by reliable information.
He said, ``It is unacceptable that unverified reports of
attacks against hospitals taken from unreliable sources are fed
to the media and then used for political pressure.''
Doctors, do you have any thoughts about the Russian
representative's comments at the U.N., his assertion that
reports of attacks against hospitals are unreliable?
Dr. Abdulkhalek. We noticed the attacks being more
aggressive in the last months, after they made the siege on al-
Waer, on eastern Aleppo. At that stage, Russia was very
involved in the process of attacking the more civilian areas.
So Russia started to make a big effort to damage the
hospital and to let us flee from that area to another area
until we had to evacuate all the city of Aleppo.
Senator Risch. Senator Menendez.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
It is truly a tragedy that we are holding a hearing today
to mark the beginning of what was a peaceful uprising in Syria
that has turned into the worst humanitarian crisis in recent
memory. And we have all seen the heartbreaking images of
children and families suffering under the barbaric attacks of
Bashar Assad, his brutal oppression, ISIS, the network of
actors including Vladimir Putin in Russia, Iranian terrorist
networks, who continue to support his ongoing war crimes and
human rights violations.
And it is unconscionable and reprehensible that the leader
of any country could orchestrate bombing campaigns against
innocent civilians and institutions, hospitals, schools, aid
convoys whose sole purpose is to provide aid and support the
communities.
So I have the utmost respect for all of you and all of the
work you are doing, particularly the doctors. You truly honor
your profession globally. And in the darkest moments of man's
inhumanity to man, as we have seen in Syria, you have shown us
what humanity truly is all about. And so we honor you. And the
mere fact that you have to wear masks to protect your identity
just speaks volumes of the challenge that you face.
But I have to be honest with you. I am concerned that, in
the midst of listening to all of the comments of comfort and
solidarity and succor, that the reality is that that means
nothing if we are going to have a 37 percent cut in our budget,
nothing if we are going to deny refugees to come into the
United States, nothing if we are not going to continue U.S.
leadership in the world in this regard.
So all these statements of solidarity will only mean
something to me, and certainly more importantly to those who
are fleeing Syria, when we act in ways that actually embrace
the cause and actually shows our solidarity in meaningful
ways--in meaningful ways.
So this is why I have a real concern our humanitarian
programs operate out of the State Department, mostly the Bureau
of Population, Refugees, and Migration, and a host of programs
through USAID. I am deeply alarmed by the administration's
proposed budget plan to slash these agencies, which account for
just 1 percent of the overall budget.
I think it is not only morally reprehensible. These kinds
of drastic cuts are squarely against the national security
interests of the United States. It abdicates our global
leadership. It puts our allies at greater risk.
We want to say to other countries in the world, in Europe
and elsewhere, when the King of Jordan comes here, thank you
for housing the refugees from Syria. And yet we are going to
cut the very assistance that ultimately gives that a
possibility.
So I hope my colleagues, when it comes time to follow up
the words of solidarity, will do so with their votes.
Now I want to go particularly to Mr. Miliband. I appreciate
what your organization does, the IRC. I thought the title of
``Senator'' was pretty significant, but ``The Right
Honourable'' is a real heckuva title.
But on a serious note----
Mr. Miliband. I promise you it is not a hereditary thing in
the U.K.
Senator Menendez. New Jersey has welcomed 275 Syrian
refugees in the past 12 months, and the IRC has an active
network in New Jersey that, in my view, has enriched the State.
But what happens when we take a different course? I know
that you head an organization, and, of course, you had your own
distinguished career in Great Britain, but as one of the
greatest allies the United States has had, what would you say
to us is the consequences of us cutting in half the number of
refugees to come to the United States? What are the
consequences of decimating the budget that ultimately helps?
Why would it not be in the national interests of the United
States and its security to do so?
Mr. Miliband. Thank you, Senator.
I think the simple answer to that is that America helps
create a more stable world, and American retreat leads to more
instability that is not just an affront to America's moral
values but also to her interests. And both in respect to
foreign aid and in respect to refugee resettlement, this
country has good claim to be a world leader.
Maybe it takes a foreigner to recognize the good things
about a country, and one of the areas where America undoubtedly
has claimed global leadership is in its refugee resettlement
program. It is definitely one of the most successful refugee
resettlement programs in the world. We are working in Germany
and elsewhere where they want to learn the lessons of your
refugee resettlement program.
So I think that there is an affront to American moral
values, but also the strategic leadership that you offer. This
global system that we have, this global order that we have, for
all of its faults, is upheld by American leadership. And when
that leadership is in retreat, then both international
humanitarian law, but also global stability, are threatened.
Senator Risch. Thank you.
Senator Rubio.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Rubio. Thank you all for being here, for all the
work you do, and, in particular, for the doctors, who have
risked so much to be a part of this.
I want to touch on the narrative that some have put out.
Since you are on the ground and you have been here and you have
seen this reality up close, you can hope to enlighten us about
this reality, and all of you, I think, can comment on it.
The narrative that you see in some of these outlets around
the world, which I do not know where they are getting their
news from, is the following, and that is that: Aleppo was a
city divided between areas controlled by rebels and areas
controlled by the government; and that these benevolent Russian
forces, combined with the regime, went in and liberated this
part of the city held by rebels who, by the way, I do not think
anyone here is a fan of many of those elements, many of which
are radicals and who themselves committed all sorts of
atrocities against humanity; and that these very benevolent
forces came in and liberated this part of the city and rescued
all of these civilians and are doing these phenomenal things.
And you saw this in late December, images of churches opening.
And people know where I stand on Russia. People know how I
feel about Assad. And I see a lot of these emails telling me,
what are you talking about? Look at these phenomenal things
that are occurring in Aleppo with these ``liberated areas.''
In the context of all of this, what is lost that, apart
from the rebel forces, many of whom are criminals themselves,
is the reality of the suffering of the people that had nothing
to do with either side. They just happened to live in this
area. They happened to be families and children that were going
about their lives not involved in the internal politics of any
Nation, including their own, and somehow were targeted, which
is what you have now described.
Tell us the reality. If you were someone who happened to
live in one of these areas, and I think you have touched upon
it, but the reality of this sort of notion of liberation, this
notion that somehow these benevolent forces have come in now
and liberated and are helping to reconstruct a part of the
city, how would you characterize the way this was conducted by
Assad, by Russia, and even by some of the rebel elements as
they left?
Dr. Abdulkhalek. I can tell you that, in the eastern part
of Aleppo, now the U.N. maps decided that about a fourth of the
buildings are destroyed completely, and the other buildings are
damaged.
There is no life now in eastern Aleppo after the rebels
have gone away and after the civilians had fled to other parts
to near Idlib. No electricity, no clean water until now.
Not all, most of the rebel soldiers are not rebels in the
beginning of the revolution. They were civilians like us, and
they had to raise their weapons against the government because
the government started killing every one uprising against the
government.
So they were not a soldier from the beginning of the
revolution. And they deal with civilians like their brothers,
most of the cases, of course. They are afraid of our lives.
They let us evacuate before them. And they do not involve by
targeting us or killing us.
Senator Rubio. You may have alluded to this earlier. I
didn't see it in the written testimony. And I see that two of
you are concerned about being identified for your own safety.
Dr. Abdulkhalek. Yes.
Senator Rubio. Who are you fearful of?
Dr. Abdulkhalek. We are fearing?
Senator Rubio. Yes.
Dr. Abdulkhalek. From the government. From the government
because, if they discovered our identity, they may send someone
to get rid of us, or they can capture our relatives in their
area.
Senator Rubio. These medical facilities that you worked in,
were these medical facilities being used by anyone to conduct
war against the government? Or were these just places----
Dr. Abdulkhalek. No. No, it was just a place for operations
and for helping civilians. Sometimes injured soldiers came to
us, but we do not know which kind of rebels he belonged to,
which one he belonged to, that group or that group. We don't
know.
Senator Rubio. But the bottom line is these were facilities
that were treating people with medical conditions, and you have
no doubt in your mind that these buildings, particularly after
the Russian engagement, were specifically targeted.
Dr. Abdulkhalek. Yes. Yes, because many of these hospitals
are well-known to the government. They start targeting it one
by one, one time and then repeated it until they destroyed it.
Then they stopped targeting it after they destroyed it. They
knew that it has been out of service, so they stop targeting
it.
Senator Risch. Thank you.
Senator Markey.
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let's just get right to the heart of this. President Trump
wants to cut the State Department budget by 37 percent, and
then move the money over to the Defense Department in order to
build more bombs. So that is going to create a dynamic that is
very dangerous inside the country.
Right now, Russia, Turkey, and Iran are gathered in Astana
to shore up the ceasefire, and the Geneva talks are scheduled
to resume this week, but the United States does not appear
prepared to have a significant role in any of the upcoming
discussions, even though the United States has been a part of
this war almost from the very beginning.
So, Secretary Miliband, how long can America remain absent
from these discussions, if we are going to be able to reinforce
the ceasefire, protect civilians, allow medical and other
relief to go to victims?
Mr. Miliband. Well, thank you, Senator.
First of all, I think it is important to recognize what the
doctors said earlier. The notion that there is a current
ceasefire is an abuse of the term ``ceasefire,'' because----
Senator Markey. I agree.
Mr. Miliband.--there are significant activities still
taking place.
Secondly, without a U.S. voice speaking up for the
protection of civilians, there will be no voice doing that.
Senator Markey. We need U.S. diplomats at the table.
Mr. Miliband. I would argue very strongly for that.
And I think there is something that Senator Rubio and
Senator Cardin have started, this accountability bill that they
have introduced, it could very powerfully be linked to a recent
resolution in the U.N. General Assembly for bringing together
trial-ready material to hold accountable those who commit war
crimes.
And while it is true that the U.N. Security Council is
deadlocked, the U.N. General Assembly is not deadlocked. There
is a massive majority of countries ready to support that kind
of initiative.
Senator Markey. Mr. Keny-Guyer, child soldiers, it is not
just ISIS. It is also the Free Syrian Army that are engaged in
conscripting children into their armies.
What would you recommend the position of the United States
should be, in terms of what we use our influence to try to
ensure is the policy in Syria?
Mr. Keny-Guyer. Thank you, Senator.
Obviously, with respect to child soldiers anywhere--
anywhere--whether that is in Africa, whether that is in the
Middle East or other parts of the world, we have to have a firm
policy that is unacceptable, and those who engage should be
held accountable.
And I think Senator Rubio described it very well in his
description, is Syria has devolved into a situation now where
any fair-minded person looking at it is going to go it is hard
to sort out who are the good guys and who are the bad guys. It
is not crystal clear who the good guys are.
But what is crystal clear is that stability in Syria,
stability in the Middle East, is critically important for every
interest that this country has in that part of the world, and
it is critically important to our national security.
And as the doctors reminded us, the only solution--there is
not a humanitarian solution. Frankly, there is not a military
solution. We know the only solution is one that is diplomatic,
going forward.
And I would certainly urge and believe that we will end up
with a lot better solution, one that is more in the U.S.
interests, to the degree that we are engaged and at the table.
Senator Markey. So you are, once again, just reinforcing
this point that whether it be the ceasefire or it be the
conscription of child soldiers, all the way down the line, the
longer the war goes on, the more each side begins to engage in
activities that are atrocities by any definition.
And so that is why the United States cannot abandon the
diplomatic pathway. It is only solution, ultimately, to this
problem.
Can you talk a little bit about the programs that we can
put in place in the country to protect women and girls, if you
have any suggestion to us that the United States Government
should be trying to advance?
Mr. Keny-Guyer. Well, the biggest protector of women and
girls are the community norms and structures that already exist
inside Syria. And to the degree that we can support, and all of
us work with this--IRC, Mercy Corps. There are credible,
civilian, local councils inside Syria that are not involved in
the politics, are not involved in the fighting, and believe one
day they are going to have the opportunity to build a better
Syria.
It is in that context where you support organizations like
ourselves who work through local Syrian groups. That is the
best way to ensure the protection of girls and women.
Senator Markey. Do we need to be talking to the Russians to
get this resolved, in your opinion?
Mr. Keny-Guyer. I think one needs to talk to anyone who is
----
Senator Markey. Including the Russians.
Mr. Keny-Guyer. Yes, sir.
Senator Markey. Mr. Miliband, do we have to be talking to
the Russians to get this resolved, in your opinion?
Mr. Miliband. Definitely. But progress depends on what you
say to them.
Senator Markey. I appreciate that, but you have to have the
discussions with them. If you do not have the discussion, it is
just repetition syndrome. We are just going to see this go year
after year. Do you agree with that?
Mr. Miliband. I do. I think the other thing to say is that
Russia and Iran are not natural allies, and we should not take
it as a matter of definite course that they are cleaved
together in an alliance that is unbreakable. And there are some
signs that Russia and Iran are sending different messages into
the system. And I think it is in your interests, in American
interests, that they do not cleave together.
Senator Markey. Thank you. I agree with you.
Senator Rubio. [Presiding.] Senator Flake.
Senator Flake. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
You know, it seems that absent a diplomatic, political
solution, we are not going to see an end. I think that is
agreed here. But we have been pursuing that for 6 years now
without success.
The humanitarian situation has been well-documented, but I
would like some indication of where that goes from here, how
much worse it can get or what we are likely to see if no
political solution is reached in the coming months.
Mr. Miliband.
Mr. Miliband. Thank you, Senator. I would say two things
about that.
First of all, I think you are going to see more and more
people leaving Syria. I mean, you have 7 million internally
displaced already in addition to 5 million refugees. We have
not seen the end of the refugee flow. And, frankly, the
bombardments that are still taking place will drive further
people out.
The second point is to pick up something Senator Markey was
saying. I remarked to him that Iran and Russia are not natural
allies. And neither are Turkey and Russia natural allies.
Remember, Turkey is a member of NATO and a significant part of
the future of the conflict depends on the relations between
Turkey, Russia, the Syrians, and the U.S., in respect to the
Raqqa situation.
And so if it is correct, as the U.N. says, that 400,000
people could be displaced by the attempt to retake Raqqa, then
the way in which the U.S. engages is absolutely critical to
that.
Senator Flake. Any other thoughts on that? Will it be
manifested in just increased refugees outside of the country
then? Is that the agreement?
Mr. Keny-Guyer. No, as I said earlier, Senator, I worry
greatly about a whole generation, now going on two generations,
of young people who have not been educated, who have not had a
chance to contribute positively to their societies.
And particularly in that part of the world where there are
competing ideologies, some of them as sinister as they come and
should not be allowed to continue to exist in a civilized
world, yet those becomes pathways, increasingly, for young
people out of that mix.
And so the longer this goes on, the more the instability
continues, I think the more we need to worry about those kinds
of issues. And that is why it is so important to bring this to
a close as soon as we can.
Senator Flake. The U.S. and the EU and other organizations
and countries have been certainly helpful with the humanitarian
effort.
Can anybody give any idea what Russia has done with regard
to humanitarian efforts?
Mr. Miliband. That is not their focus.
Senator Flake. I know that is not, but is there even an
attempt to make it look like they are concerned about the
humanitarian situation?
Mr. Miliband. I did actually raise this with the now-famous
Russian Ambassador some time ago, and the Russians talk about
their support for the U.N. system, and that is the way in which
they would see their humanitarian aid going forward.
Senator Flake. But nothing independently, unilaterally?
Mr. Miliband. No.
Senator Flake. Okay. All right. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Rubio. Senator Merkley.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Today, here we are 6 years from March 15, 2011, the ``Day
of Rage,'' where mass popular demonstrations occurred against
the Syrian President, triggered by the Syrian secret police
torturing young boys who had spray-painted anti-Assad graffiti,
6 years in which we now see a half million people who are dead
and a quarter of the 21 million people in the country have
fled, destabilizing neighboring countries, certainly having a
big impact on Europe.
U.N. Secretary General Antonio Guterres, when he was High
Commissioner of Refugees, characterized the war in Syria as
``the great tragedy of this century, a disgraceful humanitarian
calamity with suffering and displacement unparalleled in recent
history.''
Our witnesses today, the doctors and IRC and Mercy Corps,
have been there in these horrific circumstances, trying to
assist with medical care and nutrition and support, and I
commend them all for this tremendous effort individually and
with their organizations.
I am disappointed that Turkey has revoked the registration
of Mercy Corps to provide assistance through Turkey to over
300,000 Syrians. I do appreciate the Government of Turkey has
been a leader in the refugee response and a close partner to
Mercy Corps over many years before.
So, Mr. Keny-Guyer, I would like to ask, what are the
immediate steps that would be helpful that you might like to
see taken by the Government of Turkey?
Mr. Keny-Guyer. Thank you, Senator. And thank you for your
efforts as well in this matter.
You know, when the revocation came, we were, frankly,
stunned and deeply saddened. And I say ``saddened'' because of
the hundreds of thousands of Syrians that we help each month
inside the country and have been such a critical lifeline of
support and hope.
And then, secondly, particularly for our Syrian team
members who have put their lives on the line through all of
these years in the toughest times and darkest days to make a
difference.
And we have always enjoyed a close working relationship
with Turkey.
So our approach right now is we presume, and we have not
been given an official reason, but we presume that there is
some technicality and that our sole aim is to enter into
discussions and negotiations that will allow us to restore our
ability to operate.
The governors in Turkey have been extremely supportive of
our work. The local authorities have been supportive. The
Turkish Red Crescent has been supportive.
And so we thank the Senators here for all your support. And
at this stage, we are working night and day to ensure that we
can get back to work there as soon as possible.
Senator Merkley. And has our State Department been helpful
in facilitating a conversation?
Mr. Keny-Guyer. Our State Department and our Ambassador
have been extremely, extremely helpful. I want to commend them
for their efforts, particularly in these difficult times.
Senator Merkley. So at this moment, with the supply chain
of significant assistance to over 300,000 inside Syria, with
that disrupted, can you paint for us a picture of the
challenges being faced by those who would have otherwise been
assisted by the flour and water and support that you all
provide?
Mr. Keny-Guyer. Well, a large, substantial portion of our
aid going cross-border was wheat flour that went to bakeries.
We were trying to use markets to keep the price of bread
affordable for ordinary, normal citizens there. And through
those bakeries, really vulnerable people got vouchers so they
could pay a very little amount for their bread. So that was a
critical lifeline.
In addition to that, there are a number of internally
displaced camps for Syrians along the Turkey-Syrian border. We
have been providing clean and fresh water for those camps to
more than 100,000 people on a weekly basis. So immediately,
those abilities have been cut off.
In addition--because, again, we see the resilience of
Syrians. We see their desire to help themselves, even at this
time. We have been supporting inside Syria the recovery of
agricultural land so that Syrians could get back to growing
their own food and not be as dependent on the outside.
Again, wherever you can restore markets, it is so important
for people. It is so important for any chance of recovery. All
of those programs are at risk.
Senator Merkley. Thank you very much.
Thank you.
Senator Rubio. Senator Kaine.
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
I want to thank some colleagues. Senators Murphy, Rubio,
and McCain joined with me today, introducing a resolution
commemorating the challenges of the last 6 years and
encouraging all of us, the global community, to do more.
I want to thank the organizations here, IRC, Mercy Corps,
and SAMS. SAMS does wonderful work. You have been praised as
individuals, but I also know this organization. And I met with
SAMS physicians in the United States and also in Gaziantep. It
is really, really a strong organization.
Thank you for what you are doing.
A comment, and then maybe a question or two.
In November 2015, right before Thanksgiving, the House of
Representatives here passed a bill called the security America
against foreign enemies act. That was the bill that blocked
Syrian refugees from coming into the United States.
This is a body that will not have a vote to declare ISIS an
enemy, but it will label Syrian refugees an enemy.
I was very proud of my Senate colleagues. When that bill
came over here, we would not have anything to do with it,
because refugees are not the enemies of the United States.
And I am extremely discouraged that, after the Senate had
the good sense not to do that, this administration came in and
perpetrated the same thing. It issued the immigration orders in
January with the title, an executive order protecting the
nation from foreign terrorism. That was the title.
The revised immigration orders are not much better because
they hit refugees in three ways: one, by a temporary suspension
of the refugee program; two, by a temporary suspension of
Syrians being able to come to the United States; and, three, by
a dramatic reduction of the number of refugees the United
States will take.
Refugees are not terrorists. Refugees are not enemies. When
the administration issued the initial executive order, I was in
Roanoke, Virginia, and Blacksburg, far from an international
airport, far from worrying about this issue, doing events about
the Affordable Care Act there. And I had somebody come up to me
at a reception and said, hey, my family helped a Syrian refugee
family resettle in Roanoke, working with Catholic Charities a
year ago. Let me tell you how great they are doing. The husband
is working on a construction crew, and everybody loves him. And
all the construction workers of different political persuasions
banded together to buy soccer shoes for all the kids at
Christmas. And you can never say anything bad about this guy in
front of any of those construction workers. This family has
been a credit to our community.
But what they were asking me was this, here is what they
said, but we have a second Syrian family arriving at the
Roanoke airport in 4 days. They have been in a refugee camp in
Jordan for 4 years getting vetted and finally approved to come
to the United States. What is going to happen to them? And they
have not been able to come to the United States.
The notion that this administration is perpetrating, that
refugees are enemies, is just absolutely contrary to the values
of this country. I second comments made that the slashing of
the foreign aid budget would be a horrible thing. But even if
the foreign aid budget does not get slashed by a penny,
perpetrating a stereotype about refugees or Syrians, that they
are our enemies, is deeply troubling to me.
A question: The U.N. Security Council in February of 2014
passed a Resolution 2139 calling for cross-border delivery of
aid, safety for people receiving aid, and safety of medical
facilities. I think the enforcement and implementation of that
has been a disaster, based on the testimony that has been
given. What does it say about the U.N., what does it say about
the Security Council, what does it say about the nations that
are members of the Security Council, that a resolution that
called so clearly for there to be delivery of aid and
protection of medical facilities has been so poorly enforced in
the 3 years since it passed?
Mr. Miliband. If I might, Mr. Chairman, I think that there
are two very important things to say about that.
First of all, you made a distinction between the U.N. and
the U.N. Security Council, and there is often a confusion
between the agencies of the U.N., the officials of the U.N.,
and the countries that stand it up. I know from my own
experience that a divided Security Council means a weak U.N.
And the truth about these resolutions is that a divided
Security Council weaken the hand of all those trying to
implement the resolutions.
The second point, I do not know which is worse, the fact
that the 2014 resolution has not been abided by or that a
resolution condemning the use of chemical weapons on the 28th
of February this year was vetoed by the Russians. And I think
it is important to see the two of them together because it
points to the fundamental challenge that now exists, because we
have never been in this situation before, where a permanent
member of the Security Council was unwilling to uphold
fundamental aspects of international humanitarian law.
Senator Kaine. Yes?
Mr. Keny-Guyer. Senator, if I may just add quickly, I think
you point out the U.N., even the best of the operational
agencies often reflects the politics of the Security Council,
and discourages them sometimes from taking the kind of bold,
clear action that they should be taking.
We have encouraged them, along with IRC and others, we
encouraged them from the day of that resolution to now test it
and push, push, push for cross-border humanitarian assistance.
Unfortunately, that did not happen.
I think that just reinforces why and how important it is,
the importance of organizations like Mercy Corps, IRC, and
SAMS, in order to reach people in need in some of the toughest
places in the world, but particularly those environments that
are plagued by these kinds of politics.
We are often the only last mile and the only lifeline.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Chair, I have one more question, but if
you would like to each ask questions before I do, I can----
Senator Rubio. No. Do you have any further questions?
Senator Cardin. No, I just will have closing comments.
Senator Rubio. Okay.
Senator Kaine. If I might, the U.S. is currently engaged in
major military action with other nations against Raqqa, and
there has been a prediction that that might lead to another
400,000 refugees out of the area.
I do not want to ask you about the military side of it, but
what would be your prediction? If this military operation is
successful, walk down the road with us a bit and tell us what
we, A, might see in terms of the humanitarian challenge; and,
B, what that might mean in terms of opening up space for either
a greater or lesser likelihood of a political resolution in
Geneva and some of the talks about finding a ceasefire and
then, hopefully, a next chapter in Syria.
Mr. Keny-Guyer. Well, very quickly, I do not know any of us
who do not hope deeply that groups like Daesh, ISIS, have no
place to operate anywhere. They are not in the interest of
anyone. They are certainly not in the interest of innocent
Syrians.
And so I think one would welcome through that kind of
action that Raqqa could come back as a normal city.
In terms of the humanitarian impact, it really is going to
depend on, obviously, how the military action unfolds. There
were great predictions that Mosul would produce a million-
person humanitarian disaster. It still might. It has not, up to
now.
I think we all have appreciated some of the great care that
has been taken, the real concern for civilians. Again, they are
suffering. But some of the harshest predictions did not come
true. I think we all hope that for Raqqa as well.
And so if there is effective coordination on the ground, if
there is upholding humanitarian principles and rights, if there
is respect for the actors like ourselves, I think, actually, we
could move in very quickly, restore essential services and meet
critical humanitarian needs, if there is also the funding
available to do that.
Mr. Miliband. First of all, I think it is very important to
emphasize the degree of trauma that it means to live under
ISIS/Daesh for 2 or 3 years. The people I met last week coming
out of Mosul have lost sons, brothers, to execution. They have
relatives who are in hiding, literally not coming out of their
own house for 2 years because they previously worked for the
Iraqi Government. There will be a massive degree of trauma.
Secondly, I do not see Raqqa being a quick win at all. You
are going to be debating this in a year's time, I would guess.
And I think it is very important to recognize that.
Thirdly, we know from history, and we can see in Iran
today, the position of civilians in the definition of military
operations is absolutely key to the way in which the peace is
then built after the war has been won. And the way in which you
win the war defines whether or not you can build the peace.
And civilian casualty rates in Mosul are currently running
at 47 percent, and that is obviously a dangerous down payment
on any attempt to rebuild the city afterward. That is one
reason that the humanitarian, the political, and the military
all come together.
A final point on the political options, the great danger is
that the options get worse rather than better, and the options
become increasingly extreme opposition groups that Chairman
Rubio has referred to versus an Assad regime that in its pomp
and its ``claimed victory'' asserts itself in an even more
bloody way, and that is a recipe for continued instability
inside Syria.
Senator Rubio. Senator Cardin.
Senator Cardin. Mr. Chairman, I just really wanted to thank
the panel. Mr. Miliband, I think, will make his 1 o'clock
deadline.
I would point out that, in Mosul, we have a government that
we can at least work with and communicate with, whereas, in
Raqqa, we do not, so there is, I think, a much greater risk in
Raqqa.
I would also point out that, clearly, we need to deal with
the responsibility and accountability to the Assad regime, to
Russia's involvement in Syria, to terrorist groups that are
operating in Syria, all that is continuing to add to the
humanitarian crisis.
So we need to engage the international community more
effectively in dealing with this. But it starts with taking
care with business at home, what we do here in the United
States, and many of my colleagues have talked about this.
But our refugee program is not only directly important for
refugees, but it is a signal to the international community as
to America's leadership. And it very much will affect policies
in other countries. You mentioned what Europe decides to do,
what the neighboring countries of Syria decide to do.
We also, in Congress, have our responsibility. We are the
ones who pass the budget. President Trump can submit a budget,
but we are the ones who pass the budgets. And we have a
responsibility. And Republicans and Democrats have been
speaking out about the importance of our foreign assistance
budget, and I hope we will do the right thing there.
We also need to deal with atrocity prevention. We mentioned
many bills today. We also have an atrocity prevention bill that
is bipartisan that we are working to try to get done. Senator
Rubio has been one of the key leaders on that. War crimes
accountability, we had that also. Senator Rubio has been
instrumental.
But it is also U.S. global leadership. Where is America?
And we do that by our policies but also by our priorities that
we set globally.
So we know that displaced families are at risk. We know
that it is difficult to get humanitarian aid to those who are
at risk. And we all need to do a better job.
I thought today's hearing--I want to thank again the
doctors, particularly, for being here. But I want to thank all
of our witnesses for providing, I think, very helpful
information as to what we need to do to help not only Syrian
humanitarian needs but their whole region, which is involved.
Senator Rubio. Well, I thank the ranking member and all the
members who came today, and everyone who is on this panel,
including and especially the doctors here who have taken great
personal risk not just in their conduct on the ground but even
being here today.
There was a statement made earlier, and I understand
exactly what you meant to say. I believe it was Mr. Keny-Guyer
who said we do not know who the good guys are, and I understand
exactly what you mean.
But I know who three of them are. I know who five of them
are, but three in particular who are with us today and the
three doctors, in particular, the doctors who are here, and we
thank them for the work that they have done.
The other part that is striking today, and I say this to my
colleagues who remain, and there is a lesson to be learned, we
did not have to be here today. This did not have to happen.
This began, as has been pointed out repeatedly, by Syrians
themselves standing up against the government. And when we talk
about some of these horrifying actors on the ground, it is
amazing how many of them are not Syrians, how this vacuum in
Syria became a magnet for foreign fighters from all over the
region to come in and use it as a playground for their broader
aims and goals, how the Assad regime has invited non-Syrians to
come in and slaughter their fellow countrymen.
And it was stunning in this committee about 2 months ago we
had a hearing, and I asked a very direct question of the then-
nominee for Secretary of State about whether the Russians have
been involved in the commission of war crimes, and he said he
was not aware. It has been 2 months, so I think hopefully by
now he has been made aware of the reality that targeting
medical facilities, no matter what is happening in that area,
is a war crime, and that that targeting would not have been
possible had it not been for the assistance and potentially the
direct attacks conducted by the Putin regime.
Moving forward, I think that this is an ongoing crisis for
the world. And to those who have argued in the past that
America has a lot of problems, and we should be focused on our
problems, and let other countries take care of their own
problems, it does not work that way. That is not how the world
works, especially now, as interconnected as it is.
We are having debates in this country about refugee
programs and the like because we have refugees. If we did not
have refugees, if we did not have people who needed to leave,
there would not be a refugee issue for us to be debating in
this country.
And the other is, this is what the absence of American
leadership looks like. And sadly, I believe it is a bipartisan
absence, in many cases, that has led to this situation.
So sometimes in foreign policy, it is not enough to do the
right thing. You have to do the right thing at the right time,
because if you do not, those options are forestalled and you
reach the situation that we face here today.
Our obligation is to take this message back to our
colleagues and ensure that these ideas are reflected not just
in what we do now when it comes to Syria but the role that
America decides to play in the world in the years to come.
And having this hearing here today, and hearing the
testimony of all of you, but in particular those who risk their
lives before they came and risk their lives now upon their
return, I hope will serve as an inspiration to every member of
this committee, every Member of the Senate, and those of us who
care deeply about the affairs of the world, about the way
forward in the years to come.
So I thank you for hosting this hearing, and I want to
thank all of you for being here.
The record for this hearing is going to remain open until
the close of business on Friday, and that includes for members.
That is time for members to submit additional questions for the
record.
We ask the witnesses, if possible, obviously, given the
circumstances, to respond promptly, because they are going to
be made part of the record, which we can refer back to as we
debate some interesting topics in the weeks and months to come.
So with that, I want to thank again every member of the
committee who came, and this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:50 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
The Committee Received No Response From Mr. Neal Keny-Guyer for the
Following Questions Submitted by Senator Todd Young
Question. Mr. Miliband and Mr. Keny-Guyer, as the heads of your
respective organizations, you both have worked with the Department of
State and USAID. This is the authorizing committee and the committee of
oversight for State and USAID. Based on your interactions with State
and USAID, what do you believe are the areas in most need of oversight
attention and reform?
[No Response Received]
Question. Mr. Miliband and Mr. Keny-Guyer: To what degree do your
respective organizations depend on private sources of funding? Please
provide statistics.
[No Response Received]
Question. Mr. Keny-Guyer, you have noted that in the last few weeks
the Turkish government revoked Mercy Corps' registration to operate in
Turkey. You write in your prepared testimony that this decision
disrupts ``lifesaving assistance to 360,000 Syrians every month inside
Syria and effectively ends [your] support to 100,000 Syrian refugees
and Turkish children, women and men in Turkey.'' Do you believe that
many of the Syrians who Mercy Corps will no longer be able to help
inside Syria will likely flee to Turkey--increasing the burden on the
Turkish government? From that perspective, wouldn't it be in Ankara's
self-interest to permit Mercy Corps to resume its lifesaving work?
[No Response Received]
__________
Responses of The Right Hon. David Miliband to Questions Submitted by
Senator Todd Young
Question. Mr. Miliband and Mr. Keny-Guyer, as the heads of your
respective organizations, you both have worked with the Department of
State and USAID. This is the authorizing committee and the committee of
oversight for State and USAID. Based on your interactions with State
and USAID, what do you believe are the areas in most need of oversight
attention and reform?
Answer. The Department of State and USAID have long played a
critical role in alleviating poverty and responding to disasters,
conflicts, and other humanitarian crises around the world; their
leadership, partnership, and funding enable us to do our work more
effectively as non-governmental organizations.
Of course, as the nature of crises have changed over the years and
our sector has learned more about best practices, these agencies have
needed to modernize their mechanisms of assistance. As noted in the
attached brief, USAID and the Department of State have--often in close
collaboration with Congress and this committee--taken significant steps
to improve their effectiveness. This includes undertaking an internal
reform strategy (USAID Forward) that increased funding and requirements
for evaluation and evidence generation, local engagement, and public-
private partnerships; reporting and publishing foreign aid financing
data to ForeignAssistance.gov and the International Accountability and
Transparency Initiative (IATI) platform; reforming food aid to increase
local and regional procurement; and most recently supporting the
passage of the bipartisan Foreign Aid Transparency and Accountability
Act through this committee and the House of Representatives.
Nonetheless, the crisis in the Syria region--where refugees are
living in displaced situations for many years, outside of camps, with
pressing needs for education and jobs and not just food and shelter--
has highlighted a problem common to not just USAID and the Department
of State, but to the international aid system more broadly. Namely, we
have relied too long on an outdated and false construct that
humanitarian and development work belongs in separate, often
uncoordinated sectors. Funding can be siloed between humanitarian
responses and development work, when in reality it is not a linear
process with humanitarian aid and economic development intricately
linked. Refugee crises place pressure on host countries and
communities, which can generate economic pressure on community and
government systems; possibly leading to the erosion of development
gains. Lack of economic development and opportunity often times
provides fertile ground for new humanitarian crises, whether by
diminishing the resilience of communities facing shocks like El Nino
conditions or in exacerbating tension and conflict between different
demographic groups.
There have been steps forward to better coordinate the United
States' humanitarian and development efforts so that all resources and
skill sets are brought to bear in reaching the goals of assisting
people and making sure that humanitarian crises do not result in the
loss of hard won development progress. These include advancing
``resilience'' efforts and better combined planning in complex refugee
emergency environments like the Syria region. However, further
opportunities should be explored to link humanitarian and development
planning where appropriate. While emergency response is critical it is
insufficient for creating long-term safety and stability; therefore
financing structures that allow for a longer-term approach to assisting
those displaced for years are required.
There are several opportunities that would advance U.S.
humanitarian agencies toward this continuum and ensure even greater
combined impact:
First, humanitarian and development agencies should work
together to orient planning around collective outcome targets. Agencies
could define specific targets that correspond to medium- and long-term
outcomes beyond emergency assistance--measuring not just the number of
food packets delivered, but proportion of the population that is now
not hungry, or not just the number of children enrolled in school, but
their learning and skills--to drive greater accountability and focus on
the right solutions. These targets should have corresponding common
indicators, so results can be compared across projects and agencies. As
an example, the IRC has implemented a set of core outcome indicators
that is allowing us to standardize our planning and reporting and
evaluate our impact across the many different contexts in which we
work.\1\ Adopting collective outcomes for crisis-affected populations
as measures of success would encourage the Department of State and
USAID to work jointly and more comprehensively across their
humanitarian and development arms to accomplish these goals.
Second, U.S. humanitarian agencies should provide more
multi-year funding. Long-term displacement is now the rule, not the
exception, with most refugees displaced for a decade or more. As a
result, programs should be designed not on 9 month or 1-year time
frames, but over longer periods (2 years or more) to allow agencies and
their grantees to provide more meaningful assistance to displaced
people and the communities hosting them, and have sufficient time to
measure and report on the outcome targets defined above. It would also
reduce the high administrative costs of having to renew 12-month grants
year after year.
Third, agencies could more rigorously incorporate evidence
on impact and cost-efficiency and effectiveness into program planning
and evaluation. As explained in more detail in question 3, the
Department of State and USAID have strong policies on evidence and
evaluation. Including requirements for all grantees to link
interventions to the existing evidence base, and investing even more in
generating new research to fill evidence gaps for programs in crisis
settings would solidify their role at the forefront of outcome and
evidence-driven humanitarian practice globally.
Question. Mr. Miliband and Mr. Keny-Guyer: To what degree do your
respective organizations depend on private sources of funding? Please
provide statistics.
Answer. For FY2016, the IRC received $128 million from private
contributions, representing 17% of our total income.
Question. Mr. Miliband, in your prepared testimony, you ``advocate
for a strong commitment to evidence-based programming and clearer
`collective outcome' measures for what we expect to achieve for the
health, safety, education, and incomes of displaced populations.'' You
also call for ``greater investment in R & D for the sector.'' How does
the International Rescue Committee employ evidence-based programming?
What best practices or lessons learned have you identified that can
inform our oversight efforts and benefit other groups? In your
experience, to what degree do the Department of State's Bureau of
Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM) and USAID's Office of Foreign
Disaster Assistance demand evidence-based programming with clear
outcome measures?
Answer.
evidence at the irc
By generating, sharing, and using data and evidence, the IRC aims
to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of programs and policies in
humanitarian settings, and to significantly and sustainably improve the
lives of people affected by crisis.
The IRC maintains a dedicated professional Research, Evaluation and
Learning team whose job it is to ensure that we rely on evidence to
design and operate our programs. The team develops cutting-edge tools
and guidelines that enhance IRC's ability to monitor the quality of
work and track performance. They build our capacity for sound data
collection and methods of analysis, and for demonstrating with
precision the impact of our practitioners across the globe and the
United States.
One of these tools--the Outcomes and Evidence Framework (OEF)--was
rolled out across all IRC programs last year to be integrated into
program design and reporting. The OEF is a set of tools, including
theories of change, outcome indicators, and evidence maps, for IRC
staff to use to ensure our programs are outcomes based and driven by
the best available evidence that proves what interventions do and do
not work to achieve those outcomes. Beyond this commitment to improving
how we operate, the IRC is also sharing this approach with other
practitioners, donors, and any interested parties, including this
committee, through an online interactive Outcomes and Evidence
Framework found at www.rescue.org/oef.
Although we have worked to compile the best evidence available in
this framework, there are still substantial evidence gaps, and the IRC
is working to fill them--of ten in partnership with the State
Department and USAID. We have been at the frontier of conducting
rigorous research in humanitarian settings, and are one of few response
organizations conducting impact evaluations in conflict and post-
conflict contexts. To date, we have completed or are in the process of
conducting 84 research studies, including 38 impact evaluations across
28 conflict-affected countries. We are currently building the evidence
base within strategic priority areas, such as preventing family
violence or cash relief in emergencies, across various crisis-affected
contexts and sharing our learning. With all evidence-based approaches,
IRC maintains that there must be a balance of investing in and scaling
up what we already know to be effective, and experimenting with new
approaches that can yield even better solutions.
evidence at prm and ofda
In many ways, USAID and State have been leaders in establishing and
standardizing evaluation and evidence-based policy and practice. The
2010 USAID Forward strategy focused heavily on building a capacity and
culture of evidence at the agency, with demonstrated results: between
2010 and 2015, USAID trained 1,600 staff in evaluation methods,
completed more than 1,000 evaluations on its programs, and an
independent study showed that as of 2016, 59 percent of approved
country strategies referenced at least one of these evaluations.\2\
Specifically within the humanitarian space, both OFDA and PRM have both
embraced evidence-based programming and sponsored a number of evidence-
generating research initiatives. IRC has partnered with OFDA and PRM on
fifteen such initiatives over the last 10 years, including developing a
new evidence-driven protocol for treating acute malnutrition,\3\
adapting screening methods for gender-based violence,\4\ strengthening
community-based surveillance methods to combat Ebola,\5\ and supporting
safe and sustained livelihoods for female refugees and returnees.\6\
PRM and OFDA have worked with the IRC to support evaluations and
feasibility studies to make sure the interventions they are funding
work. At the same time, they are themselves experts in best practices
for achieving meaningful outcomes for vulnerable populations in the
complex, conflict-affected contexts where we work.
There are certainly remaining challenges in ensuring the range of
programs chosen and the metrics used in evaluation are suited for the
changing reality of crisis situations. The humanitarian sector, by
nature, has been about lifesaving emergency response--meeting basic
needs of food, water, shelter, medicine, etc.--and has done it well.
However, given the evolving trends of displacement and crisis, where
refugees are displaced for an average of 10 years, there is a need to
shift from providing inputs for their survival to providing medium and
long-term services that help them thrive. Humanitarian and development
agencies should work together to define specific targets that
correspond to these medium- and long-term outcomes--measuring not just
the number of food packets delivered, but proportion of the population
that is now not hungry, or not just the number of children enrolled in
school, but their learning and skills--to drive greater accountability
and focus on the right solutions. Adopting collective outcomes for
crisis-affected populations as measures of success would encourage
State and USAID to work more jointly and comprehensively across their
humanitarian and development arms to accomplish these goals.
Both PRM and OFDA have shown leadership in moving towards these
kinds of programs and outcome measurements. They have been supportive
and rigorous but also flexible partners in responding quickly to
emergencies while at the same time requiring the highest standards for
outcomes and for evidence generation as resources allow. For example,
PRM has been among a small handful of institutions that have funded
education for refugees around the world based on clear and compelling
evidence that education is critical for, and one of the best
predictors, of future stability, health and prosperity. However, PRM's
funding is largely short-term and is rarely sufficient to cover the
assessment of meaningful education outcomes such as social-emotional
learning. While they are supportive of the IRC's application of the
evidence underpinning our programs, there is no systematic requirement
for grantees to cite evidence in project design or proposals. Expanding
multi-year funding to support the achievement medium- and long-term
outcomes, incorporating requirements for all grantees to link
interventions to existing evidence base, and investing even more in
generating new research to fill evidence gaps would help put OFDA and
PRM even more at the forefront of outcome and evidence-driven
humanitarian practice.
Question. Mr. Miliband, in your prepared statement, you discuss the
impact of the Syrian crisis on Syria's neighbors--Lebanon, Turkey, and
Jordan. You note that Turkey hosts approximately 2.5 million Syrian
refugees, Lebanon 1.5 million, and Jordan 1 million--placing these
countries among the world's top refugee-hosting countries. I am
particularly interested in the case of Jordan. Jordan's government is a
close and important ally of the United States. As you state in your
prepared testimony, Jordan's King Abdullah has warned that his country
was at a ``boiling point'' and that ``the dam is going to burst.'' You
note a 2016 assessment that found that 90% of Syrians in Jordan live
below the poverty line. You note that inadequate international
assistance has only made it worse. What is your assessment of the
situation in Jordan? What assistance does the Jordanian government most
need to help refugees and cope with the humanitarian crisis that has
spilled from Syria into Jordan?
Answer. Just a handful of countries bear a disproportionate
percentage of the refugee caseload. Jordan is among a group of just
seven (which also includes Iran, Lebanon, Pakistan, Palestinian
territories, Syria, and Turkey) which together make up just 2.5 percent
of global GDP, but host half of the world's refugees. We know that
Syria's civilians have borne and continue to bear overwhelming harm
from the country's conflict. But, the humanitarian, economic, and
political impact of the rapid and massive influx of five million
refugees on Syria's nearest neighbors is not properly recognized or
understood.
Jordan hosts roughly a million (600,000+ UNHCR plus an estimated
equal number of unregistered) Syrian refugees, placing tremendous
strains on its economy, politics, and social fabric. Jordan's leaders
face immeasurable political pressures as economic growth remains low
and unemployment remains high. Economic pressures are reaching a head
with the budget deficit soaring in recent months. In cooperation with
the IMF, Jordan has undertaken a variety of austerity measures that are
hitting Jordanians of all economic strata. For instance, earlier this
year the Jordanian government instituted deeply unpopular cuts to
subsidies that caused the price of consumer goods (including mobile
phone use, food, and gasoline) to skyrocket.
At the same time, due in part to its commitment to the anti-ISIS
coalition as well as its strong ties to the U.S. and relations with
Israel, Jordan has found itself in the crosshairs of ISIS and related
extremist groups. We have seen an uptick in Islamic State-directed or
inspired attacks inside the Kingdom--six in 2016 and another already
this year. In addition, southern Syria, heretofore relatively stable,
is now the scene of intensified fighting--threatening to bring violence
and instability closer to Jordan's northern border.
It is a vital for U.S. security interests in the region and beyond
that the Jordanian government is able to maintain this balancing act.
In the context of economic strain, security threats, overwhelming
refugee caseload, it is critical that U.S. economic (ESF, budget
support) and military assistance (FMF, EDA, and assistance via DOD-
managed accounts) continue. This assistance is substantively
important--allowing the Jordanian government to service foreign debt
and procure military equipment and training. But, it also has
tremendous symbolic value--illustrating an enduring U.S.--Jordanian
partnership and affording the strained Jordan Government a domestic
political win--a tangible example of its diplomatic skill. Slashes to
the State and USAID budget, especially cuts as significant as those in
the Administration's proposal, would send a dangerous signal that U.S.
is abandoning Jordan as it continues to host a disproportionate and
burdensome number of refugees and finds itself more vulnerable than
ever to terrorist attacks. These abandonment issues are exacerbated by
executive order that would suspend and then limit the U.S. refugee
resettlement program. The combination of drastic cuts to assistance,
taken with significant cuts to resettlement would be a cruel and
counterproductive move. It says to Jordanians, who are shouldering so
much of this burden, that the U.S. does not stand with them; that the
U.S. will not welcome refugees nor will it help them abroad.
Maintaining or even increasing aid is part of the answer, but
change in the sector is just as important. The financial mechanisms
that have traditionally supported assistance programs for refugees are
out of step with the realities of current displacement trends.
Humanitarian financing is short-term, with the vast majority of grants
provided for less than a year. This fails to recognize the increasingly
long term nature of displacement (once out of their own country for 5
years, refugees are likely to be away for 26) but also to address other
changes in the refugee experience (for example its increasingly urban
nature).
Given these realties, the life-saving assistance prioritized by the
humanitarian sector, while critical, falls short of what is needed
given that people are rarely displaced for only days or months. A
significant proportion of the humanitarian budget is allocated to food
and other in-kind assistance (24.7 percent to food security, shelter,
and non-food items in 2016), but refugees who are displaced for several
years--like those in Jordan--need much more.\7\ They need access to
quality, safe education, job opportunities, and other public services
to rebuild their lives and live in dignity and safety. Currently,
humanitarian financing does not reflect these needs: for example, in
2016, just 1.9 percent of humanitarian aid was allocated to education.
Yet almost one third--226,000 out of 660,000--of Syrians registered
with the UNHCR in Jordan are children between 5-17 years old. Of these,
over a third (over 80,000) did not attend school in 2015-16.\8\ Of
course, resources should be reserved for unmet emergency needs--but the
overall resources to address displacement of the scale we see in Jordan
must grow and be better rationalized between short and long-term needs
and across humanitarian and development budgets.
Key constraints to refugee self-reliance in Jordan relate to
freedom of movement, legal residency, access to financing, right to
work, and a host of other barriers. Given the political sensitivities,
Jordan (and other host countries) need and deserve strong incentives
and clearly articulated benefits for integrating refugees more fully
into national development strategies. In this regard, compact
agreements have emerged as an approach that brings together host
countries, donors, and development and humanitarian actors in multiyear
agreements to achieve defined outcomes for refugees and host
communities. By bringing together diverse actors and financing
mechanisms in multi-year agreements focused on measurable results,
compacts strengthen incentives for policy reforms. Compacts set
mutually-reinforcing and binding commitments, such as financing and
policy changes from both host countries and donors, with a plan and
accountability mechanism for achieving and tracking results. These
developments and opportunities represent some of the most innovative
changes in the humanitarian sector in decades and really get to the
heart of the challenged facing refugee-hosting nations like Jordan.
Such an approach is already in place in Jordan where the World Bank
has partnered with host governments and other donors to improve
livelihoods and education outcomes. The Jordan Compact, agreed to in
February 2016 at the London Donor's Conference, In Jordan, the compact
seeks to create 200,000 new job opportunities for refugees primarily by
developing and strengthening existing special economic zones,
complemented by relaxed rules for exports to the European Union, to
attract international and domestic investments and spur job growth. In
return, the Jordanian government will receive low-interest loans from
foreign creditors (such as the World Bank's Global Concessional
Financing Facility) and trade preferences for Jordanian exports to the
European Union for goods produced in special economic zones with a
designated level of Syrian labor participation.
The U.S. could similarly implement a ``compact'' approach for
Jordan, providing robust financing with targets for improvements in the
lives of both refugees and their host communities. Jordan has already
proven itself a willing and strong partner in such an approach, with an
award-winning compact with the Millennium Challenge Corporation.
The U.S. commitment to provide bilateral and multilateral
assistance--including creative thinking like the Compact model--to
support refugees and hosts alike is a function of enlightened self-
interest--especially for critical ally and partner like Jordan. The
forced and premature return of Syrian refugees to an unstable Syria or
significant instability or unrest in Jordan would foment new currents
of conflict and crisis that, given U.S. interests and commitments in
the region, would draw U.S. funds and U.S. troops into further
quagmires.
Question. Mr. Miliband, in your prepared remarks, you state that
the combined U.N. appeal in 2016 was only 57% funded by year's end. You
also write that ``this year we're off to a feeble start, with only 14%
of the $9 billion appeal committed.'' You note that this failure of
donors to honor their commitments results in pleas for help going
unmet. You also observe that these gaps in assistance have exacerbated
the refugee crisis. How would you further assess international giving
with respect to the crisis in Syria? Which G-20 countries in particular
do you believe should contribute more to help ensure this year's U.N.
appeal is fully funded?
Answer. A chart below provides an understanding of how much the
various G-20 countries contributed to the Syria Crisis in 2016. The
amounts of assistance given are also presented in light of each
country's Gross National Income (GNI), a relative measure of their
ability to give. The following chart shows contributions made so far in
2017.
The 2016 chart shows the United States in one of the top donor
positions, greatest in terms of absolute volume and fourth in terms of
the donation in GNI relative terms. Clearly, as you look down the
chart, you will see several countries that are giving very little in
gross and relative terms. Turkey's contribution should be considered in
light of the massive contribution it has made by hosting 2.9 million
Syrians in their own country.
The United States made impressive strides in September of 2016
through President Obama's Leadership Summit on Refugees in pushing
other countries to put greater resources to respond to all refugee
crises. The U.S. government pursued a ``pay-to-play'' model in which
countries were only able to participate if they made concrete and
actionable commitments in three core areas critical to ``responsibility
sharing'' for refugees, including: increasing refugee assistance (by
30% over their 2015 contributions), doubling the number of resettlement
slots offered and, for refugee hosting countries, increasing refugee
self-reliance by allowing access to work permits and education
opportunities. Several countries, including G-20 countries, committed
to the 30% increase in humanitarian assistance.
G-20 countries on the bottom half of 2016 Syria donors chart made
significant commitments at the Summit, including; Australia, China,
France, Italy, Japan, Korea and Mexico. Other G-20 countries among the
top donors to the Syria crisis that committed to even greater financing
at the Summit included Germany, Canada and Saudi Arabia. The new
Administration should pick up on Leaders' Summit efforts to ensure the
delivery of these commitments in real terms.
A great deal of U.S. diplomatic and political energy was tapped in
persuading these countries to take greater responsibility in responding
to the global refugee crisis; these wins should not be lost as we
transition to a new administration. While we can, and should, expect
other wealthy nations to do more, it is U.S. assistance and U.S.
diplomatic leadership that drives change and catalyzes allies and
partners to take on their share of the burden.
Question. Mr. Miliband, in your prepared statement, you write the
following: ``U.S. troops are helping to clear some parts of Iraq of
terrorist groups for the third time; in part because insufficient
investment in humanitarian response, development progress, and
political reform has each time allowed extremists to take hold.'' What
does that fact tell us about the need for robust U.S. investments in
effective development and diplomacy? Do you believe sufficient planning
is underway now to address post-conflict governance and humanitarian
issues in Raqqa?
Answer. Successive military interventions have taught us that
military force can and will drive ISIS from Mosul and Raqqa. But,
impact of driving out the Islamic State will be short-lived without
political progress and governance gains. Translating military victory
into political stability requires local governance that all citizens
believe is representative of and responsive to their physical,
economic, and political security. Building this confidence is not a
``post-conflict'' endeavor. It starts with the conduct of the war--
whether civilians are protected either in their homes or as they flee--
and the quality of the humanitarian response--both the level and
quality of services and whether populations are treated with dignity in
respect by all governing authorities. Both have a direct and
significant impact on the prospects for reconciliation and
stabilization.
This is the work of humanitarian responders, diplomats, and
development professionals in concert with local governing authorities--
to save lives now and create the conditions necessary for stability
later. And this work must start on day 1, not approached sequentially
and left for ``phase IV.'' The residents of Mosul, Raqqa, and other
retaken areas must be protected during conflict, treated with dignity
in displacement, and allowed to return home with guarantees for their
safety and their future. Otherwise, the cycle of instability and
violence will continue.
However, the IRC has identified three distressing trends, which if
left unchecked, will undermine the prospects for stability and will
keep the ground fertile for ISIS or an offshoot to regroup and
reemerge.
Military haste. A mandate to speed up the pace of military
operations has emerged. This acceleration is evidenced by the sooner-
than-anticipated launch of operations in Western Mosul and the increase
in military activity in/around Raqqa in recent weeks--including a spike
in U.S. troop numbers and the ferrying (via U.S. air assets) of Kurdish
and Arab SDF fighters behind ISIS front lines.
But, military haste can make for humanitarian harm. The quicker
pace too often undercuts civilian protection. We were heartened by the
premium that Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) put on the protection of
civilian life and property during the operations in Eastern Mosul. But,
trends in more difficult operating environment of Western Mosul are
less encouraging. The ISF and Coalition forces are increasingly turning
to airstrikes and artillery to clear densely populated areas to
devastating effect. Just a month into the operations, 40% of Western
Mosul's infrastructure has already been destroyed and, as of March 30,
more than 800 civilians had already been killed or wounded. On, March
17, a U.S. military airstrike targeting Islamic State fighters may have
killed as many as 200 people, including civilians. Amidst this
violence, civilians are fleeing at rates higher than expected. At least
200,000 people have already fled Western Mosul, and the number could
outstrip OCHA's estimate which has been revised to 400,000 from an
initial estimate of 250,000 IDPs. Inflicting heavy civilian casualties
and destroying homes and businesses will only make the political
challenge of stabilizing ethnically diverse Mosul even more difficult,
if not impossible, for the Shia-dominated government of Iraq.
In Raqqa, a rush to retake ISIS-held territory without a plan for
governance or social cohesion is no plan at all. U.S. forces in Syria
are deploying into a multi-sided and combustible political conflict.
The complex dynamics of the battlefield are made clear by the fact U.S.
forces have had to deploy near Manbij to keep Turkish and Kurdish
forces from fighting each other rather than ISIS. As such, pursuing
military options in and around Raqqa without a political destination
risks adding the U.S. to list of actors scrambling for land rather than
long-term solutions. In Raqqa, post-conflict planning is not as simple
as handing newly retaken areas back to a host country partner. There is
no obvious political partner--running the risk of either a governance
vacuum or governance structures that are viewed as exclusive or unjust.
Either outcome would set the stage for the reemergence of extremist
groups. Strong U.S. diplomacy will be critical to strike a deal that
ends violence and reconciles the competing interests of the Assad
regime, Turks, Kurds, Russians, Iranians, and, most critically, the
local population.
A strong and principled American voice must articulate support for
international humanitarian law in the conduct of war, and promote
inclusive and legitimate governance to underpin the peace where ISIS
has been drive out. This matters not only for the lives of civilians
caught in the midst of the current conflicts, but for the aftermath of
conflict and for future conflicts. Military victory that does not
translate into political legitimacy--especially for Sunni populations
that will need to be integrated into Shia-dominated governing
structures--will not keep ISIS at bay for long.
Insufficient humanitarian response. An environment of chaos and
great suffering allowed ISIS to emerge. Yet the humanitarian response
in both Iraq and Syria remains underwhelming with the U.N. appeal for
Iraq less than half funded and the Humanitarian Response Plan for Syria
funded at less than 10%. At the same time, the IRC has witnessed the
shocking lack of protection for Iraqi and Syrian civilians.
During last year's operations in Iraq's Anbar Province, those
fleeing contended with unprotected and treacherous exit routes; unclear
and often inhumane screening procedures, restrictions on movement, in
some cases, premature return to areas that lack security and
opportunity. The result is not just a humanitarian crisis--but a
political one. Displaced Iraqis (mainly Sunni Arab and other
minorities) are experiencing trauma and indignities that underscore
their historical grievances, deepen their distrust of the Iraqi
government, and undercut the stabilization and reconciliation process
that Iraq so desperately needs. While the Iraqi and Kurdish authorities
and the international community improved the quality of the Mosul
response, ``pain points'', where IDPs endure indignities, hardships, or
violence/retribution, remain. And, given the rapid rates of
displacement, all IDP camps to the east and south of Mosul are full
according to OCHA, leaving IDPs with few options. Most are moving to
out-of-camp locations where basic services are scarcely available--
leaving those displaced from Mosul physically and economically
insecure.
The IRC is also responding to populations fleeing Raqqa and its
environs and see similar dynamics. Kurdish authorities in Hassakeh
often treat displaced (mostly Sunni Arab) families with distrust rather
than dignity as they seek stability, protection, and services.
Moreover, the SDF and other security authorities in northern Syria are
imposing tight restrictions on those who flee the Raqqa area, pointing
to the risk of ISIS cells concealing themselves as IDPs to infiltrate
and carry out attacks. We expect a significant deterioration of
humanitarian conditions and large-scale displacement once the operation
to retake Raqqa itself begins. Tens of thousands have fled as the SDF
advanced, 30,000 could flee as the operation on Raqqa itself begins.
The U.N. estimates that 400,000 could ultimately be forced from their
homes as trade routes are cut and access to food, water, fuel and
medical aid diminish. Current funding level are insufficient and
security and access will also be a challenge--as it has been across
Syria. Access for humanitarian actors, like the IRC, that deliver aid
into Syria via cross-border hubs in Jordan, Turkey, and Iraq has
steadily decreased and shifting frontlines further threaten our access.
Those displaced by fighting must be afforded every protection as
they seek safety and the U.S. and other donors must prioritize funding
a high-quality response as military operations accelerate. Simply put,
humanitarian assistance is enlightened self-interest. Insufficient
humanitarian response begets instability and foments new currents of
conflict and crisis that draw U.S. funds and U.S. troops into further
quagmires.
Deep proposed cuts to State Department and USAID budgets.
Sustaining support to multilateral and USAID initiatives to deliver
emergency assistance and help plant the seeds of good governance is a
critical companion to military efforts. Senior Pentagon officials,
including Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, General Joseph Dunford, and
CENTCOM Commander, General Joseph Votel, have stressed that counter-
ISIS strategy requires whole-of-government efforts to bring stability
to retaken areas. Cuts to the foreign assistance budget--especially at
the rates proposed in the President's FY18 budget--would be
inconsistent symbolically and substantively with a true effort to
counter and destroy ISIS. Symbolically, such drastic reductions are a
step back from diplomatic leadership--both within the 68-member Global
Counter-ISIS Coalition and with the competing actors, both state and
non-state, in Northern Syria. Such cuts would diminish the likelihood
of the U.S. playing a meaningful role in ensuring these conflicts are
resolved in a way that benefits long-term stability.
Substantively, the resource that would be cut are the very ones
used to throw a lifeline to the families caught up in crisis in the
form of basic food, water and sanitation, medical assistance,
protection for women and girls and education. When areas of Fallujah,
Sal ah Addin, Raqqa, or Mosul are retaken from ISIS, humanitarian
workers are the next to enter to provide immediate lifesaving
assistance and lay the ground work for longer-term stabilization and
cohesion. These dangerous cuts would decimate the State Department and
USAID and deprive the military of the partners it needs to drive ISIS
out of these areas and ensure it does not return.
Getting aspects of the military operations, measures to protect
civilians, and humanitarian response wrong will undermine chances for
social cohesion and stability in the ``post-conflict'' phase. Quality
humanitarian response, and measures to protect civilians and ensure
their rights and dignity, will go a long way to help reconcile this
mostly Sunni population with the central government and prove that
government is competent and working to meet their needs and to address
their feeling of marginalization. Clearing ISIS will just be just the
first step--and it must be coordinated with a plan to meet the
humanitarian needs of populations traumatized under ISIS and to set the
stage for reconciliation and social cohesion. This will require
American diplomatic and humanitarian leadership and American
resources--there is no short cut.
------------------
Notes
\1\ See www.oef.rescue.org for more information.
\2\ Hageboeck, M et al. Evaluation Utilization at USAID. Management
Systems International. 2016.
\3\ Bailey, J. et al. Combined protocol for SAM/MAM treatment: The
ComPAS study. Field Exchange 53:44. 2016.
\4\ IRC and Johns Hopkins University. Feasibility and Acceptability
of Gender-Based Violence Screening: Primary Health Facilities in
Humanitarian Settings. 2015.
\5\ Stone E, et al. Community Event-Based Surveillance for Ebola
Virus Disease in Sierra Leone: Implementation of a National-Level
System During a Crisis. PLOS Currents Outbreaks. 2016. Edition 1.
\6\ IRC. Women's Protection and livelihoods: assistance to Central
African Refugees and Chadian Returnees in southern Chad --Program
Evaluation Final Report, November 2016.
\7\ Financial Tracking Service (2017b).
\8\ Forthcoming: IRC-CGD Study Group Report.
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