[Senate Hearing 115-659]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 115-659
INSERT TITLE HEREASSESSING U.S. POLICY TOWARDS BURMA:
INSERT TITLE HEREGEOPOLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND
INSERT TITLE HEREHUMANITARIAN CONSIDERATIONS
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HEARING
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
__________
INSERT DATE HERE deg.OCTOBER 24, 2017
__________
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
BOB CORKER, Tennessee, Chairman
JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland
MARCO RUBIO, Florida ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire
JEFF FLAKE, Arizona CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware
CORY GARDNER, Colorado TOM UDALL, New Mexico
TODD, YOUNG, Indiana CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut
JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming TIM KAINE, Virginia
JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts
ROB PORTMAN, Ohio JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon
RAND PAUL, Kentucky CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey
Todd Womack, Staff Director
Jessica Lewis, Democratic Staff Director
John Dutton, Chief Clerk
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
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Page
Corker, Hon. Bob, U.S. Senator from Tennessee.................... 1
Cardin, Hon. Benjamin L., U.S. Senator from Maryland............. 3
Murphy, W. Patrick, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East
Asian and Pacific Affairs, U.S. Department of State,
Washington, DC................................................. 5
Storella, Hon. Mark C., Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of
Population, Refugees, and Migration, U.S. Department of State,
Washington, DC................................................. 11
Joint Prepared statement of Mr. Murphy and Ambassador
Storella................................................... 6
Somvongsiri, V. Kate, Acting Deputy Assistant Administrator,
Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance,
U.S. Agency for International development, Washington, DC...... 12
Prepared statement........................................... 14
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted by
Members of the Committee to:
Hon. Mark Storella by Senator Marco Rubio.................... 37
Hon. Mark Storella and W. Patrick Murphy by Senator Benjamin
L. Cardin.................................................. 40
Hon. Mark Storella by Senator Robert Menendez................ 42
Hon. Mark Storella by Senator Jeff Merkley................... 44
Hon. Mark Storella by Senator Cory A. Booker................. 45
Ms. V. Kate Somvongsiri by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin........ 45
Ms. V. Kate Somvongsiri by Senator Robert Menendez........... 48
Annexes
Annex I.--Statement Submitted by Amnesty International, October
23, 2017....................................................... 51
Annex II.--``My World Is Finished,'' Rohingya Targeted in Crimes
Against Humanity in Myanmar.................................... 55
Annex III.--Myanmar: New Landmine Blasts Point to Deliberate
Targeting of Rohingya.......................................... 103
Annex IV.--Human Rights Watch: Crimes Against Humanity by Burmese
Security Forces Against the Roghingya Muslim Population in
Northern Rakhine State Since August 25, 2017................... 107
Annex V.--Satellite-Based Damage Assessment of Maungdaw,
Bithidaung and Rathedaung Townships (25 August-25 September
2017).......................................................... 119
Annex VI.--Human Rights Watch: Images of Wounded Rohingya in
Myanmar........................................................ 127
Annex VII.--Statement Submitted by John Sifton, Asia Advocacy
Director, Human Rights Watch................................... 141
Annex VIII.--Testimony of Witnesses to Crimes Against Humanity in
Myanmar........................................................ 149
Annex IX.--Mission Report of OHCHR Rapid Response Mission to
Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh (13-24 September 2017)................. 163
(iii)
ASSESSING U.S. POLICY TOWARDS BURMA:.
GEOPOLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND
HUMANITARIAN CONSIDERATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, OCTOBER 24, 2017
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:00 a.m. in
Room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Bob Corker,
chairman of the committee, presiding.
Present: Senators Corker [presiding], Risch, Gardner,
Young, Cardin, Shaheen, Murphy, Kaine, Markey, Merkley, and
Booker.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BOB CORKER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
The Chairman. The Foreign Relations Committee will come to
order.
I want to thank each of you for being here. We thank you.
It is very timely.
In 2009, the Obama administration shifted the direction of
U.S.-Burma policy, taking a leap of faith that an approach
combining engagement and pressure would help usher in
democratic reform where sanctions alone had failed. Although
many were skeptical of such a shift, Burma's 2010 elections
provided an opportunity to test the credibility of a more
proactive engagement approach.
And in the ensuing years, the United States worked to
balance engagement with the military junta and the democratic
grassroots movement. Undoubtedly, this engagement strategy had
a positive effect on the trajectory of Burma's democratic
reforms, including the 2015 election that brought the
democratic opposition to power.
And while the 2015 election was historic, Burma's
democratic transition has been a work in progress. Along with
its complex ethnic and cultural history, the Burmese military
continues to control key ministries and large swaths of the
economy, which is why there was some concern in 2016 when the
Obama administration unilaterally rolled back most of the
restrictions on U.S. engagement with Burma.
A year into this new policy, the question is was this too
soon. The Burmese economy remains weak, and projected flows of
U.S. investment have not materialized. Human rights regulations
are untouched. Structural reforms have not progressed, and the
peace progress is stagnant.
In recent weeks, we have also witnessed the appalling
images of atrocities being committed by the Burmese military
against the Rohingya minority. Hundreds of men and women and
children systematically killed, hundreds of thousands of people
fled as their homes burned.
We continue to hear the truly heartbreaking accounts of
human suffering. International frustration at the Burmese
Government's failure to protect such atrocities is even more
heightened given decades of hopes staked upon the de facto
leader, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi. Of course, our first priority
must remain the humanitarian situation, including a half a
million men, women, and children who fled to Bangladesh.
I also think we should not shy away from an honest
assessment of the direction of U.S. policy towards Burma. Last
year, I raised specific concerns with Ms. Suu Kyi about her
government's treatment of the Rohingya, one of the most
vulnerable populations to human traffickers around the world.
And I publicly shared my shock and dismay at her dismissiveness
of these concerns, an attitude she has maintained even in the
face of an unfolding humanitarian crisis and mounting
international criticism. Her failure to acknowledge the
seemingly systematic campaign of brutality by the Burmese
military continues to undermine the civilian and Burma's
democratic transition as a whole. The United States should not
abandon Burma. However, it may be time for a policy adjustment.
I hope to have a candid conversation here today about the
trajectory of current U.S. policy towards Burma, including the
role that Congress can play in encouraging democratic reform
and addressing humanitarian efforts.
I want to thank you again for being here.
I think it is Merkley's birthday today. Is that right?
Senator Merkley. Yes, Mr. Chairman. I cannot believe I am a
year older.
The Chairman. I could tell that you were not paying
attention to my opening statement, and I just want to know if
you would listen.
And I understand you are getting ready to take also a CODEL
to Burma. Is that correct?
Senator Merkley. We are certainly hoping to put that
together. I would like to invite all the members of the
committee to join us.
The Chairman. To our distinguished ranking member, Senator
Cardin. Thank you.
STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Cardin. Well, to Senator Merkley, first of all,
happy birthday. And you really know where to go to celebrate a
birthday. So we appreciate your willingness to take that trip.
Mr. Chairman, thank you so much for holding this hearing.
Now it is Burma, another country that is committing ethnic
cleansing, another country under the watch of the international
community that is allowed to perpetrate an atrocity. Make no
mistake about it. Atrocities are taking place in Burma. We have
a humanitarian crisis. We have perpetrators who expect
impunity, and there is no reason to doubt that in fact that
may, in fact, occur.
This is ethnic cleansing. I know that the administration is
evaluating that as we are holding this hearing. Ethnic
cleansing, as defined by the United Nations Commission of
Experts, is ``rendering an area ethnically homogeneous by using
force or intimidation to remove persons of given groups from an
area.'' Half of the population of the Rohingyas in Burma have
left, 600,000 out of 1.2 million. There has been a systematic
burning of their villages.
This did not just start. It has been a campaign that has
gone on for a long period of time since the 1982 law denies
them citizenship even though they have been residents for
generations. They are denied freedom of movement. They are
denied freedom of education. They are denied health care. This
has been a systematic effort to destroy an ethnic community.
And once again, we see this happening, and once again, the
expectation is, well, it is far away. We will just let it go
along.
We got to be outraged about what is happening. We need to
see the international community come together and say, no, we
will not let this continue, that we hold those accountable that
are responsible, that we will provide the humanitarian need
immediately, that we will stop this type of conduct in a
civilized society. It cannot occur.
Yes, I think it is genocide. I know there will be some
discussion about it, whether it is genocide or not.
Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life
calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or
in part. That is what is happening. They are trying to destroy
the population. People are arguing intent. What else are they
doing this for other than the purity of their country and their
lack of tolerance for a minority population?
For decades, the Burmese Government has systematically
oppressed the Rohingya people. That is the fact. And they have
deliberately failed to integrate the population into the
general population.
As U.N. High Commissioner of Human Rights Zeid correctly
stated, the decades of persistent and systematic human rights
violations have almost certainly contributed to the nurturing
of violent extremism with everyone ultimately losing. They
complain about extremism. They are creating it.
In my opinion, we are witnessing a military-sponsored
ethnic cleansing campaign on the Rohingya, and it will take
significant engagement from the international community at the
highest levels, in partnership with the Burmese civilian, to
address and to hold perpetrators accountable for these horrific
acts.
Unfortunately, the Rohingya crisis is not the only vexing
challenge Burma faces. The Burmese military continues to hold
significant influence in politics and in the economy. The peace
process, which we sought to end the longstanding civil war in
the country, has stalled. There are significant reports of
human rights issues such as human trafficking, free speech
infringement, and political repression.
The chairman is right. The State Counsellor was here. She
is an impressive person, but she is not taking on the
challenge. She is not responding to the crisis in her own
country. The military controls Burma today. That is
unacceptable. That is why we imposed sanctions because of
military control. Sanction relief was given for what? So people
can be ethnically cleansed?
I agree with the chairman. We need to not only reevaluate.
We need to have a policy in regards to Burma that we
understand, that addresses these human rights violations, that
reevaluates our position as far as having normal relations with
Burma and the release of our sanctions.
The President will be attending the ASEAN summit very
shortly. Will he be mentioning Burma and human rights as a top
priority during this trip? I certainly hope so.
And, Mr. Chairman, I do want to compliment the Bangladesh
Government for keeping the borders open. That has been one
bright spot. But there is a humanitarian crisis of the refugees
in Bangladesh that we all have to respond to.
So I am looking forward to hearing from our witnesses. I
thank each of them. They all have very distinguished records,
and I have great confidence in their expertise on the subject.
But I do notice that on a subject as important as this, it
would be nice to have at least one witness that was confirmed
by the Senate that brings that degree of importance from the
administration on this subject.
And lastly, I would ask consent that numerous statements
from NGOs about this situation be made part of the record.
The Chairman. Without objection.
[The information referred to above is located at the end of
this hearing transcript.]]
The Chairman. Senator Cardinb, thank you for your strong
opening statement. You and I were together I guess at Vice
President Biden's home when it was very evident that the
titular head, if you will, of the country just was very
dismissive as it relates to this whole group of people.
Senator Cardin. Particularly on the trafficking issue,
which I remember you brought up, there was no reality at all
that was going on.
The Chairman. Our first witness is Mr. Patrick Murphy,
Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of East Asian and
Pacific Affairs at the Department of State. Thank you, sir, for
your service.
Our second witness today is Mr. Mark Storella, Deputy
Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and
Migration at the Department of State. Thank you for your
service, sir.
Our third witness is Ms. Kate Somvongsiri. That was an
approving smile. I did that correctly. Thank you. Acting Deputy
Assistant Administrator for the Bureau for Democracy, Conflict,
and Humanitarian Assistance at the U.S. Agency for
International Development. Thank you for your service.
If each of you could summarize in about 5 minutes, any
written materials you have will be entered into the record,
without objection. We thank you again for your service and
helping us with this difficult issue. And if you would just go
in the order introduced, that would be great. Thank you.
STATEMENT OF W. PATRICK MURPHY, DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY,
BUREAU OF EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF
STATE, WASHINGTON, DC
Mr. Murphy. Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin,
distinguished members of the committee, Burma has emerged from
a decades-long struggle to defy authoritarian rule and to
transition to a democratic society. However, a devastating
humanitarian crisis in Rakhine State has exacerbated the
suffering of ethnic Rohingya and other populations and
threatened this otherwise peaceful transition, as do other
longstanding challenges that the elected authority, civilian
authority, inherited a mere 16 months ago.
Although the new is committed to ending conflicts and
improving the prospects for all the diverse populations of
Burma, today's hearing illuminates the fragility of this
democratic transition.
On August 25th, Rohingya militant attacks on Burmese
security forces and subsequent violence and massive
displacement occasioned by the military's disproportionate
response have created a crisis that demands our undivided
attention. Our efforts seek to end the violence, support the
displaced and their return home, obtain accountability for
atrocities, and address the perennial conditions that sparked
this most recent, colossal population movement of over 600,000
people to Bangladesh and several hundred thousands internally.
President Trump has discussed the situation with other
leaders. Secretary Tillerson called State Counsellor Aung San
Suu Kyi to reaffirm support for the emerging democracy and
towards action on this crisis. Vice President denounced the
military's heavy-handed response at the U.N., where Ambassador
Haley called for an international role in ending the violence.
Our Ambassador in Burma has engagedand military leaders. I
visited Burma since the start of this crisis, including Rakhine
State, and met with Aung San Suu Kyi, other government and
military figures, and displaced populations.
We have consulted with many countries, including Burma's
ASEAN neighbors. Our collective message to Burma stakeholders
is clear: end the violence, protect civilians, expand
humanitarian and media access, hold those guilty accountable,
repatriate safely those who have fled, and cooperate with the
international community. We have also encouraged collaboration
between Burma and Bangladesh and Burma's coordination with U.N.
agencies to overcome mistrust and missed opportunities for
international help.
Although the crisis persists, our engagement is yielding
some results. On October 12th, Aung San Suu Kyi laid out goals
for repatriation and humanitarian assistance, resettlement, and
peace and development. We are engaging with her government to
implement its commitments to reach these goals. Burma recently
sent a senior official to Bangladesh to discuss return of
refugees to Burma and more senior contact is scheduled this
week.
A top U.N. official visited Burma last week to address the
U.N. response to the humanitarian and human rights aspects of
the crisis.
I traveled to Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. Other
senior U.S. Government officials have engaged across the
region, building support for constructive diplomatic
engagement. We welcome ASEAN's decision to activate its own
humanitarian assistance mechanism for Rakhine State.
As we engage Burmese stakeholders and others, we know that
a prerequisite to repatriation is assurances of security.
Accordingly, the Department of State has identified and
announced new and ongoing actions to pursue accountability for
those who have committed violence including, among other
measures, suspending travel waivers for military leaders,
assessing JADE Act authorities to consider economic options
available to target individuals associated with atrocities,
finding that all units and officers involved in operations in
northern Rakhine State are, pursuant to the Leahy law,
ineligible for U.S. assistance programs, rescinding invitations
for Burmese security leaders to attend U.S.-sponsored events,
maintaining an embargo on military sales, consulting on
accountability options at the U.N., the Human Rights Council,
and other venues, pressing for access for the U.N. fact-finding
mission, and exploring accountability mechanisms under U.S.
law, including global Magnitsky targeted sanctions.
While our immediate efforts must focus on the crisis,
failure to address the long-term causes of instability in
Rakhine State will only result in a future replay of this
tragedy. It is thus crucial that we support Burma in
implementing the recommendations of the Rakhine Advisory
Commission led by former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan to
address under-development, shortcomings in services, access to
justice, and a citizenship process for all people in Rakhine
State.
An emerging democracy of 54 million people, Burma is
located between China and India. The country's success is
important to us, to Burma's diverse populations, and to the
region. Burma's longer-term viability depends on civilian
control over the armed forces and other reforms to end violence
and the potential for international terrorism, the very
ingredients associated with the current crisis and other
ongoing conflicts.
We must also find ways to support those courageous voices
within government and society who seek a better future. In
doing so, we look to partner with Congress on Burma, as we have
done across successive administrations for decades.
Mr. Chairman, we thank this committee for its leadership
and bipartisanship collaboration.
[Mr. Murphy's and Ambassador Storella's joint prepared
statement follows:]
Prepared Statement of W. Patrick Murphy and Mark C. Storella
Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, distinguished members of
the committee, we appreciate the invitation to appear before you today
to testify on the devastating human tragedy that continues to unfold in
Burma's troubled and complicated Rakhine State. Violence and insecurity
have exacerbated the longstanding suffering of ethnic Rohingya and
other minority populations, created a massive displacement of
populations internally and across the border, led to a humanitarian
crisis in neighboring Bangladesh, and threatened to undermine Burma's
substantial gains in recent years on its fragile transition from a half
century of authoritarian military rule to elected government, including
efforts to end multiple armed conflicts and achieve a long elusive
national peace.
We are grateful for the opportunity to update you on the current
humanitarian situation facing those affected by the crisis, describe
what the U.S. Government is doing through diplomatic engagement and the
targeting of life-saving aid to address this situation, discuss the
challenges the international community faces in delivering humanitarian
assistance, and discuss next steps to achieve an end to the violence
and restoration of security for affected populations.
Current State of Play
We'd like to start by highlighting the latest developments since
our testimonies to the House Foreign Affairs Committee on October 5.
First, current estimates indicate some 589,000 people, mostly ethnic
Rohingya, have fled to Bangladesh since the crisis began. These
movements reflect a slowing rate of displacement, but nonetheless the
continued flight of vulnerable populations. Refugees continue to cross
into Bangladesh, and we continue to receive credible reports of
sporadic violence in northern Rakhine State, including vigilante action
such as arson and threats of physical harm to ethnic Rohingya.
Reputable international NGOs have reported new satellite images that
reveal nearly 300 villages were partially or completely destroyed by
fire since August 25--more than half of the approximately 470 Muslim
villages in northern Rakhine State. We have all seen the heart
wrenching coverage of those refugees arriving in Bangladesh, having
lost all their property and in some cases family members, and having
suffered great insecurity, fear, indignity, and abuses as they fled for
their lives.
Although some population movements continue and security has not
been fully re-established in northern Rakhine State, most reports
indicate that our efforts, working with others in the international
community, to communicate our concerns directly with Burmese civilian
and military authorities and at the United Nations and other fora have
helped to decrease the scope of violence in recent weeks. On October
12, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi gave a second public address on
the crisis. She laid out three goals for Rakhine State: (1)
repatriation of those who have crossed over to Bangladesh and providing
humanitarian assistance effectively; (2) resettlement of displaced
populations; and (3) economic development and durable peace. Burma has
created a funding mechanism to pursue these goals with World Bank
support. The Burmese Government also implemented a mechanism to
coordinate its cooperation with the international community to address
challenges in Rakhine State. Aung San Suu Kyi will chair this effort,
but at the current time humanitarian and media access to affected areas
of northern Rakhine State remains limited. At the same time, Bangladesh
and Burma have entered into bilateral discussions on how to facilitate
safe and voluntary return of refugees to Burma, a dialogue that we
fully support.
The sources of renewed crisis this year in Burma's Rakhine State
include coordinated August 25 attacks on security forces and other
violent acts carried out by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, a group
of Rohingya militants; a disproportionate Burmese military response to
those attacks; violence perpetrated by local vigilantes, often acting
in concert with security forces; and insecurity for local populations.
These developments have taken place against a backdrop of broad
discrimination, repression, and violence against ethnic minorities in
Rakhine State over many decades. The current crisis, now underway for
two non-stop months, has exacerbated longstanding challenges for these
vulnerable minorities, including, most acutely, members of the Rohingya
community who lack basic rights, including recognition as a nationality
and, for many, even citizenship.
The violence in Rakhine State has devastated vulnerable populations
and caused families and unaccompanied minors to flee. This almost
unprecedented population movement has worsened a desperate humanitarian
situation in Bangladesh, which already provides safe haven for hundreds
of thousands of Rohingya who fled previous crises in Rakhine State.
Approximately 87,000 had fled there in 2016 following separate violence
last year, joining an estimated 200,000-500,000 undocumented Rohingya
and over 33,000 registered Rohingya already living in southeastern
Bangladesh for over two decades. With this last round of displacement,
the Rohingya population in southeastern Bangladesh is now estimated to
be between 800,000 and one million persons. There is a similar
population crisis inside Rakhine State, where the precise number of
internally displaced persons (IDPs) remains unknown due to ongoing
population movements, limited humanitarian access, and a lack of
official estimates. In September, the Rakhine State Government
estimated the current crisis had created approximately 200,000 new
IDPs; however, many of those displaced persons have since crossed into
Bangladesh. Prior to the August attacks, 120,000 IDPs from various
ethnic populations, including Rohingya as well as ethnic Rakhine, had
already been living in camps following intercommunal violence in 2012.
Diplomatic Engagement
The suffering of so many calls all of us to action. Secretary of
State Tillerson stated last week that ``the world can't stand idly by
and be witness to the atrocities that are being reported.'' This
administration is undertaking all efforts to end the violence and
suffering immediately. Our most pressing objectives are achieving
protection for all local populations and meaningful, durable solutions
for those who have been displaced, including the chance to go home
again voluntarily, in safety, and with dignity when conditions permit.
We have made it clear to Burmese civilian and military officials at
the highest levels, within the central government and in Rakhine State
itself, that all stakeholders must end the violence, respect the rule
of law, cease displacement, pave a path for Rohingya and others to
return voluntarily to their homes, and hold accountable those
responsible for violations and abuses. We have expressed alarm about
continuing reports of violence perpetrated by security forces, as well
as of civilian vigilantes operating outside the rule of law in
committing arson attacks on Rohingya homes and blocking humanitarian
assistance to many populations. Secretary Tillerson observed last week
that ``someone will be held responsible'' for these acts.
We have communicated to relevant authorities that those who have
fled to Bangladesh or are otherwise internally displaced in Burma must
be able to return home voluntarily--and we welcomed State Counsellor
Aung San Suu Kyi's re-affirmed commitment in her October 12 speech that
Burma would allow them to return. Much depends on how quickly it will
be possible to establish conditions that make repatriation possible and
safe and the precise way in which people are repatriated. We cannot
ignore that vulnerable people fled to Bangladesh because they felt it
was unsafe for them to stay in Burma. Unless Burmese security forces
create a secure environment for all populations, it would be
unreasonable and unwise to expect or facilitate their return. We are
encouraging closer communication between Burma and Bangladesh. A senior
Burmese delegation traveled to Dhaka on October 2 and the two sides
agreed to form a joint working committee on repatriation.
Principals in our government have been strongly engaged on this
issue. President Trump has discussed the situation with multiple
leaders from Southeast Asia. Secretary of State Tillerson called Aung
San Suu Kyi to urgent action. Vice President Pence denounced the
Burmese military's disproportionate response in his remarks at the
United Nations. USUN Ambassador Haley spoke at an open Security Council
meeting and called for an international role in ending the violence.
National Security Advisor McMaster and other officials spoke with the
Burmese National Security Advisor. Our Ambassador in Burma has actively
engaged top Burmese Government and military leaders throughout this
crisis. In September, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Murphy
visited Burma, including Rakhine State, and met with Aung San Suu Kyi
as well with other national and state government and military figures.
All U.S. officials have urged authorities and stakeholders in Burma to
protect civilians, pursue accountability, and cooperate with the
international community, and made clear that this crisis has
implications far beyond Rakhine State. We are also engaging and
consulting with ASEAN member states, the European Union, international
organizations, and many others on the crisis.
Rakhine State Crisis Humanitarian Challenges
The humanitarian challenges before us are many. Our focus is on:
(1) gaining access for assistance in Rakhine State; (2) working with
host governments in the region to ensure refugees are offered safe
haven and treated with respect, and that host countries have what they
need to help the refugees; (3) specific contributions made by the State
Department in coordination with USAID; and (4) ensuring that U.N. and
other humanitarian agencies have the support they need to respond.
Humanitarian Access
The number one humanitarian priority is gaining access to those in
need in Rakhine State. Relief agency access to many of the affected
areas remains severely limited. As of October 10, the Government of
Burma (GoB) had granted travel authorizations in northern Rakhine State
only to Red Cross agencies. Although the GoB has granted some
international NGOs travel authorizations to work in central Rakhine
State, other government regulations and procedures are hindering INGOs
from accessing all IDP camps and affected communities. In addition,
safety concerns, a local climate of intimidation, and restrictions on
movements prevent many local Burmese staff of these organizations from
accessing those in need.
We take every opportunity to emphasize to Burmese officials at all
levels of government the need to allow humanitarian assistance to those
in need. The White House, State Department, and the U.S. Mission to the
United Nations have issued statements calling for immediate unhindered
humanitarian access to all affected populations, including northern
Rakhine State. The Government's commitment to do so is encouraging, but
we seek further implementation on the ground.
We are working with international partners and stakeholders inside
Burma to overcome challenges that have precluded humanitarian agencies
and NGOs from reaching affected areas of northern Rakhine State. We
have succeeded in securing Burmese Government cooperation for the Red
Cross Movement (RCM) to deliver assistance, but they alone cannot
assess or meet all of the humanitarian needs in Rakhine State.
Specifically, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and
the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies
(IFRC) are working with the Myanmar Red Cross Society to implement a
response plan as the situation continues to evolve. ICRC has stressed
to the Burmese Government that the RCM will not be able to address all
needs and the U.N. agencies and international non-governmental
organizations will also need operational space. We are also pressing
for unfettered access for the U.N. Fact Finding Mission and other U.N.
officials, media, and human rights organizations to this isolated part
of Burma.
Working with Host Governments
We recognize the huge strain that the influx of refugees is
currently placing on Bangladesh, as well as the concerns of other
countries in the region such as India, Sri Lanka, and Thailand where
displaced Rohingya and other Burmese minorities have fled in the past.
It is essential that neighboring countries keep their borders open for
those fleeing violence in Burma, and we will continue to emphasize this
to those in the region, along with seeking ways to support governments
hosting refugees.
Bangladesh has kept its border open, though it is concerned about
its capacity to absorb so many refugees, in addition to security
concerns related to the influx of so many vulnerable people in such a
short period of time. We appreciate the generosity of the Government of
Bangladesh to those fleeing the violence, many of whom arrived after
walking for days and are in need of food, water, and medical care. They
found official and makeshift camps already overstretched by previous
influxes of refugees. International aid agencies are working to scale
up operations and provide basic life-saving assistance to the new
arrivals. The majority of those in need have little access to food,
water, health care, and proper shelter. The ongoing monsoon season has
exacerbated the situation, as flooding and poor infrastructure make aid
delivery even more challenging. The U.N. issued a revised appeal with
an estimated $434 million required for emergency response in Bangladesh
to meet needs through February 2018.
The Government of Bangladesh is working with U.N. agencies and the
international community to provide temporary shelter and protection.
Bangladesh has now donated 3,000 acres of land and is working with U.N.
agencies to establish needed infrastructure to support the refugee
population. The Government has also initiated a registration process to
document the Rohingya population in southeastern Bangladesh and provide
individuals with identification documents that we hope will facilitate
access to services and protection. Since September 11, the Ministry of
Home Affairs has conducted biometric registration of over 100,000
refugees with UNHCR's assistance. In every meeting with Bangladesh
officials, we thank them for allowing refugees to cross and we discuss
ways to support Bangladesh as the Government upholds humanitarian
principles while balancing its own security concerns. We also urge
Bangladesh to provide the necessary access to humanitarian
organizations to that they can provide life-saving aid.
Humanitarian Assistance
In addition to our diplomatic engagement, the United States is
providing humanitarian assistance through our U.N. and international
organization partners to help vulnerable populations affected by the
Rakhine State violence. The United States continues to be the global
leader in providing assistance to people in need in Burma and
throughout the region. Thanks to support from Congress, in FY 2017, the
United States contributed nearly $104 million in assistance to
displaced populations in Burma and for refugees from Burma in the
region. Of this funding, the State Department's contributions totaled
nearly $76 million, including nearly $34 million in emergency
assistance to respond to this latest crisis.
This funding provides life-saving assistance to meet critical
humanitarian needs, such as food, non-food items, shelter, water,
sanitation, and health both inside Burma and in host countries through
trusted humanitarian partners including the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR), the International Organization for Migration (IOM),
the U.N. Children's Fund (UNICEF), and international non-governmental
organizations, among others. These agencies are a key part of the
international humanitarian system that is governed by humanitarian
principles and brings technical expertise and operational capacity to
respond quickly and effectively to large-scale crises such as this.
Humanitarian Coordination
In addition to funding levels, the region's capacity to handle the
humanitarian crisis is dependent on the capacity of the U.N.-led
humanitarian response, including deployment of emergency response
experts and adequate staffing levels. In Bangladesh, we continue to
advocate with U.N. coordinating agencies to increase expert technical
staff on the ground and strengthen the coordination structure
supporting implementation of the response plan. In a refugee crisis
such as this, UNHCR holds the global protection mandate; however, in
Cox's Bazar, UNHCR's role to date has been limited by the Government.
The Government has recently increased cooperation with UNHCR and
approved its role in leading protection services. This will help
improve conditions in Cox's Bazar, including through increased
information on the number and needs of refugees and coordination in
responding to the most vulnerable individuals. Government constraints
on funding to experienced international NGOs and delays in approving
their permit applications have limited the INGOs' ability to access
emergency funds and assist all those in need. In some displacement
sites, strained water collection points, lack of adequate sanitation
facilities, and high population density have raised concerns regarding
the increased risks of disease outbreaks. Humanitarian partners are
engaging in disease prevention activities and diligently treating
cholera patients in coordination with government authorities. We will
keep up pressure to ensure seamless coordination and strategic vision
for the response in Bangladesh.
Long-Term Challenges
In addition to pressing for immediate action to end violence and
meet humanitarian needs, we are also supporting the Burmese elected
government's efforts to address inherited challenges in Rakhine State.
The Government established the Rakhine Advisory Commission, led by
former U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan, which in August produced a
set of recommendations for addressing the complex issues in Rakhine
State that have ignited many crises over past decades. Kofi Annan urged
the U.N. Security Council on October 13 to push for the return to Burma
of Rohingya refugees, reiterating that world powers must work with the
country's military and civilian leaders to end the refugee crisis. The
Commission's recommendations provide valuable ways forward in
addressing underdevelopment, shortcomings in government services,
access to justice, and ensuring a credible, transparent citizenship
process for all people in Rakhine State. The Government of Burma has
committed to implementing the recommendations, and established
mechanisms to do so. We must support and encourage these efforts, and
in particular press the Burmese armed forces to support its civilian
elected governments in implementing all of the recommendations.
The U.S. Government's overarching policy response also includes
efforts to discourage the serious human rights abuses we have seen,
identify potential means to hold accountable those responsible for such
abuses, increase appreciation inside Burma for tolerance and human
dignity, encourage the fragile democratization and processes in Burma,
and further support economic development in Rakhine State and
throughout the country. We will not do this alone. We are consulting
with regional partners, members of the international community in
international bodies like the United Nations, and courageous voices
inside Burma who want human dignity for all who reside in that country
and a peaceful and stable future.
Conclusion
For decades, Congress and the U.S. Government have worked closely
together on Burma as partners. In particular, we thank this Committee
for its leadership and bipartisan collaboration. Together, we supported
Burma's democracy movement through the dark days of repressive military
rule, and together we supported a military reform government's
transition toward democracy.
It is in our interests, and those of the diverse populations of
Burma, including Rohingya, to see the new, elected government succeed.
The current crisis in Rakhine State has exposed the fragility of that
democratic transition. Greater civilian control over, and
professionalization of, the armed forces is needed, as are reforms that
will bring an end to the military's heavy-handed tactics that have
fueled violence across Burma since independence. The democratically-
elected government, security forces, local community leaders, and
populations across the country all must calm tensions, end the
violence, and secure the safe, voluntary, and dignified return of all
those displaced. Only then will there be a chance for lasting peace and
change in Rakhine State and across the country as a whole.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, we are
strongly engaged to bring an end to this major crisis and to find
lasting solutions to the long-standing challenges in Burma's Rakhine
State and beyond. U.S. Government humanitarian assistance provides an
important lifeline until this possibility becomes reality. We are
grateful for the generosity of Congress and the American people who
make our assistance possible. We will look to Congress, as we always
have, as an essential partner in these efforts.
Thank you. We are ready to answer any questions you have.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Mr. Storella?
STATEMENT OF HON. MARK C. STORELLA, DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY,
BUREAU OF POPULATION, REFUGEES, AND MIGRATION, U.S. DEPARTMENT
OF STATE, WASHINGTON, D.C.
Ambassador Storella. Chairman Corker, Ranking Member
Cardin, distinguished members of the committee, thank you for
inviting us to this important hearing. I am grateful for the
opportunity to update you on how the U.S. Government is
targeting lifesaving humanitarian assistance and on the
challenges we face ahead.
The violence in Rakhine State continues to devastate
vulnerable populations within Burma and cause families, mostly
women and children, to flee for their lives. The attacks on
August 25th and the violent reaction that followed prompted
more than 600,000 people to flee to Bangladesh, bringing the
total number of Rohingya in Bangladesh to roughly 1 million
people and forced further displacement inside Rakhine State
itself. The magnitude and speed of this displacement make it
one of the most dramatic humanitarian crises in decades.
In Burma, our number one humanitarian priority is gaining
access to those in need in Rakhine State. Burma's civilian
government has committed publicly and privately to provide
humanitarian assistance to all communities in affected areas
through the Red Cross Movement. The movement has stressed to
the Burmese Government that it will not be able to fully meet
humanitarian needs, and the U.N. agencies and international
organizations and nongovernmental organizations will also need
operational space. We emphasize at all opportunities to Burmese
officials at all levels of government the requirement to allow
humanitarian assistance to reach those in need.
We continue to press the government and the military, both
publicly and privately, to end the violence, to protect the
security of all communities, and to allow Rohingya refugees to
voluntarily return to their homes after Burmese authorities
ensure they can do so safely. The responsibility remains with
Burma.
We greatly appreciate the Government of Bangladesh for
opening its doors to those fleeing the violence, many of whom
arrived after walking for days in need of food, water, shelter,
and medical care. The monsoon season has exacerbated the
situation as flooding has made aid delivery even more
challenging. In every meeting with Bangladesh officials, we
thank them for allowing refugees to cross into Bangladesh, and
we urge them to uphold humanitarian principles while balancing
their own security concerns.
In addition to our diplomatic engagement, the United States
is providing humanitarian assistance through our U.N. and other
humanitarian partners to help vulnerable populations affected
by the Rakhine State of violence. The U.N. issued a revised
appeal with an estimated $434 million required for emergency
response in Bangladesh to meet needs only through the end of
February 2018. Thanks to the support of this Congress, in
fiscal year 2017 the United States contributed nearly $104
million in assistance to displaced populations in Burma and for
refugees from Burma throughout the region. Of this funding, the
Department of State's contribution totaled nearly $76 million,
three-quarters of the total U.S. humanitarian response,
including nearly $34 million in emergency assistance to address
this latest crisis. This allowed partners on the ground to
respond immediately as thousands of refugees were arriving
daily to the already established and newly established camps in
Bangladesh. Our contributions provide lifesaving assistance,
food, shelter, water, sanitation, health, and core relief items
both inside Burma and in Bangladesh. We also target assistance
for victims of gender-based violence and particularly for
vulnerable children.
Yesterday, in Geneva, 35 countries pledged $344 million to
meet the ongoing need. The United States is not carrying this
burden alone.
In responding to this crisis, the State Department's
primary concerns are protection and achieving meaningful,
durable solutions for those who have been displaced, including
the chance to go home again in safety and dignity when
conditions permit. The U.S. Government humanitarian assistance
provides an important lifeline until this possibility becomes a
reality.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, we are grateful for the
generosity of the Congress and the American people who make our
assistance possible. We will make the best possible use of it.
Thank you and I would be happy to answer your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you, and thank you for your work.
Ms. Somvongsiri?
STATEMENT OF V. KATE SOMVONGSIRI, ACTING DEPUTY ASSISTANT
ADMINISTRATOR, BUREAU FOR DEMOCRACY, CONFLICT, AND HUMANITARIAN
ASSISTANCE, U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT,
WASHINGTON, D.C.
Ms. Somvongsiri. Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin,
members of the committee, thank you for inviting me to speak
with you today.
The violence in northern Rakhine State has resulted in
massive displacement and humanitarian needs both in Burma and
neighboring Bangladesh. This is a humanitarian crisis that not
only imperils the lives of thousands but also marks a decision
point for Burma's political and military leadership with the
whole world watching.
In response to the crisis, USAID is providing humanitarian
assistance on both sides of the Burma-Bangladesh border. This
humanitarian relief is in addition to our ongoing development
assistance, which supports civil society, good governance,
economic development, and the country's challenging peace
process. Through these programs, we are working to address the
underlying conditions and fragility that helped create the
cycle of violence, including this most recent crisis.
We are deeply concerned about the horrific human rights
abuses. As we have discussed, more than 600,000 people have
fled the recent violence and have sought refuge in Bangladesh.
Given the enormity of this influx, stark challenges remain to
adequately respond. The people fleeing over to Bangladesh, many
women and children arrive, as you have heard, only with what
they could carry. They require urgent lifesaving assistance,
including safe drinking water, sanitation facilities, emergency
food assistance, and shelter. Inside Rakhine State, there is
also an unknown number of internally displaced persons in need
of assistance.
In fiscal year 2017, the United States provided nearly $104
million in humanitarian assistance for the displaced in Burma
and the region, including in Bangladesh. Through USAID's Office
of Foreign Disaster Assistance and Food for Peace, the agency
provided nearly $28 million of that assistance, and we expect
to continue responding in fiscal year 2018.
In Burma, our main challenge is not the lack of resources
but a lack of access. Since the August 25th attacks, many of
USAID's partners were forced to suspend their work due to the
military security operations in Rakhine State. Insecurity and
government restrictions have prevented humanitarians from
reaching people in need. False and misleading rumors about the
Rohingyas, spread sometimes by official government information,
have contributed to that volatility. We continue to call upon
all parties to allow unhindered humanitarian access and we urge
the government to allow media and human rights monitors to
access and assess the afflicted area.
The United States has stood by vulnerable communities in
Burma for decades. The country's recent emergence from decades
of isolation and the establishment of a formal USAID mission in
2012 has allowed us to expand our development programs to more
effectively support those in Burma who seek greater freedom,
prosperity, and dignity. Today, USAID works in Burma to
strengthen democratic institutions, foster a national
reconciliation and peace, improve the lives of people of Burma
by increasing the access to better health services and economic
opportunities. And USAID continues to support an inclusive
peace process and support civil society.
Let me be frank. The path we face ahead is by no means an
easy one, and the development challenges in Burma are complex
and deep-rooted. During this period of crisis, it remains in
the U.S. Government's interest to continue our support for
Burma's democratic transition while addressing the root causes
of conflict in Rakhine and other parts of Burma. This support
is critical to helping the civilian government of Burma to
sustain the transition and deliver on the dividends of
democracy that the people of Burma expect.
The latest violence has exacerbated the existing human
rights and humanitarian crisis impacting the lives of
thousands. We must be honest and forthright in the assessment
of the situation and clear on what we expect as humanitarians
and as Americans.
In the long term, our development efforts must continue to
address the underlying drivers of the violence. But in the
immediate term, until the conflict is resolved, we shall remain
resolute in our efforts to alleviate the immeasurable suffering
of the Rohingya and all affected communities. We call on all
stakeholders to end the violence and seek a lasting resolution
to this conflict.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify before you today,
and I look forward to your questions.
[Ms. Somvongsiri's prepared statement follows:]
Prepared Statement of V. Kate Somvongsiri
Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, members of the committee,
thank you for inviting me to speak to you today. Burma has come a long
way in its transition to a free and democratic society, seeking to take
its place in the global community. Initial steps to embrace reform are
welcome, and we are committed to working with the people of Burma to
create lasting economic, social, and democratic gains that benefit all.
However, the ongoing humanitarian plight of the Rohingya casts a cloud
over Burma's recent gains, and threatens to undermine the successes it
has demonstrated.
As you have seen, the recent escalation in violence in northern
Rakhine State has resulted in massive displacement and humanitarian
needs both in Burma and across the border in neighboring Bangladesh.
This is a rapidly growing humanitarian crisis, and the United States is
responding to save lives. Recent events not only imperil the lives of
thousands, but also mark a decision point for Burma's political and
military leadership, with the world watching.
In response to the latest violence, USAID is responding on both
sides of the Burma/Bangladesh border, providing humanitarian assistance
where possible, helping host communities in Bangladesh cope with the
influx of refugees and addressing intercommunal tensions in ethnically
mixed areas of Rakhine in Burma, including areas not directly affected
by recent violence. This humanitarian relief is in addition to our
ongoing development assistance to the people of Burma, which includes
support for civil society, good governance, economic development, and
support for the country's challenging peace process. Through this work,
we seek to address the underlying conditions and fragility that helped
create this cycle of violence and the most recent crisis.
As a foreign service officer who lived on the Thailand-Burma border
sixteen years ago working with migrants and refugees, Burma is for me,
as I know many others, a special place that has influenced my path in
international human rights and development. In my testimony, I will
touch on how USAID is responding to in the current crisis, highlight
some of the challenges we face in providing humanitarian assistance,
and touch on the role of USAID's broader assistance to Burma.
Recent Developments
We are deeply concerned about the reports of horrific human rights
abuses in northern Rakhine State and the resulting crisis developing
across the border in Bangladesh. More than 600,000 people fleeing the
recent violence in Rakhine, most from the Rohingya community, have
sought refuge in Bangladesh. The pace of displacement is even faster
than those fleeing Mosul, Iraq, or South Sudan over the past year. This
population--many of them women and children, who came with little to no
possessions and traveled for days to reach Bangladesh--are extremely
vulnerable and require urgent, lifesaving assistance. There are also an
unknown number of people from many communities who have been internally
displaced--and are in need of assistance--inside Rakhine State,
including 120,000 people who have been displaced since 2012. I don't
use the term `unprecedented' lightly, but it is fitting in this case.
While the immediate crisis has been triggered by a coordinated
attack from the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on Burmese
security outposts and disproportionate response by Burmese security
forces and militias, the conditions for a large-scale crackdown on
Rohingya have been developing for several years.
Our main challenge in responding to the humanitarian crisis in
northern Rakhine State is not due to a lack of resources, but a lack of
access. This is due to restrictions imposed by Burmese authorities,
which prevent U.N. and international non-governmental organizations
(INGOs) from providing much-needed humanitarian assistance. U.N.
partners and international NGOs have not been allowed to provide
assistance in the north, where abuses are occurring. Burmese officials
have instructed local civil society groups that they are not permitted
to provide assistance directly to Rohingya communities, and that all
assistance to Rohingya will be managed by the government and Red Cross
Movement organizations.
Assistance delivered directly by international groups, including
the U.N. and INGOs, is not currently an option in Northern Rakhine
State. We continue to call upon the Burmese Government and military to
allow unhindered access for humanitarian access to resume across
Rakhine State.
Burma
In Rakhine State, many of USAID's partners were forced to suspend
their work due to the military's security operations since the August
25 attacks and they remain unable to gain access to northern Rakhine
State. It's important to note, though, that humanitarian access
throughout Rakhine State had become increasingly restricted even before
the August 25 attack. Nevertheless, our partners have maintained a
presence in Rakhine and many of our conflict mitigation and
intercommunal conflict mitigation programs continue in areas outside of
Northern Rakhine. Our humanitarian programs are ready to scale up
activities when Burmese authorities permit access.
USAID partners have been able to resume limited life-saving
assistance to people in central Rakhine State located in camps for
internally displaced persons in Sittwe and Pauktaw. This includes
nutrition, food, protection support for people vulnerable to
trafficking and other human rights abuses, and water, sanitation, and
hygiene services, which are largely managed by local staff. However,
the security forces continue to prevent full humanitarian access to
northern Rakhine state and full resumption of activities in other parts
of the state. Some communities--such as internally displaced people
(IDPs) dependent on humanitarian assistance--have missed more than two
months of food distributions. The U.N. World Food Programme (WFP) is
only now able to resume distributions, at a smaller scale and under
heightened tensions. Additionally, insecurity, government restrictions,
and local communities' enmity towards U.N. and NGO staff, including
local staff, further inhibit access. False and misleading rumors about
Rohingya, the level of threat presented by ARSA, and the role of the
international community spread amongst local communities and fanned by
official government and military information channels have contributed
to the volatility of the present environment.
Rohingya in northern Rakhine State have long faced a history of
violence, abuse and exploitation, and the humanitarian situation in
Rakhine is routinely referred to as a protection crisis. Reports of
atrocities are extremely troubling, and further demonstrate that
humanitarian assistance and protection from further violence is
urgently needed. We continue to call upon all parties to allow
unhindered humanitarian access to people in need and we urge the
authorities to allow media and human rights monitors access to the
afflicted areas.
We also urge Burmese security forces to follow the lead of the
elected government in committing to implement the Advisory Commission
on Rakhine State's recommendations.
Humanitarian Response
Given the enormity of this influx, stark challenges remain to
adequately respond. The people fleeing to Bangladesh arrive with what
they could carry. They are in immediate need of safe drinking water,
sanitation facilities, emergency food assistance, shelter, healthcare,
and nutrition services. Poor conditions in displacement sites increase
the risk of disease outbreaks.
In FY 2017, the United States provided nearly $104 million in
humanitarian assistance for vulnerable communities displaced in Burma
and the region, including Bangladesh. Through USAID's Offices of U.S.
Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA) and Food for Peace (FFP), the Agency
provided nearly $28 million, and we expect to continue responding to
this crisis in FY 2018.
In Bangladesh, FFP provided $7 million to WFP to provide life-
saving food assistance to the refugees in Bangladesh. These resources
also support the essential coordination and logistics efforts needed to
manage the massive influx of people and scale up assistance, in concert
with our State partners.
We are also working with our international partners to step up the
humanitarian response where possible. We applaud the Government of
Bangladesh's generosity in responding to this severe humanitarian
crisis. USAID recognizes that host communities are stretching their own
scarce resources to take in their neighbors, and we are committed to
supporting them as well. USG funding in Bangladesh includes assistance
for host communities who are bearing a large burden themselves to
shelter and support the massive influx of people.
USAID's Mission in Burma is closely coordinating with other
agencies in Burma and the regional international organizations, and
other donors, to address the situation in Rakhine State. Together with
our colleagues at the State Department, and along with the
international community, we have reiterated our strong concerns to the
Burmese Government, and have called on them to end violence, provide
immediate, unhindered humanitarian access, and ensure the dignified,
safe, and voluntary return of all those displaced from their homes.
Broader Burma
Decades of military rule and control of large portions of the
economy, rampant corruption, and internal conflict have prevented the
development of well-functioning democratic governance systems. As we
see playing out in the current crisis, this has further entrenched
historic ethnic divides, hurt Burma's economy, and severed social
services.
USAID continues to support civil society in Rakhine State and
across Burma to prevent further escalation of violence and counter hate
speech and rumors. Peace networks, made up of diverse civil society
organizations throughout Burma, have actively combated misinformation
on the [violence in Rakhine State][situation in Rakhine State], as well
as worked to prevent the narrative from spreading into a larger crisis
targeting all Muslims, like was seen in 2012 and 2013. These efforts,
along with our work with local government officials on conflict
mitigation trainings, have been complemented by our partners working to
develop online platforms that fact-check local reporting and online
rumors.
In addition, ongoing inter-communal tension and violence outside of
Rakhine State remain a serious threat to the political transition
process in Burma. USAID assistance continues to support an inclusive
peace process, including the implementation of the nation-wide and
bilateral ceasefire agreements and enabling participation in formal and
informal political dialogues from all stakeholders, particularly those
from underrepresented groups such as women.
USAID also strengthens resilience among vulnerable communities in
conflict-prone areas, including but not limited to Kachin and Shan
States in the northeast and areas of central Burma, to address the
drivers of communal level violence. Programs support local decision-
making models centered on diverse community participation to ensure
historically- marginalized and vulnerable populations have a voice in
shaping their future and to mitigate the risk of marginalized groups
resorting to violence and extremist ideologies. As we have seen with
the most recent attacks on Rohingya, the hate speech towards and
demonization of minority ethnic groups have been key drivers of the
spread of violence in Rakhine, and targeting those factors can help
stave off future violence.
The United States has stood by vulnerable communities in Burma for
decades. This includes the provision of humanitarian assistance along
the Thailand-Burma border, in the delta region of southern Burma and in
central Burma. In the east along the Thailand-Burma border, USAID
supports cross-border consortiums and local partners to respond to the
humanitarian needs of nearly 400,000 Karen and Karenni IDPs and
refugees. In Kachin and northern Shan States, where recent violence has
led to further displacement, USAID is supporting nearly 100,000 IDPs in
areas with limited humanitarian access, though the military continues
to prevent humanitarian assistance from reaching areas that are
administered by ethnic armed groups.
This recent human rights and humanitarian crisis, in many ways,
highlights the ongoing and underlying challenges facing Burma.
Addressing the root causes of violence is more important than ever. To
that end, USAID works to strengthen democratic institutions, including
the parliament, the judiciary and civil society; foster national
reconciliation and peace; and improve the lives of the people of Burma
by increasing access to better health services and creating economic
opportunities. This support is critical to helping the civilian
government of Burma sustain this transition, address the underlying
causes of violence, and deliver on the dividends of democracy that the
people of Burma expect.
Burma emerged from decades of isolation over the past ten years.
The establishment of a formal USAID Burma Mission in 2012 allowed us to
expand our development program to more effectively support those in
Burma who seek greater freedom, prosperity and dignity. During this
period of crisis, it remains in the U.S. Government's interest to
support Burma's democratic transition. It represents the most
significant opportunity in decades to engage with the people of Burma
in pursuit of democracy, human rights, peace and prosperity, and ending
the cycle of violence.
Conclusion
USAID will continue efforts to foster national peace and
reconciliation, maintain momentum for democratic and economic reforms,
and improve the lives of the people of Burma.
However, we must be honest and forthright in our assessment of the
situation, and clear on what we expect as humanitarians, and as
Americans. We know it's a tough road ahead. The military controls the
power ministries, as well as sectors of the economy. Indeed, the latest
violence in Rakhine reflects the power of the security forces and has
exacerbated the existing human rights situation and humanitarian
crisis, imperiling the lives of hundreds of thousands. In the long-
term, our development efforts must continue to address the underlying
drivers of the violence, some deeply rooted in history, and others an
obvious outgrowth of decades of military rule. But in the immediate-
term, until the violence and abuses abate, we shall remain resolute in
our efforts to alleviate the immeasurable suffering of Rohingya and all
affected communities within Burma and Bangladesh.
Thank you for the opportunity to testify before you today. I look
forward to your questions.
The Chairman. Thank you all for your testimony.
And I will turn to Senator Cardin.
Senator Cardin. I also thank you for your testimony.
If I could just get a yes or no answer on your personal
views whether what is happening there is ethnic cleansing. I
understand the administration is going through a process, but I
would like to get your view whether you believe this is ethnic
cleansing or not. Just yes or no would be helpful.
Mr. Murphy. Thank you, Senator. If you will permit me just
a slightly more elaborate answer.
Senator Cardin. No.
Mr. Murphy. My bosses have said it appears to be ethnic
cleansing. I am of that view as well.
Senator Cardin. I think clarity is important here. I am
asking your view.
Mr. Murphy. Unfortunately, I am not in a position to make
the determination. You are correct that we are referring to a
process to lead to that determination. In the meantime, we
conclude that there have been atrocities, massive displacement,
depopulation of villages that causes great concern. Therefore,
we are pursuing all avenues for accountability. Hypothetically,
a determination of ethnic cleansing will not change our pursuit
of full accountability, sir.
Senator Cardin. Could you answer yes or no, whether you
believe it is ethnic cleansing?
Ambassador Storella. Senator, I have worked in humanitarian
affairs off and on for 30 years, and I have witnessed over that
time terrible things that have happened. In this case, we have
seen so-called clearing operations that have resulted in the
clearing of 603,000 people from their homes to a foreign
country and probably 100,000 people from inside Burma to other
displacement.
I am not in a position, like my colleague, to characterize
it today. But I do want to say that to me this very closely
resembles some of the worst kinds of atrocities that I have
seen over the course of a long career.
Senator Cardin. Would you try a yes or no? Maybe I can get
one out of three.
Ms. Somvongsiri. Unfortunately, the role of our
organization is not to define legally what is happening.
Senator Cardin. I asked your personal opinion.
Ms. Somvongsiri. I am not in a position to offer my
personal opinion.
Senator Cardin. Look, I think this is one of the problems
we have. Clarity is important. This is ethnic cleansing. It is
pretty clear. And if we do not say it, it will happen again and
again and again.
Now, I am for the efforts for stopping the violence, and I
support all the international efforts for humanitarian
assistance for those that are in Bangladesh and those who are
displaced in Burma. I am for pursuing the peace process so
people are not going to be further killed. Absolutely. It has
got to be our top priority. But if we do not do something to
end this cycle of violence with impunity, it is going to happen
again. The next country will do it.
And, Mr. Murphy, I appreciate your view that you want to
impose sanctions against the military or use Magnitsky, which
is a bill that I am very proud about. But where are the
generals being held accountable criminally for what they have
done in murdering people, raping people, burning villages?
Where is the accountability for those who are responsible for
directing this?
Mr. Murphy. Senator, I agree with you. Accountability is
vitally important----
Senator Cardin. What is the United States doing?
Mr. Murphy. As I said in my statement, Senator, we have
announced measures to pursue accountability, including the
consultation with the very organizations that have those tools
available to them, the United Nations, the U.N. Human Rights
Council, among others.
We are taking measures ourselves, but we have to admit we
have very limited influence and leverage. We do not have a
normal relationship with its military. We have not for decades.
In the process of lifting sanctions, we have isolated
restrictions on the military that remain in place. We will take
additional measures, as I have said, to restrict travel here,
to explore measures how we can sanction individuals found to be
accountable. And that is an important, I think, path forward
for us to take.
Senator Cardin. Who is in charge in Burma? Is it the
civilian or military?
Mr. Murphy. It is an excellent question, and the answer, of
course, like Burma itself, is very complicated. This is a power
sharing arrangement. The civilian elected government for the
first time----
Senator Cardin. Who is responsible for the atrocities that
are taking place now? Is it the civilian fault or the military?
Who is primarily responsible?
Mr. Murphy. There are many contributors to violence and
human rights abuses. The security forces hold the greatest
responsibility for protecting civilians, and they have failed.
However, we must point out there is vigilante action, civilians
conducting violence against other civilians. The Rohingya
militants that----
Senator Cardin. Encouraged by the military?
Mr. Murphy. In some cases, they are acting in concert with
security forces, yes; in other cases, independently.
Senator Cardin. So did we make a mistake in relaxing the
sanctions because Burma was moving away from a military
government?
Mr. Murphy. Senator, I think the decision to lift the
national emergency was a reflection that sanctions had run
their course in attempting to achieve a transition----
Senator Cardin. But you are talking about imposing new
sanctions.
Mr. Murphy. We are talking about targeted--targeted--
measures to hold individuals----
Senator Cardin. Is the military--you consider that
targeted. That is an institution of its government. I would
agree with you if you are talking about holding people
criminally responsible for their criminal activities. I do not
see that coming.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. Thank you very much.
Senator Young?
Senator Young. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you to our panelists for your attendance here
today.
I agree with the ranking member. We need to speak with
moral clarity on this matter. The United States clearly needs
to lead. Ambassador Haley--I was really proud of her. She
assessed that the Burmese Government is conducting a, ``brutal,
sustained campaign to cleanse the country--cleanse the country
of an ethnic minority.''
The U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights has referred to
the situation in Burma as a textbook example of ethnic
cleansing.
I understand your positions and we are in the course of an
assessment internally, but I hope our government speaks with
moral clarity on this matter.
We often refer to the international community, and the
international community--some have characterized this as kind
of an oxymoron phrase. And right now, if the U.S. does not
lead, I do not think the international community is going to
end up in a position where they are not only condemning this
sort of behavior but acting boldly to address the needs of the
affected populations. There are nihilistic nations out there.
There are relativistic nations. There are those who will
passively stand by and watch these sorts of actions continue
unless the United States leads on these and other matters.
So thank you to my colleague, Senator Merkley. He worked
with me on a letter that we sent off to Ambassador Haley
regarding this very issue of ethnic cleansing in Rohingya some
days ago. 21 of my colleagues signed on to it, including the
ranking member. Have each of you reviewed that letter? Okay,
thank you. I saw an affirmative nod there from each.
We called on the Burmese Government to permit the safe
access to journalists, to U.N. fact-finders, and to
humanitarians. And Secretaries Murphy and Storella, I noted
that in your testimony, you indicated the number one
humanitarian priority is to gain access by the humanitarians to
those in need in the Rakhine State.
Ms. Somvongsiri, you called the lack of access the main
challenge, and you say that due to restrictions imposed by the
Burmese authorities, that access is not happening. Why is the
lack of access to affected populations the main challenge? And
what is the precise role of the Burmese in hindering that
access?
Ms. Somvongsiri. Senator, thank you for your question and
for the letter from you and so many of the other members
highlighting that issue of access for journalists and
humanitarians. It is absolutely essential and thank you for
including that in your letter, which was very constructive
overall.
The reason it is the main challenge is because right now--
let me divide it up. There is northern Rakhine State and
central Rakhine State.
Right now in northern Rakhine State, which is the area that
is most deeply affected, the only international NGO that has
access is the Red Cross Movement, and they have very limited
abilities. They have said so themselves, that they cannot
provide fully the range of support that is needed. Our
partners, the U.N. agencies, stand by and are ready to provide
that support to the affected populations but cannot do so.
In central Rakhine State, there is more ability to provide
access and help, but it is also severely limited. We recently
have been able to restore some of that humanitarian service,
but it is still operating at only about 50 percent.
Your question about the role of the Burmese Government in
it specifically, it is that the Burmese Government authorities
are the ones who provide the permits that are necessary to
access these areas, and they have not given them.
Another complicating factor is even when there are travel
permits, there are excessive layers of bureaucratization,
planning, work plans, and high levels of ethnic tension in
those areas that make it very difficult to deliver the aid.
And if I could just add one more thing on the importance of
access not just from the humanitarian side, but from
journalists and media. This gets exactly to Senator Cardin's
point on accountability. Unless we are able to access these
areas and actually see and document what is happening, that
makes accountability in the future very difficult. So that is
why we as a humanitarian organization continue to call for and
appreciate your support.
Senator Young. I have got 30 seconds left. I do want to
commend the administration. I mean, the administration has
generally spoken forcefully about the need for humanitarians to
gain access, and on the diplomatic front, I feel like thus far
they have been pretty strong. Secretaries Murphy and Storella,
you did indicate in your prepared statement that the Burmese
Government's commitment to provide humanitarian access was
encouraging. To me, I am not particularly encouraged. Neither
gestures nor statements nor some futile actions at this point
are enough. We need bold action. I hope each of you will
communicate that to your Burmese counterparts every time you
are interacting with them. I will be visiting with a
representative from the Burmese Government tomorrow. I will
certainly be delivering that strong message. And thanks again
for your service.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Merkley?
Senator Merkley. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for
holding this hearing because I think it is so important that we
put a very bright spotlight on this horrendous situation. And I
will be happy to use the term that our representatives from the
executive branch are not willing to use. This is ethnic
cleansing. 288 Rohingya villages destroyed and not one word
from our President. Thousands of children slaughtered. Not one
word from President Trump. Thousands of women raped. Thousands
of men and women shot as they fled villages. Villages
surrounded and starved, 600,000 refugees, and not one word from
our President during this horrific situation.
Are you recommending to the President he speak loudly and
forcefully on this issue? If each of you could tell me yes or
no.
Mr. Murphy. Senator, as I noted, the President has spoken
with a number of leaders about the situation----
Senator Merkley. Excuse me. The President has not made a
public statement. Are you recommending that he take a forceful
public statement to shine the international spotlight on this
issue?
Mr. Murphy. I believe the administration has spoken with
clarity and moral clarity.
Senator Merkley. Thank you. You are not saying yes or no.
So I assume the answer is no.
Are you, sir, recommending to the President that he speak
and take a public position on this?
Ambassador Storella. Senator Merkley, thank you very much
for the question.
We are recommending that we speak forcefully and directly
about the kinds of atrocities----
Senator Merkley. Thank you. Can we expect such a statement
from the President in the next week?
Ambassador Storella. I am not in a position myself----
Senator Merkley. I appreciate you pressing for that.
Ms. Somvongsiri. Yes, likewise. Obviously, as an agency, we
defer to our State Department colleagues' lead on this. But,
yes, as an agency we do continue to call on all parties to
speak forcefully to do what we can to end the violence, gain
humanitarian access, and to hold people accountable.
Senator Merkley. You cannot really call on all parties to
speak forcefully if our own President is not speaking
forcefully.
I have here a mission report of the United Nations Human
Rights Office of High Commissioner, September 13th through
24th. If I can enter that into the record.
The Chairman. Without objection.
[The information referred to is located at the end of the
hearing transcript.]
Senator Merkley. I would like to quote a piece of this, and
they use the term ``Myanmar,'' so Myanmar or Burma. ``Myanmar
security forces purposely destroyed the property of Rohingyas,
scorched their dwellings and entire villages not only to drive
the population out in droves but also to prevent the fleeing
Rohingya victims from returning to their homes. The destruction
by the Tatmadaw''--that is the Burma military--``of houses,
fields, foodstocks, crops, livestock, and even trees render the
possibility of Rohingya to returning to normal lives in the
future almost impossible. It also indicates an effort to
effectively erase all signs of memorable landmarks and
geography of the villages and memory in such a way that return
to their lands would yield nothing but desolate and
unrecognizable terrain. Information received indicates that the
Myanmar security forces targeted teachers and cultural and
religious leadership and other people of influence in an effort
to diminish Rohingya history, culture, and knowledge.''
Does that sound like ethnic cleansing to you? Don't
everyone rush to answer.
Ambassador Storella. Senator, first, let me say that
through the support of the United States Congress, the United
States Government is the strongest supporter of the UNHCR not
only financially but also through our diplomatic engagement
around the world. We support what the High Commissioner is
doing very strongly. We believe that what he has described are
in fact an accurate description of the atrocities that have
taken place.
Senator Merkley. Thank you. I appreciate that. And I am
very glad to hear that because I believe that if you carry that
message to the highest levels of the Department that you
believe that this is an accurate description, that we will see
forceful representation of America responding to this.
I recall our Secretary of State talking to me when he was
being considered for nomination, and he said he was going to
provide moral leadership guidance. And yet here we have this
horrific instance and we have virtually no voice, no pressure,
very polite words about supporting the evolving democracy in
Burma, almost things that sound like, well, we think they are
doing a good job trying to address this. They are not doing a
good job. The military--and none of you testified that the
military is behind this. This is an act not by random forces.
This is an act by the Government of Burma, and we need to
respond with enormous moral clarity and force on this issue.
And I hope you will make that happen.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Senator Gardner?
Senator Gardner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you to the witnesses for being here today at this
very important hearing. I think all of us recognize the crisis
in Rakhine State as nothing short of a humanitarian
catastrophe, and the United States must be resolute in stopping
this violence, condemning this violence, assisting the
refugees, and seeking accountability for the many crimes that
are being committed.
I reiterated that very message personally yesterday in my
meeting with Burma's Ambassador to the United States and will
continue to do so.
I am deeply saddened and outraged at the events of the last
several months. We all are and we all have to be. I visited
Burma in May of 2016, had a long, productive conversation then
with Aung San Suu Kyi, here in the United States as well.
Military leaders I met with, including the commander in chief,
expressed our condemnation in the strongest terms possible
which has unfolded there for decades. The recent tragic events
threaten to upend the hopeful trajectory of democratization
that we have talked about here today and reform in Burma that I
witnessed firsthand during that visit. And while we must
address the crisis in Rakhine State, we must also look to the
broader questions of whether U.S. policy toward Burma has
succeeded to date in paving the path to peace, stability, and
democracy in that country. And I know that is what this
committee hearing is about today, and I thank the witnesses for
participating in it.
But I am struck by several of the answers that we have
received to some of the questions that have been asked.
I guess I want to start following up on something that
Senator Cardin said, Secretary Murphy. Last year, last
Congress, the decision was made to lift the sanctions against
Burma. Will that be reversed? Was it a mistake?
Mr. Murphy. Senator, I appreciate your longstanding
interest in Burma, and I think that your visit there does equip
you to understand many of the challenges this country faces.
I want to take the opportunity to speak with moral clarity.
There have been some questions about where the administration
is. We have stated in our testimony today we have witnessed
terrible crimes. There is increasing evidence that security
forces are associated with vigilante action. These individuals
will be held accountable. We will pursue accountability with
all of the tools available to us.
I have also stated that the military security forces have
reacted in a disproportionate manner and bear the greatest
responsibility for protecting local populations and have failed
to do so.
Our sanctions program was designed to see the expression of
the will of the Burmese people. We saw a successful election.
An elected government, just 16 months ago, began very
significant efforts to address elusive national peace, end
conflicts around the country, and indeed, try and address the
plight of the Rohingya people. That does not absolve this
government of criticism for its shortcomings. We are looking
for all stakeholders to take actions.
We also have to realize what this government is up against.
I do not take their position. I do not defend their position,
but the elected government does not have full authority over
the military. In Rakhine State, ethnic Rakhine leaders are
opposed to humanitarian assistance. They are opposed to
citizenship for the Rohingya. They hold incredible sway over
the political space there. The entire country has prejudice and
racism directed at the Rohingya. Any government is going to
have difficulties in overcoming those obstacles.
So we have to support those in government who see a better
path forward. And indeed, the Rakhine Advisory Commission is a
perfect example. This government invited the formation of the
commission, and it has adopted and accepted the
recommendations. We want to support those because they provide
the best path forward for the Rohingya people.
Broad sanctions. Those are under discussion, but I have to
allow broad sanctions could very well make those vulnerable
populations that still remain more vulnerable, susceptible to
the same violence and criminal activity that is taking place
thus far. We have to be very careful with our approach so that
we can achieve the objectives that we are talking about today:
better protection for these populations, safe return,
accountability for those who have committed atrocities.
Senator Gardner. I expressed my concern to this committee
over and over last Congress. I even put a hold on Ambassador
Marciel over my objection that we lifted the national emergency
order provisions at the State Department that were put in
place. And I just do not understand. I still do not understand
to this day how we think somehow we are better off having done
that and the actions that we have seen in Burma--how the
Rohingya are better off as a result of that. It seems like we
gave a carrot without any return to behavior that would improve
the plight of the human catastrophe that is unfolding there.
China, obviously a border state, very important
economically. What is China's role? What have they done as we
have seen this unfold?
Mr. Murphy. Senator, I think first on sanctions, we are
talking about targeted measures to try and achieve behavior
change and protect civilians. We have to recognize, in terms of
broad sanctions, the United States was the last country
standing with significant restrictions. It was hurting our
interests. It was hurting the ability of this elected
government to have a good start in addressing the problems that
had been ignored by 50 years of military, authoritarian,
repressive rule. It does not mean Burma had reached perfection.
We knew this would be bumpy. We knew there would be many
challenges. We have to look at the tools available to us to
encourage behavior change and proper actions.
Proper actions are required by all in the international
community, including China. We would hope as a member of the
Security Council, China could join us in recognizing the
military's disproportionate response has exacerbated these
problems. And China needs to work with others on the Security
Council to understand that the instability that is being
created could affect the neighborhood, including China's own
interests.
Senator Gardner. Has China publicly condemned the actions
of the military in Burma?
Mr. Murphy. I do not think we have seen very encouraging
signs from China with regard to the Burmese military. We are
looking for a better posture on their part.
The Chairman. Thank you. Thank you very much.
Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you all very much for being
here and for your ongoing work.
I share the frustration that you are hearing among my
colleagues on this committee about our inability to better
affect the outcome of what is happening in Burma.
I understand that there have been allegations of sexual
violence, of rape, of other actions specifically targeting
Rohingya women by members of the Burmese security forces. Can
you tell me, any one of you, if we have raised those specific
concerns of gender-based violence with the Burmese military and
the government?
Mr. Murphy. Yes, Senator. We share your concerns. The
reports primarily coming from refugees, very credible NGOs
would suggest a wide range of abuses and atrocities, including
sexual violence, violence against women and children. These are
particularly vulnerable populations within a larger vulnerable
population of the Rohingya.
We have expressed this concern with all the leaders and
stakeholders. And I want to emphasize, Senator, this is not a
monolithic government that has full authority.
Senator Shaheen. No. I understand that.
Mr. Murphy. So yes, directly with Aung San Suu Kyi. We have
had conversations through our Ambassador to Burma, Scot
Marciel, with the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, Min
Aung Hlaing. We have expressed our concerns with other
stakeholders, including local populations, local leaders in
Rakhine State. And we have pointed out that these kind of
abuses, this kind of displacement threatens the transition to
democracy, creates a much bigger risk for the attraction of
international terrorism, and could set Burma back. So it is in
the country's interest not only to protect local populations
but to pave a path forward that is in the betterment of all 55
million people.
Senator Shaheen. Well, I appreciate that. Unless you have a
different response, Ambassador Storella, I am going to move on.
Ambassador Storella. Senator Shaheen, I would just like to
say that our Ambassador, Marcia Bernicat, in Bangladesh herself
went and visited with victims of gender-based violence so that
she herself could hear their testimony. Through the support of
this Congress, we are providing assistance to thousands of
people who have been victims of that violence. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Well, thank you. I do appreciate that. And
this week, Senator Isakson and I are going to reintroduce the
International Violence Against Women Act, and I think it speaks
to the importance of that legislation as we look at how to
address these crimes that are happening not just--unfortunately
are happening not just here with the Rohingya but in other
places around the world.
I understand that there are an estimated 69,000 pregnant
Rohingya refugee women in Bangladesh. I am not sure if that
number is correct, but that the main assistance that they are
getting is from the UNFPA. And I certainly support that. I
support the efforts that UNFPA makes around the world to help
pregnant women and vulnerable women who are in need of pre- and
postnatal care.
I guess, Ambassador Storella, can you tell me if the
administration supports UNFPA's efforts here and how we do
that?
Ambassador Storella. Senator Shaheen, the United States
does support efforts for women who are particularly vulnerable.
We are working with a number of different agencies to ensure
that there are things like gender-appropriate latrines that are
available.
Senator Shaheen. But we are not supporting the efforts of
UNFPA. Is that correct?
Ambassador Storella. The United States is limiting its
support for UNFPA at this time. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. That is unfortunate given the number of
women in vulnerable positions who really need that help.
I do not know if any of you can answer this question, but I
do know that I have heard from people in New Hampshire and
other places who have expressed concern about why Aung San Suu
Kyi has not spoken out more forcefully on this circumstance.
Mr. Murphy, I guess this is for you. What is your assessment of
the situation there? Why do you think she has not spoken out
more forcefully, and what do you think would happen to that
power sharing arrangement if she did?
Mr. Murphy. Senator, my parents are residents of New
Hampshire and asked me the same question. I cannot speak for
Aung San Suu Kyi.
What I do know is that in Burma one of the fundamental
problems we are facing in Rakhine State is widespread prejudice
and racism directed specifically at the Rohingya. There are
also many populations that have suffered for decades from
discrimination, other ethnic minorities, including inside
Rakhine State the ethnic Rakhine who, as I said earlier,
dominate the political space, have suffered from centrally
directed discrimination. It is a very complicated environment.
We would like to see more champions, more vocal voices for
the Rohingya and other repressed populations. And we know it is
a very complicated environment. Speaking out on behalf of the
Rohingya is a dangerous proposition right now in Burma. It must
be acknowledged. I do not think that can withhold us from
criticizing, from urging broader human dignity and respect for
each other. Our particular message is not just to the
government, also to the armed forces, local ethnic leaders, but
also the broad members of the Burmese nation. Reflect on your
own suffering, your own voyage to overcome authoritarian rule
and think about your fellow human beings.
The terrible treatment of the Rohingya is a real Achilles
heel for this country and its transition. We need a broad
public campaign of education for all Burmese to understand they
are in this together. Rohingya are part of the fabric. They
need to find a way forward for citizenship, for basic human
rights. And that is a broad message. And we are looking not
just for a singular champion but for all Burmese to understand
that human dignity is a real important aspect to this crisis.
Senator Shaheen. I think that is very well said. So what
kind of a message do you think it sends to people--could I just
ask one more question?
The Chairman. As long as you do not ask him to answer it.
Senator Shaheen. That is fine. It is a rhetorical
statement. What kind of a message does it send to the Burmese
leadership, military, and civilian when in the United States of
America, we have a travel ban on Muslim majority countries'
members coming into this country?
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you. Thank you very much.
Senator Risch?
Senator Risch. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I want to thank all three of you for your service. I think
what you are seeing here today is some considerable frustration
and outrage amongst members of this committee. And there is no
difference in our feeling, all of the committee, in that
regard. I mean, we all share this frustration. We all share
this outrage.
I want to thank you for your leadership on this issue and
for speaking with the moral clarity that you have spoken with
here today. I appreciate that you do not communicate directly
with the President and cannot pound on his desk and tell him
what he should say or should not. Some people have tried that
and not very successfully I have noticed. But as the State
Department, certainly you speak with the full force and effect
of the United States foreign policy behind you, and for that,
we appreciate that.
Our job, of course, in this committee is to help craft
foreign policy, and that will be done, I am sure, as we move
forward through resolutions or statutes that address this
problem. I think today you have been very clear in assessing
how difficult this is to do.
And one of the things that I find that shows the difficult
nature of this--and these are my words, not yours--but it seems
like you are facing an entire population, a country, that
possesses a prejudice that is not appropriate, obviously, and
it is manifesting itself in some very bad things. Now, I do not
know how you address that. Certainly sanctions are one way to
do that. But prejudice is not easily overcome. And frankly, I
do not know that sanctions are something that are going to
convince people that they should be thinking differently than
what they are.
But in any event, I would like to hear each of you address
briefly, if you would, this issue that we are dealing with not
an individual, which we frequently are in some countries, not
even just the military as we are in some countries, but really
the civilian government plus the population of the country that
is really turning a blind eye towards this. Do you have
suggestions for change in that conduct? Mr. Murphy, let us
start with you and work our way down.
Mr. Murphy. Senator, I very much appreciate your
perspectives. And this current crisis is appalling. It is sad.
It is outrageous. I want to share with you my frustration does
not begin with crisis. It began 20 years ago when I first
visited northern Rakhine State and have worked on and off over
the course of my career on the particular challenge of the
repressed Rohingya population. It has been a longstanding
problem. Unfortunately, of course, frustration does not
translate to action. We need to take measures to try and
achieve behavior change and a path forward.
We have identified something new in the current elected
government environment, and that is a willingness to try and
tackle the underlying challenges in Rakhine State, a path to
citizenship, development for all of the underdeveloped
populations that reside there. I want to revisit that Rakhine
Advisory Commission. It is no small measure that this
commission was formed under the leadership of the former U.N.
Secretary-General and came up with 88 very specific
recommendations. The new government has embraced them. We now
need to see implementation. We need other stakeholders to
support those recommendations, including the armed forces,
local leaders in Rakhine State. Those paths forward include
cooperation and coordination with Bangladesh, development,
access to basic government services that have been lacking,
most importantly, a path to citizenship so this disenfranchised
population has a means to participate and gain from the
benefits that other citizens enjoy.
It is not going to be easy. These recommendations are both
short-term and long-term. But we have a government that is
willing to do something where previous military regimes simply
repressed and ignored. That does not mean this government has
taken all the right steps. We are calling on the government to
do all that it can to end the violence, stop the hate speech,
pave a path forward for repatriated refugees, and find a way
towards national peace.
This government has also convened something called the
Panglong Conference, which has been unprecedented since the
1940s bringing together all representatives throughout the
country to pave a path forward in ending conflict. As we talk
about conflict today in Rakhine State, there is ongoing
conflict in the north in Kachin and Shan States. Burma has been
at war with itself nonstop for over 70 years, and this
government is trying to achieve some peace. We need to work
with those stakeholders who see a better way.
At the same time, we have talked about targeted sanctions
and measures for those who are not with the program. We have to
have a measured, balanced approach I think, Senator.
Senator Risch. Thank you very much. My time is up. I
apologize. I really wanted to hear both of your perspectives
also.
I would just say thank you again for your service. I know
how disheartening this is as we listen to these facts. Do not
give up. Represent as you have and continue with development of
policy that we will do the best we can to do something about
this.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you very much.
Senator Kaine?
Senator Kaine. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
And thank you to the witnesses. This is an important
hearing.
And I missed a little bit of your opening statements, and I
apologize. But I have just picked up on some rhetoric and
language that I want to come back to you on.
I know the State Department is underway with an analysis to
determine whether what is happening in Burma's ethnic
cleansing--just for the record, French President Macron at the
end of September said that what was happening to the Rohingya
constituted genocide and we must condemn ethnic purification
which is underway and act. And Turkish President Erdogan has
also labeled it genocide. I would urge with dispatch us
determining what we think it is and labeling it.
I think it was Mr. Murphy--I heard you use the word there
is vigilante action. When I think of vigilante action, I think
of sort of rogue individuals not connected with the government
doing things. But this is clearly action that is not just
vigilantes, is not just an expression of sort of endemic
prejudice. But there are official actors involved, including
the military, in ways that I think are not deniable. That is
not the same as vigilante action to my understanding of the
term.
You also condemned the military's disproportionate
response. And I think that is a disproportionate response to
the attack on the Burmese military. But I do not really view
the role of the Burmese military, at least in the accounts I
have read, as just being a responder. I mean, I think that they
have been a participant and often an initiator of many of the
attacks on the Rohingya. And so I think if we want to be
careful about language like ``ethnic cleansing'' and
``genocide''--and we ought to be careful about it--I think we
also need to be careful about phrases like the military is a
responder or there is vigilante action because I think all the
evidence would suggest it has much more of an official sanction
and imprimatur than that. And I guess that is the basis of the
work underway in the State Department to determine exactly how
to label it.
I want to ask questions about Bangladesh. I am the ranking
member with Senator Risch on the subcommittee over the region
of the world that includes Bangladesh at its eastern edge.
These refugees are largely going to Bangladesh, which has
its own set of challenges. Could you tell the committee how the
flow of refugees into Bangladesh is affecting that country? Are
there things that we can do to help Bangladesh deal with these
refugees?
Ambassador Storella. Senator Kaine, the crush of refugees
entering Bangladesh is unmanageable for almost any country. For
a country that is strapped for resources, facing limited kinds
of infrastructure, and also facing difficult weather, it is
nearly impossible. I think that Bangladesh has done an
extremely admirable job, first by opening its borders, then by
working with the international community to permit
opportunities for assistance to reach the people who are there.
One of the most important things that Bangladesh has done
is to work with the UNHCR to undertake a registration of those
arriving. I spoke with the DCM from the embassy in Bangladesh
yesterday. He told me 260,000 refugees have been registered.
13,000 are being registered per day.
Senator Kaine. And there are about 600,000 that have fled
by the most recent accounts?
Ambassador Storella. 603,000 was the last count.
These registrations are important because they provide
protection themselves and also provide the basis for subsequent
repatriation when conditions permit.
I think that Bangladesh has demonstrated a great deal of
patience in working with the Burmese authorities. There was a
meeting today in which the home affairs minister of Bangladesh
is working with the Burmese to try to pave the way for eventual
returns.
Senator Kaine. On the order of magnitude, is that 603,000--
I have heard that as estimated. That is about half of the total
Rohingya population of Burma, if what I have heard is correct.
Is that accurate?
Ambassador Storella. We do not know the exact population
because there has not been a census. However, we believe that
the 600,000 plus the number who are already in Bangladesh,
which brings the total to about a million, is more than half of
the Rohingya population.
Senator Kaine. From the USAID perspective, could you offer,
Ms. Somvongsiri, your perspective from USAID?
Ms. Somvongsiri. Thank you. Yes. So USAID worked closely
with POM, which has the lead for the refugee crisis in
Bangladesh and I agree with Ambassador Storella's assessment in
terms of the Bangladesh Government's generosity in already an
impoverished country with a lot of challenges of its own, and
their ability to take in this massive, massive influx.
Our program there through Food for Peace is supplementing
efforts in terms of providing much needed food assistance,
nutrition, and to give you a sense of the challenges, to be
able to deliver the food assistance, some of the work is going
towards coordination and building logistics like roads to
actually have delivery into this very confined area as
appropriate.
One other thing I will mention in this short time is we do
have a robust development assistance program in Bangladesh. We
are looking at how to reshape that to help affected communities
that are broadly in that area.
Senator Kaine. Mr. Chair, I am not going to ask another
question, but I will probably do questions for the record to
flesh out the extent of activities we are doing to help
Bangladesh and other things that we might do.
I appreciate your answers.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
The Chairman. Thanks for being here.
Senator Coons?
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member,
for holding this important hearing and to our witnesses for
focusing us today on the appalling treatment of Burma's Muslim
and ethnic minority, the Rohingya. I am grateful to all the
members of this committee on both sides who have taken concrete
steps to address this crisis.
In July, Senator Tillis and I as the co-chairs of the Human
Rights Caucus held a briefing about the displacement of the
Rohingya at that point relatively early in this crisis. As has
just been discussed today, there are more than 600,000 who fled
Burma because of the military's brutality.
And there has been a great deal of debate about whether
Burma State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, by her silence, is
contributing to this violence. On September 17th, one of her
fellow Nobel Laureates, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, wrote a moving
letter in which he said, ``if the political price of your
ascension to the highest office in Myanmar is your silence, the
price is surely too steep. A country that fails to acknowledge
and protect the dignity and worth of all its people is not a
free country. It is incongruous for a symbol of righteousness
to lead such a country.''
I agree with Archbishop Tutu, and I hope the United States
will continue to speak out, to stand up for human rights, and
to call for policies and actions that empower and protect the
Rohingya.
So, Ambassador, if I might, first to you, you just answered
questions from Senator Kaine about what is happening on the
ground in Bangladesh. I would be interested in whether you
foresee the Rohingya being able to return to Burma and what
steps you are taking to urge the Burmese Government to
recognize and protect them upon their return, whether they will
get documentation of citizenship or residency, and what you
believe the long-term plan is both in Bangladesh and in Burma
for their safe treatment and care while refugees and their
return to their nation of origin, Burma.
Ambassador Storella. Senator Coons, thank you very much for
focusing on what is absolutely a critical question, the
possibility of maintaining the path open to returns.
I think the very first thing is we must, under all
circumstances, insist that returns must be the goal and that
they must be voluntary and that the Government of Burma must
provide for the security of returning refugees.
We have seen some elements of progress despite an otherwise
dismal scenario. Initially, as you know, the Government of
Burma had said that they would not permit any funds to go to
any kind of assistance organization whatsoever. They denied
many of the things that everyone knew was going on. We insisted
that those funds would not go to the government, that they
would go to humanitarian organizations by the Red Cross. That
has now been permitted. The Red Cross now has limited access,
which is very important because it also shines a light on what
is going on there.
Over time, we have seen that the statements of State
Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi have evolved. In her statement of
October 12th, she outlined that the goals were repatriation,
resettlement, and development. That is in the right direction.
We need to keep pushing on that.
As I already mentioned in response to the question by
Senator Kaine, we as an international community have to
continue supporting Bangladesh to make it possible for those
returns to take place. I have worked on returns in other
countries, including 360,000 Cambodians who returned to
Cambodia. This is going to require a lot of work at a political
level to make it possible. But it also requires working with
the key institutions that will be able to monitor and set the
conditions to ensure that those returns actually can be
voluntary, safe, and dignified.
So there is a path and I think we have to just keep pushing
down that path and not give up. Thank you.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
I am interested also in hearing, as I might, from Ms.
Somvongsiri about the role religion has played in this crisis
and what contribution USAID's conflict mitigation efforts might
make to keep religious tensions from further exacerbating this
conflict. I think Senator Shaheen asked a relevant question,
what impact it has on the world response and how our response
is seen at a time when there is repeat litigation in our courts
and repeat assertion by our President that we need to have a
ban on those who might come to our country from majority Muslim
countries.
Ms. Somvongsiri. Thank you, Senator Coons, for that
important question.
Part of our work in not only northern Rakhine State but
throughout Burma, throughout the peace process is focused
specifically on this issue of building tolerance--ethnic and
religious tolerance--and promoting that. This ties into part of
Senator Risch's question as well. We do that by building
dialogue with local civil society groups. We have found nascent
civil society groups who are more moderate in their views but
do not have the space to speak out in terms of religious
tolerance, in terms of cross-community efforts. And our role is
to create space for that, to strengthen those civil
organizations and link them up together. Many moderates do not
feel safe doing that right now, so I think that is a critical
issue.
I realize I am out of time here, but we are happy to
provide more information to you on that and exactly what our
programs are doing to support that.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
The Chairman. Senator Markey?
Senator Markey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much.
This is a very important hearing. It is an absolute crisis
that has broken out, and many in the Rohingya community who
have arrived in Bangladesh following these clearance operations
claim that Tatmadaw soldiers entered into their villages and
killed civilians, raped women and girls, and then burned down
the entire village. International medical teams treating the
Rohingya in these camps report that some people bear gunshot
wounds consistent with being shot from behind, and some women
and girls have injuries consistent with sexual assault.
It is clear the military bears responsibility for these
crimes even if perpetrators at lower levels are unknown.
Burma's commander in chief, Senior General Min, is responsible
for these systematic crimes.
Why has the administration been reluctant to add General
Min to the specially designated nationals and blocked persons
list?
Mr. Murphy. Thank you, Senator Markey.
We share your concern about the abuses and atrocities.
There is no reason to discount the credible reporting that such
abuses have taken place. And it is for that reason we have
announced measures at the State Department on behalf of the
administration to pursue accountability. And accountability
will apply to all individuals and entities responsible for
perpetuating that violence and these abuses. And that applies
to the armed forces predominantly.
But in answer to a previous question or comment from
Senator Kaine, there are other actors. There are the Rohingya
militants who conducted attacks on August 25th and subsequently
have attacked fellow citizens. There are local civilians who
have taken actions into their own hands sometimes in concert
with the security forces, sometimes, as when I was in Rakhine
State a few weeks ago, in their own hands. That particular
circumstance involved attacking a Red Cross shipment, and
indeed, security forces helped thwart that attack. That was a
welcome sign. But there are vigilantes who are part of the
equation.
All of the military leadership is subject to our
restrictions for travel to the United States, subject to our
restrictions for any assistance. That applies to Senior General
Min Aung Hlaing as well. The armed forces have responded
disproportionately.
Senator Markey. Have you yet imposed a travel ban on
General Min being able to visit the United States? Have you
imposed that yet?
Mr. Murphy. Senator, there is an existing travel ban on Min
Aung Hlaing as a result of his rank and his position.
That remains in force, and we will, under no circumstances
right now, pursue any waiver for his ability to travel to the
United States or gain from assistance from the United States.
Senator Markey. So what other steps then would you
recommend that we take, given in the very near past we were, as
a government, talking about enhanced military cooperation with
Burma? So that was a signal that was being sent to these people
that obviously would have given them some assurance that they
would not have to be concerned about any of their actions. So
how has that been communicated to them? That is, how has the
fact that my amendment, working with other members, was
successful in having that language struck from the legislation
as it was moving through a couple of months ago--what was the
interpretation that they made of that action legislatively?
Mr. Murphy. Senator, the reality is that our military-to-
military relationship with Burma is not normal and has not been
for many, many decades. There are many existing restrictions.
What we have communicated to the military in relation to
the current crisis is that their path to normalization is
obstructed by their failure to protect local populations. There
is a conundrum here. We have to acknowledge it. We hear this
even from government figures inside Burma. The armed forces has
been isolated for the better part of half a century and not
exposed to international standards, norms, and regulations.
There is an argument that they need more exposure to understand
how to behave properly, how to be a professional military
forces focused on national defense and not abusing its own
people.
Unfortunately, that is going to be for another day. Under
the current circumstances, we are not exploring engagement or
enhancing assistance or contact with the military or
facilitating any travel. That is a clear message that they have
failed to protect local populations and have contributed to
violence.
Senator Markey. And you agree with that message.
Mr. Murphy. Absolutely. I have delivered that message
directly to military figures.
Senator Markey. And their response is?
Mr. Murphy. Look, I think part of the problem here is a
failure in Burma among many stakeholders to recognize what has
taken place--massive displacement, failure to protect citizens
and residents of the country. That is part of our messaging.
They need to see exactly what they have done and what the
results and repercussions are.
I think the message that may resonate the most is that
their actions create a greater risk for international
terrorism. They think they have a terrorism problem now by
virtue of the kind of attacks that took place on August 25th
and last year in 2016, which also created population
displacement. Our message is that is not a real international
terrorism problem.
The kind of problem that could visit Burmese territory is a
real significant challenge they will not be equipped to handle,
and they are exacerbating that potential risk with these
actions.
Senator Markey. But it reminds me very much of El Salvador
in the 1980s where we were giving money to the government and
the government had these generals who were actually the leaders
of the death squads. And even as we were helping them, they
were still indifferent to our views about how that money should
be used. So I think this is a big issue that we are going to
have to really press harder on in terms of their military and
how they are using the resources they have.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. We very much appreciate your testimony. I
have a question, and I know we have some closing comments here.
I want to thank everybody for participating. And, Senator
Merkley, thank you for the trip you are getting ready to take
to the area.
Obviously, this is all very, if you will, damning to the
leadership of Burma. Each of you have stated that clearly, and
the questions that have been asked have all been in that
direction.
If Ms. Suu Kyi were here, what would she be saying in
defense of what has been happening in her own country?
Mr. Murphy. Senator, I think it is a fair question, but
honestly I cannot speak for Aung San Suu Kyi. I can relate to
you in our conversations with her--Secretary Tillerson has
spoken with her as well--we have tried to impress upon her the
need to take key actions. I think we have also recognized that
it is a complicated environment. By describing the
complexities, that does not absolve the government of its
responsibility. There are measures the government has taken
which I think she would point to that we frankly need to
support. That is hard to describe in this environment when
there is such a crisis underway that behind the scenes there
actually is a government that is elected representing the
people and is taking unprecedented actions, a clear departure
from authoritarian military rule.
We do not want to behave now in a way that reverts Burma
back to military rule. That would not be in the interests of
the Rohingya population and other vulnerable populations. It
would not be in the U.S. interests. What we do need to do is
encourage the kind of actions they are taking now to make a
better path for the Rohingya. But we need other stakeholders in
the country to support those actions, primarily the armed
forces. And also, I hasten to again point out inside Rakhine
State, ethnic Rakhine leaders need to lower the hate speech,
realize they need to share this space together. They all need
to benefit from better treatment and benefit from development
and international assistance, which has been the course of
action to date. All international organizations are providing
assistance to all vulnerable populations, primarily the
Rohingya, ethnic Rakhine, and half a dozen other ethnic
minorities in that very complicated space.
I think, Senator, fundamentally the bottom line is we want
to help Burma succeed. This is an enormous crisis that
threatens the transition, could revert Burma backwards in the
wrong direction. And it is a challenge. We need to see better
leadership. We need all stakeholders to contribute to that
process.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Senator Cardin?
Senator Cardin. I just really wanted to thank the witnesses
for their efforts here and for what they are doing in
representing our country. I do want to make a couple comments.
The government has a responsibility. I understand it is the
responsibility of all parties, but when you assume the
government responsibility, you have to show leadership, and we
have not seen that from the Burmese Government.
Number two, in regards to return, Ambassador Storella, let
me just make this comment. If your village has been burnt down,
it is going to be difficult to see where you are returning to.
And if you are going to return to a situation where you are
going to be in a detention camp, that may not be an acceptable
safety issue and permanency as to how long that lasts. So I
would just urge us to be very careful. Yes, we want the people
to be able to return to their communities, but we have to
realize it is not only the ethnic problems, we also have
physical problems and safety problems on their return.
And lastly, Secretary Murphy, I just want to emphasize--I
have heard this argument many, many times about we do not want
to impose sanctions that could hurt the people we are trying to
help. That is like chalk on a board for me. I heard that
argument about hurting the Jews in the Soviet Union if we
impose sanctions, and the Jews are much better off because we
did impose sanctions. I heard that about the blacks in South
Africa that we should engage rather than try to use economic
pressure. I heard that about Iran, that we should not apply
pressures against Iran. We should engage. We were able to
engage Iran because we imposed sanctions.
So I would just urge us to understand that sanctions are
much preferred than using military, and in many cases, they
have allowed us to get results without the use of our military
and that we should not be shy in using America's economic
strength.
The Chairman. It is Senator Merkley's birthday. So I am
going to allow him to ask one question post.
Senator Merkley. I will just do a 1-minute comment if I
could.
Two things that I am very concerned about, Secretary
Murphy. One is that in regard to our military contacts with
Burma, we are currently hosting folks from the military in
comprehensive security response, transitional security
cooperation, advanced security cooperation. So we do have
military officers from Burma. And I think we have to ask
ourselves the question. The military organized the burning of
nearly 300 villages, often the villages surrounded by a
platoon, set fire, and then shoot people as they flee.
I think we need to think about all the levers we have to
pressure the military. They are really in charge. We can talk
about the civilian side of Burma, but it is the military that
runs things, which is part of the reason that some folks say we
should be careful about criticizing Aung San Suu Kyi because
she does not have that much power. Well, the military has the
power. Let us use and look at those levers.
The second thing is twice you have used the term
vigilantes,'' which is the official excuse. A few people just
acting randomly on their own do not surround hundreds of
villages and shoot people in a coordinated action. I think use
of that term gives cover to the military in a way that is
totally unacceptable.
The Chairman. Thank you.
Thank you very much for your testimony and service to the
country.
We are going to leave the record open until the close of
business Thursday. If you could answer them fairly promptly, we
would appreciate it.
Again, we appreciate very much you being here, and I know
that this committee is going to want to--we will stay on top of
this. We look forward to Merkley's report when he is back.
With that, the meeting is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:30 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted
to Hon. Mark Storella by Senator Marco Rubio
Question 1. According to the United Nations High Commission for
Refugees (UNHCR), over 600,000 Rohingyas have fled from Burma into
neighboring Bangladesh as a result of the violence and the U.N. High
Commissioner for Human Rights has said that the situation ``seems like
a textbook example of ethnic cleansing:''
Do you believe that the atrocities committed against the Rohingya
by the Burmese military since late August constitutes ethnic
cleansing?
Answer. Numerous, credible reports indicate that since August 25,
more than 600,000 Rohingya have fled across the border, escaping from
reported killings, torture, rape, and widespread burnings of their
villages. Many others have been displaced internally. These are
terrible atrocities. In some cases, there is evidence that Burmese
forces have perpetrated these mass atrocities in concert with local
militias. As Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley said on
September 28, ``We cannot be afraid to call the actions of the Burmese
authorities what they appear to be: a brutal, sustained campaign to
cleanse the country of an ethnic minority.'' We are working with
international partners to urge that Burma enables unhindered access to
relevant areas for international humanitarian organizations, including
UNHCR, and we continue to push for a role for credible outside
observers in the repatriation process to ensure the conditions are
right for all refugees and internally displaced people to return to
their homes and land, safely, and voluntarily.
Question 2. Were the actions of the Burmese military since late
August part of a widespread or systematic attack against the civilian
population?
Answer. The Department continues to work within the interagency and
the international community to review the facts and determine the
nature of government actions in relation to the civilian population.
Question 3. What steps are the United States taking, in the short-,
medium-, and long-term, to help stabilize the humanitarian crisis for
the Rohingya?
Answer. ur focus is on: (1) facilitating access for humanitarian
organizations to provide assistance in Rakhine State; (2) working with
host governments in the region to ensure refugees are offered safe
haven and treated with respect, and that host countries--especially
Bangladesh--have what they need to help the refugees; (3) providing
specific humanitarian contributions made by the State Department in
coordination with USAID; and (4) ensuring that U.N. and other
humanitarian agencies have the support they need to respond; and (5)
calling for and supporting the voluntary return of Rohingya in safety
and dignity.
The number one humanitarian priority is gaining access to those in
need in Rakhine State. Relief agency access to many of the affected
areas remains severely limited. We take every opportunity to emphasize
to Burmese officials at all levels of government the need to allow
humanitarian assistance to those in need. We are working with
international partners and stakeholders inside Burma to overcome
challenges that have precluded humanitarian agencies and NGOs from
reaching affected areas of northern Rakhine State.
We recognize the huge strain that the influx of refugees is placing
on Bangladesh. In every meeting with Bangladeshi officials, we thank
them for opening their borders and hosting hundreds of thousands of
displaced people fleeing violence in Burma. We also discuss ways to
support Bangladesh as the Government provides humanitarian assistance
while balancing its own security concerns. We also urge Bangladesh to
provide the necessary approvals to additional humanitarian
organizations so that they can provide life-saving aid and to allow
UNHCR a bigger role in the response, according to its mandate for
refugee protection.
In addition to our diplomatic engagement, the United States is
providing humanitarian assistance through our U.N. and international
organization partners to help vulnerable populations affected by the
Rakhine State violence. Thanks to support from Congress, in FY 2017,
the United States has contributed nearly $104 million in assistance to
displaced populations in Burma and for refugees from Burma in the
region and is planning to announce additional funding shortly.
The region's capacity to handle the humanitarian crisis is
dependent on the capacity of the U.N.-led humanitarian response,
including deployment of emergency response experts and adequate
staffing levels. In Bangladesh, we continue to advocate with U.N.
coordinating agencies to increase expert technical staff on the ground
and strengthen the coordination structure supporting implementation of
the response plan. We continue to encourage seamless coordination and
strategic vision for the response in Bangladesh.
In addition to pressing for immediate action to meet humanitarian
needs, we are also supporting the Burmese elected government's efforts
to address inherited challenges in Rakhine State. The Government
established the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, led by former
U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan, which in August produced a set of
recommendations for addressing the complex issues in Rakhine State that
have ignited many crises over past decades. The Commission's
recommendations provide valuable ways forward in addressing
underdevelopment, shortcomings in government services, access to
justice, and ensuring a credible, transparent citizenship process for
all people in Rakhine State. We continue to call for the Burmese
Government to implement the Annan Commission's recommendations.
Question 4. Is the United States considering re-imposing targeted
sanctions on Burma--specifically in response to its resumption of
egregious violations of freedom of religion?
Answer. In accordance with Burma's long-time designation as a
Country of Particular Concern for engaging in and tolerating
systematic, ongoing and egregious violations of religious freedom, the
administration continues to maintain a prohibition against arms sales
to Burma. The administration is also considering a range of additional
options. Any tools the United States uses to address the situation have
to be carefully targeted to be effective in the complex environment. We
do not want to make the crisis worse for vulnerable populations, or
inhibit the flow of aid and assistance, and we want to continue to
support those in Burma who are working to improve the situation in
Rakhine, as well as to advance peace and broader democratic reforms.
Question 5. The tools provided to the United States under the
International Religious Freedom Act are frequently underutilized. For
Burma, this would mean imposing sanctions for religious freedom
violations above and beyond any existing sanctions regime, including
arms embargoes. These sanctions could include asset freezes and visa
denials for specific individuals, agencies, or military units known to
have committed particularly severe violations of religious freedom:
Has the United States considered taking specific actions beyond
existing sanctions as a direct response to religious freedom
violations?
Answer. In accordance with Burma's long-time designation as a
Country of Particular Concern for engaging in and tolerating
systematic, ongoing and egregious violations of religious freedom, the
administration continues to maintain a prohibition against arms sales
to Burma. Whatever tools the United States uses to address the
situation have to be carefully targeted to be effective in the complex
environment. We do not want to make the crisis worse for vulnerable
populations, or inhibit the flow of aid and assistance, and we want to
continue to support those in Burma who are working to improve the
situation in Rakhine, as well as to advance peace and broader
democratic reforms.
Question 6. What is the U.S. Government doing to address the broad
challenges to religious freedom across Burma that have marginalized
religious and ethnic minorities in the country?
Answer. Since its transition to civilian government in 2016, Burma
has made progress in protecting the rights of religious minorities,
despite significant protests from politically powerful ultranationalist
Buddhist groups. On May 23, the Burmese Government disbanded the
Association for the Protection of Race and Religion (MaBaTha) because
of its frequent religious hate speech. In a similar vein, on March 10,
2017, the Government prohibited prominent Buddhist ultranationalist
monk Wirathu from giving public anti-Muslim diatribes, though he defied
the prohibition.
Burma has also taken steps to increase the ability of Muslims to
worship and live in peace. In January, the Burmese Government allowed
Muslims to hold ceremonies across the country to commemorate the birth
of the Prophet Muhammad. In previous years such ceremonies were
restricted to Rangoon and Mandalay. After Buddhist nationalists used
violence to force two madrasas to close, authorities reacted swiftly,
arresting two people and issuing warrants for five more, including two
monks. On May 24, the Government released Muslim interfaith activists
Pwint Phyu Latt and Zaw Zaw Latt from prison as part of an amnesty
program. Christians, who make up at least six percent of the Burmese
population, can generally freely practice their faith, engage in
commerce, and hold government office. One of Burma's two Vice
Presidents is Christian.
However, in Rakhine State, the Rohingya minority has reportedly
faced mass atrocities resulting in the forcible displacement of more
than 600,000 people to Bangladesh. In addition, ongoing ethnic
conflicts in Kachin and Shan States have led to minority communities
facing violence, displacement, and a denial of their human rights. The
United States is committed to supporting Burma's peace process to end
the violence and ensure that minority groups in Burma enjoy peace and
stability.
Question 7. As the United States crafts a response to this crisis,
what factors are you taking into account?
Answer. Through the interagency policy coordination process, the
U.S. Government is taking into account numerous factors, including
accountability for human rights abuses, humanitarian imperatives, and
broader U.S. interests in supporting Burma's democratic transition. The
U.S. is focusing on supporting the humanitarian response through
funding and concerted advocacy to overcome roadblocks to an effective
response, such as restricted humanitarian access in northern Rakhine
State. The U.S. continues to advocate with the Government of Burma to
create the conditions allowing a safe, voluntary, and dignified return
as the main durable solution for the Rohingya population.
Question 8. As the Burmese Government is picking only a select few
humanitarian partners, how do you plan to engage the Burmese Government
on expanding the number of humanitarian partners allowed to access
populations and deliver programming and assistance?
Answer. We take every opportunity to emphasize to Burmese officials
at all levels of government the importance of humanitarian access. The
White House, State Department, and the U.S. Mission to the U.N. have
issued statements calling for immediate unhindered humanitarian access
in Burma. Although the central Burmese Government's commitment to do so
is encouraging, we continue to raise concerns with the Rakhine State
Government and seek further implementation on the ground. The Red Cross
Movement (RCM) has been allowed to provide humanitarian assistance in
northern Rakhine State since late August. However, they cannot assess
or meet all of the humanitarian needs in Rakhine State, and we continue
to stress to the Burmese Government that U.N. agencies and
international NGOs will also need operational space. In late October,
the Burmese authorities granted the World Food Programme permission to
resume food distributions in northern Rakhine State. However,
bureaucratic challenges remain and actual implementation has yet to
materialize.
Question 9. Is the State Department tracking individuals who are
believed to have participated in these atrocities?
Answer. We are evaluating reports from many sources, both open
source and internal to the United States Government. We are assessing
authorities under the JADE Act to consider economic options available
to target individuals associated with atrocities. Pursuant to the Leahy
Law, we find all units and officers involved in operations in northern
Rakhine State to be ineligible to receive or participate in any U.S.
assistance programs. We are consulting with allies and partners on
accountability options at the U.N., the U.N. Human Rights Council, and
other appropriate venues, and we are exploring additional
accountability mechanisms available under U.S. law.
Question 10. Does the State Department plan to hold Burmese
officials involved in the atrocities accountable? If so, how?
Answer. Pursuant to the Leahy Law, we have found all units and
officers involved in recent operations in northern Rakhine State to be
ineligible to receive or participate in any U.S. assistance programs.
The administration is considering a range of further options. Whatever
tools the United States uses to address the situation have to be
carefully targeted to be effective in the complex environment. We do
not want to make the crisis worse for vulnerable populations, or
inhibit the flow of aid and assistance, and we want to continue to
support those in Burma who are working to improve the situation in
Rakhine, as well as to advance peace and broader democratic reforms.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to Hon. Mark
Storella and W. Patrick Murphy by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question 1. Deputy Assistant Secretary Murphy said yesterday that
progress is being made on humanitarian access, specifically referencing
a positive statement by the State Counsellor on October 12.
Beyond this positive rhetorical statement, can you update the
committee on what concrete progress has been made on
humanitarian access? Has the Burmese Government agreed to allow
additional international aid organizations access to Rakhine
state beyond the Red Cross movement? If not, what concrete,
demonstrable progress can we expect in coming days on
humanitarian access?
Answer. Since late August, the Red Cross Movement (RCM) agencies
have maintained regular access to provide humanitarian assistance in
northern Rakhine State. In addition, three international NGOs and two
local NGOs report intermittent access to affected populations in
northern Rakhine State. The RCM agencies continue to scale up response
operations to meet the growing humanitarian needs and have reached more
than 40,000 people with food assistance and an estimated 36,000 people
with emergency relief commodities. The U.N. World Food Program (WFP)
reached approximately 118,000 people in central Rakhine State in
October and plans to launch its November distributions in the coming
days. WFP is also engaging in discussions with Burmese Government
authorities to resume food distributions in northern Rakhine State.
Question 2. According to the USAID Burma Complex emergency fact
sheet dated 30 September 2017, ``UNICEF is also training traditional
birth attendants and auxiliary midwives in newborn and maternal health
care and conducting health and hygiene promotion activities.'' UNFPA is
the lead U.N. agency delivering maternal health care. Has UNICEF been
put in the position to take over some of UNFPA's mandate due to the
USG's lack of support to UNFPA?
Answer. In Bangladesh, humanitarian response for Rohingya refugees
in Cox's Bazar district is coordinated through the Inter-Sector
Coordination Group (ISCG), a sector-based body led by the International
Organization for Migration (IOM) with support from the U.N. Office for
the Coordination of Humanitarian Assistance (OCHA). Under the ISCG,
UNFPA is the sub-sector lead for gender-based violence (GBV) and
assists in coordinating humanitarian agencies implementing activities
to respond to the needs of survivors of GBV and to ensure prevention of
GBV. UNICEF serves as the sector lead for nutrition, sub-sector lead
for child protection, and co-lead for education and water, sanitation,
and hygiene (WASH). As lead and implementer in nutrition and child
protection sectors, UNICEF's role in the response includes attention to
maternal health and general health and hygiene promotion to provide
appropriate support for the feeding and care of infants, young
children, and their mothers as a critical means of supporting child
survival, growth, and development to prevent malnutrition, illness, and
death. In its operations elsewhere in the region, UNICEF has frequently
trained traditional birth attendants and midwives in maternal health
and implemented WASH activities; thus, UNICEF's activities in response
to the Rohingya crisis are no different from its established practice
and mandate. Under the ISCG, UNICEF and UNFPA's operations are
coordinated and complementary.
Question 3. According to the same fact sheet, ``State/PRM partners
report an increasing number of SGBV survivors among new arrivals, who
are in need of health and psychological support. In addition to SGBV
survivors, many arrivals have experienced severely traumatic events and
are in need of critical mental health and psychosocial support. Since
the influx began, IOM and other State/PRM partners have responded to
180 SGBV cases, nearly 1,260 people in need of psychological first aid,
and more than 4,900 extremely vulnerable individuals--including SGBV
survivors and individuals vulnerable to exploitation, SGBV, or
trafficking.'' UNFPA is the lead U.N. agency on S/GBV response in
crises:
Is PRM working with UNFPA on this? If not, is PRM creating a
parallel response because of their inability to work with
UNFPA?
Answer. In Bangladesh, humanitarian response for Rohingya refugees
in Cox's Bazar district is coordinated through the Inter-Sector
Coordination Group (ISCG), a sector-based body led by the International
Organization for Migration (IOM) with support from the U.N. Office for
the Coordination of Humanitarian Assistance (OCHA). PRM is funding
partners whose activities are coordinated through the ISCG system.
Under the ISCG, UNFPA is the sub-sector lead for gender-based
violence (GBV). In this role, UNFPA assists in coordinating
humanitarian agencies implementing activities to respond to the needs
of survivors of GBV and to ensure prevention of GBV. These agencies
include PRM-funded partners implementing GBV activities, such as
UNICEF, UNHCR, and IOM. PRM closely monitors the impact of humanitarian
assistance under the ISCG to ensure that implementation is well-
coordinated to meet the needs of vulnerable populations without
duplication of services or creation of a parallel response.
Question 4. How is the United States advocating for humanitarian
access into Rakhine state? More specifically how is the State
Department working to ensure the Government of Burma to provide travel
permits to U.N. agencies to allow for humanitarian access into northern
Rakhine state in particular?
Answer. The number one humanitarian priority is gaining access to
those in need in Rakhine State. Although the Government of Burma has
granted some international NGOs travel authorizations to work in
central Rakhine State, other government regulations and procedures are
hindering international NGOs from accessing all internally displaced
person (IDP) camps and affected communities. In addition, safety
concerns, a climate of intimidation, and restrictions on movements
prevent many local Burmese staff of these organizations from accessing
those in need. We take every opportunity to emphasize to Burmese
officials at all levels of government the importance of humanitarian
access. In addition to these discussions with our Burmese counterparts,
the White House, State Department, and the U.S. Mission to the U.N.
have issued statements calling for immediate unhindered humanitarian
access. The United States has specifically called on the Burmese
Government to simplify and streamline the travel authorizations process
and although the central Burmese Government's commitment to do so is
encouraging, we continue to raise concerns with the Rakhine State
Government and seek further implementation on the ground.
Question 5. According to recent reports the Governments of
Bangladesh and Burma have reached an agreement to ``halt the outflow of
[Burmese] residents to Bangladesh''--is the United States concerned
that this agreement could prevent vulnerable Rohingya from fleeing the
violence in Rakhine state?
Answer. We are aware of these media reports; however, there is no
indication that Burma or Bangladesh have closed their borders. Since
these media reports, several thousand Rohingya refugees have arrived in
Bangladesh.
Question 6. UNHCR has said that forced returns are unacceptable and
that returns eventually need to be considered and resolved but it does
not appear that this situation is in place. What is the State
Department doing to ensure that Rohingya are not forced to return from
Bangladesh against their will?
Answer. The State Department has advocated with both the Burmese
and the Bangladeshi Governments at the highest levels to ensure that
Rohingya refugees can return voluntarily, safely, and with dignity. The
State Department has also urged the Government of Burma to create the
conditions allowing for such returns by addressing the root causes of
the displacement, providing access to equal rights and citizenship for
the Rohingya, and providing access to livelihoods opportunities.
Question 7. Does that United States anticipate it will be providing
additional funding to support the humanitarian response?
Answer. Yes. PRM and USAID are planning additional funding for the
refugee response. PRM will make additional contributions to the
International Organization for Migration (IOM), the U.N. Children's
Fund (UNICEF), and the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
USAID/FFP is also planning a contribution to UNICEF in the nutrition
sector.
Question 8. Is the U.S. Government supporting any efforts to try
and track/confirm the number of IDPs in Rakhine State?
Answer. We are in regular communication with Burmese and
Bangladeshi Government authorities and U.N. and international NGO
partners working in both Burma and Bangladesh to obtain daily and
weekly situation reports and official government estimates to ascertain
the number of displaced individuals. U.N. and international NGO
partners work closely with Bangladeshi authorities to track the number
of new arrivals, assess their needs, and document beneficiary data.
These figures are compared with the known figure of approximately
800,000 Rohingya residing in northern Rakhine State before the previous
outbreak of violence in October 2016, leading the U.N. to estimate that
over 100,000 Rohingya remain in northern Rakhine State. The precise
number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Rakhine State remains
unknown due to ongoing population movements, limited humanitarian
access, and a lack of recent official estimates from the Government of
Burma. In September, the Rakhine State Government estimated the current
crisis had created approximately 200,000 new IDPs. However, many of
those displaced persons have since crossed into Bangladesh. We fund
U.N. and international NGO partners to provide humanitarian assistance,
which includes efforts to track and confirm the number of IDPs in
Rakhine State.
Question 9. What is the United States Government doing to support
the Government [of] Bangladesh and host communities in Bangladesh to
mitigate existing or potential tensions that could put displaced
civilians at further risk?
Answer. The U.S. Government has encouraged the Government of
Bangladesh to engage with the World Bank and the United Nations on
medium- and long-term planning for the refugee response and on
sustainable development to benefit both the host communities and
refugees in refugee settlement areas. In addition, through the
contribution to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), PRM
is supporting the non-governmental organization Solidarites
International (SI) to address the needs and vulnerabilities of the host
communities impacted by the humanitarian crisis in Cox's Bazar. SI is
providing emergency water, sanitation, and hygiene service delivery and
distribution of basic products in the host community areas most
affected by the recent influx of Rohingyas. This, alongside robust U.S.
funding for the emergency response, will help mitigate the rise of
tensions between host communities and refugees.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Mark Storella by Senator Robert Menendez
Question 1. While I recognize this was covered at the hearing: do
you believe the systematic attacks on the Rohingya population
constitute ethnic cleansing? What factors are you considering in your
determination.
Answer. The facts indicate that since August 25, over 600,000
Rohingya have been forced across the border, fleeing for their lives
from reported killings, torture, rape, and widespread burnings of their
villages. Many others have been displaced internally. These are
terrible atrocities. In some cases, there is evidence that Burmese
forces have perpetrated these mass atrocities in concert with local
militias.
Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley said on September 28,
``We cannot be afraid to call the actions of the Burmese authorities
what they appear to be: a brutal, sustained campaign to cleanse the
country of an ethnic minority.'' Secretary Tillerson has been clear in
saying that violence and persecution ``have been characterized by many
as ethnic cleansing.'' The Secretary also observed while in Burma on
November 15 that what has occurred in Rakhine State that led to so many
people fleeing has a number of characteristics of crimes against
humanity. We are encouraging an independent investigation to understand
the motivations for these crimes and hold accountable those
responsible.
Question 2. Do you believe the Government of Burma is
democratically controlled? Who do you believe controls the military?
Answer. Successful elections in 2015 yielded the first elected,
civilian-led government in more than half a century. Per the 2008
Constitution produced by the previous military regime, however, the
military has full authority over the armed forces, as well as the
Ministries of Defense, Home Affairs, and Border Affairs, and twenty-
five percent of parliamentary seats in union-, regional-, and state-
level parliaments. The crisis in Rakhine State reminds us that the
democratic transition remains in process, and that progress is fragile.
The civilian, Union-level government has shown limited ability to
influence the military or Rakhine State local administrative
authorities regarding the issues facing the Rohingya.
Burma's civilian leadership has been trying to address five decades
of military misrule and inherited challenges, including long-standing
inter-ethnic tensions in Rakhine State. In spite of constitutional
constraints, the democratically elected civilian government has made
some progress in addressing difficult inherited challenges. They have
released many political prisoners, amended some old laws limiting
freedom of expression, and carried out long-overdue economic reforms.
Perhaps most importantly, there has also been a marked decrease in
high-level corruption among senior civilian government officials. None
of this excuses inaction or failings by the civilian government on
Rakhine or any other issue.
Question 3. Press freedom has not been a feature of Burma, with the
state controlling main broadcasters and having a monopoly on
telecommunications. Reporters Without Borders notes that self-
censorship continues in connection to government officials and military
officers. Independent human rights groups have noted that Facebook and
social media have played an instrumental role in promoting negative
narratives about the Rohingya and Muslim population, often fueling the
violence we have witnessed over the past year. In a recent New York
Times interview, U Pe Myint, the nation's information minister,
insisted the public needs to be guided saying ``It looks rather like
indoctrination, like in an authoritarian or totalitarian state.''
What is your assessment of the Government's role in using media and
social media to promote and perpetuate negative narratives and
stereotypes of Burma's Muslim population? Do you assess that
the Government is utilizing state-run or social media to
encourage the population to perpetrate violence against the
Rohingya? What should the United States response be?
Answer. Social media is the predominant method by which information
is exchanged on a mass scale, and has been a vehicle for amplifying
negative stereotypes of the Rohingya. We continue to call on all
involved to avoid inflammatory rhetoric that only serves to exacerbate
a tense situation.
Question 4. What is the Department's assessment of ARSA? Does it
have ties to international terrorist organizations?
Answer. The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) first came to
prominence in late 2016, when they took responsibility for deadly
attacks on Burmese security forces. The self-proclaimed head of ARSA,
Ata Ullah, is a foreign-born Rohingya. We understand he spent formative
years in Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. ARSA claims to have no ties to
transnational terrorist organizations. We know that ARSA has claimed
responsibility for roughly 30 coordinated attacks on Burmese security
forces on August 25 that killed 12. Reports from Burmese Government
officials and sources inside the Rohingya community also suggest that
ARSA may be responsible for killing some members of the Rohingya
community it suspected of collaborating with the Government. We assess
ARSA has limited resources and technical capability, but is actively
working to expand those capabilities. We have not seen any credible
evidence that ARSA has ties to international terrorist organizations.
Question 5. Do you believe that the displaced Rohingya population
is more susceptible to ascribe to violent ideologies in response to
their treatment by the Burmese Government? What steps are we and the
international community taking to ensure that these vulnerable
populations are not exploited by those seeking to do harm on an
international level?
Answer. We have not seen compelling evidence that the displaced
Rohingya population is particularly susceptible to extremist appeals in
response to their treatment by the Burmese Government. The U.S.
Government responded quickly to the urgency of the Rakhine State Crisis
to meet the needs of the displaced populations. In FY 2017, we provided
nearly $104 million in humanitarian assistance for displaced people in
and from Burma, including Rohingya populations. This funding includes
long-standing support for displaced persons in Burma and the region,
and nearly $40 million in life-saving emergency assistance in direct
response to the Rakhine State crisis. This reflects the U.S. commitment
to address the unprecedented magnitude of suffering and urgent
humanitarian needs. Besides our support for life-saving humanitarian
assistance, we consistently engage with the Burmese Government to
address the root causes and develop sustainable solutions.
We are also working closely with Bangladesh's civilian law
enforcement through a community-policing program in Chittagong and
support the Global Community Engagement and Resilience Fund to support
grassroots projects to fortify the ability of these communities to
resist appeals to violent extremism.
Question 6. It is estimated that more than half a million Burmese
Rohingya have already left the country. Recently, a spokesman for the
National League for Democracy stated that ``these Muslims are illegal
immigrants from Bangladesh and this crisis is an infringement of our
sovereignty.'' It is likely that the Burmese Government will utilize
every tool available to deny citizenship rights to people eventually
seeking to return.
How are you engaging with the Burmese and Bangladeshi Governments
about the return of the displaced populations? What is the
U.N.'s posture? How are you working with international partners
on the ground to respond to these increasing numbers of
refugees as well as eventual return?
Answer. We are engaging with the Burmese and Bangladeshi
Governments to work in close cooperation on a coordinated plan for the
repatriation of displaced populations that would allow for those who
have fled to Bangladesh or are otherwise internally displaced in Burma
to voluntarily return to their places of origin in safety and dignity.
The U.N. is also calling for both governments to facilitate safe,
dignified, and voluntary returns. The U.S. Government is providing
funding for the humanitarian response plans of U.N. and international
NGO partners to provide humanitarian assistance to meet the needs of
increasing numbers of refugees, while urging the Burmese and
Bangladeshi Governments to reach agreement on a voluntary repatriation
process that ensures safe and secure conditions in Rakhine State for a
sustainable return.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Mark Storella by Senator Jeff Merkley
Question 1. What is the administration's 5 to 10 year plan for
addressing the refugee crisis in Bangladesh?
What engagements have you had with the Bangladesh Government to
discuss their short, medium, and long term plan for the
Rohingya refugees?
Have you dissuaded them from a proposal to create a permanent
``mega-camp?''
Answer. The Inter-Sector Coordination Group (ISCG), the
coordination body for the refugee response, is leading efforts to plan
sector activities through the end of December 2018. This planning
process includes USG-funded partners such as the International
Organization for Migration, the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees,
and the U.N. Children's Fund. The U.S. Government has encouraged the
Government of Bangladesh to engage with the World Bank and the United
Nations on medium- and long-term planning for the refugee response and
sustainable development in the areas where refugees are residing. The
U.S. continues to advocate with the Government of Burma to create the
conditions allowing voluntary return as the main durable solution for
the Rohingya population. The Government of Bangladesh has shown some
receptiveness to concerted advocacy by the U.S. Government, other
donors, and humanitarian partners on the dangers of a mega-camp. The
Government now appears willing to consider options for dispersing the
population throughout the Cox's Bazar district.
Question 2. Please describe what PRM and the State Department are
doing with respect to ending statelessness of the Rohingya population,
a core issue in this crisis?
What did the State Department do to address the statelessness of
the Rohingya population during previous conflicts in 2012, 2015
and 2016 when hundreds of thousands of Rohingya fled to
Bangladesh?
Answer. PRM is the largest single donor of the Office of the U.N.
High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the international organization
mandated to prevent and reduce statelessness. Addressing the plight of
the stateless Rohingya is among our top priorities. The Rohingya
population was rendered stateless as a result of the 1982 Citizenship
Law which denied their status as an officially recognized ethnic group
in Burma. After consistent advocacy with the Burmese Government to
address the root causes of the 2012 violence and develop a path to
citizenship as a durable solution, a pilot citizenship verification
process was initiated in June 2014 Myebon Township in Rakhine State but
yielded very limited results. Other attempts have been stymied by the
evolving dynamics of the security environment and the eruption of
violence over the past five years in northern Rakhine State. Members of
the Rohingya community generally refused to participate in the
verification exercise for various reasons including the rejection of
self-identification, lack of transparency, and limited tangible
outcomes by those who have participated in the national verification
process.
The State Department continues to urge Burmese Government officials
to conduct a citizenship verification process as a part of a
comprehensive approach that addresses the complex dynamics and needs of
all communities in Rakhine State. Concerns about self-identification,
freedom of movement, access to services and durable solutions for those
displaced need to be addressed. Increased efforts to enhance trust and
confidence-building measures, along with peaceful co-existence and
social inclusion measures between the Rohingya and Rakhine communities
are also needed.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Hon. Mark Storella by Senator Cory A. Booker
Question 1. Burmese policy documents show restrictions on
Rohingya's ``movement, marriage, childbirth, home repairs and
construction of houses of worship.''
Even prior to this crisis, access to emergency health care and
humanitarian aid was highly restricted, leading to numerous reports of
preventable deaths. Hate speech and violent propaganda continue to
imperil Rohingya, as well as other Muslims in the country.
Do you believe that the Burmese military and, therefore its
government, have engaged in or currently engage in
institutionalized racial and/or religious discrimination?
Answer. A fundamental problem in Rakhine State is widespread
prejudice and racism among the general population directed specifically
at the Rohingya. Muslims in Burma, including the Rohingya in Rakhine
State, have for decades faced severe discrimination and restrictions on
their access to citizenship, and ability to engage in economic
activity, obtain an education, and register births, deaths, and
marriages. Many of these restrictions come from local orders from the
municipal government and the military.While the Constitution guarantees
every Burmese citizen ``the right to freely profess and practice
religion subject to public order, morality or health and to the other
provisions of this Constitution,'' religious discrimination still
exists for Christian, Muslim, Hindu, and other religious minorities
regarding employment opportunities, business ownership, construction of
religious buildings of worship and other areas. This discrimination is
ongoing and societal, but the Government has taken some steps to
improve religious freedom. On May 23, the Burmese Government disbanded
the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion (MaBaTha)
because of its frequent religious hate speech. In a similar vein, on
March 10, the Government prohibited prominent Buddhist ultranationalist
monk Wirathu from giving public anti-Muslim diatribes. Burma has also
taken steps to increase the ability of Muslims to worship and live in
peace. In January, the Burmese Government allowed Muslims to hold
ceremonies across the country to commemorate the birth of the Prophet
Muhammad. In previous years such ceremonies were restricted to Rangoon
and Mandalay. After Buddhist nationalists used violence to force two
madrasas to close, authorities reacted swiftly, arresting two people
and issuing warrants for five more, including two monks. On May 24, the
Government released Muslim interfaith activists Pwint Phyu Latt and Zaw
Zaw Latt from prison as part of an amnesty program. Christians, who
make up six percent of the Burmese population, can generally freely
practice their faith, engage in commerce, and hold government office.
One of Burma's two Vice Presidents is Christian.
Question 2. To what extent is this humanitarian crisis a
culmination of these institutionalized policies of racial and religious
discrimination?
Answer. Given the context of longstanding severe discrimination
against the Rohingya population, reports of extrajudicial killings,
sexual violence, and burning of Rohingya villages by security forces
and non-Rohingya civilians are particularly alarming. It is clear that
longstanding discrimination against the Rohingya, not only by
government and military actors, but also by other communities in
Rakhine State and across Burma, has played a key role in creating and
sustaining this crisis.
__________
Responses to Additional Questions for the Record Submitted to
Ms. V. Kate Somvongsiri by Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
Question 1. Deputy Assistant Secretary Murphy said that progress is
being made on humanitarian access, specifically referencing a positive
statement by the State Counsellor on October 12. Beyond this positive
rhetorical statement, can you update the committee on what concrete
progress has been made on humanitarian access? Has the Burmese
Government agreed to allow additional international aid organizations
access to Rakhine State beyond the Red Cross movement? If not, what
concrete, demonstrable progress can we expect in coming days on
humanitarian access?
Answer. Since late August, the Red Cross Movement (RCM) agencies
have maintained regular access to provide humanitarian assistance in
northern Rakhine State. In addition, three international NGOs and two
local NGOs report intermittent access to affected populations in
northern Rakhine State. The U.N. World Food Program (WFP) reached
approximately 118,000 people in central Rakhine State in October. On
October 26, the Government of Burma granted permission to World Food
Programme (WFP) to resume food distribution is in northern Rakhine
State. WFP has resumed food distributions and plans to assist 36,000
people in northern Rakhine State in November, in addition to 100,000
beneficiaries to be reached by the Red Cross Movement. However, there
is still an urgent need for access by a broader range of actors to
ensure that adequate assistance reaches all communities in need.
Question 2. According to the USAID Burma Complex emergency fact
sheet dated 30 September 2017, ``UNICEF is also training traditional
birth attendants and auxiliary midwives in newborn and maternal health
care and conducting health and hygiene promotion activities.'' UNFPA is
the lead U.N. agency delivering maternal health care. Has UNICEF has
been put in the position to take over some of UNFPA's mandate due to
the USG's lack of support to UNFPA?
Answer. In Bangladesh, humanitarian response for Rohingya refugees
in Cox's Bazar district is coordinated through the Inter-Sector
Coordination Group (ISCG), a sector-based body led by the International
Organization for Migration (IOM) with support from the U.N. Office for
the Coordination of Humanitarian Assistance (OCHA). Under the ISCG,
UNFPA is the sub-sector lead for gender-based violence (GBV) and
assists in coordinating humanitarian agencies implementing activities
to respond to the needs of survivors of GBV and to ensure prevention of
GBV. UNICEF serves as the sector lead for nutrition, sub-sector lead
for child protection, and co-lead for education and water, sanitation,
and hygiene (WASH). As lead and implementer in nutrition and child
protection sectors, UNICEF's role in the response includes attention to
maternal health and general health and hygiene promotion to provide
appropriate support for the feeding and care of infants, young
children, and their mothers as a critical means of supporting child
survival, growth, and development to prevent malnutrition, illness, and
death. In its operations elsewhere in the region, UNICEF has frequently
trained traditional birth attendants and midwives in maternal health
and implemented WASH activities; thus, UNICEF's activities in response
to the Rohingya crisis are no different from its established practice
and mandate. Under the ISCG, UNICEF and UNFPA's operations are
coordinated and complementary.
USAID has not provided any funding to UNFPA in Burma. USAID-
supported UNICEF training activities continue and are unaffected by
U.S. Government policy regarding UNFPA.
Question 3. According to recent reports the Governments of
Bangladesh and Burma have reached an agreement to ``halt the outflow of
[Burmese] residents to Bangladesh''--is the United States concerned
that this agreement could prevent vulnerable Rohingya from fleeing the
violence in Rakhine state?
Answer. We are aware of these media reports; however, there is no
indication that Burma or Bangladesh has closed its borders. Since these
media reports, several thousand Rohingya refugees have arrived in
Bangladesh.
Question 4. How is the United States advocating for humanitarian
access into Rakhine State? More specifically how is the State
Department working to ensure the Government of Burma to provide travel
permits to U.N. agencies to allow for humanitarian access into northern
Rakhine State in particular?
Answer. The U.S. Government is working with the diplomatic
community, the U.N., and other international organizations to urge
Burmese authorities to provide unfettered humanitarian access and
ensure humanitarian assistance reaches all communities in need. USAID
and PRMK communicate daily with international and local partners as
well as U.N. agencies and other donors. USAID and PRM staff provides
daily updates and formulate advocacy messages for the Ambassador to
deliver to high-level Government of Burma representatives, U.N.,
international non-governmental organizations, and other donors. In
addition to these discussions with our Burmese counterparts, the White
House, State Department, and the U.S. Mission to the U.N. have issued
statements calling for immediate unhindered humanitarian access. The
United States has specifically called on the Burmese Government to
simplify and streamline the travel authorizations process and although
the central Burmese Government's commitment to do so is encouraging, we
continue to raise concerns with the Rakhine State Government and seek
further implementation on the ground.
Question 5. Does that United States anticipate it will be providing
additional funding to support the humanitarian response?
Answer. In Burma, the primary challenge to the delivery of
humanitarian assistance is not resources, but access. There is
currently limited humanitarian access to northern Rakhine State for
USAID partners with the exception of World Food Programme; however,
USAID's partners have maintained a presence in Rakhine and are ready to
resume activities in northern Rakhine as soon as access is made
available. USAID will continue to monitor the situation closely,
coordinate with other donors, and explore whether additional funding is
needed. The Red Cross Movement agencies have maintained access to
northern Rakhine State and are providing critical humanitarian
assistance with support from the State Department's Bureau of
Population, Migration, and Refugees (State/PRM).
In Bangladesh, the needs remain immense. PRM is the primary
responder to refugees. PRM is funding the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR), the International Organization for Migration (IOM),
the U.N. Children's Fund (UNICEF), the Red Cross Movement, and other
humanitarian partners to provide humanitarian assistance. USAID is
coordinating with State/PRM on response efforts, which has included the
provision of $7 million in food, nutrition, logistics and coordination
assistance from USAID's Office of Food for Peace. The Centers for
Disease Control is also providing ongoing technical assistance, most
recently with nutrition assessments and analysis. Both State and USAID
colleagues have provided surge staffing support for this crisis,
enabling them to more effectively assess the needs from the ground. We
continue to assess the situation for future funding consideration.
We are engaging with the Burmese and Bangladeshi Governments to
work in close cooperation on a coordinated plan for the repatriation of
displaced populations that would allow for those who have fled to
Bangladesh or are otherwise internally displaced in Burma to
voluntarily return to their places of origin in safety and dignity. The
U.N. is also calling for both governments to facilitate safe,
dignified, and voluntary returns. U.S. funding supports UNHCR's work,
including UNHCR's cooperation with the Bangladesh Government to provide
biometric registration for refugees who have crossed into Bangladesh,
which can help support eventual voluntary and safe returns.
Question 6. In USAID Acting Deputy Assistant Administrator
Somvongsiri's testimony, she mentioned the robust development
programming that already exists in Bangladesh--what is this programming
and is the programming being repurposed, if it is not already doing so,
to help support Rohingya refugees?
Answer. USAID's robust development programming in Bangladesh
focuses on agricultural productivity and crop diversity; child and
maternal health; nutrition; natural resource management; resilience to
natural disasters; education, governance; labor rights; and the rule of
law. USAID has been assessing the most pressing short-term and longer-
term development needs of the host communities in Cox's Bazar and
utilizing our existing programs to provide additional assistance to the
area where possible. These decisions are based on the flexibility and
funding available within existing instruments, and assessments of
specific needs in coordination with the State Department's Bureau of
Population, Refugees, and Migration and non-USG aid work.
For example, we are expanding our Counter Trafficking-In-Persons
activity in Cox's Bazar, as displaced Rohingya in overcrowded camps are
vulnerable to trafficking, forced marriage and illegal child adoption.
On health service delivery, we are providing oral rehydration salts
to prevent Rohingya children from dying from diarrhea. USAID supports
the Smiling Sun Network of NGO clinics, which includes clinics in Cox's
Bazar that provide emergency obstetric services and basic health
services that are accessible to the host communities, including the
refugees. Another USAID program expands access to and distribution of
health-related products in Cox's Bazar by providing child health and
nutrition services and detecting and referring TB cases. Over the past
several weeks, this program has reported a significant increase in the
demand for health-related products.
In recognition of the potential for volatility between the host
community and refugee populations, USAID has initiated the ``Protecting
the Human Rights of Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh'' media activity to
provide the refugees with useful information and positive messages to
diffuse tension. This rapid-response activity will also provide
technical assistance to local media to improve information flow to the
host community and Rohingya refugees, and community outreach to dispel
rumors and false information. USAID also intends to conduct a broad-
based, conflict risk assessment to determine the utility of additional
programming.
Finally, reflecting the efforts of humanitarian efforts to scale up
and respond to the urgent needs in Cox's Bazar, a USAID development
food security program redirected 120 metric tons of commodities to
augment and diversify the food basket being provided by the World Food
Program (WFP). These commodities--vegetable oil and lentils, valued at
over $119,000--are complementing WFP's food distributions for 24,000
people for a period of two months.
At this time, USAID does not recommend reallocation of other parts
of the USAID/Bangladesh portfolio to the Rohingya crisis. Such
reallocation could undermine broader gains and agreed-upon objectives
worked out with the Government, and impede significant progress in
core, critical development areas including food security, child
mortality, infectious disease and other major challenges facing the
country, which are already exacerbated by the refugee crisis.
Question 7. Is the U.S. Government supporting any efforts to try
and track/confirm the number of IDPs in Rakhine State?
Answer. The exact number of Rohingya IDPs in Rakhine remains
unknown due to a lack of access. Since August 25, the only
international humanitarian actor the Government of Burma has allowed to
conduct assessments in northern Rakhine state is the Red Cross
Movement. Recently World Food Programme was granted permission to
resume activities in northern Rakhine State and is planning a rapid
assessment, but has not been able to arrive at an overall numbers of
IDPs to date. There continues to be a caseload of 120,000 IDPs in
central Rakhine who were displaced prior to August 25. The lack of
adequate information on the numbers and needs of displaced people
reinforces the importance of full humanitarian access to northern
Rakhine State.
Question 8. What is the United States Government doing to support
the Government [of] Bangladesh and host communities in Bangladesh to
mitigate existing or potential tensions that could put displaced
civilians at further risk?
Answer. USAID recognizes the potential for conflict between the
Rohingya and host communities in Bangladesh. Where possible, USAID
assistance to the Rohingya is also available to host communities,
demonstrating that assistance is available to all. For example, in
Cox's Bazar, the joint USAID/DFID Health Service Delivery Project
supports five clinics that provide emergency obstetric services and two
``vital'' clinics that provide basic health services. Access to these
clinics is open, including to the refugee and host communities. U.S.
Government-funded humanitarian assistance in Bangladesh, including food
and nutrition support, water and sanitation services, and other
services, also includes assistance to host communities to reduce or
mitigate tensions between refugees and the host community. Through the
contribution to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), PRM
is supporting the non-governmental organization Solidarites
International (SI) to address the needs and vulnerabilities of the host
communities impacted by the humanitarian crisis in Cox's Bazar. SI is
providing emergency water, sanitation, and hygiene service delivery and
distribution of basic products in the host community areas most
affected by the recent influx of Rohingya. This, alongside robust U.S.
funding for the emergency response, will help mitigate the rise of
tensions between host communities and refugees. In addition, USAID has
initiated the ``Protecting the Human Rights of Rohingya Refugees in
Bangladesh'' media activity to provide refugees with useful information
and positive messages to diffuse tension. USAID also intends to conduct
a broad-based, conflict risk assessment to determine the utility of
additional programming. The U.S. has encouraged the Government of
Bangladesh to engage with the World Bank and the U.N. on medium- and
long-term planning for the refugee response and on sustainable
development to benefit both the host communities and refugees in
refugee resettlement areas.
__________
Response to an Additional Question for the Record Submitted to
Ms. V. Kate Somvongsiri by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. It is estimated that more than half a million Burmese
Rohingya have already left the country. Recently, a spokesman for the
National League For Democracy stated that ``these Muslims are illegal
immigrants from Bangladesh and this crisis is an infringement of our
sovereignty.'' It is likely that the Burmese Government will utilize
every tool available to deny citizenship rights to people eventually
seeking to return.
How are you engaging with the Burmese and Bangladeshi Governments
about the return of the displaced populations? What is the
U.N.'s posture? How are you working with international partners
on the ground to respond to these increasing numbers of
refugees as well as eventual return?
Answer. We are engaging with the Burmese and Bangladeshi
Governments to work in close cooperation on a coordinated plan for the
repatriation of displaced populations that would allow for those who
have fled to Bangladesh or are otherwise internally displaced in Burma
to voluntarily return to their places of origin in safety and dignity.
The U.N. is also calling for both governments to facilitate safe,
dignified, and voluntary returns. U.S. funding supports UNHCR's work,
including UNHCR's cooperation with the Bangladesh Government to provide
biometric registration for refugees who have crossed into Bangladesh,
which can help support eventual voluntary and safe returns. The U.S.
Government is providing funding for the humanitarian response plans of
U.N. and international NGO partners to provide humanitarian assistance
to meet the needs of increasing numbers of refugees, while urging the
Burmese and Bangladeshi Governments to reach agreement on a voluntary
repatriation process that ensures safe and secure conditions in Rakhine
State for a sustainable return.
__________
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Annex VII.--Statement Submitted by John Sifton, Asia
Advocacy Director, Human Rights Watch
Summary
Since August 25, 2017, Burmese security forces have carried
out a campaign of ethnic cleansing against Rohingya Muslims in
northern Rakhine State. Over half a million Rohingya have fled
Burma to neighboring Bangladesh to escape killings, arson, and
other mass atrocities. The Rohingya, effectively denied
citizenship under Burmese law, have faced decades of repression
and discrimination. Earlier waves of violence in 2012
internally displaced about 120,000 in central Rakhine State,
and small pockets of Rohingya remain in several townships
there. Violence in late 2016 led to the internal displacement
of tens of thousands more and some 87,000 fled to Bangladesh
prior to August 2017. Nearly all the Rohingya remaining in
Rakhine State now face dire humanitarian conditions, especially
in the north. Human Rights Watch staff in Bangladesh and Burma
have been interviewing victims and witnesses to the abuses,
gathering information from local officials and aid groups, and
reviewing satellite data and images, and video, revealing the
scope of destruction. The purpose of this submission is to
outline some of the findings of that research and analysis and
provide recommendations to the British government.
Outline of the crisis
Human Rights Watch has concluded that serious abuses
amounting to crimes against humanity have been committed by
Burmese security forces in Rakhine State. Crimes against
humanity are defined under international law as acts
``committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack
directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the
attack.'' Types of attacks can include deportation and forced
population transfers, murder and attempted murder, rape and
other sexual assault, and persecution.
Human Rights Watch has documented that since August 25 such
crimes have occurred in Rakhine State. The perpetrators were
the Burmese military, on occasion accompanied by local security
forces or ethnic Rakhine villagers. The victims were ethnic
Rohingya Muslims, primarily in the three northern townships of
Rakhine State that border Bangladesh. Specific criminal acts
included large-scale and widespread assault, murder and
attempted murder, rape and other sexual violence, looting, and
arson.
The attacks occurred in the wake of a set of coordinated
attacks on August 25 on 30 government outposts by the Arakan
Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), a small group of poorly armed
Rohingya. Since then, nearly all of the attacks Human Rights
Watch has documented have involved Burmese government military
operations using mortars, artillery, anti-personnel landmines
and small arms against Rohinyga villagers. These troops have
then assaulted men, women, children, and even babies, who were
shot, struck, raped, beaten to death, or burned inside their
homes.
In almost all cases, victims and witnesses told Human
Rights Watch that there were no ARSA members in their midst,
and no armed resistance. Witnesses frequently described whole
populations of villages fleeing for their lives.
The consequences of the Burmese military's crimes against
humanity have been devastating: hundreds and perhaps thousands
of Rohingya killed and injured; countless women and girls
suffering severe injuries from sexual violence; massive
destruction of civilian property; the displacement of well over
half a million people into Bangladesh; an unknown number
internally displaced within Burma; and the untold human misery
of hundreds of thousands of people who have lost family and
friends and witnessed atrocities, and now live, displaced, in
extreme vulnerability, in open camps, with few possessions and
little shelter.
Specific accounts of the atrocities
It would be impossible to summarize fairly all the
atrocities described to our staff in Rohingya refugee camps in
Bangladesh in September and October, and the destruction
observed from satellite images. A few accounts provided here,
however, may provide a glimpse into the severity and scope of
the violence.
Witnesses and victims in Bangladesh-many of whom show
injuries from bullets, shrapnel, knives, or fire-described
Burmese military assaults on their villages. For instance,
Yasin Ali, 25, said that Burmese security forces attacked his
village of Reka Para on August 27. Prior to the attack,
tensions had been building in Reka Para and neighboring
Rohingya villages as local Rakhine harassed and abused them for
months. Ali said: ``They would come around to us and say, `This
is not your land. Don't cultivate this land, and don't dare
take the food growing on it.' If we went near their lands, they
would beat us with sticks.''
During the August 27 attack, all the villagers went into
hiding. Ali said the women and children were sent further away
to seek shelter, while the men stayed close by to wait out the
attack in the hopes that they could quickly return to the
village after the soldiers left. He said he hid by the
roadside, about half a kilometer from where the soldiers made
their approach. He heard what sounded like mortar shells
hitting the village: ``I heard boom boom boom, and then I saw
the houses just collapse.'' After a while, he saw the soldiers
advance toward the village, and from his vantage point, he saw
that they were carrying small arms and what looked like light
machine guns. He also said he saw a mortar system on the
shoulder of a soldier, and some apparent mortar rounds the size
of a grapefruit.
Ali said that when the soldiers entered the village, they
started shooting indiscriminately. He and the other men from
the village then decided to run away into the hills for
shelter. From the hills, he saw a helicopter painted olive
green circle his village four times, and saw something being
dropped from the helicopter after which the houses in the
village caught fire.
Momena, 32, fled her village of Kirgari Para on August 26
with two of her three children. She said that soldiers had
previously attacked the village during the military operations
in late 2016, but the situation in her village had settled down
since then. She described the events that prompted her to flee:
I heard the sounds of fighting around 4 p.m. on
Friday [August 25]. There was a lot of noise, worse
than before. I saw them [the soldiers] myself as they
entered my village. I don't know how many there were
but it looked like a lot to me. I fled with the other
villagers and we sheltered in the jungle overnight.
When I returned to the village the next morning, after
the soldiers had left, I saw about 40 to 50 villagers
dead, including some children and some elderly. All had
knife wounds or bullet wounds--some had both. My father
was among the dead; his neck had been cut open. I was
unable to do last rites for my father, I just fled.
Momena said she had to leave her husband and 10-year-old
son behind. She has had no news of them since then. Her husband
has no mobile phone and other villagers she is in contact with
have heard no news of either of them. She heard that her mother
is alive but has no idea where she is or how she is.
From her vantage point while hiding in the jungle, Momena
said she could see some of the houses in her village burning at
night. She believes soldiers set fire to the houses as a
warning to the villagers.
Momena said she did not know of any armed Rohingya
militants in the village. She had heard some youth in the
village talking about resisting, but she never saw anyone take
any action on this, there was just talk. She said many young
Rohingya men fled into the jungle after the attack.
In addition to bodies found in her village, Momena said she
saw several bodies of children in the Naf River at one of the
crossing points into Bangladesh.
One of the worst atrocities Human Rights Watch has
documented occurred in Maung Nu, in Buthidaung Township, after
ARSA militants attacked a checkpoint manned by the Border Guard
Police (BGP) on August 25 in Hpaung Taw Pyin, just north of
Maung Nu. Human Rights Watch spoke with 14 survivors and
witnesses from Maung Nu and surrounding villages. The
witnesses, now refugees in Bangladesh, said that after the ARSA
attack, they fled their villages fearing retaliation. Several
hundred gathered in a large residential compound in Maung Nu.
The witnesses described how several Burmese soldiers
entered the compound and took several dozen Rohingya men and
boys hiding in buildings into the courtyard, bound their hands
behind their backs, and beat them, stabbed and slashed them
with long knives, and shot at them with rifles. Others were
killed as they tried to flee. The soldiers then loaded the
bodies--some witnesses said a hundred or more--into military
trucks and took them away.
Abdul Jabar, 60, said the soldiers made some of the men
kneel down as they struck them with the butts of their rifles
and kicked them repeatedly before killing them: ``[T]hey killed
people from the back with machetes and they also fired on them
with their guns.''
Mohammad Ayas, 29, said that he managed to hide in the
rafters of the house and saw soldiers kill numerous people:
``They are slaughtering them just like they are clearing the
jungle with their thin, sharp, and long knives.''
Muhamedul Hassan, 18, described how a dozen soldiers took
him and two male relatives, Mohammad Zobair and Foyas, from a
house to a nearby courtyard. Hassan said that when they got
there, there were hundreds of men and boys tied up. He said:
Four soldiers took [me and my relatives] to the
corner of the courtyard and shot us each twice in the
back. I lost consciousness. When I woke up, I saw many
men still tied and [the soldiers] were still killing
people. Many were stabbed to death. When I tried to
flee I was shot in the chest but was able to escape.
Muhamedul showed Human Rights Watch his bullet wounds. He
said that in addition to the two executed beside him, nearly 30
more male relatives were killed.
Witnesses also described seeing children executed. Khotiaz,
28, recounted the killing of her nephew: ``When Baju entered
the room, there was my nephew, Mohammod Tofail. He was 10 years
old. He was a student of class two. First Baju shot him in the
head, his skull shattered into four pieces. Then he fell down.
I saw there were brain and blood on the floor.''
Mustafa, 22, said: ``There was a pit with [the bodies of]
10 to 15 children, all under 12 years old. They were all young
children hacked to death. I recognized four of the bodies:
Hakim Ali, 9; Naim, 8; one child from Pondu Para, who was about
10; and Chau Mong, who was 7.''
Witnesses said that after the killings, the soldiers
gathered the bodies on green tarps and loaded them onto
pushcarts, then brought the bodies to military vehicles. The
removal of bodies took hours, several witnesses said.
``I saw outside that there were piles of dead bodies.''
Mustafa said. ``I could see the soldiers using carts [to move
the bodies] and I recognized one of the carts was mine.''
Mustafa said he heard the sounds of the trucks and vehicles for
four hours.
Human Rights Watch has also documented accounts of another
massacre in the township of Tuljtoli, in which possibly
hundreds of Rohingya were killed.
Sexual violence and rape
In many of the attacks and massacres Human Rights Watch
documented in Rakhine State occurring in August-September 2017,
we found numerous cases of rape and other forms of sexual
violence against Rohingya women and girls. Reported abuses were
brutal, humiliating, and traumatic.
Human Rights Watch interviewed 52 Rohingya women and girls
who had survived horrific abuses by Burmese military and other
security personnel since August 25. Thirty of these women and
girls were rape victims. Most of the other interviewees had
been forced to flee in late stages of pregnancy, had given
birth on their journey, or had witnessed their young children
being killed by security forces. Human Rights Watch interviewed
rape survivors from 19 different villages, mostly in Maungdaw
and Buthidaung townships.
Human Rights Watch found that women and girls were raped
and sexually assaulted both during major arson attacks on
villages and in the weeks running up to these major attacks
after repeated harassment. In every case described to us, the
perpetrators were uniformed members of security forces, almost
all military personnel. They wore either camouflage uniforms or
plain green uniforms, or a mix of both. All the rapes reported
to Human Rights Watch were gang rapes, involving two or more
perpetrators, and in every case except for one the victim was
penetrated by more than one attacker. In many of the cases
women and girls reported being raped by six or more
perpetrators.
A 15-year-old from Hathi Para village in Maungdaw Township
said she was dragged across the ground from her home, tied to a
tree and then raped from behind by 10 soldiers. ``They then
left me where I was. When my brother and sister came to get me
I was lying there on the ground, they thought I was dead,'' she
said.
Six rape survivors said that they were among a group of
women and girls who were gathered together and then raped by
soldiers. ``Maybe we were some 30 women. If a woman said
anything she was beaten. They [military] would pull women to
the side and just rape her there so everyone could see,'' a 20-
year-old woman from a Buthidaung township village said.
The gang rapes often resulted in serious genital injuries
and bleeding which worsened as fleeing women were forced to
walk for days, including up and down steep hills. Several of
the victims reported ongoing physical and mental health
problems at the time of the interview, including urinary tract
infections, vaginal bleeding, pain, poor sleep, poor appetite,
and intrusive thoughts.
Victims and witnesses said that security forces often raped
women and girls in their homes, and often in sight of their
children. Other women and girls were raped as they fled
villages. Human Rights Watch documented the particularly cruel
nature of these attacks: women reporting rapists laughing,
kicking or hitting them or their children, and biting or
pressing the barrel of guns hard against their breasts.
Although our research focused on identifying and
interviewing rape survivors, a high proportion of those we
spoke to had also witnessed killings of family members. The
killings of their children were especially brutal and
traumatic. A 30-year-old woman from Ta Mi village in Buthidaung
township said: ``I have three kids now. I had another one
Khadija, she was 5-years-old. When we were running from the
village she was killed in the attack. She was running last,
less fast, trying to catch up with us. A soldier swung at her
with his gun and bashed her head in, after that she fell down.
We kept running.''
Other women were forced to leave behind children. ``I
grabbed one, I left one,'' one woman said, describing the
moment her house caught on fire and began collapsing around
her.
Human Rights Watch interviewed other women who had lost
their husbands, either to killings or what appear to be
arbitrary arrest by security forces. Their fears included not
only the intrusive memories of the terror they lived through
but also anxiety over how to cope as a single parent with
sometimes five or more children while in a refugee camp in
Bangladesh.
Ethnic Rakhine villagers backed by the security forces
often robbed women and girls, including in ways that were
sexually abusive, for example grabbing at or fondling their
breasts while searching for money kept in their blouses. Women
described weeks of harassment leading up to major attacks as
extremely stressful, they never knew whether the Rakhine
villagers or security forces would come and what they would do.
The Burmese government has repeatedly refused to
acknowledge these abuses despite a strong and growing evidence
base. In early September, Rakhine State minister for border
security, Col. Phone Tint, denied reports of military abuses
involving sexual violence. ``Where is the proof?'' he asked.
``Look at those women who are making these claims--would anyone
want to rape them?''
These types of denial are not new. In December 2016, the
Burmese government contested reports of the military's use of
sexual violence in a press release published under the
headline, ``Fake Rape.'' Human Rights Watch and other groups
documented widespread rape and other sexual violence by
security forces during the military operations starting in
October 2016.
What to do now
In a world already beset with large-scale human tragedies,
the Rohingya crisis-both the crimes against humanity committed
in Burma and the massive new displacement into Bangladesh-
comprises one of the world's worst human catastrophes.
While the origins and root causes of the Rohingya crisis
deserve attention, the immediate task is to prevent further
abuses and protect those still at risk, and feed, shelter, and
care for the displaced. There is also a need to negotiate a
process that would allow the Rohingya to safely and voluntarily
return to their homes in Burma, and for those who cannot or
will not return, determine how they can be settled in
Bangladesh or resettled to third countries.
In dealing with the Burmese government, two things are
clear:
First, it would be a mistake to focus criticism primarily
on Burma's de facto leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, disappointing as
she has been in responding to the crisis. She and other
government officials have largely denied--and are still
denying--allegations of atrocities, calling them fabrications.
In early September, Aung San Suu Kyi spoke of an ``iceberg of
misinformation'' about abuses, and in a speech on September 19
appeared alarmingly ignorant of the overall situation, noting
at one point: ``We want to find out why this exodus is
happening.'' In subsequent statements, she has noticeably
failed to acknowledge any wrongdoing by government forces.
Yet it is Burma's military leaders who are in charge of the
forces committing the abuses, and are in the best position to
end them. In debating next steps on the Rohingya crisis,
concerned governments need to focus primarily on the military,
and consider what measures might best impact its actions.
Second, it is clear that in dealing with the Burmese
military-and the government at large-condemnations and pleas
are not enough.
Burma's military leaders are in a state of denial--or
worse. The commander-in-chief of the military, Sr. Gen. Min
Aung Hlaing, recently made statements suggesting that the
Rohingya do not even exist, that Burma's Rohingya population
are in fact ``Bengali,'' and that ongoing military operations
are aimed at ``unfinished business'' from the Second World War.
These are divisive, unsupported allegations that the Rohingya,
despite living in the country for generations, are foreigners.
They are clear allusions to mass killings of Rohingya that
occurred in 1942 and are reflected in the killings and arson
that have occurred in recent years.
In another speech on September 21, Min Aung Hlaing
essentially embraced that the campaign had comprised ethnic
cleansing, referring to ``national races,'' a term from Burmese
law referring to a list of officially recognized indigenous
ethnic groups--a list that does not include Rohingya.
``Regarding the rehabilitation of villages of our national
races, for the national races who fled their homes [mostly
ethnic Rakhine Buddhists], first of all they must go back to
their places,'' he said. ``The important thing is to have our
people in the region. It's necessary to have control of our
region with our national races. We can't do anything if there
are no people from our national races . . . that is their
rightful place.''
These comments reveal that Burma's military leaders are not
communicating on the same wavelength as the rest of the
international community. They are not prepared to appreciate or
even hear its verbal denunciations and demands. So the time has
come to impose targeted sanctions and other measures that carry
a real practical or financial cost on Burma's senior military
command. It may be impossible to convince the military
leadership to care about the Rohingya, but it might be possible
to stop them from killing or displacing any more Rohingya--if
the consequences of continuing such abuses create a burden that
military leaders don't want to bear.
The United Nations Security Council, and concerned member
states bilaterally, need to impose targeted sanctions on
Burmese military leaders and key military-owned enterprises,
including travel bans and restrictions on access to financial
institutions, and impose a comprehensive military embargo on
Burma. In many countries, a sanctions framework is already in
place, and it was not that long ago that targeted sanctions
were lifted in recognition of the country's efforts to
transition to democracy.
The Security Council should also insist that persons
responsible for grave abuses be held accountable for their
crimes, and press Burmese authorities to cooperate with the
U.N. Fact-Finding Mission established by the U.N. Human Rights
Council and grant unfettered access to its staff to Burma,
including Rakhine State. The council should send a clear
message that it stands ready to take additional steps to ensure
justice including through the International Criminal Court, and
urge member states to pursue other mechanisms that might
provide justice for recent abuses.
These measures are not merely meant to deter more
atrocities. Sanctions should be glued to demands that
multinational organizations and governments have made, setting
them as benchmarks the Burmese military needs to meet for
sanctions to be relaxed: stopping abuses, allowing humanitarian
access to people in need, allowing access by the U.N. Fact-
Finding Mission and journalists and other independent monitors,
allowing refugees to safely and voluntarily return, and
prosecuting those responsible for abuses, including as a matter
of command responsibility. Prior to the recent crisis, the
Burmese government pledged to take other steps laid out in the
recommendations of the recent Advisory Commission on Rakhine
State led by Kofi Annan; the military's cooperation on that
should be another benchmark.
Concerned governments shouldn't wait for the United Nations
to act, however. European Union member states, including the
United Kingdom, as well as the United States, Australia,
Canada, and ASEAN member states, should impose or re-impose
bilateral sanctions on military commanders and military-owned
enterprises, and expand existing arms embargoes to include all
maintenance, assistance, training and cooperation with the
Burmese army. The U.S. should place senior military leaders and
key military-owned enterprises on the ``Specially Designated
Nationals'' list that restricts travel to the U.S. and access
to U.S. companies and financial institutions. The EU and its
member states should renew their versions of the same
restrictions.
For those who worry that tough responses may worsen the
situation or weaken the international community's influence,
one could ask: What influence? And how much worse can things
get? What is the alternative plan for compelling the Burmese
military to stop its abuses?
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