[House Hearing, 115 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
REQUESTING THE PRESIDENT, AND DIRECTING THE SECRETARY OF STATE, TO
TRANSMIT TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES COPIES OF ALL DOCUMENTS,
RECORDS, COMMUNICATIONS, TRANSCRIPTS, SUMMARIES, NOTES, MEMORANDA, AND
READ-AHEADS IN THEIR POSSESSION REFERRING TO CERTAIN COMMUNICATIONS
BETWEEN PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP AND PRESIDENT VLADIMIR PUTIN
=======================================================================
MARKUP
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
ON
H. Res. 1017
__________
SEPTEMBER 13, 2018
__________
Serial No. 115-157
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov,
or http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/
______
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
31-454PDF WASHINGTON : 2018
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida BRAD SHERMAN, California
DANA ROHRABACHER, California GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey
JOE WILSON, South Carolina GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida
TED POE, Texas KAREN BASS, California
DARRELL E. ISSA, California WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts
TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island
MO BROOKS, Alabama AMI BERA, California
PAUL COOK, California LOIS FRANKEL, Florida
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii
RON DeSANTIS, Florida [until 9/10/ JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
18] deg. ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois
MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina BRENDAN F. BOYLE, Pennsylvania
TED S. YOHO, Florida DINA TITUS, Nevada
ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois NORMA J. TORRES, California
LEE M. ZELDIN, New York BRADLEY SCOTT SCHNEIDER, Illinois
DANIEL M. DONOVAN, Jr., New York THOMAS R. SUOZZI, New York
F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, Jr., ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York
Wisconsin TED LIEU, California
ANN WAGNER, Missouri
BRIAN J. MAST, Florida
FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida
BRIAN K. FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
THOMAS A. GARRETT, Jr., Virginia
JOHN R. CURTIS, Utah
VACANT
Amy Porter, Chief of Staff Thomas Sheehy, Staff Director
Jason Steinbaum, Democratic Staff Director
C O N T E N T S
----------
Page
MARKUP ON
H. Res. 1017, Requesting the President, and directing the
Secretary of State, to transmit to the House of Representatives
copies of all documents, records, communications, transcripts,
summaries, notes, memoranda, and read-aheads in their
possession referring to certain communications between
President Donald Trump and President Vladimir Putin............ 2
APPENDIX
Markup notice.................................................... 20
Markup minutes................................................... 21
Markup summary and record vote description....................... 23
The Honorable Gerald E. Connolly, a Representative in Congress
from the Commonwealth of Virginia:
Material submitted for the record.............................. 24
Prepared statement............................................. 28
REQUESTING THE PRESIDENT, AND DIRECTING THE SECRETARY OF STATE, TO
TRANSMIT TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES COPIES OF ALL DOCUMENTS,
RECORDS, COMMUNICATIONS, TRANSCRIPTS, SUMMARIES, NOTES, MEMORANDA, AND
READ-AHEADS IN THEIR POSSESSION REFERRING TO CERTAIN COMMUNICATIONS
BETWEEN PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP AND PRESIDENT VLADIMIR PUTIN
----------
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 13, 2018
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 12:30 p.m., in
room 2172 Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Edward Royce
(chairman of the committee) presiding.
Chairman Royce. The committee will come to order.
We meet today to consider a single item. Pursuant to
notice, for purposes of markup, I call up House Resolution
1017, requesting the President, and directing the Secretary of
State, to transmit to the House copies of all documents in
their possession relating to certain communications between
President Trump and Russian President Putin and move to report
it adversely to the House.
[The information referred to follows:]
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Chairman Royce. Without objection, the resolution is
considered read and open for amendment at any point, and
committee members may have 5 calendar days to submit statements
for the record.
Because we are dealing with floor votes, activities of
other committees, and hurricane-related uncertainty this
afternoon, I am going to use my vote postponement authority
under committee rules to ensure that all members are given fair
notice to participate in any recorded vote we may have.
And I now recognize myself for opening remarks.
This afternoon, we meet to consider House Resolution 1017.
As members know, we typically want to see extensive bipartisan
consultation and at least 25 co-sponsors before marking up
resolutions.
This measure does not fall into that category. It was
introduced with no committee consultation and no co-sponsors,
as we enter the final stretch of an election campaign.
And we are here today only because it enjoys privilege
under House rules as a ``resolution of inquiry,'' which we have
a duty to report.
Because this resolution clearly intrudes into judicially
recognized areas of executive privilege and would likely
require years of contested and, ultimately, fruitless
litigation, we should not endorse it. Let me explain.
This resolution would set a dangerous and harmful precedent
with respect to Presidential communications. It demands from
the President every document, communication, transcript,
summary, note, or memo that relates to matters proposed or
discussed or agreed to or otherwise covered during, in
connection with, or in preparation for his meeting with Russian
President Vladimir Putin in Helsinki back in July.
Let me be clear. I strongly disagreed with the President's
remarks in Helsinki. Vladimir Putin is not our friend, and
there is simply no comparing the actions of the United States
with those of Putin's Russia.
Ultimately, Helsinki was a squandered opportunity to
challenge Vladimir Putin's false narratives on issues including
Ukraine and Syria and Russia's ongoing interference in our
democracy.
So I understand the interest in these issues. I'm sure this
resolution is a popular idea in some political circles.
But, ultimately, it is not a wise approach to oversight.
Indeed, it would only threaten to distract from the bipartisan
legislative and investigative efforts of this committee.
This resolution's broad demand for documents conflicts with
the strongest form of executive privilege recognized by the
courts--the so-called Presidential communications privilege.
Rooted in the constitutional separation of powers,
Presidential communications privilege applies to direct
decision making by the President and also protects
communications made or solicited or received by his advisors
while preparing advice for him.
These privileges are at their strongest when they deal with
the President's core constitutional powers, such as his
authority to conduct diplomatic discussions with foreign
leaders, and this is with good cause.
Today we have instant communications, but Presidents still
have and need the authority to meet and speak and negotiate
privately with foreign leaders.
Consider the historic Camp David Accords, a diplomatic
triumph that strengthened our national security. Members will
recall this agreement was preceded by 2 weeks of confidential
negotiations among the American, Israeli, and Egyptian heads of
state, sequestered in the woods of Maryland.
And during that time, some were genuinely concerned that
Jimmy Carter might undermine the security of our ally, Israel.
Yet, Congress wasn't privy to every utterance.
By constitutional design, we are not in the room for such
discussions. We didn't demand transcripts of every conversation
President Obama had with the Russians, even after an open
microphone caught him asking President Medvedev for some
``space'' on missile defense issues, explaining that we would
``have more flexibility'' after his November 2012 reelection.
This resolution before us today has implications far beyond
our current President or our last President. It is about the
ability of all Presidents to engage with foreign leaders.
And, sadly, this resolution goes against the grain of this
committee's important bipartisan work to confront Russia's
dangerous acts.
As my colleagues know, this includes powerful sanctions,
which we authored, on Russian hackers and intelligence
agencies, passed as part of the Countering America's
Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, which the administration
needs to better utilize.
It includes additional sanctions to punish Russia for
propping up the murderous Assad regime in Syria, which the
Senate needs to pass on to the President's desk without further
delay; and successfully pushing for the imposition of new
mandatory Russian sanctions under the Chemical and Biological
Weapons and Warfare Elimination Act, following Russia's use of
military-grade chemical weapons to poison British citizen
Sergei Skripal and his daughter on British soil.
It includes creating a strong reformed export controls
process that will better protect U.S. advances in emerging
technology like robotics and artificial intelligence, and
legislatively authorizing the President to provide defensive
military systems to Ukraine and to strengthen its cyber
defenses against Russian attacks; reforming the Broadcasting
Board of Governors to help revitalize U.S. efforts to counter
Russian propaganda and disinformation; and enacting the Global
Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act--named after a
Russian businessman who was murdered by corrupt Russian
authorities--to hold regimes accountable for human rights
abuses; and it includes passing through the full House just
last week the Cyber Deterrence and Response Act, to name,
shame, and sanction foreign actors who carry out cyber attacks
against the United States.
We have taken these actions together because most of us
have been concerned about administration policies toward
Russia. I certainly have been.
So I intend for the committee to continue to pursue its
serious, bipartisan, and consequential oversight. But for the
reasons I have laid out, I cannot support this resolution and I
urge my colleagues to join me in reporting it adversely to the
House.
Mr. Engel.
Mr. Engel. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and as I've
said many, many times privately and publicly, I want to thank
you for the fair way you've always run this committee.
I know this is an unusual situation for both of us. But we
have reached the point with this administration when I believe
it's time for tougher action to be taken.
For 18 months we have been trying to exercise basic
oversight of the State Department. Two Secretaries of State
have been here and have said they'd be responsive to our
committee's requests. It hasn't happened.
We have been stonewalled over and over again. We have heard
excuse after excuse after excuse, and on the rare occasion like
today that the administration sends officials to testify before
our committee, we rarely get the answers we need.
This has frustrated me and I've heard the same from many of
our members, and the secret meeting between President Trump and
President Putin in Helsinki was the last straw, literally.
Vladimir Putin unleashed an attack on our democracy to try
to get Donald Trump elected. President Trump cozies up to Putin
at every turn. He sides with Putin over our own intelligence
community.
So when they went into a room together--no staff, no
advisors, just the two of them, and interpreters--alarm bells
went off all over Washington, DC, and around the world.
It was unprecedented under any circumstances and
particularly troubling in light of the Trump-Russia scandal
swirling around this President and his administration.
As Special Counsel Mueller continues to rack up indictments
and convictions, my concern is only growing. Now 2 months
later, the alarm is still going off because the American people
still have no idea what was discussed in that meeting between
Putin and Trump.
We need to know. This is a matter of national security, and
when an administration--and this would go for any
administration of either party--shows such bizarre deference to
an adversary who, clearly, means us harm, it falls to Congress
to get the answers. That's our job.
Mr. Chairman, I know you've been working hard to get
Secretary Pompeo in front of our committee so we can all ask
these questions. It's outrageous that he hasn't come before us,
especially since he did pay the Senate that courtesy.
But you have tried to allow us to do our job and I am
grateful for your effort. This administration just doesn't seem
to respect Congress' role as a co-equal branch of government.
So we are running out of options. The resolution that Mr.
Boyle has introduced represents one of the few tools Congress
has in its rules to get answers from an administration.
I share the frustration that led Mr. Boyle to offer this
measure and I fully support his effort to find out what
happened in President Trump's failed summit with the Russian
dictator in Helsinki.
I think it's a pretty reasonable set of requests. I wish it
weren't necessary. I wish the State Department would do what
Secretaries Tillerson and Pompeo promised, which is to respond
to our document requests and heed our efforts to carry out
Congress' constitutional responsibilities by conducting basic
oversight.
But they have not, and we need to face facts. The Trump
administration is not going to give us the information we need
willingly. Congress has requested. They've said no.
What we are left with is for Congress to demand, and
because that's the only option left for Congress to demand, we
are also left with only one question--what will Congress decide
to do?
We are not the first committee to take up a resolution like
this since the start of the Trump presidency. In other cases,
markups have descended into partisan rancor.
Certainly they haven't resulted in getting any information
from the executive branch. In my view, the Republican
leadership in the House has opted to cover for this
administration rather than allowing this body to do its job and
exercise our checks and balances.
I am confident, based on this committee's culture, under
your leadership, Mr. Chairman, that this markup won't follow
that path. In fact, I hope we can have a good debate about Mr.
Boyle's resolution, because if anyone thinks we and the
American people shouldn't know what happened in that meeting,
I'd like to hear why and I'd like to hear that debate continue
on the House floor.
As I said, the only question left is, what will Congress
decide to do? It should be up to the entire House to weigh in
on that decision. We shouldn't end this debate here. We
shouldn't end it today.
And so, Mr. Chairman, respectfully, I must oppose your
motion and if it's voted down I'll offer a motion of my own to
report this resolution favorably, designating Mr. Boyle of
Pennsylvania to call it up for consideration by the House.
Again, Mr. Chairman, as I have said many times publicly and
privately I am grateful to you for your fairness and
leadership, and I yield back.
Chairman Royce. The gentleman yields back.
Floor votes are now underway. We have 4 minutes left in the
vote. We will recess and then resume our markup immediately
after the final vote in this two-vote series.
So I urge members to return promptly after casting the
second vote. We stand in recess.
[Recess.]
Chairman Royce. Mr. Sires.
Mr. Sires. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much.
The reason--where am I? My reason here, Chairman--the
reason we are here today is simple. President Trump stood next
to Vladimir Putin and took his side over the American people
and our intelligence community.
He let Putin lie and say Russia did not have--did not hack
our elections. In my eyes, he stood on stage with Putin and
failed to defend someone who is committed to destroying this
country.
He took a private meeting with Putin with no aides present.
We still don't know what happened in that meeting. The American
people deserve to know what our President said to one of our
adversaries.
It is unacceptable that the administration continues to
cozy up to the Russians at the expense of our security and
safety.
We were sent here to conduct oversight of the
administration's policies and we deserve to know what the
President and Putin discussed.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Royce. Thank you.
Any other members seek recognition?
Any other members seek recognition to speak?
[Pause.]
Do any members seek recognition?
Mr. Cicilline.
Mr. Cicilline. Yes. Move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I support House Resolution 1017, which
requests that the administration turn over documents related to
the July 16th meeting between Donald Trump and President
Vladimir Putin.
Two months after the fact, Congress and the American people
still know nothing or next to nothing about what was discussed
between President Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin in
a private 2-hour meeting in which none of the President's
advisors were present.
After that meeting, President Trump stood on a stage with
Vladimir Putin, a man who directed his military to launch a
cyber attack on our country's elections and whose regime
regularly has journalists murdered, LGBT individuals tortured,
and political opponents thrown into jail.
Rather than standing up to President Putin, President Trump
bent over backwards to appease a dictator and even defended
Putin while denigrating our FBI, our intelligence officials,
and anyone who wants to see Putin held accountable for his
actions.
This was an incredibly embarrassing and sad day for
America. Based on the President's own words, here's what we
know about what took place in the meeting.
The two had, I quote, ``a direct, open, deeply productive
dialogue and spoke on a wide range of critical issues for both
of our countries.''
The President believed Putin when he told him that it was
not Russia that interfered in the 2016 elections, regardless of
the fact that the U.S. intelligence community has without a
doubt identified Russia as the source of the attack.
He has since walked back the stance after widespread
outrage and the mountains of clear evidence to the contrary of
his claims.
The President also apparently considered Putin's incredible
offer, as he called it, to allow Russians to question
Ambassadors and employees of the United States intelligence
community. He walked this back too after even his own advisors
were incredulous at this absolutely nonsensical and dangerous
proposal.
Substantively, most of what we know about the meeting has
come from the Russian Government. A Russian major general was
reported to have said that the Russian ministry of defense is
ready for practical implementation of international security
agreements reached between Russian President Vladimir Putin and
U.S. President Donald Trump at the Helsinki Summit.
Despite this committee's repeated requests, the
administration still hasn't told the American people or this
committee anything substantive about the meeting in Helsinki
and certainly nothing about these alleged international
security agreements.
This committee has the constitutional authority and
responsibility to conduct oversight and get answers. The
administration's lack of transparency about what was said and
agreed to is particularly disturbing in light of the ongoing
investigation into the Trump campaign's ties to Russia, which
has so far produced nearly 200 criminal charges and active
indictments or to which individuals have already pled guilty.
Vladimir Putin is not a friend of the United States or the
American people. He's a brutal dictator whose repressive values
are completely contrary to our own.
Given how little we know about what transpired in Helsinki,
how can we trust that the President didn't offer, purposely or
otherwise, sensitive information that could put our citizens,
soldiers, or allies in danger?
How can we trust that the President didn't commit the
United States to actions or agreements that may be against our
Nation's interest?
And given that we still don't know the details relating to
Russia's involvement in the election of the President, how can
we trust that what was discussed between President Trump and
his admitted supporter, Vladimir Putin, didn't compromise the
President's ability to support and defend the Constitution of
the United States against our enemies?
These are basic questions that are absolutely critical to
our understanding of the administration's policies toward
Russia.
We have an obligation as the committee of jurisdiction over
foreign affairs to conduct proper oversight of the
administration's actions and policies vis-a-vis Russia.
I can't imagine what reason my colleagues could possibly
use to justify their unwillingness to support this resolution.
All it does is ask for documents--documents that will shed
light into this important meeting between President Trump and
President Putin, and nothing more.
This is a basic function of our committee that we should
exercise without hesitation and because it is our obligation.
So I ask my colleagues to join me in support of this very
well-written resolution of inquiry so that we can get to the
bottom of this and really provide transparency to the American
people so we can really understand what happened during this
very consequential meeting and what are the implications for
the United States' national security and our role in the world.
And with that, I yield back.
Chairman Royce. Any other members seek recognition?
Mr. Boyle.
Mr. Boyle. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I am pleased to
have the opportunity to debate my resolution.
It is now 2 months after the Helsinki Summit and we still
don't know what was said in the private meeting.
The President has not told the American people what he
discussed nor has any administration official come before the
committee in an open or even a closed setting to brief us on
the important foreign policy matters that were addressed.
What we do know is what Donald Trump announced directly
following the unprecedented and puzzling one-on-one sit down.
He sowed seeds of doubt regarding the unwavering conclusion
of our intelligence community that Russia interfered in our
election to the benefit of Mr. Trump and that Putin used the
meeting as a propaganda boost--or propaganda to boost his
stature as a check on American leadership.
And we know what else Russia has been up to since. Our
national security agencies have confirmed Russia is still
working to attack the upcoming 2018 elections.
Russia continues to prop up the murderous Assad regime and
occupy eastern Ukraine. All of this context fuels important
questions regarding the secrecy of this meeting and begs for
transparency and congressional oversight.
I introduced this resolution in July following the
President's damaging and bizarre remarks at the press
conference with Putin following the private sit down where the
President met with Putin without any staff or advisors in the
room.
This meeting could have profound foreign policy
implications and the President has already built a track record
of giving away concessions with nothing in return.
Did the President promise any concessions on U.S. sanctions
on Russia? The U.S. commitment to NATO? The U.S. nonrecognition
policy of the Crimea annexation?
We simply don't know. But we do know that at the press
conference President Trump said he ``spent a great deal of
time'' talking about the election and that Putin feels strongly
about it and has ``an interesting idea.''
What does that mean? The President fueled doubt and
speculation by refusing to say whether he believed the United
States intelligence community or the Russian dictator on the
subject of election interference in 2016.
Trump said that the special counsel's Russia investigation
has been a ``disaster for the U.S. and has kept America and
Russia separated.''
These comments can be added to a very long list of ways the
President has gone out of his way to cozy up to Putin. Now, I
wish this resolution weren't necessary. But here we are, 60
days after the Helsinki Summit and we still don't know what
President Trump said or committed to.
We are a co-equal branch of government. Indeed, in the
Constitution, we are the first Article. The executive is the
second.
It is time that we take off our red hat or our blue hat and
put on our red, white, and blue hat. As fellow Americans and as
Members of Congress, we have a responsibility to do our jobs.
Let's get answers. Let's pass positively this resolution.
Thank you, and I yield back.
Chairman Royce. Thank you.
We go to Lois Frankel of Florida.
Ms. Frankel. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and I urge support of
this important resolution by my colleague, Representative
Boyle, that directs the Trump administration to send the House
copies of all documents and communications between Trump and
Putin during the Helsinki Summit.
The American people deserve to know the truth of what was
discussed and I want to say with emphasis Congress has the
oversight and authority, duty, to demand this information and
it is critical to national security that this Congress not be
just a lackey to the executive branch.
And yet, the administration has failed to provide any
information to come before this committee, as mentioned by my
colleagues, and Americans are worried. They are in fear.
Why is that? As a candidate, now President, Donald Trump
refuses to say anything negative about Vladimir Putin. He
actually shows admiration for a man who murders his political
opponents, meddles in Western democratic elections, suppresses
human rights, illegally annexes foreign territory, supports the
murderous Assad regime in Syria, and more.
And right before the Helsinki Summit, President Trump
embarrassed our country at NATO, labeling our European allies
as foes.
Then standing at Putin's side in Finland he parroted
Russian propaganda and repeated Putin's lies.
When asked directly if he believed Russia interfered in our
2016 elections, he said he didn't see any reason why.
I'll tell you why or what he's ignoring. Number one, our
own intelligence community unanimously concluded Russia has
meddled in our elections. Number two, the Department of Justice
has indicted 25 Russian nationals responsible for the meddling.
And number three, Russia has a long proven history of
assaulting Western democracies and using cyber attacks,
disinformation, and support for nationalist political groups.
Now, here's the thing. We don't have a clue what was
discussed with the two--in the 2-hour-long private meeting
between Trump and Putin--what promises were made, whether they
talked about sanctions, what about our election.
We have no answers and the cloud of secrecy is disturbing.
We are in fear. It's been reported that they talked about
holding a referendum in eastern Ukraine, Iran's presence in
Syria, recognition of Russia's illegal annexation of Crimea,
and the future of our nuclear arsenals, and we know Trump
himself said it was a wonderful offer when Putin suggested
Russia's interrogators question American citizens, including a
former U.S. Ambassador to Russia.
Is it possible that the President jeopardized our national
security when he was alone in the room with Putin? But without
these documents, we may never know.
And I just want to conclude by repeating that Congress has
the authority and the oversight duty to demand this information
that is critical to our national security.
I urge we use this responsibility and adopt this
resolution.
I yield back.
Chairman Royce. Do any other members seek recognition?
Mr. Meeks.
Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The camera of history is rolling. We do not live in a time
where Congress can just sit back. In fact, we live in
extraordinary times.
We cannot fool ourselves and say this is ordinary times
because it's not, and history is looking to see what is the
United States House of Representatives--what is the Congress
going to do to make sure it is utilizing its oversight power of
the executive branch--an equal branch of government.
And so we cannot pretend that this is a normal
circumstance. In fact, a number of my Republican colleagues,
especially those that ran for President--not Gregory Meeks--
warned us about some of this back during the campaign during
that time.
I'd just refer individuals to the comments of Mr. Romney,
who's running for United States Senate now; Mr. Cruz, who is,
you know, during that primary period of time; Mr. Rubio, who
also had comments about the President at that time, of which I
continue to articulate and utilize.
So they had some clues that this was not going to be an
ordinary circumstance if Mr. Trump was elected, and that's why
they said the things that they said during that campaign.
And so what has played out is what we have seen to take
place at the Helsinki Summit, which remains astonishing because
for the first time a U.S. President sat in front of the world
stage to undermine their own Department of Justice, their own
intelligence community, and invited a foreign adversary to do
the same.
Without question, this is a troubling moment in our
Nation's history. When given a chance to forcefully denounce
Russia's interference in our elections, President Trump instead
parroted Russia's propaganda.
Even the administration's latest Executive order
sanctioning foreign interference in our elections fails to
mention Russia by name.
This committee's request for documents, records,
communications, and even the U.S. translator's notes
constitutes not only a moral obligation but an execution of our
constitutionally-enshrined right to check and balance the
executive branch of government.
No other vibrant democracy would accept a meeting between
its head of state and a former KGB agent whose primary currency
is half truths and disinformation and is committed to stirring
up discord and division.
We need accountability and we need it today. Unfortunately,
we do not trust the administration not to give away key
concessions on issues like Crimea, Ukraine, the nuclear
nonproliferation.
It's unprecedented for staff, his advisors, and technical
experts to be excluded from discussions with far-reaching
implications for not only the United States but the entire
global community.
It is hyperbolic to say Mr. Trump's secretive meeting
undermines our national security and aggregates this chamber's
ability to perform effective oversight.
As public stewards dedicated to transparency and the rule
of law, we just keep the executive accountable. It is time for
all Members of Congress to put their affiliation aside and come
together as Americans to address this blatant breach of trust.
As the biblical maxim says, a little yeast works through
the whole batch of dough. The yeast of secrecy and
unaccountability, if left unchecked, will undermine the very
foundations of our democracy.
The actions of this President is just puzzling. I would
have hoped that if he did then these transcripts would show
that he was talking to the Russians, and should have been,
about them being complicit with Syria, for example, in
utilizing chemical weapons.
He pulled out of an agreement that all had agreed with with
reference to nuclear weapons. But was there any--with Iran--but
was there any conversation in that regard and what is Russia's
role?
It seems to me that the American people and all of us here
in Congress should know. So I would hope that my--our
Republican colleagues and our public oaths require no demand--
I'll note they demand that we examine the Helsinki events
closely and if not this body, the American people will regret
not doing so and history will so record it, and I thank Mr.
Boyle for his amendment.
And I yield back the balance of my time.
Chairman Royce. Other members seeking recognition?
Congresswoman Norma Torres.
Ms. Torres. Thank you, Chairman Royce.
H.R. 1017 is an important measure and I thank my colleague,
Congressman Boyle, for introducing it, and I also want to thank
Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Engel for bringing it before
this committee.
H.R. 1017 would force the administration to turn over
documents related to the July 16 meeting that took place
between President Trump and Vladimir Putin in Helsinki.
As I recall, Democrats were not the only ones with very
serious questions about that meeting or concerns. As I recall,
many of my Republican colleagues were shocked at the fact that
President Trump would meet with Putin with no staff and shocked
by the bizarre spectacle of a joint conference in which
President Trump treated Putin like a friend, not the adversary
that he is.
He is not our friend, and let us be clear about that.
Russia is not our ally. As we discussed in this morning's
hearing, Russia is a subject to multiple U.S. sanctions for its
many malign activities.
The United States has sanctioned Russia for corruption, for
interfering in our elections, for invading Crimea, for using
chemical weapons to poison a former spy in the U.K.
And I won't go into the long and sordid history of
President Trump's relationship with Russia. I won't go into the
many examples of President Trump's campaign officials' ties to
Russia or the administration officials' ties to Russia in
general.
There is an ongoing investigation and we must allow that
investigation to run its course. But I will say that there are
some serious questions about the Helsinki meeting and the
American people deserve to know.
I hope that today that we can rise above party politics and
bring some much needed transparency to this disturbing episode.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I yield back.
Chairman Royce. Thank you.
Do any other members seek recognition?
Seeing no further requests for recognition to speak, the
question occurs on the pending motion of the Chair to report
the resolution adversely.
The Chair orders a recorded vote, as I stated at the
outset, to give all our members a fair opportunity to
participate.
We are going to take a brief recess and then we reconvene
to vote at 1:50.
The committee stands in recess.
[Recess.]
Chairman Royce. Okay. This committee will come back to
order.
When we recessed, we had concluded debate----
Mr. Deutch. Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, move to strike the last word.
Chairman Royce. The gentleman is recognized.
Mr. Deutch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, the legendary journalist, Bob Woodward,
released a book with disturbing details about what's going on
in the White House.
White House Chief of Staff General Kelly reportedly said,
``President Trump has gone off the rails. We are in Crazy Town.
I don't even know why any of us are here.''
And General Kelly denied some of the comments attributed to
him and Woodward is standing by his reporting. Either way, the
question it raises is a good one.
Why are any of us here? Why are any of us up here on this
dais? Are we taking our duty to our constituents seriously? Are
we living up to Article One of the Constitution? This is the
people's House.
We are the American people's check on power, check on the
administration, their oversight of the White House.
Are we going to take that job seriously? In July, I am sure
many of you were as dumbfounded as I was when we saw the
President of the United States stand side by side with Russian
President Vladimir Putin.
He undermined the conclusions of American intelligence
agencies--the agencies made up of hardworking patriotic
Americans who sacrificed so much and go out into the most
dangerous situations to gather information to keep our country
safe.
The conclusions in their report have been publicly
available since January 2017. President Trump pretended they
didn't exist. He ignored the American lives that were on the
line to create it.
In fact, there are rumors that he considered Putin's
request to allow questioning of some of those very U.S.
officials. But once again, we don't know where the truth lies
because the only people in the room were Donald Trump and
Vladimir Putin.
I don't know about you--that's not what I expect of my
President. I expect strength in the face of Russian aggression.
I don't expect our President to blame America when Russia
invaded its neighbors, when it used nerve gas against agents in
Britain, when it attacked the foundation of our democracy.
If history teaches anything, it teaches that simpleminded
appeasement or wishful thinking about our adversaries is folly.
It means the betrayal of our past, the squandering of our
freedom.
That's how President Reagan said it in 1983. That is a
statement with principles at its foundation and our dearest
American values at its core.
You won't hear anything like that coming out of this
President's mouth. We cannot be complicit in Donald Trump's
abandonment of the principals that used to guide us and we have
a lot of work to do to restore American values.
That's the answer to the question why are we even here. I
urge my colleagues who have now returned to this hearing room
to oppose the motion to report the resolution adversely so that
we can move forward with Mr. Boyle's resolution and advance
this committee's responsibility to protect our democracy by
pursuing the truth.
And I am glad to yield to my friend, Mr. Connolly.
Mr. Connolly. I thank my friend and I thank him for his
eloquence and for setting the parameters of what ought to be a
fruitful discussion.
I plead with my colleagues on the other side of the aisle.
This committee has by and large seen and heard no evil when it
comes to this President, even as he talks down alliances, even
as he caters and panders to Vladimir Putin at the summit, even
when he trashes our allies in the G7, even when he rips up
agreements that disrupts long-term friendships and
relationships, even when he deplores the EU and says that NATO,
our longest alliance that worked so well and still does, is
obsolete.
Is there any line he can cross that might merit your ire?
This resolution, allowed to come to the floor without a
recommendation, would be something then the House of
Representatives--the people's body--could debate, and
fruitfully so.
Or are we today once again simply going to vote along party
lines to protect and defend the indefensible in foreign policy
and once again shirk our duty as the committee of jurisdiction
and cognizance to protect the foreign interests of the United
States of America, even when that means we cross the executive?
I hope we think long and hard about our action today and I
thank Mr. Boyle for his leadership on this resolution and my
friend from Florida for yielding.
Mr. Deutch. Thank you, and Mr. Chairman----
Chairman Royce. Thank you.
Mr. Deutch [continuing]. I appreciate it. I yield back the
balance of my time.
Chairman Royce. All right.
The pending question is on the motion to report House
Resolution 1017 adversely. In other words, if you share my
opposition to the resolution, you would vote aye.
The clerk will call the roll.
Mr. Connolly. Would the chair entertain a parliamentary
inquiry first?
Chairman Royce. I will entertain that inquiry.
Mr. Connolly. I thank the chair.
Just a couple of parliamentary inquiries. Is the motion----
Chairman Royce. Will the gentleman state his inquiry?
Mr. Connolly. Yes. I am going to ask if the motion is
amendable.
Chairman Royce. It is not at this point. We could consider
an alternative motion only if this motion was defeated.
Mr. Connolly. Because I have----
Chairman Royce. The motion before us----
Mr. Connolly [continuing]. I have an itsy bitsy change in
the adverb from adversely to favorably. [Laughter.]
Chairman Royce. Well--well, we could--we could consider
that if this motion fails. But this is the motion before us,
Mr. Connolly.
Mr. Connolly. I thank the chair.
Chairman Royce. All right. Well, thank you.
So the pending question--we will ask the clerk to call the
roll.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Royce. Aye.
Ms. Marter. The chairman votes aye.
Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Smith votes aye.
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen.
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Ms. Ros-Lehtinen votes aye.
Mr. Rohrabacher.
Mr. Rohrabacher. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Rohrabacher votes aye.
Mr. Chabot.
Mr. Chabot. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Chabot votes aye.
Mr. Wilson.
Mr. Wilson. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Wilson votes aye.
Mr. McCaul.
Mr. McCaul. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. McCaul votes aye.
Mr. Poe.
[No response.]
Mr. Issa.
[No response.]
Mr. Marino.
Mr. Marino. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Marino votes aye.
Mr. Brooks.
Mr. Brooks. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Brooks votes aye.
Mr. Cook.
Mr. Cook. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Cook votes aye.
Mr. Perry.
Mr. Perry. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Perry votes aye.
Mr. Meadows.
Mr. Meadows. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Meadows votes aye.
Mr. Yoho.
Mr. Yoho. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Yoho votes aye.
Mr. Kinzinger.
Mr. Kinzinger. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Kinzinger votes aye.
Mr. Zeldin.
Mr. Zeldin. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Zeldin votes aye.
Mr. Donovan.
Mr. Donovan. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Donovan votes aye.
Mr. Sensenbrenner.
Mr. Sensenbrenner. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Sensenbrenner votes aye.
Mrs. Wagner.
Mrs. Wagner. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mrs. Wagner votes aye.
Mr. Mast.
Mr. Mast. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Mast votes aye.
Mr. Rooney.
Mr. Rooney. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Rooney votes aye.
Mr. Fitzpatrick.
Mr. Fitzpatrick. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Fitzpatrick votes aye.
Mr. Garrett.
Mr. Garrett. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Garrett votes aye.
Mr. Curtis.
Mr. Curtis. Aye.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Curtis votes aye.
Mr. Engel.
Mr. Engel. No.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Engel votes no.
Mr. Sherman.
Mr. Sherman. No.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Sherman votes no.
Mr. Meeks.
[No response.]
Mr. Sires.
Mr. Sires. No.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Sires votes no.
Mr. Connolly.
Mr. Connolly. Nay.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Connolly votes no.
Mr. Deutch.
Mr. Deutch. No.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Deutch votes no.
Ms. Bass.
[No response.]
Mr. Keating.
Mr. Keating. No.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Keating votes no.
Mr. Cicilline.
Mr. Cicilline. No.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Cicilline votes no.
Mr. Bera.
Mr. Bera. No.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Bera votes no.
Ms. Frankel.
Ms. Frankel. No.
Ms. Marter. Ms. Frankel votes no.
Ms. Gabbard.
[No response.]
Mr. Castro.
Mr. Castro. No.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Castro votes no.
Ms. Kelly.
Ms. Kelly. No.
Ms. Marter. Ms. Kelly votes no.
Mr. Boyle.
Mr. Boyle. No.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Boyle votes no.
Ms. Titus.
Ms. Titus. No.
Ms. Marter. Ms. Titus votes no.
Ms. Torres.
Ms. Torres. No.
Ms. Marter. Ms. Torres votes no.
Mr. Schneider.
Mr. Schneider. No.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Schneider votes no.
Mr. Suozzi.
Mr. Suozzi. No.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Suozzi votes no.
Mr. Espaillat.
Mr. Espaillat. No.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Espaillat votes no.
Mr. Lieu.
Mr. Lieu. No.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Lieu votes no.
Chairman Royce. Have all members been recorded?
The clerk will report the vote.
Ms. Marter. Mr. Chairman, on that vote there are 23 ayes
and 18 noes.
Chairman Royce. The motion is adopted and House Resolution
1017 will be reported adversely.
The motion to reconsider is laid on the table and without
objection staff is directed to make any technical and
conforming changes.
Mr. Connolly. Mr. Chairman, I have a----
Chairman Royce. That concludes our business.
Mr. Connolly. I just have a UC request to enter something
into the record.
Chairman Royce. Without--well, let--state the nature of
your UC request.
Mr. Connolly. I have a series of 20 different quotes from
Members of Congress with respect to the Helsinki performance. I
was simply asking unanimous consent they be entered into the
record.
Chairman Royce. Without objection.
Mr. Cicilline. May I ask--I am sorry, Mr. Chairman. May I
ask that those--before I decide whether to object that Mr.
Connolly read those statements? [Laughter.]
Chairman Royce. I think there will be objection at that
point. [Laughter.]
So might I suggest that----
Mr. Connolly. I would ask my friend from Rhode Island to
perhaps withdraw his request. [Laughter.]
I thank the chair.
Chairman Royce. Very good. I am trying to be helpful here.
That concludes our business. Without objection, the
committee is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 2:05 p.m., the committee was adjourned.]
A P P E N D I X
----------
Material Submitted for the Record
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Material submitted for the record by the Honorable Gerald E. Connolly,
a Representative in Congress from the Commonwealth of Virginia
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
[all]