    [House Hearing, 115 Congress]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]

             HEARING ON NICARAGUAN CRISIS: NEXT STEPS TO ADVANCING
                DEMOCRACY AND MARKUP ON H. RES. 981, CONDEMNING
                  THE VIOLENCE, PERSECUTION, INTIMIDATION, AND
                MURDERS COMMITTED BY THE GOVERNMENT OF NICARAGUA
                              AGAINST ITS CITIZENS

    =======================================================================

                               HEARING AND MARKUP

                                   BEFORE THE

                                SUBCOMMITTEE ON
                             THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE

                                     OF THE

                          COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
                            HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                         ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS

                                 SECOND SESSION

                                   __________

                                 JULY 12, 2018

                                   __________

                               Serial No. 115-160

                                   __________

            Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

    Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http://docs.house.gov,
                          or http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/
                                     ______

                         U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE

    30-709PDF                WASHINGTON : 2018

                         COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS

                     EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman
    CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey     ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York
    ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida         BRAD SHERMAN, California
    DANA ROHRABACHER, California         GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
    STEVE CHABOT, Ohio                   ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey
    JOE WILSON, South Carolina           GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
    MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas             THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida
    TED POE, Texas                       KAREN BASS, California
    DARRELL E. ISSA, California          WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts
    TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania             DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island
    MO BROOKS, Alabama                   AMI BERA, California
    PAUL COOK, California                LOIS FRANKEL, Florida
    SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania            TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii
    RON DeSANTIS, Florida                JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
    MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina         ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois
    TED S. YOHO, Florida                 BRENDAN F. BOYLE, Pennsylvania
    ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois             DINA TITUS, Nevada
    LEE M. ZELDIN, New York              NORMA J. TORRES, California
    DANIEL M. DONOVAN, Jr., New York     BRADLEY SCOTT SCHNEIDER, Illinois
    F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, Jr.,         THOMAS R. SUOZZI, New York
        Wisconsin                        ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York
    ANN WAGNER, Missouri                 TED LIEU, California
    BRIAN J. MAST, Florida
    FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida
    BRIAN K. FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
    THOMAS A. GARRETT, Jr., Virginia
    JOHN R. CURTIS, Utah

         Amy Porter, Chief of Staff      Thomas Sheehy, Staff Director

                   Jason Steinbaum, Democratic Staff Director
                                     ------

                     Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere

                        PAUL COOK, California, Chairman
    CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey     ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey
    ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida         JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
    MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas             ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois
    MO BROOKS, Alabama                   NORMA J. TORRES, California
    RON DeSANTIS, Florida                ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York
    TED S. YOHO, Florida                 GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
    FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida

                                C O N T E N T S

                                  ----------
                                                                       Page

                               HEARING WITNESSES

    The Honorable Carlos Trujillo, U.S. Permanent Representative,
      Organization of American States................................    10
    The Honorable Michael Kozak, Senior Advisor and Senior Bureau
      Official, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S.
      Department of State............................................    19
    Ms. Barbara Feinstein, Deputy Assistant Administrator, Bureau for
      Latin America and the Caribbean, U.S. Agency for International
      Development....................................................    26

              LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING

    The Honorable Paul Cook, a Representative in Congress from the
      State of California, and chairman, Subcommittee on the Western
      Hemisphere: Prepared statement.................................     4
    The Honorable Carlos Trujillo: Prepared statement................    13
    The Honorable Michael Kozak: Prepared statement..................    21
    Ms. Barbara Feinstein: Prepared statement........................    28

                                   MARKUP ON

    H. Res. 981, Condemning the violence, persecution, intimidation,
      and murders committed by the Government of Nicaragua against
      its citizens...................................................    47

                                    APPENDIX

    Hearing/markup notice............................................    56
    Hearing and markup minutes.......................................    57
    Markup summary...................................................    59
    The Honorable Paul Cook: Questions submitted for the hearing
      record to all witnesses........................................    60

                  HEARING ON NICARAGUAN CRISIS: NEXT STEPS TO
                 ADVANCING DEMOCRACY AND MARKUP ON H. RES. 981,
                     CONDEMNING THE VIOLENCE, PERSECUTION,
                   INTIMIDATION, AND MURDERS COMMITTED BY THE
                  GOVERNMENT OF NICARAGUA AGAINST ITS CITIZENS

                                  ----------

                            THURSDAY, JULY 12, 2018

                           House of Representatives,

                    Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere,

                         Committee on Foreign Affairs,

                                Washington, DC.

        The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:03 p.m., in
    room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Paul Cook
    (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
        Mr. Cook. A quorum being present, the subcommittee will
    come to order.
        I would like to now recognize myself for an opening
    statement.
        For too long, Daniel Ortega has ruled Nicaragua through
    fear and intimidation, undermined democracy, and enriched
    himself through systemic corruption. Today, hundreds of
    thousands of Nicaraguans from all sectors of society have said
    no more.
        In response, over the last 2 months, Ortega has fought to
    maintain his control, unleashing his security forces on unarmed
    citizens and violently suppressing the protests in which he has
    left close to 300 people dead, including one U.S. citizen.
        The crisis in Nicaragua is also threatening regional trade,
    business operations, and the safety of Americans living in
    Nicaragua. Attempts by the Catholic Church to mediate a
    peaceful solution to the conflict have failed. Ortega continues
    to suppress the people, and Ortega announced over the weekend
    that he will not hold early elections as many protesters had
    urged.
        Just this weekend, masked government supporters attacked
    Roman Catholic priests who were seeking to help protesters
    trapped inside a church.
        Yesterday, Felix Maradiaga, the executive director for a
    leading think tank in Nicaragua, an important pro-democracy
    advocate, was attacked and physically beaten by Ortega's thugs
    in Leon. I believe his wife is in the audience today. In fact,
    I just met her. I complimented her husband and herself on her
    courage.
        And most of all, I wish your husband a speedy recovery, and
    thank you very, very much for being here. I just want to say
    the U.S. stands in support and solidarity with you and the
    Nicaraguan people who are seeking to reclaim their freedoms.
        While some have expressed surprise by the outbreak and
    violence in what was previously known as the most stable
    country in Central America, this crisis did not occur
    overnight. In my view, it is the result of more than a decade
    of Ortega's authoritarian rule and built-up resentment from the
    Nicaraguan people who have seen the Ortega family enrich
    themselves at the expense of the country.
        Today, Nicaragua remains the second poorest country in the
    Western Hemisphere after Haiti, and Transparency International
    ranks Nicaragua as one of the region's most corrupt countries,
    along with Venezuela and Haiti.
        In addition, Ortega and his wife, Rosario Murillo, have
    undermined democratic institutions in Nicaragua, stacked the
    courts and electoral body with political allies, illegally
    changed the constitution, eliminated presidential term limits,
    stripped the opposition parties of their legal registration,
    dismissed the opposition lawmakers from the National Assembly,
    held fraudulent elections, and co-opted many of the country's
    television and media outlets to restrict information from
    reaching citizens.
        In view of these actions and today's crisis in Nicaragua,
    we were holding this subcommittee hearing and markup of House
    Resolution 981 to examine recent developments and conduct
    oversight of the administration's policy to Nicaragua.
        The Trump administration has rightly responded with strong
    statements condemning the Ortega regime for committing violence
    and human rights abuses. The State Department has taken
    important action to protect U.S. Embassy personnel and their
    families and issue visa restrictions on Nicaraguan Government
    officials. The Treasury Department also recently announced
    sanctions against three top Ortega officials for human rights
    abuses and corruption.
        I strongly applaud all these actions, but I want to note my
    concern over an Organization of American States, OAS,
    resolution jointly introduced by the United States and
    Nicaragua that seemed to downplay the crisis and deaths, and
    could have more strongly supported the democratic actors on the
    ground.
        The U.S. must do more. I urge the State Department and the
    Treasury Department to issue additional visa restrictions and
    Magnitsky sanctions on Ortega regime officials to send a clear
    message that the United States will not allow government
    officials who exploit Nicaraguan people or who commit human
    rights abuses to visit U.S. destinations or access the U.S.
    banking systems.
        The U.S. must also do more to support the democratic actors
    in Nicaragua. Also, U.S. funding to support the Nicaraguan
    people is strongly welcomed by this subcommittee. It is
    essential the U.S. respond to the crisis with a clear strategy
    and that we consider the needs of the actors on the ground in
    their capacity to manage money effectively to achieve results
    as we consider any additional funding.
        Finally, I strongly believe that the U.S. will be most
    effective if we work together to support the Nicaraguan people
    through, not only the Organization of American States and its
    member states, but also with the European Union, Canada, and
    the Lima Group countries to coordinate a united response to the
    Nicaraguan crisis.
        I look forward to hearing from our witnesses on how the
    Trump administration is engaging with all these different
    actors to support the Nicaraguan people.
        And with that, I turn to our Ranking Member Sires for his
    opening remarks.
        [The prepared statement of Mr. Cook follows:]

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                                  ----------

        Mr. Sires. Thank you, Chairman, and thank you for holding
    such a timely hearing. And thank you to our witnesses for being
    here.
        But before I begin, I would also like to recognize Berta
    Valle. Thank you for being here. I wish your husband well. I
    hope he has a speedy recovery, and tell him that we appreciate
    his courage and his determination. So thank you for being here.
        You know, as we know, Nicaragua is currently in the throes
    of a civil conflict as Ortega's government continues to oppress
    its citizens for pursuing greater democratic rights.
        Since Ortega came to power, he has gradually consolidated
    power in the hands of his family and his cronies at the expense
    of the Nicaraguan citizens.
        The peaceful protests that began in April initially opposed
    the proposed government's reform to Social Security. However,
    as violent attempts by government security forces to quash the
    protests failed, the demonstration gradually became a call for
    a more democratic Nicaragua.
        The Catholic Church attempted numerous times to mediate
    dialogue between Ortega and the opposition groups, but Ortega's
    regime has repeatedly failed to uphold its end of the
    agreement.
        Over the course of the last several months, as negotiations
    over dialogue has evolved, hundreds of Nicaraguan citizens are
    estimated to have been killed, with thousands more injured.
        Recently, international observers from the International
    Commission of Human Rights, the United Nations Commission of
    Human Rights, and European Unions have finally arrived in
    Nicaragua to begin investigating the violence, despite Ortega's
    reluctance.
        Now, many Nicaraguans are demanding political reforms and
    the resignation of Ortega and his wife before the scheduled
    elections in 2021.
        The United States cannot stand idly by and ignore the
    demands of the Nicaraguan people while the Ortegas and his
    confidantes push the country undoubtedly toward a civil war.
        That is why my colleagues, Representative Ros-Lehtinen,
    Ranking Member Engel, Chairman Cook, and I have introduced a
    bipartisan resolution condemning the ongoing violence in
    Nicaragua and urging the administration to impose sanctions on
    individuals who qualify under the Global Magnitsky Act.
        I have also worked with my friend, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, to
    pass a Nicaraguan Investment Conditionality Act to hold the
    regime accountable for its misuse of international loans. This
    bill will direct the U.S. to not support international loans to
    Nicaragua until the government increases transparency and has
    free and fair elections.
        Unified pushback from the international community shows the
    courageous Nicaraguans on the ground that the world stands
    shoulder-to-shoulder with them. It is the only way to help
    Ortega see the writing on the wall. He has to give up his grip
    and enact long overdue and meaningful political reforms people
    are fighting for.
        I am eager to hear from the administration's view the
    potential outcomes of the Nicaraguan crisis, and look forward
    to hearing how they plan on standing up for the protesters and
    promote democratic reforms to Nicaragua moving forward.
        Thank you, Chairman, for holding this hearing.
        Mr. Cook. Thank you very much.
        My able staff always passes me notes here. And I didn't
    have my right glasses on. I thought it said IRS. And I said, I
    paid my taxes, but it was to remind me that Ileana Ros-Lehtinen
    is going to make an opening statement.
        So, Ms. IRS, you are up.
        Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. I have been called worse, but that is
    pretty low.
        But thank you so much, Mr. Chairman, thank you to Ranking
    Member Sires for putting together this very important hearing
    as the Nicaraguan people march through the streets today on a
    national strike to demand Ortega's exit from power.
        And like Albio Sires, I also have a wonderful constituent,
    Nora Sandigo, who is there in the audience.Nora, please stand
    up. And she has been such a valiant fighter for the people of
    Nicaragua and all of Central America. Mucha gracias, Nora.
        And I especially want to commend the wonderful work that
    USAID Administrator Green, who is a dear friend of this
    subcommittee, for what he has been doing to assist the people
    of Nicaragua and Venezuela. I have to say that I am relieved
    that this administration, unlike the previous administration,
    is paying close attention to the Western Hemisphere and has
    shown a willingness to lead on many fronts, including Ortega's
    escalating repression in Nicaragua.
        I have already led two letters urging sanctions on Ortega's
    cronies for their roles in corruption and human rights
    violations against the Nicaraguan people. And the
    administration has responded by including all of these
    individuals on the Global Magnitsky list, that we should build
    on that list, which is why I intend to send another letter in
    the near future with all of our colleagues here, because we
    know that these despots will do anything to cling to power, and
    they only respond to pressure.
        Ortega is the sole individual responsible for the ongoing
    violence and the rising death toll in Nicaragua today, but it
    is not something that just happened overnight. It is not like
    we didn't know what to expect when Ortega reclaimed power in
    Nicaragua.
        I came to Congress in 1989. And at that time, democracy was
    sort of looming in Nicaragua after Ortega's first reign of
    terror, which took the lives of over 100,000 Nicaraguans. Due
    to his repression, thousands of Nicaraguans had already fled
    their native homeland to seek refuge in our great country, and
    we are so proud in South Florida to have a growing Nicaraguan-
    American community.
        And as a political refugee myself, just like Mr. Albio
    Sires, we fled Castro's grip on power in our native homeland of
    Cuba, so we can relate to the hardships that the Nicaraguan
    people face in a new country. So that is why, Mr. Chairman and
    Ranking Member, it pains me so much to see Nicaragua go down
    this path again.
        He has pulled off many tricks to position himself in the
    place he is now with the help of his wife and so-called vice
    president, Rosario. And you know, she is wicked. He is bad and
    she is a great partner in terror. He has been able to
    systematically weaken and dismantle democratic institutions in
    Nicaragua. What a pair.
        He and his family control every institution, every aspect
    of the country. He has co-opted and coerced the private sector.
    He has unleashed his thugs to violently crush any and all
    dissent, all of which has caused angst, frustration, despair
    among the Nicaraguan people.
        And that brings us to the tragic situation that we have
    today. In April, the Nicaraguan people said ``basta ya,''
    enough is enough, took to the streets in opposition to Ortega
    and his corrupt policies. And in just 2 short months, almost
    400 Nicaraguans' lives, and the life of at least one U.S.
    citizen, have been taken at the bloody hands of the murderous
    Ortega regime.
        Thousands of people have been injured, hundreds
    mysteriously disappeared, while hundreds of thousands from all
    ages and all socioeconomic backgrounds continue to be
    intimated, repressed, and threatened on a daily basis.
        The violence is escalating, and the advanced technical
    weapons being used is alarming. Ortega has doubled down on his
    repressive tactics.
        In just this week, he has ruled out early elections, sent
    henchmen to fire shots near the residence of the U.S.
    Ambassador to Nicaragua. Just this week, killed more than 30
    people, sent more of his mobs to physically attack priests and
    ransack churches.
        These are not the actions of someone who wants to work in
    good faith to reach a peaceful resolution. These are not the
    actions of someone who truly wants a national dialogue. These
    are the actions of a thug who wants to stay in power no matter
    what the cost. And to that end, Ortega has expanded his
    cooperations with regimes across the region and beyond.
        Just last week, several reports indicated that Maduro had
    sent a shipment of weapons to Ortega. And there are reports
    that suggest the Cubans have shipped in their military
    personnel and snipers to Nicaragua as well. And we have known
    for years about Ortega's coziness with Putin.
        So there are a lot of alarming trends, Mr. Chairman. None
    of them good. But at least the people of Nicaragua know where
    the U.S. stands, and we stand with the people of Nicaragua.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Mr. Ranking Member.
        Mr. Cook. Thank you, Ms. IRS.
        Before I recognize you to provide your testimony, I am
    going to explain the lighting system in front of you.
        You will each have 5 minutes to present your oral
    statement. When you begin, the light will turn green. When you
    have a minute left, the light will turn yellow. And when your
    time is expired, the light will turn red.
        I ask that you conclude your testimony once the red light
    comes on. I will gently tap. Sometimes I come down hard. I
    haven't got the right glasses, and I might hit my colleague to
    the right by mistake.
        After our witnesses testify, members will have 5 minutes to
    ask questions. I urge my colleagues to stick to the 5-minute
    rule to ensure that all members get the opportunity to ask
    questions.
        Our first witness to testify will be Ambassador Carlos
    Trujillo, the U.S. Permanent Representative to the Organization
    of American States, OAS. Prior to this, the Ambassador served
    as a State representative in the Florida House, special adviser
    at the U.S. Mission to the United Nations, assistant State
    attorney in Miami, and has been a member of three real estate
    holding companies in Florida.
        He earned a BS in business administration from Spring Hill
    College and a JD from Florida State College of Law.
        Our second witness is Ambassador Michael Kozak, a senior
    adviser and senior bureau official in the Bureau of Democracy,
    Human Rights, and Labor at the U.S. Department of State. Prior
    to this, the Ambassador served in numerous senior positions in
    the executive branch, including senior director on the National
    Security Council, principal deputy assistant secretary of
    state, Ambassador in Minsk, U.S. negotiator with Cuba, special
    Presidential envoy to negotiate the departure of General
    Noriega, assistant negotiator for the Panama Canal treaties,
    and staff of the Middle East peace negotiator.
        He earned his JD and BA from the University of California
    at Berkeley.
        Our last witness to testify will be Ms. Barbara Feinstein,
    the deputy assistant administrator in the Bureau for Latin
    America and the Caribbean at the U.S. Agency for International
    aid, USAID. Prior to this, Ms. Feinstein served as USAID's
    senior deputy assistant administrator for Legislative Affairs,
    in the Office of USAID Administrator, on the professional staff
    of the House Appropriations Subcommittee on State and Foreign
    Operations and the House International Relations. She has also
    served in various capacities at the Department of State and
    Defense.
        She earned a BA from the University of California at
    Berkeley and a master's from Princeton University. I would like
    to mention to staff, obviously Berkeley is--what about my alma
    mater?
        Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Which one is your----
        Mr. Cook. No, I am only kidding. I won't tell you. I don't
    want to embarrass my alma mater for graduating me.
        Ambassador Trujillo, you are recognized.

      STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE CARLOS TRUJILLO, U.S. PERMANENT
            REPRESENTATIVE, ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES

        Ambassador Trujillo. Thank you.
        Chairman Cook, Ranking Member Sires, members of the
    subcommittee, thank you for conducting this hearing and for
    allowing me the opportunity to come before you to address the
    most urgent matter and the critical need to work together to
    uphold freedom, democracy, and respect for human rights for the
    people of Nicaragua.
        On June 4, at the 48th Regular Session of the General
    Assembly of the Organization of American States, Secretary
    Pompeo underscored that ``we join with the nations around the
    world in demanding that the Ortega government respond to the
    Nicaraguan people's demand for democratic reform and hold
    accountable those responsible for violence.''
        The Secretary's remarks echoed those of Vice President
    Pence during the May 7 visit to the OAS headquarters in which
    he also stressed the United States will continue to stand with
    all Nicaraguans peacefully exercising their fundamental
    freedoms in the face of tremendous repression, and the will to
    continue to press for democracy and accountability in
    Nicaragua.
        Let me begin today by underscoring that the United States
    condemns the Nicaraguan Government's ongoing violence and
    intimidation campaign against its own citizens, and more
    recently, church officials.
        The United States is under no illusion as to who is
    responsible for this violence. The United States condemns the
    attacks in Diriamba and surrounding areas over the last several
    days, including the heavy-handed tactics against the mediators
    of the national dialogue, such as Cardinal Brenes, who recently
    returned from Rome.
        The United States has backed up our words of condemnation
    with actions. Last week, we announced the designation of three
    Nicaraguan officials for human rights abuses and corruptions
    under the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act.
        The strategic designation targeted those who gave shoot-to-
    kill orders that have resulted in the deaths of Nicaraguans who
    were exercising their constitutional rights to oppose their
    government. The designations also targeted facilitators of who
    those who strive to enrich themselves off of the backs of the
    Nicaraguan people.
        These targeted sanctions, plus earlier and continuing visa
    revocations, show the United States will expose and hold
    accountable those responsible for the Nicaraguan Government's
    ongoing violence and intimidation campaign against its own
    people.
        Let me be clear. It is Ortega's government that every day
    renews its directive to kill its people in order to remain in
    power. Local human rights groups and international media report
    that 38 people were killed just between July 8 and July 10 in a
    government offensive that also injured the church officials.
    Between April 19 and July 20, over 300 people have died. More
    than 2,000 have been injured and over 200 are still reported
    missing.
        Just yesterday, the Inter-American Commission on Human
    Rights briefed the OAS Permanent Council on its ongoing efforts
    on the ground in Nicaragua and recounted a variety of
    systematic and disturbing human rights abuses. Furthermore, it
    again made clear the Nicaraguan Government's responsibility for
    the ongoing violence and repression.
        According to Inter-American Commission, the Nicaraguan NGO
    Center For Human Rights and Amnesty International, there is
    substantial evidence that the government is directing the
    national police as well as Sandinista Youth and government-
    controlled gangs to repress protesters violently.
        There are credible reports of extrajudicial killings,
    forced disappearance, and torture in custody. Furthermore,
    citizens have been unable or unwilling to access healthcare for
    their injuries.
        People have distrust to government-run hospitals that they
    have reportedly forced families to sign certificates that
    falsifies the cause of death in order to retrieve the bodies of
    their deceased or loved ones.
        The United States supports the Commission's new mechanism
    to investigate human rights abuses and believes strongly that
    we must hold those accountable for human rights abuses,
    accountable for their actions.
        We welcome, in particular, the efforts of the international
    Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts. I am pleased
    that the Group of Independent Experts is in Nicaragua as we
    meet today investigating the ongoing acts of violence taking
    place in Nicaragua. It is imperative that OAS member and
    observer states provide the Commission the support necessary to
    ensure it can carry out its important mission effectively and
    remain on the ground as long as necessary, while performing its
    vital work unimpeded by the Nicaraguan Government.
        For its part, the Government of Nicaragua had indicated its
    willingness to cooperate with the Commission's effort, but so
    far, it appeared to have impeded the work of the Commission,
    and just yesterday, rejected the IACHR's finding when presented
    to the OAS Permanent Council.
        It is for this reason that the OAS must continue to shine
    the spotlight on the human rights crisis unfolding before our
    eyes in Nicaragua and hold the Nicaraguan Government
    accountable.
        Esteemed members of the subcommittee, let me also be clear
    that while these mechanisms and visits are a necessary step
    toward greater accountability and enhanced citizen security,
    they nonetheless are insufficient to resolve the ongoing crisis
    of governance and democratic backslide in Nicaragua. The
    violence and loss of life in Nicaragua reflects the need for
    urgent democratic reforms now, consistent with the purpose,
    practice, and principles of the OAS, especially those
    articulated in the Inter-American Democratic Charter.
        Simply put, the Nicaraguan people deserve far better from
    their government. We strongly support the proposal by many
    sectors of the Nicaraguan societies for free, fair, and early
    elections with credible domestic and international electoral
    observations in line with the terms and spirit of the Inter-
    American Democratic Charter.
        There is no apparent way to resolve this political crisis.
    We have urged the OAS secretary general to promote and support
    the reform of democratic institutions in Nicaragua, especially
    the electoral system, who was manipulated by the government in
    recent years and spark the Nicaraguan people's demand for fair
    and transparent process.
        Thank you.
        [The prepared statement of Ambassador Trujillo follows:]

    [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

                                  ----------

        Mr. Cook. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
        Ambassador Kozak, you are now recognized.

     STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE MICHAEL KOZAK, SENIOR ADVISOR AND
    SENIOR BUREAU OFFICIAL, BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND
                    LABOR, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

        Ambassador Kozak. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
    Sires, and members of the subcommittee. It feels like old
    times, Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen. I was acting assistant
    secretary for WHA the last time we were talking about Daniel
    Ortega and Nicaragua, and here we go again. Let's hope it turns
    out the same way. But thank you for holding this timely
    hearing.
        On June 14, Vice President Pence called on Daniel Ortega to
    end his government's crimes and answer his nation's cry for
    democracy and human rights. The way to do this is to answer
    their call for early, free, and fair elections.
        Our message is simple: Allow the Nicaraguan people to
    resolve this crisis through democratic means.
        The continued campaign of violence against protesters is
    self-defeating. More than 300 people have died since protests
    started on April 18, and that number is increasing.
        The reason the Ortega-Murillo regime faces these protests
    is precisely because they have responded to legitimate
    grievances with violence. More of the same will not end the
    crisis. Daniel Ortega should know better than most. This did
    not work for Somoza. It will not work for him.
        There is substantial evidence that the government is
    directing national police, Sandinista Youth, and government-
    controlled gangs to suppress protests violently. There are
    credible reports of extrajudicial killings, forced
    disappearances, and torture, and there is evidence of the use
    of snipers. Citizens have been unable to obtain healthcare for
    their injuries. Government-run hospitals have reportedly forced
    families to sign certificates that falsify the cause of death.
        This crisis has been years in the making. It is the product
    of the hollowing out of democratic institutions under Daniel
    Ortega and Rosario Murillo. Their regime has disregarded the
    rule of law, basic tenets of democracy, and international
    commitments to protect human rights. Instead, the family has
    governed through pacts, where they allocated the political and
    economic spoils of dictatorship with other groups.
        The ruling party controls the legislative and judicial
    branches of government. The Ortega-Murillo family controls
    eight of the nine major television stations. And when the
    violence broke out, the Ortegas ordered five independent
    television stations off the air.
        Since the 2008 elections, Ortega has consistently blocked
    opposition party candidates from the ballot. Before the 2016
    general elections, Ortega had the supreme court disqualify a
    principal opposition leader, and the Supreme Electoral Council
    was ordered to remove 16 of 27 opposition members from the
    National Assembly.
        The United States has consistently called on the Government
    of Nicaragua to respect peaceful protest, human rights, freedom
    of expression, and democratic norms. We are pleased that we
    have been joined by many others in calling out these abuses. A
    European Union statement condemned the May 30 Mother's Day
    violence. It urged that the government implement all Inter-
    American Human Rights Commission recommendations and permit the
    entry of relevant U.N. bodies. U.N. Secretary-General Guterres
    said that it was essential that those responsible for such
    serious human rights violations are held to account.
        U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights has called for the
    creation of international commission to investigate the
    violence. And as OAS Secretary General Almagro indicated
    yesterday, early, free, and fair elections are imperative if
    Nicaragua is to solve this crisis.
        Now, we have called on other elements of the Nicaraguan
    Government who have admirably not involved themselves in these
    abuses to live up to the hemisphere's shared commitment to
    democracy. We admire the many in Nicaraguan public service who
    do not allow their professional loyalty to be abused by a
    corrupt family seeking to cling to power through brutal means.
        As my colleagues have indicated, we have used visa
    revocations and restrictions under section 6 of 212(a)(3)(C) of
    the Immigration and Nationality Act, to restrict the visas of
    people who are responsible for these crimes, and we have--most
    recently, used the Global Magnitsky Act. These are the
    beginnings of an effort to support the efforts of the
    Nicaraguan people through using the tools that you in Congress
    have provided us.
        Those who continue to collaborate with the Ortega-Murillo
    regime in abusing the human rights of the Nicaraguan people and
    preventing them from exercising their democratic rights will
    find themselves and their families in the same situation as
    those who just had their visas and economic activities
    restricted. But those who respect human rights and democratic
    institutions have our respect, and more importantly, they have
    the respect of their own people.
        The subcommittee is wise to shine a spotlight on this
    crisis brought about by the insistence of one family in
    clinging to power through violence. The Nicaraguan people
    deserve a government that respects their vote and respects
    human rights. This is why we support the dialogue under the
    auspices of the Catholic Church, so long as it is aimed at
    implementing the call for early, free, and fair elections.
        We will work closely with this committee to support the
    efforts of the Nicaraguan people to bring about a democratic
    end to their suffering.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        [The prepared statement of Ambassador Kozak follows:]

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                                  ----------

        Mr. Cook. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador.
        Before I introduce our next speaker, it is somewhat of an
    anomaly that 2 days in a row we have a witness from USAID. And
    I am delighted, very impressed with my visit down there and
    other places. So obviously, everybody on the staff loves you, I
    guess.
        So, Ms. Feinstein, you are now recognized. Thank you for
    being with us.

         STATEMENT OF MS. BARBARA FEINSTEIN, DEPUTY ASSISTANT
    ADMINISTRATOR, BUREAU FOR LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN, U.S.
                  AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

        Ms. Feinstein. Thank you.
        Chairman Cook, Ranking Member Sires, and members of the
    subcommittee, thank you for this invitation to testify today
    and for holding this hearing at such a critical time.
        On behalf of the United States Agency for International
    Development, I want to thank the subcommittee for its
    unyielding commitment to advancing human rights and democracy
    in our hemisphere and for your support of USAID's work in
    Nicaragua.
        As many of you know, the United States is the only
    remaining donor working on democracy, governance, and human
    rights in the country. And it is thanks to your support that we
    have been able to maintain a crucial lifeline for civil society
    organizations, human rights defenders, emerging leaders, and
    independent media, all of whom remain under grave attack.
        At no time has that lifeline been more critical than in the
    last few months, as the Ortega government has sustained a
    brutal crackdown against the Nicaraguan people, censoring media
    and unleashing a reign of terror against any who challenge its
    repression, including the recent brutal attacks against the
    clergy as well as Felix Maradiaga.
        According to the latest figures, more than 300 people have
    been killed since the protests began in April 2018, most at the
    hands of the national police, pro-government youth groups, and/
    or para-police.
        In early June, I had the privilege of joining Administrator
    Green in meeting with some of the courageous student leaders,
    independent journalists, and human rights defenders who came to
    Washington, D.C., to shine a light on the atrocities underway
    in their country. We heard firsthand how students are putting
    their lives on the line to protest injustice, peacefully demand
    their rights, and condemn the killings, torture, and
    disappearances of their friends and fellow students.
        Human rights defenders spoke of jail sentences and other
    threats that both they and their families are facing--
    punishment for daring to speak the truth. And journalists
    shared stories of the perilous environment within which they
    are operating--some murdered in cold blood for chronicling the
    government-sanctioned brutality we continue to witness to this
    day.
        Administrator Green has added his voice to that of Vice
    President Pence and Secretary of State Pompeo in condemning the
    atrocities committed by the Ortega regime.
        USAID commends the bravery of the students, journalists,
    human rights defenders, civil society, religious leaders, and
    indigenous groups who have united their voices in a call for
    justice, rule of law, and a return to democratic order. We also
    recognize and respect that any meaningful change must be led by
    the Nicaraguan people themselves. This is their movement, and
    we will provide appropriate support when requested and
    warranted.
        Indeed, as this crisis has unfolded, USAID has provided
    rapid assistance to scores of civil society groups, human
    rights organizations, independent media, and others involved in
    peaceful protests.
        To ensure reporting of independent and accurate information
    at a time when government-controlled forces are systematically
    censoring independent media, either through cyber attacks,
    destruction of physical infrastructure, online slander
    campaigns, or unfounded criminal charges, USAID is providing
    critical assistance to journalists from 14 different
    independent media outlets. This assistance, which builds upon
    longer term efforts to strengthen independent media in the
    country, is helping to combat disinformation and disprove the
    distorted narrative promoted by the Ortega government.
        USAID has also mobilized technical expertise to provide on-
    the-spot assistance with digital security for USAID partners
    working in civil society and media who have seen an increase in
    online attacks, heightened online surveillance, and attempts by
    the government to take websites off-line.
        To ensure human rights protections, USAID has awarded
    multiple, small grants to Nicaraguan human rights and civil
    society organizations. These funds are enabling these groups to
    provide short-term legal aid for those detained, injured, or
    for the families of those killed in the protests. Our resources
    are also helping to coordinate and support networks of human
    rights defenders, to document violations, and to elevate cases
    of human rights abuses to the Inter-American and U.N. systems.
        USAID continues to recalibrate our approach to assist those
    in need and to position the agency to respond to opportunities
    as they emerge.
        The United States will continue to respond as appropriate,
    and we express our solidarity with the courageous protestors,
    journalists, and other democratic actors in civil society
    seeking a better future for themselves and their families.
        Mr. Chairman, members of the subcommittee, thank you for
    shining a spotlight on this crisis and for your commitment to
    advancing the freedom and human rights of citizens throughout
    the hemisphere.
        I look forward to your questions.
        [The prepared statement of Ms. Feinstein follows:]

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                                  ----------

        Mr. Cook. Thank you very much.
        I am going to forego my remarks at the time. I am very
    pleased with the number of members that we have here. And we
    got a busy afternoon, multiple committees, so I am going to
    come back later on. But right now, I do want to turn to the
    ranking member Sires for his questions.
        Mr. Sires. You have to go? Go ahead. I will go after you.
        Mr. Smith. Thank you very much, Albio, Ranking Member
    Sires.
        Mr. Cook. This is the way everybody should get along.
        Mr. Smith. New Jerseyans. I am chairing a hearing at 3
    o'clock on tuberculosis, so I will have to leave.
        But I want to thank, first of all, our three highly
    distinguished witnesses who are incredibly effective, just have
    done yeoman's work for human rights. And I just want to thank
    all of you for what you are doing now, particularly during this
    crisis. I do have just a couple of comments and questions, and
    I will be brief.
        And, Ambassador Kozak, as you said, here we go again. It
    was 36 years ago that I first met with Daniel Ortega in
    Managua. I went down on a trip. It was Frank Wolf, Tony Hall,
    Bob McCune, and I. We met with him and Tomas Borge. It was a
    contentious set of meetings. And we brought up one issue after
    another with regards to human rights abuse, the systematic use
    of torture, and here we go again.
        So, you know, it is the same person, Comandante Ortega, as
    he even preferred to be called then.
        And I guess my first question would be about--and thank you
    for those three designations under the Magnitsky Act.
    Hopefully, there will be more. And I am sure that is under very
    active consideration.
        But, you know, as Mark Green and you, Ambassador Kozak,
    heard from students just about a month ago, some of those
    students who got food and sustenance during their crisis with
    the government got sick, fell ill. Because the belief is that
    they were intentionally--they ate intentionally tainted food.
        When Frank Wolf and I and the other two met with Daniel
    Ortega, three of us drank the drink that was given to us by
    Daniel Ortega. One did not. Tony Hall did not. He didn't get
    sick. We got violently ill for about 14 days.
        Can't say for sure, but what a terrible indicator, now
    these wonderful students have gotten sick from that. And if you
    might want to speak to that, because you know, we know what
    Cuba has done to our diplomats. You know, these other ways, you
    know, the billy clubs and the torture and the bullets are one
    way, and the beatings. Another way is to kill people or hurt
    them severely through poison. And, of course, what they do in
    Cuba was outrageous.
        Secondly, very quickly, the prelates, including the nuncio,
    who is an ambassador. And certainly, when you mistreat an
    ambassador, that crosses a line internationally. What is being
    done, if you could speak to that.
        You know, the church over and over again, as we all know so
    well, whether it be in DR Congo--and I am going there in about
    a month--we see it in South Sudan--the church steps up. It did
    it in Nicaragua for so many times, years under Obando y Bravo.
        My question is what could be done with regards to our
    governance accounts to further fortify the church's incredible
    role in mediating and trying to bring peace and reconciliation?
        I have many other questions, but, again, having been given
    this opportunity to go first because of my hearing, I will
    forego that and submit those questions for the record.
        Ambassador Kozak. Thank you, Mr. Smith. It is a pleasure to
    see you again.
        The poisoning issue that you mentioned, unfortunately, I
    have seen that in too many places, that it all went to the same
    spy school. So I don't have anything specific on this one, but
    it wouldn't surprise me. We have seen it before in too many
    places.
        And, again, there seems to be no respect there for what you
    do to diplomats, but more importantly, what they are doing to
    their own people.
        On the nuncio, I think it would be up to the Vatican to,
    you know, make a protest over mistreatment of their envoy.
        And Barbara can talk too--but I think we are in a position
    to be supportive of mediation efforts. And, you know, if we are
    successful and we are trying to plan for success here, if we
    are able to get agreement to an early election, you know, there
    is a whole string of things that will come with that.
    Observers, both international and domestic, reformation of the
    electoral machinery and so on. So I think we are very cognizant
    of that in trying to set stuff aside.
        I would make one request to you and the other members of
    the committee, which is, we are getting near the end of the
    fiscal year. And the gap we always run into is that, at the
    beginning of the year, all money gets frozen, sometimes for
    like 6 months while we do all the negotiations. And if we are
    lucky enough that we are moving on this, we may be coming back
    to you and saying, can we get an early release of funds next
    year to try to deal with that.
        Mr. Smith. Thank you so very much. I do have other
    questions, but I will wait.
        Mr. Cook. Thank you, Ambassador.
        Ranking Member Sires.
        Mr. Sires. Thank you, Chairman.
        You know, I am always amazed at the audacity of these
    people like Ortega. He goes and puts his wife as vice
    president. You have the second poorest country in the region.
    He goes and buys $80 million worth of tanks from Russia. I
    assume that he is going to turn those tanks on his people.
        To me, if anybody continues to deal or work or invest with
    this Ortega thug, we have to find a way of stopping that,
    because he is just getting richer and richer and richer. I
    understand his brother is rich, his wife is very rich, he is
    very rich. And I am concerned that it is going to lead to a
    civil war in that country again.
        They went through a civil war once before, which was really
    devastating to the country. I don't know if they ever have
    recovered from it. And I am afraid that the way he is behaving,
    with the support of some of these other countries, it is going
    to head that way.
        So what more pressure can we put on this thug from
    Nicaragua that we are not doing now? I know that there was $10
    million in the budget for Nicaragua. I hope that we don't go
    through with that. I hope that we can get the NICA bill through
    the Senate. I think that would send a strong message to the
    international community not to deal with this thug.
        So what else can we do as a Congress here? We have a
    resolution condemning the Ortega regime.
        Ambassador, can you think of anything else that we can----
        Ambassador Trujillo. Thank you for your question. I think
    one thing from the multilateral perspective, Representative,
    having friends and allies also lend support from a financial
    perspective and also from a diplomatic perspective.
        Inside of the OAS, we are pursuing a resolution which,
    hopefully, we will take up either tomorrow or the following
    week. Like all resolutions, it is important for its passage. In
    order to receive its passage, we need 18 votes. Without
    revealing our vote count here in public, I will be happy to sit
    down with you and go over some of the countries that diplomatic
    pressure would be very, very important in a multilateral
    setting in getting their support.
        Getting financial support for the Commission on Human
    Rights, having as many people as we can on the ground,
    supervising, taking notes of the violations of human rights is
    also very, very important.
        To date, the missions run about $1.4 million. The U.S.
    mission has contributed $500,000, with a willingness to do
    more. Unfortunately, a lot of other countries have not
    contributed any resource whatsoever to supporting--to
    supporting those efforts. And I think acts like the NICA Act
    and other bilateral pressure that does exist, the Global
    Magnitsky sanctions, individual visa revocations, is something
    that could take place.
        I think a variety of not only multilateral, but bilateral
    pressure, and that combination and that timing, that systematic
    approach and that coordination, could really lead to create the
    conditions for true, earnest diplomatic solutions to this
    problem.
        Mr. Sires. Well, I will be happy to work with you on any of
    those, because--you know, when you have the killings--and I
    understand now they have snipers trying to kill the most active
    members of these demonstrations. It seems that they are going
    by the same way Venezuela is going. I think they got the idea
    from Venezuela. And I wonder where Venezuela got the idea from.
        So it is really disheartening that they were going on a
    path that everybody was looking up to Nicaragua, and now we are
    just taking a step backwards. And sometimes it bothers me that
    we don't see this coming here in America. I think that we have
    to really start focusing more on the Western Hemisphere and
    what is going on in the Western Hemisphere, because every time
    we look the other way, Russia seems to be stepping in. You have
    seen China to be stepping in. And now, we have places where
    Iran is starting to set up these schools throughout the Western
    Hemisphere. And I just worry that we are always a step behind
    some of these people and some of these countries.
        I mean, Ortega was known to be a no-good crook for years.
    And yet we have people investing money with the regime,
    investing money with the clan from Ortega. You know, it just
    boggles my mind that we always seem to be a step behind some of
    the things that go on in the Western Hemisphere.
        Thank you.
        Mr. Cook. Yes.
        I would like to recognize the gentleman from Florida, Mr.
    Yoho.
        Mr. Yoho. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate it. I
    appreciate the panel being here.
        I want to build off of what Albio Sires says, and I agree
    with his sentiment that the West, the Western Hemisphere, the
    democracy is falling down.
        And, Ms. Feinstein, I would like to have from you, what do
    we need to do different? I mean, we have invested $194 million
    in 10 years in Nicaragua, and a lot of that goes to good
    governance. It is obviously not working.
        What is the major impediment that you run into when we are
    spending the American taxpayers money on what we claim to be
    democracy, what they are doing is nothing near a democracy? I
    want to know what we have to do on the ground different.
        Ms. Feinstein. Thank you, Congressman, for that question.
    Ultimately, the solution to what happens in Nicaragua, as has
    been the case to this point, and will be the case going
    forward, rests with the people of Nicaragua, including the
    Government of Nicaragua. And the situation that we are seeing
    today is a product of actions taken by Daniel Ortega, by
    Rosario Murillo, and the various actions that we are responding
    to right now. It is very clear that the responsibility lies
    with----
        Mr. Yoho. Okay, let me interrupt you there.
        Ms. Feinstein. Yes.
        Mr. Yoho. Because we agree, Ortega is a bad player. And the
    people can't respond because of the form of government he has.
    When did we see this starting to deteriorate? And could we have
    intervened earlier or done something different, putting more
    pressure on the Ortega government, gone in there and maybe
    pulled back trade or pulled back support earlier on?
        Ms. Feinstein. I would defer to my colleagues in terms of
    diplomatic initiatives. I would say, broadly speaking, at this
    point in time, and this is also to the ranking member's
    question, I think there is an important role that other
    countries in the region can also play, and I think that
    Congress can have a very important role in leaning on other
    actors, including in Central America, in Mexico, in the region,
    since instability in this country is not in their interest, in
    addition to its economic implications.
        I would say at this very point in time, we are well-
    positioned, since we have been a lifeline to civil society in
    Nicaragua. We have been the only actor in this space in recent
    history, which has allowed us to undertake interventions in
    four key areas. In human rights, independent media, legal
    assistance, and digital security, which are keeping people
    alive, allowing them to document human rights violations. And
    going forward, as hopefully a greater accountability can be
    brought to bear, whether it is within Nicaragua, ideally, one
    day, but certainly in Inter-American fora, and in international
    fora, the kind of documentation that is taking place on the
    ground right now will be absolutely essential to that.
        Mr. Yoho. I agree with all of what you are saying, and we
    are documenting that, but yet it is getting worse, the whole
    situation. And it is not just Nicaragua. It is Honduras. It is
    all these other countries. There has got to be a paradigm
    shift. We have got to do something different. And we can work
    with civil society, but if you have got a corrupt government,
    it is not going to change.
        What do we have to do? I mean, the only way I can see it
    happening is empowering the people to change government,
    because empowered people can change government. But if they
    don't have the rule of law and the honoring of human rights,
    you are never going to have it.
        They will tolerate it, the dictators, or the Ortegas of the
    world, they will tolerate a certain amount of human rights--if
    we come in there and we demand these things, they will tolerate
    us with a little bit of that, but they are doing a whole lot of
    corruption, and a decay of what we believe as democracy, the
    best way to live in the world, free people.
        Is there anything else? I mean, where do you begin, I mean,
    without changing governments or the people in there? And
    certainly, we have been down that road and we don't want to do
    that. What about having a coalition of other governments? The
    OAS, to have them come in there and put more pressure on them
    as an organization, or are they as inept as the U.N.?
        Does anybody want to----
        Ambassador Trujillo. I think, Congressman, the OAS, from a
    multilateral perspective, could put pressure, multilateral
    pressure with some of the other countries, but sometimes I
    don't feel like that is even enough.
        I think if the real problem here is corruption, we need to
    attack the individual corrupt actors. Congress, the U.S.
    Government has multiple tools in order to attack these
    individual corrupt actors. Once you show that these actors
    don't have impunity before the law, they have to move those
    assets, whether it is----
        Mr. Yoho. We have been talking about this for 20, 30 years,
    but we are not getting the results. So what was your suggestion
    on how do you hold them accountable? Who is going to hold them
    accountable, besides the----
        Ambassador Trujillo. So I think the Global Magnitsky Act
    hold those three people accountable, but we know that they are
    not the only ones. There are other people who are stealing and
    looting the riches of the Nicaraguan people. They need to be
    held accountable. The banks that do business with these
    individuals need to be held accountable. These individuals have
    the impunity of being able to travel to the United States.
    Their visas should be held----
        Mr. Yoho. I have got to cut you off because I am out of
    time. And I thank you for your time.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Mr. Cook. Thank you very much.
        I now recognize the gentleman from York, Mr. Espaillat.
        Mr. Espaillat. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member.
        Just in a few weeks, our President will be meeting with
    Vladimir Putin. Vladimir Putin has long sought to deepen ties
    with allies that share a resentment of the U.S. leadership,
    both locally in the Western Hemisphere as well as across the
    world.
        With Nicaragua and Russia increasingly deepening their
    relationship, and Russian weapons being used by the Ortega
    regime against opposition demonstrators--as was previously
    stated by one of my colleagues, Russian tanks were bought--what
    are we doing to help our country? What are we doing to help
    resolve this situation?
        If we have a hunky-dory relationship with one of the main
    actors disturbing and creating havoc in Nicaragua, what do you
    suggest for our government to do vis-a-vis Russia with regards
    to the situation in Nicaragua?
        Ambassador Kozak, if you can.
        Ambassador Kozak. Thank you for that question, sir. I would
    say that I wouldn't characterize our relationship with Russia
    as hunky-dory. We have got more sanctions and pressure on them
    now than we have had in a long time. Unfortunately, the
    relationship between Russia and the Ortegas goes back to the
    times we were talking about----
        Mr. Espaillat. But I would say our relationship----
        Ambassador Kozak [continuing]. The late 1970s.
        Mr. Espaillat. I would say our relationship with Russia
    right now is better than with NATO, given what transpired in
    the last couple of days.
        Ambassador Kozak. I am not going to characterize broad
    relationships, but I would say, with respect to Nicaragua and
    Russia--I happened to be in Nicaragua talking to the Ortegas
    when that first report of the sale of the tanks came up, and
    asked him about it. He was evasive. In fact, almost lied
    saying, oh, no, they were just armored vehicles.
        For the life of me, I can't figure out what he is going to
    do with $80 million worth of T72 tanks. They aren't very good
    at battling your own people in the streets, and he doesn't have
    any enemies with tanks.
        But the thing that is really hurting that regime right now
    is what he is doing to himself. They have effectively destroyed
    the economy much better than anything we could have done.
        So I think we want to keep warning Russia against
    adventurism in this region, just as we are against some of
    their bad activities in Eastern Ukraine, Croatia--or Crimea and
    in Georgia. But, you know, that is not going to be the solution
    to the problem in Nicaragua. The solution to the problem there
    is for the Ortegas to step down and get out of the way and let
    the country get on with its future. But it is, unfortunately, a
    longstanding problem of the Russians providing support to these
    kinds of regimes.
        I think it is not only founded in the old days, it was
    founded somewhat in ideology. Now it is founded heavily in just
    anti-Americanism and corruption. These are corrupt oligarchs on
    both sides, and it is no good for anybody else.
        Thank you, sir.
        Mr. Espaillat. One last quick question is, Congress
    appropriated $10 million in development assistance to Nicaragua
    for fiscal year 2018, although the White House requested zero
    funding.
        In your opinion, Mr. Trujillo, what kind of resources are
    needed on the ground there to help promote democracy? Are there
    any specific programs, initiatives that could be funded? And do
    you have an idea, a ballpark figure of what kind of moneys is
    necessary to keep the process moving forward for these pro-
    democratic forces on the ground?
        Ambassador Trujillo. Well, Congressman, I think our
    immediate concern from the OAS perspective is ground support
    for the International Commission on Human Rights and technical
    experts that prevent human right abuses.
        We know that their request initially was $1.4, $1.5
    million. That request, obviously over time as conditions
    worsen, will continue to go up. That would be an immediate area
    in which the United States could have an influence in
    protecting human life.
        For a recommitment to democratic institutions, the OAS has
    worked on that in the past, but part of that is there has to be
    a commitment from the government to engage in the recommitment
    to democratic institutions. And that could range from a couple
    of million dollars--the OAS had a budget for $30 million--it
    could go up into the hundreds of millions of dollars, depending
    on how much commitment we have to rebuilding a democratic
    institution, an electoral institution, an independent
    judiciary.
        So it could be extensive, it could be exhaustive, but I
    think the one thing we have to focus on is if the government
    lacks the willingness to negotiate and to cooperate and to
    rebuild the democratic institutions, no amount of money will be
    necessary--will be sufficient.
        Mr. Espaillat. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Mr. Cook. Thank you very much. I guess it gives new meaning
    to the old saying, a chicken in every pot and a tank in every
    garage.
        I want to turn to my good friend, the gentleman from Texas,
    Mr. Castro.
        Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairman.
        The situation in Nicaragua is dire. And I appreciate the
    President and the administration's actions in designating
    certain individuals in Nicaragua complicit in violence against
    civilians under the Global Magnitsky Act.
        And in the past weeks, hundreds of civilians have been
    killed by the government of Daniel Ortega. Elections are
    scheduled for 2021, and President Ortega has denied early
    elections. But 2021 is a long time away. And Nicaraguans now
    exist in a very hostile political environment.
        Are you pressuring the Nicaraguan Government to hold
    elections earlier than scheduled?
        Ambassador Kozak. Yes, sir. I think as we have all
    testified, that is what we have been calling for. We are
    standing with the call of the Nicaraguan people for early
    elections, as that seems to be the only available option for
    solving the crisis.
        Nobody is going to be able to reconcile with the regime in
    power, and so it is really important for them to get out of the
    way and let the country make a future for itself. But, you
    know, it is how do you make that happen mechanically. How do
    you put enough pressure on the family, basically, to make that
    choice and get out of the way.
        Mr. Castro. Let me ask you, what American businesses are
    very active in Nicaragua? Which ones come to mind?
        Ambassador Kozak. It has been a while, but I think Walmart,
    you said? Cardel, Walmart. I mean, Walmart was building a place
    to sell their products. But, again, I don't know that there is
    anything we need to do about that. The deterrent now on anyone
    investing anything in that place is the behavior of the
    government. They are doing a dandy job of creating sanctions
    against themselves, and that is actually increasing pressure on
    them. The people in the streets is a huge pressure that is
    being generated by Nicaraguan people themselves. The flight of
    capital out of the country, the lack of investment, is a direct
    reaction to the behavior of the government. And, you know, we
    are a supporting player in this and, as we have all discussed,
    trying to take the measures that we can with the tools you have
    given us.
        And just to follow up, I would say why have we not used
    Global Magnitsky before? Well, it came into force about a year
    ago, and it is a tremendous tool, because it allows us to go
    after corrupt and human rights abusing officials in other
    countries without imposing sanctions on the entire country. We
    are able to be much more targeted, so we really appreciate
    that.
        Mr. Castro. And let me ask you a question about OAS. As you
    know, there has been widespread condemnation in the Americas of
    our government's policy of separating young children from their
    parents, including at OAS. And, you know, how is this affecting
    our ability to deal through OAS on these other issues like
    Nicaragua?
        Ambassador Trujillo. Thank you, Congressman, for the
    question. We did host a hearing on the border issue on the
    separation of families, and obviously it was a unique issue
    that was addressed at that one particular hearing. Since then,
    there has been absolutely no push back.
        I think we have realigned with our allies and focusing on
    the issues that all of us are concerned about in the Western
    Hemisphere, mainly the deteriorating situation in Nicaragua,
    also the continuing deteriorating situation in Venezuela. I
    have personally had multiple meetings with a host of different
    OAS member states, a lot of countries we have traditionally
    aligned with, and we are continuing in a very good working
    relationship.
        Mr. Castro. Good. I yield back.
        Mr. Cook. Thank you.
        I would like to recognize the gentlewoman from California,
    Mrs. Torres.
        Mrs. Torres. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you,
    Ambassador Kozak and Trujillo and Ms. Feinstein for being here
    with us to talk about the instability in Nicaragua, which has
    been very alarming to us and our constituents. I am quite a fan
    of the Global Magnitsky Act, and I want to encourage you to
    continue to use that, you know, to the extent that we can, in
    other regions too, including Guatemala. Some of these very
    corrupt individuals, specifically Members of Congress, need to
    know that they just can't come to the U.S. to visit Disneyland
    when they are treating their people so badly.
        I want to talk to you about TPS. I want to talk to you
    about the ongoing unrest, and the State Department has told
    some of U.S. Government employees and their families to leave
    Nicaragua, and are now telling U.S. citizens to reconsider
    their travel into Nicaragua. So are you also looking at maybe
    getting the Trump administration to reevaluate the temporary
    protective status that is requiring some 5,300 Nicaraguans to
    return by January 5 of 2019? Has there been any conversations
    around that issue?
        Ambassador Kozak. I have not been part, but my bureau would
    not normally be part of TPS.
        Mrs. Torres. But as you are assessing the situation down
    there, I am hoping that there would be some commonsense
    communication between, you know, the right hand and the left
    hand to advise the White House that maybe this is a policy that
    we should revisit to send people back to a country that is in
    such disarray and civil unrest.
        Ambassador Kozak. We can certainly carry your
    recommendation back.
        Mrs. Torres. Thank you.
        Ambassador Kozak. I would make the distinction, though,
    that when we draw down the staff in embassies, it is largely
    because the Embassy is a particular target.
        Mrs. Torres. I understand that.
        Ambassador Kozak. It is not just because of generalized
    violence in the society, it is a very particular target, and we
    are trying to narrow the size of the target for the bad guys to
    get at.
        Mrs. Torres. I understand, but your safety----
        Ambassador Kozak. But we will happily take your
    recommendation to my colleagues.
        Mrs. Torres. Thank you. And just for the record, your
    safety is very important to me also.
        Ambassador Kozak. Yes.
        Mrs. Torres. Let's talk about the region and the impact
    that this instability in Nicaragua is maybe having in Costa
    Rica, El Salvador, Honduras, that are already, you know, having
    their own issues. Can you talk a little bit about that? What
    are you seeing? Are you seeing folks crossing the border into
    these countries?
        Ambassador Kozak. Yes. My sense is we haven't seen a huge
    outflow at this point. Nicaraguans tend to migrate more to
    Costa Rica than to the other places.
        Mrs. Torres. How can we engage our partners there, Chile,
    Costa Rica, some of our, you know, more affluent partners to
    help mitigate this situation there?
        Ambassador Kozak. Well, I think--and I will turn to my
    colleague, and certainly in the OAS, they are being engaged and
    engaged bilaterally. I mean, one of the things that is
    important, though, that you alluded to in your question is, you
    know, up until recently, Nicaragua was sort of the island of
    stability, and it was the other countries around, but it was a
    false stability. And, you know, we did see this coming, not the
    flash point that set off the latest violence, but you could
    just see this building up over years that the more the Ortegas
    have squashed out any kind of political alternatives to
    themselves, they have even split their own movement. The fact
    that she was made the vice president over the objections of, I
    think, most of the Sandinista Party is pretty apparent. So they
    were creating this powder keg all along. It finally got lit off
    with the Social Security protest.
        But it is concerning, because we have had enough trouble
    with the countries that have had instability because of gang
    violence and narcotraffickers and so on and now you have got
    this to boot.
        Mrs. Torres. Thank you. Mr. Trujillo?
        Ambassador Trujillo. As far as the migration issue,
    Congresswoman, in the OAS context, it hasn't really come up. I
    think the one thing we do see in Costa Rica is Nicaraguans who
    have some sort of legal recognition trying to adjust that
    recognition or trying to extend that recognition, but from a
    migration issue of Nicaraguans leaving Nicaragua and either
    heading north or heading south----
        Mrs. Torres. China--can I ask? Sorry, I only have 15
    seconds. China, what are you seeing? We have talked about
    Russia, but is China also--what are their activities there in
    Nicaragua, and are we concerned?
        Ambassador Trujillo. I haven't seen any from my
    perspective.
        Mrs. Torres. Okay. Thank you. I yield back.
        Mr. Cook. Thank you very much.
        I am going to recognize the gentleman from Ohio, Mr.
    Chabot.
        Mr. Chabot. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. And I had
    two hearings going on here at the same time, so I apologize for
    being a little bit late. And if I would ask some of the
    questions that have already been asked for that, I apologize.
        Although I don't serve on the subcommittee, I am very
    interested in the deteriorating situation in Nicaragua, and
    have been on the Foreign Affairs Committee for 22 years now and
    have chaired the Middle East and the Asia committee, but not
    this one.
        Over years of corruption and illegal and democratic
    behavior, the murderer, Daniel Ortega, has consolidated his
    power and uprooted democracy in Nicaragua. Since the latest
    crisis began in April, the situation in Nicaragua has pretty
    much gone off the cliff, from what I understand. The Ortega
    regime has resorted to extreme and disproportionate force to
    attack protestors, many of them women. This includes gangs of
    pro-government Sandinista thugs used to terrorize and kill
    innocent people. Even Nicaraguan bishops were attacked
    recently.
        So far, approximately, my understanding is approximately
    300 people have been killed and anywhere from 1,000 to 1,500 or
    more injured. And we must not let this crisis create a trend in
    Latin America by allowing Nicaragua to follow the path of
    authoritarian governments like Cuba and Venezuela who continue
    to squander their resources and oppress their own people.
        Lastly, as a cosponsor of H.R. 981, I want to thank
    Chairman Cook for his leadership and for a holding markup for
    the resolution. I support that passage of that legislation. And
    I have been contacted by some folks back in my district who
    have family in Nicaragua and have been on the phone with them,
    you know, multiple times, sometimes daily over the week, you
    know, quite a lot, and religious folks in my district who
    support the folks who have family down there and have seen what
    is going on firsthand.
        And so my question would be initially, and again, having
    not had the benefit of having heard everything that you already
    said about this, but what is the best thing that our government
    can do in working with our folks on the ground there to protect
    both American citizens that are there, their families? What
    influence, if any, do we have with the Ortega government? What
    is happening that I can take back to my constituents to let
    them know that we are doing everything possible to help those
    folks who really need our help right now?
        Ms. Feinstein. Thank you, Congressman, for that question.
    Just to let you know in terms of what you can take back to your
    constituents with regard to what the U.S. Government is doing
    on behalf of the Nicaraguan people. Thanks to the generosity of
    this Congress and this committee in particular, we have been a
    longstanding presence in Nicaragua working side-by-side,
    shoulder to shoulder with civil society there, which is playing
    an absolutely critical role in getting out the narrative about
    what is going on, including the horrific atrocities that you
    have referenced in your testimony. And we think it is important
    that a light is shone on that for the people of Nicaragua--to
    take away from the distorted narrative that the government is
    putting forward, as well as to shine a light on it in the
    international community to document the human rights violations
    that are going on so that they can be prosecuted at some point
    in time.
        We are undertaking a series of interventions, as I said,
    related to human rights. Also, independent media, legal
    assistance to victims and their families who are being brutally
    attacked at this point in time, and also digital security as
    the government perpetrates a very systematic campaign to try to
    delegitimize civil society actors through malign information
    that is placed online through pulling down their accounts on
    Facebook, Twitter, et cetera. We are providing support to those
    actors as well. And I defer to my colleagues to speak to
    American citizens.
        Mr. Chabot. I would welcome any comments by the other
    gentlemen. Mr. Ambassador?
        Ambassador Kozak. Thank you. And I would just add, with
    respect to American citizens, I would advise your constituents,
    stay in close touch with the Embassy. There is a counselor
    warden system, so the Embassy is constantly trying to monitor,
    you know, what are the danger zones, what are the trip points
    and so on and warn people against that. So having that good
    communication. Also, there is like a phone tree that they set
    up, and you want to be sure that if somebody does get in
    trouble, that that gets back quickly to the Embassy.
        Yes, we have some influence with them. I think if they were
    rational actors, they would understand that messing with
    Americans would not be healthy, but, you know, they are not all
    rational actors. So it is something people should be very, very
    careful, pay very close attention to the warnings and the
    advice that the Embassy provides them.
        Mr. Chabot. Thank you. And, of course, some of it is, you
    know, there are American citizens who have family on the ground
    who are not American citizens, so it is not only the American
    citizens that I am concerned about or my constituents are, but
    it is the Venezuelans who are not necessarily citizens but have
    American connections. And being America, we care about not just
    Americans but others who are, you know, people who aren't
    causing the problems here, which is obviously people outside
    the Ortega government. Thank you very much.
        Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you for letting me ask
    questions even though I am not on the committee. Thank you.
        Mr. Cook. Thank you very much.
        I am going to recognize Ileana Ros-Lehtinen for questions,
    comments, et cetera, et cetera.
        Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman. Thank
    you to excellent panelists.
        Ambassador, is it time we revisit Nicaragua's participation
    in CAFTA?
        And, Ambassador Trujillo, you were recently in Nicaragua
    where you met with Ortega. How will you ensure that Ortega
    meets the commitments made on the CEN dialogue, and please tell
    us more about the meeting and how it went.
        Ambassador Kozak.
        Ambassador Kozak. Well, I would say we should be looking
    at, you know, all the different points of pressure, but as I
    indicated earlier, on anything on the economic side, they are
    doing such a good job of harming themselves that, you know,
    they almost don't need any help from us. And you need to, you
    know, look beyond the Ortegas too as to what you want to see
    for the country and the future. But, again, good thought to
    take a look at that point of pressure as well as the many
    others that we have and see what we can do.
        Again, always in the role of we are the supporting players.
    We are trying to back the play of the people of Nicaragua
    themselves and not to have an agenda of our own. Thank you.
        Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Ambassador Trujillo?
        Ambassador Trujillo. Thank you, Congresswoman. In my
    meeting, I think the U.S. message is that the violence must
    stop immediately. I think before there is any dialogue, before
    there is any conversation, you can't have a week in which 20,
    30, 40 people perish based on acts of violence perpetrated by
    the government. So our message is very clear that the violence
    must stop immediately.
        I think furthermore, there is a dialogue process, but the
    dialogue has to be kept in earnest. And what I mean by that is
    that people sit down, but there is no commitment to really
    advance an agenda. And in order for an agenda to advance that
    leads to a commitment to democracy for the government, there
    should be some sort of written game plan that is executed and
    which both parties commit to.
        So part of our conversation was, besides stopping the
    violence and committing to protect the citizens, which is a
    fundamental duty of government, there should also be a written
    game plan in which all the concern from all sides were
    addressed, both parties are bound by that agreement mediated by
    the church, and that agreement is further carried out, which
    was at first initially well received. Unfortunately, in the
    last 2\1/2\ weeks, we have not had a written response as to the
    agreement that would create the conditions for real earnest
    dialogue. And I think one thing that further deteriorated the
    dialogue is when you invite the church to be the mediators of
    the dialogue and then you proceed to attack and beat them,
    torture them, humiliate them, it makes it very difficult for
    them to continue to want to participate.
        Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Thank you, Ambassador Trujillo, and keep
    encouraging the OAS to do the right thing in Nicaragua. They
    have acted on Venezuela, but very poor when it comes to the
    horrific attacks on democracy in Nicaragua. Their silence is
    deafening. Yes, sir.
        Ambassador Trujillo. Thank you, Congresswoman. And I think
    that is changed. June 30 we passed our first resolution to
    capture the space. And part of the problem at the OAS is if it
    is a difficult conversation, we always default to the path of
    least resistance, which is doing absolutely nothing. So just
    capturing the space was very important to have the conversation
    as to Nicaragua. Since then, we have had a report from the
    commission, the International Commission on Human Rights, which
    addressed and held the government responsible for the violation
    of human rights. We had a follow-up hearing yesterday as to all
    the violations in which the majority of the larger population
    countries in the Western Hemisphere opined condemning the
    government for the violations of human rights, which is a very
    important step for people to recognize that Ortega and Murillo
    are responsible for the crimes against humanity that are
    currently taking place.
        And our next step is to pass a resolution condemning the
    violence and calling for free, fair, and early elections. That
    is the next process that we are currently working on, but I
    think just creating a space in which the Nicaraguan people know
    that, not only the United States, but the international
    community is supporting their cause and is keeping account of
    the violators of human rights, and one day we will seek justice
    for all those people who violate human rights is a very, very
    important message to send, not only to the government, but a
    lot of the government actors we are still deciding which side
    to pick.
        Mr. Cook. Mrs. Torres, one more question.
        Mrs. Torres. Thank you so much for the opportunity to do
    the followup.
        On the Chinese investment in Nicaragua, specifically
    related to the canal that they had envisioned, and there was an
    agreement that was made, although I understand that in that
    agreement, there is no requirement to actually have identified
    funding for it. It might not be the Chinese Government, but
    there is a Chinese billionaire, people with a lot of money that
    are investing in this project. What are you seeing there?
        Ambassador Trujillo. Congresswoman, I personally, from the
    OAS perspective, have not seen it. I have heard the rumblings
    of a competing Panama Canal, but I haven't seen anything.
    Obviously, I was only there for less than 24 hours, so I didn't
    have the opportunity to see anything specifically related to
    that.
        Mrs. Torres. My concern again is because it would require a
    relocation of many villages and many people within the area
    that has been identified around the lakes and rivers that have
    been identified for the purpose of building this canal. You
    know, this is the time to take advantage of moving those people
    by force out of the way, right? Please continue to look out for
    those issues as we move forward.
        Thank you, Chairman, for the opportunity again.
        Mr. Cook. Thank you very much.
        I have a couple of quick questions, and I am going to
    apologize in advance for speaking up on the OAS, but I am very,
    very concerned about the influence of Venezuela on the OAS and
    some of the nations that are in close proximity to the
    Caribbean. In terms of the voting power, each one of them has
    one vote. And I think it is not a secret that some of the
    rebates for oil and things like that influence the voting
    patterns of certain states, which obviously affects how the OAS
    might vote on Venezuela but also Nicaragua. It becomes kind of
    a calculus problem in that each state has one vote, and I have
    always thought the OAS had a very, very strong influence and I
    see this influence being diluted by those things that are
    happening.
        Ambassador, would you like to comment on that or am I
    delusional?
        Ambassador Trujillo. Thank you, Chairman. I think that was
    the case for many, many years until recently. The last OAS
    General Assembly, the United States was able to lead a
    resolution on Venezuela that passed 19 to 4, with a few
    abstentions. This is the first time in recent history that we
    are able to advance a resolution that condemns the government
    and that doesn't recognize the elections, the sham elections
    that just took place in Venezuela. I thought that was an
    important turning point in the U.S.-OAS leadership in the
    organization, the ability of the organization to stay relevant
    and get things done.
        But I think, furthermore, looking forward, we have to
    create an alternative, not a financial alternative or a
    competing Petrocaribe program, but why is the U.S. a better
    alternative than China, than Russia, than Venezuela for the
    U.S. interests? And I think it is incumbent upon all sectors of
    the U.S. Government to really advocate on why our partnership
    is much more important to a lot of these countries than some of
    the partnerships that they have sought.
        To that end, we have tried to work with some of the other
    partners in creating energy alternatives, plugging them into
    the right people, whether it is OPEC, whether it is Energy,
    whether it is Treasury, and finding ways in which we can help
    advance their personal interests and help advance their lack of
    reliance or less reliance on some of these foreign actors.
        But it is a very challenging environment, and the most
    challenging thing is a country with 60,000 or 80,000 people has
    the same exact vote as the United States of America. The
    country that puts in tens of thousands of dollars has the same
    vote as the country who puts in tens of millions. It is a very
    challenging environment. Obviously, we are trying to overcome
    those challenges as best we can, but I think it is also
    important on Congress to stay attuned as to who some of these
    countries are, because they oftentimes come and they will vote
    one way in the OAS and they will come here to Congress and ask
    for unlimited resources and unlimited projects, and sometimes
    there is not enough coordination and not enough communication
    in which we all know that they have to help advance the U.S.
    taxpayer and the American interests.
        Mr. Cook. Thank you. The other thing I just wanted to
    throw, and it goes back to many, many years ago when you had a
    situation in the communist government in Poland, and there was
    an individual, a cardinal who went on to Rome. I think we all
    know the history, and I think he was the one that the communist
    regime at the time feared most for good reason.
        And I look at the role of the Catholic church in Nicaragua.
    I know it is a very, very strong influence. And I am just
    wondering, as a variable, I am not going to preach to the
    Ortegas, but I think when they turn against the Catholic
    church, strange things might happen.
        Any comment on that viewpoint? I say my prayers, I have to,
    I am in Congress, but I know a lot of people pray and so----
        Ambassador Trujillo. I think, Chairman, that was a turning
    point. At least in the OAS, the majority of the countries are
    Roman Catholic, predominantly Roman Catholic, and just the
    affinity toward the clergy in general and the government's lack
    of respect toward the clergy they invited into the dialogue
    really sent shockwaves across the organization. I think any
    time the government engages in violent acts against the clergy
    that is just trying to be a peaceful mediator for college
    students and people protesting for freedom and democracy, it is
    very, very difficult to overcome. And I think going forward,
    the credibility of the government as an institution is always
    going to be second to that of the church, especially in
    Nicaragua, and it is going to be very, very difficult for them
    to navigate that water.
        Mr. Cook. Thank you.
        First of all, I want to thank our witnesses for speaking
    today. I want to thank the members. You know, they are not here
    anymore, they are tired of listening to me, but we actually had
    a great turnout, considering there is multiple meetings and
    things going on, because they know how important this is.
        And to our two visitors that have gone through so much,
    once again, I underscore your courage for being here, your
    inspirations. This is a tough, tough, tough issue, but
    obviously, I think you see the bipartisan interest in this. We
    are all concerned. And not just from--but the humanitarian
    aspects of it and what goes on, and you have to live with it
    all the time.
        So great panel. I thought we had a great discussion, and
    thank you for being here.
        So I have to do, pursuant to committee rule 7, the members
    of the subcommittee will be permitted to submit written
    statements to be included in the official hearing record.
    Without objection, the hearing record will remain open for 5
    business days to allow statements, questions, extraneous
    materials for the record subject to the length limitation in
    the rules.
        There being no further business, the subcommittee is
    adjourned.
        Now where do I go?
        Thank you again.
        We are not done yet for anybody that wants to hang around.
        [Hearing adjourned.]
        Mr. Cook. The subcommittee will come to order.
        Pursuant to notice, we meet to mark up House Resolution
    981, a bipartisan measure, condemning the violence committed by
    the Government of Nicaragua against its own citizens.
        Without objection, the resolution is considered read and
    open for amendment at any point, and all members may have 5
    days to submit statements and materials for the record.
        [The information referred to follows:]

     [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]

        Mr. Cook. I now recognize myself to speak on this measure.
        We have just concluded a subcommittee hearing on the crisis
    in Nicaragua with administration officials, and we meet now to
    consider House Resolution 981 to publicly condemn the Ortega
    regime's violent oppression and human rights violations against
    the Nicaraguan people.
        I am an original cosponsor of this resolution, and I want
    to applaud the leadership of Chairman Emeritus Ros-Lehtinen and
    the bipartisan efforts of this subcommittee to move this
    resolution forward.
        I have heard from many Nicaraguans in the United States who
    are concerned about the crisis in Nicaragua and the nearly 300
    people who have died since the unrest broke out in April.
        The continued violence and oppression by the Ortega regime
    is reprehensible. Unfortunately, Daniel Ortega and his wife,
    Rosario Murillo, have chosen to inflict greater oppression
    rather than work through dialogue to achieve a peaceful
    resolution to this crisis.
        On Sunday, 38 people were killed, making it the deadliest
    day in Nicaragua since the protests began. The United States
    will not stand idly by while the Ortega regime continues to
    oppress its people with impunity.
        This resolution condemns the Ortega regime's violence,
    supports the Nicaraguan people in their pursuit of democracy,
    and calls for more U.S. sanctions. I also believe the United
    States should work more closely with the other democratic
    partners in the Organization of American States, European
    Union, Canada, and the Lima Group to work toward a peaceful
    resolution of the crisis.
        With that, I will now recognize the ranking member for his
    comments on the resolution.
        Mr. Sires. Mr. Chairman, I support this resolution, and I
    will be speaking more on this resolution when we have the full
    committee.
        Mr. Cook. Thank you, sir.
        Do any other members seek recognition to speak on the
    resolution?
        Yes, sir.
        Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairman.
        I support the resolution condemning the violence and
    persecution and intimidation by the Ortega government in
    Nicaragua. Let it be known to all that the United States will
    stand up to left wing and right wing dictators who oppress
    their people, deny people human rights, and stifle democracy.
    And I believe this resolution is a condemnation of those
    actions by the Ortega government.
        I yield back.
        Mr. Cook. Thank you, sir.
        Any other members wanting to speak?
        Are there any amendments?
        Hearing no further recognition or request for recognition,
    the chair moves the subcommittee favorably report the
    resolution to the full committee.
        All those in favor, say aye.
        All opposed, say no.
        In the opinion of the Chair, the ayes have it. The motion
    is approved and House Resolution 981 is reported favorably to
    the full committee.
        With that, no more business, this meeting is now adjourned.
        [Whereupon, at 3:37 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]

                                A P P E N D I X

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