[House Hearing, 115 Congress] [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office] UPCOMING ELECTIONS IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE: IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. POLICY ======================================================================= HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION __________ JANUARY 10, 2018 __________ Serial No. 115-105 __________ Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/ or http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/ ______ U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 28-179 PDF WASHINGTON : 2018 ----------------------------------------------------------------------- For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512-1800; DC area (202) 512-1800 Fax: (202) 512-2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402-0001 COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida BRAD SHERMAN, California DANA ROHRABACHER, California GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York STEVE CHABOT, Ohio ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey JOE WILSON, South Carolina GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida TED POE, Texas KAREN BASS, California DARRELL E. ISSA, California WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island MO BROOKS, Alabama AMI BERA, California PAUL COOK, California LOIS FRANKEL, Florida SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii RON DeSANTIS, Florida JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois TED S. YOHO, Florida BRENDAN F. BOYLE, Pennsylvania ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois DINA TITUS, Nevada LEE M. ZELDIN, New York NORMA J. TORRES, California DANIEL M. DONOVAN, Jr., New York BRADLEY SCOTT SCHNEIDER, Illinois F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, Jr., THOMAS R. SUOZZI, New York Wisconsin ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York ANN WAGNER, Missouri TED LIEU, California BRIAN J. MAST, Florida FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida BRIAN K. FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania THOMAS A. GARRETT, Jr., Virginia JOHN R. CURTIS, Utah Amy Porter, Chief of Staff Thomas Sheehy, Staff Director Jason Steinbaum, Democratic Staff Director ------ Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere PAUL COOK, California, Chairman CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois MO BROOKS, Alabama NORMA J. TORRES, California RON DeSANTIS, Florida ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York TED S. YOHO, Florida GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida C O N T E N T S ---------- Page WITNESSES Ms. Katya Rimkunas, deputy director, Latin America and the Caribbean, International Republican Institute.................. 11 Mr. Michael Svetlik, vice president of programs, International Foundation for Electoral Systems............................... 23 Mr. Jim Swigert, senior associate and regional director, Latin America and Caribbean Programs, National Democratic Institute.. 39 LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING The Honorable Paul Cook, a Representative in Congress from the State of California, and chairman, Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere: Prepared statement................................. 3 Ms. Katya Rimkunas: Prepared statement........................... 14 Mr. Michael Svetlik: Prepared statement.......................... 25 Mr. Jim Swigert: Prepared statement.............................. 41 APPENDIX Hearing notice................................................... 62 Hearing minutes.................................................. 63 Written responses from the witnesses to questions submitted for the record by the Honorable Paul Cook.......................... 64 UPCOMING ELECTIONS IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE: IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. POLICY ---------- WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 10, 2018 House of Representatives, Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Washington, DC. The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:00 p.m., in room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Paul Cook (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding. Mr. Cook. A quorum being present, the subcommittee will come to order. And I would like to now recognize myself for an opening statement. I would like to begin this first subcommittee hearing of the Second Session, 115th Congress, by extending a warm welcome to our returning members on the subcommittee. I am especially grateful for our ranking member, to the left of me here, and especially the bipartisan nature of this subcommittee. And I am excited to work together with each of you this year to conduct oversight and then craft policy to advance U.S. interest in the Western Hemisphere. I also look forward to working with the Trump administration to advance the national security strategy in the days ahead, especially as it relates to addressing the many challenges facing Latin America and the Caribbean. This is an exciting year for regions, 12 elections--oh my God--12 elections will take place in 9 countries, including Presidential elections in Costa Rica, Paraguay, Colombia, Mexico, Brazil and Venezuela. Raul Castro has also announced he will step down as official leader in Cuba. Although, the next steps remain unclear. Each of these events will test the state of democratic institutions, freedom and rule of law in the region. And we must never take these principles for granted. Approximately 350 million voters across Latin America and the Caribbean will have the opportunity to elect new leaders and affect the political trajectory of many countries this year. It is about the size of your district. Isn't it? The stakes are high for the citizens, as well as for U.S. interests in the region. Job and economic growth depend on strong democratic institutions, mutually beneficial bilateral relationships, and secure conditions that welcome business investments. However, the security situation remains tenuous throughout the region as transnational criminal networks operate with impunity. And illicit activities, including drug trafficking, continue affecting our country. Further, unresponsive governments in an endless sea of corruption scandals have eroded public trust in traditional democratic institutions and in leaders who do it not face accountability for their actions. Consequently, many countries are facing an apathetic electorate ahead of their elections. A recent poll by Vanderbilt found the lowest support for democracy among citizens in the region since 2004. Fewer than 55 percent of Mexicans and Brazilians believe Democracy is the best political system. A little scary. Such views diverge sharply from what the United States and other freedom-minded countries in the region agreed to in 2001 with the adoption of the Inter-America Democratic Charter, which states that representative democracy is indispensable for the stability, peace, and development of the region. The ability for citizens to have access to credible information about candidates and platforms, to vote freely and fairly without interference, and to have confidence that public institutions remain accessible and transparent when considering election results is vital to the success of democracy. Likewise, international electoral observation missions play a critical role in providing impartial verification of election results and strengthening confidence in democratic institutions. I applaud Brazil, Mexico, Costa Rica, and Paraguay for welcoming OAS observation missions and encourage all the countries holding elections this year to allow for robust international and domestic observations in their elections. In addition, these elections have the potential to alter the political trajectory of the region and impact U.S. security and economic interests. Brazil's elections could affect critical economic reforms. Colombia's elections may influence the fate of the peace deal and the country's approach to reducing coca production. And Mexico's elections might impact its historic energy reforms and the approach to the country's ongoing security issues. We also continue to deal with the challenges from regimes in our hemisphere as Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro has moved to disqualify the country's main opposition parties from participating in Presidential elections. And Cuba continues to deprive the Cuban people of any form of free and fair elections ahead of Raul Castro's anticipated handover of power later this--well, it is close to New Year's. Regardless of whatever challenges these countries may be facing, the United States and other democratic countries in the region have a role to play in supporting democracy and the citizens' ability to choose their leaders freely. I look forward to hearing from our distinguished panel of experts whom each has personal experience promoting democracy, increasing government accountability and transparency, and strengthening the capacity of democratic actors throughout the region. With that, I turn to my ranking member for--or our ranking member--actually, it is your ranking member--a very good friend of mine who is a great asset to the committee and a good friend. So I recognize him. [The prepared statement of Mr. Cook follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] ---------- Mr. Sires. Good afternoon everyone and Happy New Year. Thank you to our witnesses for being here today. And thank you to our chairman for holding this important hearing. I look forward to working in 2018 with the chairman and continue the bipartisan approach that we have had here for many, many years. You know, an important and timely hearing is taking place to look at the upcoming elections throughout the region in 2018. There are many elections slated for this calendar year in some of the most consequential countries in the Western Hemisphere. Some of the United States' largest trading partners and strongest allies will see new Presidents in the coming year. And I hope we can continue to build on our partnerships with the incoming administration. Unfortunately, some countries, like Cuba and Venezuela, have elections in name only. The authoritarian grips of Castro and Maduro over the people is absolute, and they refuse to allow the will of the people to be heard. It is critical that we do everything we can to ensure that, in each and every election, the will of the people is heard, and elections are conducted peacefully, safely, and freely. Free and fair elections create trust between the population and the government for the most transparency in government functions and can allow a country to thrive. Hampering these efforts can bring instability, violence, corruption, and economic decline to populations, while elites thrive at the expense of everyone else. The past year has shown that the entire region is grappling with a fight against corruption. No matter where a candidate is on the political spectrum, they have been asked by the voters how they plan on rooting out corruption, reducing crime, improving economic stability and regaining the trust of the general public. The U.S. does not have a favorite candidate or outcome. We only want to ensure that democracy is upheld throughout the region so that people's human rights are respected and we, as a hemisphere, can continue to thrive. It is my hope that we can learn today from our witnesses what more can be done both by the U.S. Government and countries around the region to strengthen institutions throughout the region to ensure that elections are conducted freely, fairly, and peacefully. Thank you. Mr. Cook. Thank you, Congressman Sires. Now I am going to turn to our distinguished member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen. Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Thank you so much, Chairman Cook. Thank you to our Ranking Member Sires for holding this important and timely hearing. With the Western Hemisphere set to see many key Presidential, parliamentary, and municipal elections this year, as you have pointed out, Mr. Chairman, that will have far-reaching implications, this is an opportunity to examine the landscape, to see how elections may impact the region and our own interest. And, sadly, one place we know we won't see elections, as the chairman and the ranking member have pointed out, is in my native homeland of Cuba. The Cuban people continue to be denied the right to choose their own leaders. The system in Cuba is a farce. The President is selected by the National Assembly, and the National Assembly, oh, that is selected by the regime in what can only be described as a vicious circle of corruption. Raul Castro claims that he will step down and allow a transition of power in April. He has already pushed that back once. The reality is, even if the so-called transition happens, the balance of power will remain with Raul Castro for as long as he wants it, and the people of Cuba will continue to suffer. The U.S. must not give Castro any concessions until we see the regime meet basic conditions, like the release of all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience. The people must be allowed to exercise the fundamental and basic human rights like freedom of speech, freedom of expression, and to have free, fair, and transparent elections that are monitored by international observers. And then, of course, we have Castro's protege in Venezuela: Maduro. Venezuela is set it to hold sham elections sometime in December, but with Maduro in power, little is expected. Even if elections are held, we know that it will be a fraudulent process--they all have been--just as the municipal elections were last year. The people of Venezuela have been pleading for a new democratically elected government. In 2015, when the opposition won in the National Assembly, what did Maduro do? He stripped it of any legislative power. Now Maduro's grip on the Supreme Court and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal make it impossible for the voice of the people to be heard at the polls. When the people protest, they face beatings, arrests, and even death. The administration has taken action against Maduro regime officials, but there is so much more that we can do. There is a severe food and medicine shortage in Venezuela as a result of Maduro's failed and oppressive policies, and that is why Ranking Member Eliot Engel and I introduced, and the House passed last month, the Venezuela Humanitarian Assistance and Defense of Democratic Governance Act. Our bill mandates a strategy from our agency, USAID, to provide humanitarian aid to the people of Venezuela. And the bill also aims to fight widespread corruption among Venezuela Government officials and I hope that our colleagues in the Senate will take action and pass this measure so that we can help those who are in urgent need. This year, we will also see important elections in Brazil. With public opinion, as you pointed out, Mr. Chairman, at an all-time low, increasing public debt, high-profile corruption allegations reaching the highest levels in Brazil, the country is at a crossroads and faces a critical election. At the center of the corruption scandal is the Odebrecht case. Not only has it implicated Brazil's politicians, but it has also implicated high-profile business executives. Unfortunately, the Odebrecht corruption is not limited to just Brazil. It has incriminated more than half of the countries in Latin America and many current heads of state. It is shocking. In December 2016, our Department of Justice reached a plea agreement with Odebrecht for at least $3.5 billion of global penalties to resolve charges of bribery and what has amounted to be the largest case of its kind in history. And what I want the Department of Justice to do is to name the officials who are implicated in this because many of those officials will be standing for elections. And the people will not know that those people they are voting for, those have been subject to bribery, not just allegations, but factual cases of bribery. And I will end with Colombia. Colombia is at a pivotal point in the aftermath of agreement between the government and the terror group FARC. Colombia still has a ways to go, but it is often overlooked, and it is a critical one. We have so many national security interests. Thank you, Chairman Cook. Thank you, Ranking Member Sires, for holding this important hearing. Thank you. Mr. Cook. Thank you, Congresswoman. With that, I am going to turn to our member from New York, Congressman Meeks, for an opening statement. Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Ranking Member Sires. So much of the analysis I have been reading on the Western Hemisphere lately conveys concerns about democratic backsliding. The tendency to view developments that way is understanding in the context of increased visibility of corruption in the region and the persistence of violence and inequality. But we contend with all of this at a time when most Latin Americans will be in a position to cast a vote this year in highly consequential elections. As someone who has been actively engaged in trying to support and advance collective hemispheric interests, I don't see a region with democracy at risk. Rather, I see a region with democracies that are being tested and compelled by citizens of various nations. And in the process, they are maturing and being fortified. We have moved beyond the extreme political volatility and vulnerabilities of the 1980s. Latin American democracies have shown that they have staying power, with tools such as stronger judiciaries and increased visibility through the press and technology. Economic reforms have strengthened economies. And so much so that citizens now, more than ever, are in or entering the middle class and the mainstream. They are using their voices and purchasing power to demand transparency and accountability in their governments. Americans know, perhaps more than any other citizenry, that democracy is all evolving and must never be taken for granted. We could not look at the rise of populism and anti-establishment sentiment in Latin America and see the trend as democracy faltering unless we are willing to say the same about our own country. On the contrary, those same trends in the electorate here in America and throughout the hemisphere can be viewed as an opportunity to make sure we never neglect democratic institutions, which is absolutely key. I am glad to see that we have NDI represented here today. And I can recall working closely with Mr. Swigert and his NDI colleagues in Colombia on strengthening democratic institutions, particularly as they are related to African- Colombians and indigenous communities that have historically been disenfranchised. Afro-Colombians are more likely to live in remote and marginalized communities in Colombia. They are more likely to have many disadvantages that have--than I have time to articulate. But with their collective efforts to exercise their democratic rights, strengthen institutions and demand a seat at the table, African-Colombians in indigenous communities are making progress. Colombian elections in recent years demonstrate that, despite hardships, African-Colombians are showing up at the ballot box. And I am encouraged by that. I am also encouraged by Brazilians who are demanding greater transparency in their government. Similarly with elections on the horizon, Mexicans are pressing for a change. They're not just satisfied with what is. That is what democracy calls for, the people's voices to be heard. And perhaps one of the most democratically vulnerable nations right now in our hemisphere is indeed Venezuela. Here is yet another example of the importance of the United States not simply condemning a nation but rather working directly with our partners to do all we can to strengthen institutions so that the people can exert their will in democratic countries. The United States alone--I talked about this at our full committee hearing, that I have not seen any sanctions work where they are unilateral, but multilateral sanctions can make a difference. And so the United States alone cannot and will not make a difference in Venezuela. It is regional organizations like the OAS, and our allies and partners, that must be a part of any effort to help the people of Venezuela. There is still space for political opposition parties in Venezuela. And to that, I have hope. I think too often we reach for condemnation when what is most necessary is the often quiet and underappreciated work of diplomats and strategic leaders who understand that a hemisphere that we all live in, are all critically linked. So I look forward to hearing from our witnesses today about the upcoming 2018 elections, how they fit into the broader scope of democratic trends in the hemisphere, because as the saying goes: We are as strong as our weakest link. And I want to thank the chairman and the ranking member for this very timely and important hearing. And I can't wait to hear the testimony of our witnesses. And I yield back. Mr. Cook. Thank you very much, Congressman. I just want you to check the panel here: We have got Florida, Florida, Florida, Florida. And I had to make a ruling that they he could not pass out free oranges to influence your testimony, because the best oranges are from California. But saying that, I will now recognize Congressman DeSantis. Mr. DeSantis. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I just wanted to make one comment. Last month, the President made a historic decision to recognize Jerusalem as Israel's capital. It has been something that has been very popular in the United States. Many Presidents have promised it. It was something that people warned may cause repercussions in the Arab world, but it really hasn't happened. Part of it is because we are an 800 pound gorilla and a lot of those countries need us more than we need them, particularly with the specter of Iran. And so, as courageous of a decision as it was, it is much more difficult for some smaller countries to make the same decision. But I just wanted to commend Guatemala for announcing recently that they are going to move their Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem and that they are going to recognize Jerusalem as Israel's eternal capital. They have stuff to lose because as a very small country, how the Arab League reacts to them is probably going to be different than how the Arab League would react or has reacted to the United States. So I think it is important for us in America to say to Guatemala: We support you. We commend your courage in making that decision, and we hope other countries in Latin America and throughout the rest of the world will follow suit very shortly. With that, I yield back. Mr. Cook. Thank you very much. With that, I turn to Congressman Rooney for an opening statement. Mr. Rooney. Thank you, Chairman Cook. Thank you, Ranking Member Sires. It is a real honor and pleasure to see distinguished presenters here today. I just want to make a couple of comments on things I am thinking about. I spent a lot of time in Latin America. You know, back in 2006, Peru took a different direction and tried it our way, and it has worked out pretty well for Peru, free enterprise and the rule of law. My friend Ray Hunt spent a $\1/ 2\ billion on an LNG plant down there. It shows that investment will follow good government. Now we have the Pacific Alliance, you know, with Colombia, Peru, Chile, and Mexico, and I believe soon to be Panama. I think those are green shoots for Latin America. And we recently have the Panama Canal completion and the election of Juan Carlos Varela to replace a very, very corrupt Ricardo Martinelli. On the other hand, we still have Bolivia, Ecuador, and Venezuela. Venezuela is descending into total chaos. The average Venezuelan I think we learned here at Chairman Cook's subcommittee hearing has lost 8 kilos in the last year, and we have Nicaragua somewhere in the middle ground. This may be controversial for some of my colleagues from Florida, but having done business in Nicaragua and knowing many private sector people, Ortega is a complex guy. He is a horrible, authoritarian crook who runs drugs and sucks up to Iranians. But at the same time, the private sector loves him, employment is down, and less than 500 people have immigrated from Nicaragua in the last couple of years. I don't think I've ever seen a greater dichotomy from an authoritarian ruler who takes care of the private sector. So just a few things that I was thinking about to kind of frame the discussion. I appreciate you all being here. And, Chairman, thank you for holding this hearing. Mr. Cook. Thank you very much. Before I recognize our panel with your testimony, I am going to try to explain the lighting system in front of you. Each have 5 minutes for your opening statement. When you begin, the light will turn green. If you are color blind, we are all in trouble. When you have a minute left, the light will turn yellow. And when your time has expired, the light will turn red. These are the instructions that they give me so I won't screw up this. I ask that you conclude your testimony once the red light comes on, please. After our witnesses testify, members will have 5 minutes to ask questions. I urge my colleagues to stick to them. Our first witness to testify will be Ms. Katya Rimkunas, and she is the deputy director of Latin America and the Caribbean at the International Republican Institute, known as IRI. And she leads and manages programs to strengthen democratic institutions and processes in 15 countries and oversees the institute's Washington base and regional staff. Prior to joining International Republican Institute, she worked in the office of Senator John McCain. Our second witness to testify is Mr. Michael Svetlik, the vice president of programs at the International Foundation for Electoral Systems. In this role, Mr. Svetlik provides policy and programming guidance to the international operations that include electoral assistance and democratic institution building in over 30 countries. Prior to his position, he had served as the senior director of programs regional director for Europe and Asia at IFES and was a senior lecturer at the National School of Public Administration in Warsaw and served as a Peace Corps volunteer in Poland. Our last witness to testify will be Mr. Jim Swigert, senior associate and regional director for Latin American and Caribbean programs at the National Democratic Institute, NDI. In this role, he supports democratic development by strengthening political parties, civil organizations, parliaments, safeguarding elections and promoting citizen participation, openness, accountability in government. That is a real mouth full to carry out all those things. Wow. Before joining NDI, this gentleman served 30 years as a career diplomat with the U.S. Department of State, serving Embassies in Latin America and Europe. He also worked on the staff of former chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Representative Dante Fascell. With that, we will now begin, and Ms. Rimkunas, welcome aboard. You can begin your testimony. Thank you. STATEMENT OF MS. KATYA RIMKUNAS, DEPUTY DIRECTOR, LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN, INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE Ms. Rimkunas. I thank you again for the opportunity to testify in the upcoming elections taking place in Latin America. Twelve countries will hold elections in 2018, and they will do so against the backdrop of high level corruption scandals, stagnant or minimal economic growth, sustained high levels of violence, and declining support for democracy. Disaffection with democracy and growing citizen dissatisfaction with the political establishment is a dangerous mix that could influence the outcome and legitimacy of various elections. If elections are badly managed, this also has the potential to undermine public confidence and worsen the political situation. With all 12 countries experiencing elections are important, I will touch upon a few that could have far-reaching repercussions. In Mexico, citizens are increasingly fed up with what they perceive to be systematic and entrenched corruption that has infected all levels of government and affected their financial bottom line. The national anticorruption system, the SNA, which was created in 2016, serves as a coordinating agency between the government agencies and civil society in order to strengthen collaboration in the fight against corruption, but despite the progress it has made, the culture of transparency that it seeks to promote has yet to filter through to the rest of government. The next President of Mexico will have the opportunity to lead the fight against corruption by better supporting the SNA. Mexico has also been plagued by some of the region's highest levels of crime and violence. This violence also spills over to electoral periods. In a little over a month, 11 politicians, 5 of whom aspire to run for office, were murdered. While violence and crime is a multifaceted issue with many causes, some Mexicans blame the weak and partial implementation of judicial reform set in motion in 2008. This year's elections will determine whether these reforms are fully implemented or scrapped altogether. Mexico's National Electoral Institute needs assistance with combatting disinformation, international observation missions, and post-election support to enhance legitimacy. Mexico's special prosecutor for the attention of electoral crime, one of the institutions that helps with the Federal electoral process, has also requested international assistance with electoral observation. In Colombia, the next President will have the difficult task of implementing the peace agreement reached with the FARC and carrying out the reforms promised. This will not be easy as there is a general dissatisfaction with the progress in implementing the agreement. There is increased unrest in communities where citizens feel that the government has failed to deliver on its promises. These communities, often in rural areas and post-conflict zones, have local governments which tend to be disconnected from the central government and have a lower capacity to govern. Yet they are charged with the implementation of a lot of these reforms. In order to do this successfully, local governments must also be able to communicate and coordinate with their Federal Government colleagues. It is vital to support increased government capacity in these rural communities and help to open up channels of communication between different levels of government. Colombian elections are historic, as the FARC will participate for the first time. Under the peace agreement, they are guaranteed at least 10 seats in Congress for the next two elections. While the FARC's organization and influence in rural areas could help them in the elections, the group remains vastly unpopular on the national level. In Venezuela, President Maduro could schedule the Presidential elections for as early as the first quarter of this year to consolidate power prior to further deterioration of the economy. Maduro has taken steps to ensure his victory in the elections by banning the main opposition political parties from running. The last few elections show how far the government is willing to win, including the consolidation, closing, and late move of electoral precincts to confuse and discourage voters, manipulate votes, and use and abuse government resources and benefits to essentially hold votes hostage. These techniques will likely be used again for the elections in addition to an electoral council packed with government cronies and government control over the media, all of which leaves little chance for legitimate free and fair electoral processes, and it discourages voters from participating. In order to achieve a free and fair electoral process, the government would at minimum have to roll back all the structural obstacles it has put into place, including changing the electoral council to provide for balanced presentation of the opposition and allow for domestic and international electoral observations. In Cuba, Raul Castro is set to step down in April. The road to selecting a new President is an election in name only. The Cuban Government has long asserted its power to ensure complete control over the process in its outcome. And these elections are really no different. The National Assembly will elect a new President who is expected to be current first Vice President Miguel Diaz-Canel. However, Castro is expected to remain the head of the Communist Party, thus retaining most of the decision making power on the island. Some suspect that Castro may try to maneuver his son, Colonel Alejandro Castro Espin, into the Presidency. However, he is not part of the upper ranks of the Communist Party, military or government, nor is he a member of the National Assembly, although that could change with the upcoming selection of new National Assembly members. In the tightly controlled and repressive environment, Cubans continue to demand the opportunity to control their destinies. Cuban youth especially are increasingly pessimistic about their futures, disconnected from the regime, and want to leave their country. The U.S. should support programs that provide outlets to these disaffected youth and civil society actors. Additional assistance to increase the island's connectivity with the outside world and within the island is also needed. And I would be remiss if I didn't quickly mention El Salvador's legislative and local elections taking place in March. These will be a bellwether for important 2019 Presidential elections. The last two elections there were contested, and there were allegations of electoral irregularities and fraud. The 2018 elections will be a test for the country's electoral tribunal to see how far they have come in recent years. Support for this tribunal, electoral monitoring, and greater civic engagement in the process is needed from now through next year's elections. In conclusion, as Latin America approaches a highly consequential year of elections, many things remain unclear. But what is apparent is that the direction of these countries will impact the U.S., especially on issues like the economy, immigration, and security. It is vital that Congress and the administration support efforts by our partners to ensure free and fair elections throughout the region and continue to work to strengthen transparency and the rule of law throughout Latin America. Support for improved governance, stronger democratic institutions and more active and coordinated civil society is needed to ensure that elected officials are able to address core challenges, such as corruption and rampant violence, in order to ensure that citizens can have faith in their democratic systems. Again, I am grateful for the opportunity to appear before this committee, and I look forward to your questions, thank you. [The prepared statement of Ms. Rimkunas follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] ---------- Mr. Cook. Thank you very much. Mr. Svetlik, you are recognized. STATEMENT OF MR. MICHAEL SVETLIK, VICE PRESIDENT OF PROGRAMS, INTERNATIONAL FOUNDATION FOR ELECTORAL SYSTEMS Mr. Svetlik. Mr. Chairman, ranking member and distinguished members of the subcommittee, on behalf my organization IFES, thank you for this opportunity to discuss the vital role of election management bodies in ensuring credible elections in Latin America in 2018. With generous backing from USAID and other international donors, IFES supports electoral processes worldwide. We are proud to work with our Consortium for Elections and Political Process Strengthening partners, IRI and NDI, to build strong, inclusive democratic institutions. Mr. Chairman, professional, transparent, and independent electoral institutions are the backbone of democracy. These bodies administer and oversee electoral processes that engender democratic stability, promote peace, and enhance social inclusion. Latin American electoral institutions were at the center of many successful democratic transitions over the past two decades, and they will play a critical role in the region's 2018 election super cycle. Despite significant progress, Latin American democracy is at a crossroads, conditions are ripe for backsliding, largely due to a rise in disillusionment and a growing deficit of trust. As the 2017 Latinobarometro survey indicates, overall confidence in public institutions, including electoral tribunals, has declined since 2013. In fact, only 28, 29 percent of Latin Americans express confidence in electoral tribunals, down from 51 percent in 2006. And, lastly, 15 percent of those surveyed say they trust political parties. This low level of trust has been consistent over the past decade, falling from a high of 28 percent in 1997. In light of this crisis of confidence, professional and independent election management is increasingly important. Mexico, for example, has enjoyed considerable success in election management over the past two decades through investment in well-resourced, independent and professional bodies. We applaud Mexico for the strength and capacity of its institutions, particularly the National Electoral Institute and the electoral tribunal. However, Mexico still faces several challenges that are common to elections across the region. First, illicit money and campaign finance. The enforcement of campaign finance regulation remains a persistent Achilles heel and bears close watching. Next, elections are on trial, election arbiters, the courts will be tested with both pre- and post-election legal challenges that will require rapid resolution. Next, cybersecurity and outside influence. The likelihood of cyber attacks varies across the region but looms as a potential threat. Worse still is every country's vulnerability to disinformation, which is equally as damaging. And, lastly, inclusive democratic participation as broad participation across society is critical as democracy is more resilient when more groups are represented. At the heart of each of these issues is citizen trust, and institutions and electoral results. Democracy only works if the people believe it is working, and electoral institutions are only effective if they win public confidence through transparency, accountability, and responsiveness. Electoral management bodies can build trust through such things as transparency in budgeting and procurement, through professional communication and strong presence on social media, through clear and accessible voter education, through consistency in results tabulation and transmission, and finally the timely release of election results through--and clear systems to address any election complaints. More broadly speaking, Mr. Chairman, we ask you to consider the following for future assistance and engagement. We deeply appreciate Congress' support of robust funding levels for democracy programs and encourage you to leverage your oversight role in ensuring that appropriated funds are both obligated and spent. The U.S. Congress and the administration must unequivocally denounce efforts to erode fundamental democratic norms. I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your December 21st statement on the Honduran elections which expressed disappointment in irregularities but called for all parties to seek relief through established election-dispute mechanisms. We recommend as well that election assistance should start early and continue through the post-election period to allow for flexible and responsive programming. Multiyear, multi-election programs are the most impactful. And, lastly, we recommend targeted support to improve electoral leadership, like facilitating peer-to-peer exchanges to build professional experience and spread best practices. Mr. Chairman, thank you for this opportunity to testify. Two thousand and eighteen will be an important test for democratic institutions in Latin America. IFES remains committed to working with our partners and our friends in the region to promote continued democratic consolidation. I look forward to any questions you may have. [The prepared statement of Mr. Svetlik follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] ---------- Mr. Cook. Thank you, sir. Mr. Swigert, you are now recognized. STATEMENT OF MR. JIM SWIGERT, SENIOR ASSOCIATE AND REGIONAL DIRECTOR, LATIN AMERICA AND CARIBBEAN PROGRAMS, NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE Mr. Swigert. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Sires, distinguished members of the subcommittee and committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before the committee. Today, I want to highlight the stakes for the region and the United States of safeguarding the integrity of elections in Latin America's packed 2018 election season. We often hear that sound elections are an essential but insufficient condition for democracy. Unquestionably that is true. The converse is also important: Bad elections are catalysts for instability. In 2018, as two of every three Latin Americans head to the poles, the resilience and stability of democracies across the hemisphere will be put to the test. While democratic advances are ongoing--Argentina, for example, is working to boost transparency and improve governance--public confidence in democratic institutions is in decline. Exposure of far-reaching corruption networks has angered publics and damaged trust in leaders and institutions. Political polarization is on the rise. As Chairman Cook said, the stakes are high. Upcoming elections are an opportunity to rebuild confidence and strengthen political legitimacy across the region. Failed elections would damage governance and set back hemispheric cooperation on solutions to shared challenges of economic growth, trade, drug trafficking, migration, and addressing the crisis in Venezuela. This year's elections are likely to be contentious. As seen in questioning of many recent elections, challenges to electoral integrity, some familiar, some new, are becoming more pronounced in the region. Problems include efforts by some political leaders to curtail the independence of electoral authorities, twist rules to their favor, and use courts to restrict political participation, infusions of illegal political financing, including from narcotraffickers, and the growing use of disinformation along with hacking for political ends. Democracy activists committed to safeguarding elections need to step up efforts to address these challenges. The United States and other regional and international actors can help by directing diplomatic support and resources to build national capacities both to conduct and monitor elections, and for international election observation, which can reinforce the efforts of the national actors. NDI's experience has shown that both international and national election monitors have key roles to play. Nonpartisan citizen observers, active throughout the region, and leaders within the global movement to defend the integrity of elections build additional trust and credibility. They also underscore local ownership of electoral integrity issues. Proven lines of action to safeguard elections include independent, statistically based monitoring of the election day processes and election results verification, commonly referred to as parallel vote tabulation, PVTs, or quick counts; international networks for solidarity and assistance to citizen election monitors; norms and standards for elections, like the open electoral data initiative that NDI helped to launch; youth-engagement programs; and building bridges between citizens and officials to prevent election related violence. Democratic elections are today the norm for the Americas, but a handful of exceptions exist, Cuba the most glaring one. Venezuela is another. There, a new Presidential election is constitutionally required this year. Under what conditions the election will take place, if at all, is uncertain. Given the way the Maduro regime has dismantled democracy and trampled on the rule of law, stepped-up international pressure for improved election conditions is essential if the Venezuelan people are going to have a say in determining their country's future. The United States should also not lose track of unresolved electoral integrity issues. In Central America, for nearly a decade, Nicaragua's electoral process has been characterized by opaqueness and deliberate restriction of political competition. The scope of irregularities in Honduras' recent flawed elections has cast a cloud over the legitimacy of the process and could generate serious instability if unaddressed. Steps are needed to enact a robust series of overdue electoral and political reforms. International support for improved democratic governance should not stop after election day. Ongoing efforts to strengthen democratic institutions are needed so that legislatures, political parties, and governments can better address priorities of improved citizen security, economic growth, and reduced corruption. This serves the interest of countries in the region and ultimately the foreign policy of the United States. Thank you for the opportunity to share my views with you today. I look forward to your comments and questions. [The prepared statement of Mr. Swigert follows:] [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] ---------- Mr. Cook. Thank you very much, sir. I am going to forego my questions to the end. We have a number of members who are eager to ask questions, and I am going to ask mine at the end. So I hope they will remember my generosity and kindness. And I am going to turn it over to ranking member, Mr. Sires. You are recognized. Mr. Sires. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I hope you get to ask your question and we don't have to go and vote. Thank you very much for your comments. National Security Advisor McMaster said there is already evidence that Russia is meddling in the Mexican election set forth in July. What can the Mexican Government do to ensure the integrity of their election and prevent interference from foreign governments? To your knowledge, is there any government--is the U.S. Government engaging with the Mexican Government to convey some of the lessons we learned here? Just wondering if anybody---- Mr. Svetlik. Thank you, Ranking Member Sires, for your question. As I mentioned in my oral remarks, Mexico is very lucky to have a very well-resourced and robust election administration and electoral tribunal to address the administration of the elections. My understanding of the comments that Security Advisor McMaster has made relating to the disinformation, the spread of information, not necessarily the intrusion of the election--the system of elections. Mexico votes with a paper ballot, and it creates an auditable paper trail for the elections. So there is little vulnerability to the type of intrusion that might be presented by a disinformation campaign. Now the electoral authorities do monitor very closely, they have a public financing system for elections and monitor very closely the use of media by the political parties and candidates. And there is a special department within the National Electoral Institute to do that. To my knowledge, I don't have knowledge of the sharing of information, but I do think that is incumbent upon the United States to share its knowledge and experience to help Mexico defend itself. Mr. Sires. Would you say that Mexico has strongest has the election system in the Western Hemisphere? Mr. Svetlik. If not the strongest, one of the strongest. It has made tremendous strides over the past three decades since the reforms in the early 1990s, and it has a budget of $1 billion and thousands of employees across the country that manage the centralized system. Mr. Sires. Now, since there is no chance of having a free and fair election in either Venezuela or Cuba, what can countries in the region and organizations like yours and civil organizations and civil societies do to try to help and improve the situation on the ground? Mr. Swigert. Thank you, Congressman Sires, for that question. I think we need to be clear: There are no elections taking place in Cuba. This is a completely different process. And I think organizations such as ours need to continue supporting very courageous democracy activists, independent civil society, Cubans who are seeking to connect with like-minded activists around the world, highlight the situation inside the island and get greater information and skills on how to make the case for a democratic future inside Cuba. There are a number of initiatives that are underway. With regard to Venezuela, I think that it is absolutely important to continue the support for the democratically elected national assembly and to highlight what are the conditions for these upcoming elections, if these elections take place at all. I think that international pressure and pressure from Europe, Latin America, as well as the United States, continued pressure from the OAS, highlighting the conditions and pressing for changes can help. Obviously, it is a decision of those inside Venezuela whether they want to participate in this process or not. Mr. Sires. What is the big stumbling block between the two opposition parties coming together in Venezuela? Mr. Swigert. I think there is a debate that takes place all the time in authoritarian societies like Venezuela where they hold election processes that are unfair, under circumstances where there is no fair competition and possibility of outright fraud, as to whether to participate, whether this is an opportunity to mobilize supporters and highlight the deficiencies of the regime, and that debate continues today. Mr. Sires. Thank you. Mr. Cook. Thank you very much. Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen. Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Thank you so much, Chairman Cook. And I want to point out that Mr. Eddy Acevedo is in the audience. He is our former staff director for our Middle East and North Africa Subcommittee. And he is now--listen to this fancy title--Deputy Assistant Administrator and Chief Legislative Strategist for the U.S. Agency for International Development. It started here, and it went all the way to the back. They couldn't get it all in there. Welcome, Eddy. Mr. Chairman, I wanted to ask the panelists about Colombia and the peace process and what will happen to the FARC. Will they run for office, et cetera. I have long been critical of aspects of the peace agreement with the terror group, FARC. And particularly I have opposed allowing FARC members to run for political office. But under the current agreement, the Colombian House and the Colombian Senate have guaranteed the FARC five seats in each Chamber and any of them can run for President. I believe that we have a moral obligation to the victims of the terror the FARC, and allowing the FARC to hold power in Colombia's Government before justice is served is just plain wrong. But whatever your views on that, it is already a done deal. Is it possible do you think that the FARC could be using its illicit profits from its narcoterror activity to fund any electoral campaigns? Are you monitoring that? Have you heard of any problems? Are there any indications that the FARC could be using fear and intimidation tactics in order to undermine the democratic process to its advantage? Ms. Rimkunas. Thank you very much for the question. In the conversations that we have had with local partners in some of these more rural areas and post-conflict zones, there is a fear that the FARC does have increased control and increased influence, whether it be monetary or just with fear over some of the electoral processes, including the candidates. And while they themselves may not necessarily be running candidates under the FARC new party, they may be influencing some of the candidates running for office. And it is I think a fear that is shared among not just the local partners but others observing the election and something that we are looking closely. We don't have any official programming that is taking a look at that right now, although I think that is an excellent recommendation. Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Well, thank you for putting it on your radar. I wanted to ask about the double standard when it comes to the OAS. In Honduras, the secretary general took it upon himself to ask for new elections while its own electoral observation mission and the European Union mission did not come to the same conclusion. Conversely, in Nicaragua, the OES electoral observation mission stated, ``The mission received 219 complaints that were forwarded to the Supreme Electoral Council.'' But the council is led by Roberto Rivas, who was just recently sanctioned by the U.S. for human right violations, for corruption, you name it. So, in Nicaragua, the OES is asking the inmates to run the asylum, but in Honduras, the secretary general is seeking new elections. Do you share any concerns about this double standard, and how do we make sure that there is a more uniformed response at the OAS for these kinds of problems? Mr. Swigert. Thank you, Congresswoman, for the question. I think the question of double standards has always come up with regard to international responses to elections. Election observation is a tough job, and it is not unusual that you might find some differences between European Union international observations and OAS international observation groups. I think the important thing is to press--to look at where we are right now--and to press for improvements in both countries. I think, as I pointed out in my testimony, there are serious deficiencies in the case of the electoral system in Nicaragua. And the irregularities that occurred in the Honduras election, about which both the OAS and EU agreed, were severe. So what to do? I think that there is a need to move forward on political and electoral reform. There are some proposals out there, for example from the conference of bishops inside Honduras, to convene a constituent assembly. President Hernandez has called for a dialogue. Clearly, steps have to be taken to remove this cloud over the election. Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Thank you very much all of you. And thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Cook. Thank you very much. Thank you. Congresswoman Torres, you are recognized. Mrs. Torres. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Building on some of the questions that have already been asked. I want to thank the panel for being here. I very much support your work and admire the work that you do internationally. In regards to Honduras and the work there of the OAS, in my opinion, the State Department failed us miserably, head-in-the- sand type of attitude when they certified Honduras for U.S. assistance while they were in the middle of figuring out what to do with their election process. So, at this point, what is the U.S. policy in supporting the OAS? I mean, do we continue to align ourselves with the work that they do, or do we not? I have had an opportunity to meet personally with people that were on the ground and election observers. It is alarming to hear directly from them the processes that took place, how the computer systems went down, and how a very different candidate who was scheduled to lose came up winning after the computer system came back live and many other issues that they have identified. So I am curious to hear your opinion with your backgrounds as to, what do you think, where is our positioning with OAS? Mr. Svetlik. Thank you for your question. Speaking from my organization's perspective, we have enjoyed a very productive, collaborative relationship with the OAS and its observation efforts and its technical cooperation missions, as well. We are currently not active and have not been for the past couple of years in Honduras. So it is difficult for me to speak directly to that experience. I do think, however, and I would say generally in response to the previous question about the U.S. observation efforts, they do provide a clear and concise document or documentation of what happened in the electoral process upon which organizations like ours can clearly address then the issues that others in the community, the domestic civic community---- Mrs. Torres. What are the implications, though, for the OAS observation missions, in the upcoming elections, and obviously, we did not support them in their positioning of this election. What did we learn there? Mr. Svetlik. I think we learned, as was mentioned, how difficult the job of observation can be in terms of evaluating the election in real time. As you pointed out, the prolonged tabulation or vote count process or the interrupted vote count process was extremely problematic, and we live in a world where we are expected to get an immediate result, an immediate evaluation of the process, and making the job of election observation even more difficult. Mrs. Torres. Mr. Swigert, in your testimony, you note that one of the main concerns with elections in our hemisphere is illegal political financing from narcotraffickers. We talked about FARC in Colombia, for example. They mostly dealt in cash, and there hasn't really been a true accountability of how much cash they may still be hanging on to. So, aside from Colombia, what other countries in particular where this could be a problem, and is there anything that we can do to help those governments identify those types of problems? Mr. Swigert. Thank you, Congresswoman, for the question. I think, unfortunately, there is a fairly extensive list of countries where this is a problem. It starts from Mexico and goes south. And I think any country that has been a country of production or transit is susceptible to this sort of corruption. It is most severe, in my experience, from what I have heard from partners on the ground, coming from all political perspectives at the local level. And the response has to be a response taken by the local government institutions, in the first case to pass legislation on political finance, to require candidates and officials to disclose what resources they are receiving and from where, and there are a variety of approaches that have been taken in the hemisphere. We have been trying to work with political parties directly on trying to help exchange information on how to choose candidates because what we have found is party leaders themselves oppose illicit financing getting into politics. Mrs. Torres. Thank you. And I yield back. Mr. Cook. Thank you very much. At this time, I am going to recognize the gentleman, the Congressman from Florida again, what a surprise, Mr. Ted Yoho. Mr. Yoho. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate it. I appreciate the panel being here. Let me see where to start. Twelve elections in nine countries this year. Russia is really going to be busy. You know, I hope Putin is ready for that. But, seriously, you know, the threat of challenging democracies--and as Gregory Meeks brought up, democracy is being challenged. And we believe in a certain type of democracy here, having a constitutional republic that goes through a democratic process to vote. We know the value of that. We have got a 200-plus year experience in that process. And we know that value. And it is more about the idealisms of America that we cherish so much and I think that a lot of the world wants. And when I look at what is going on in Latin America, from Mexico south, when I see what is changing down there--and as you, Mr. Svetlik, brought up, the citizens are losing confidence in the electoral process, for one thing. They are losing confidence in their governments due to corruption and the lack of the electoral process. Therefore, democracy as we experience in this country is dropping. You know, people are kind of confused, do they really want that. And then I look at the amount of aid we have put in there with USAID--and I am glad Eddy is here with USAID--if you look at Mexico, there is $59 million for good governance to combat corruption, for civil society; $12 million in Colombia; $4.8 million in Venezuela; $11 million in Cuba. What is your experience on that money that we, as legislators, are spending of American taxpayers' money? What is the benefit of that that you see if we are seeing the slide kind of going down? Let's start with you, Mr. Svetlik. Mr. Svetlik. Thank you for your question. The investments that are being made, we appreciate very much the funding that is made available through USAID to help us in engaging in these issues. The investments are, I think, important to make in part because of the cautionary word that my colleague made regarding bad elections and the backslide, further backsliding that can take place. We are, in many cases, facing some third generation issues in many of these countries that are difficult to solve, that require persistent and consistent attention, working to build systems that are responsive, giving citizens the information to address their issues, to address these issues themselves. But it is an effort that I think, over the long term, pays dividends. It is something that needs to be maintained. Mr. Yoho. Ms. Rimkunas. Ms. Rimkunas. Thank you for the question. If I may, the support going to these countries is showing dividends. It is showing impact and results. And we hear that from, and we see that from, our partners and the beneficiaries. One aspect I think that is feeding into this, into kind of the distrust and decrease in the belief of democracy, is really the dissatisfaction with the political establishment and weak political parties throughout the region. This is something that our funding hasn't necessarily been focused on over the last few years. We don't--at least I can speak from IRI and I know some other institutes--our political party work, which used to be our bread-and-butter work really has weakened, and it is very, very minimal in the region. And this, I think, to a certain degree, speaks to the weaknesses of political parties throughout the region and distrust in them. Mr. Yoho. Well, and that is the important thing about a system that has a democracy because that is the only way a civil society can change politics. If we go the other way--and there are so many places that have sham democracies. You know, I chair the Asia and the Pacific Subcommittee on Foreign Affairs. And we look at Cambodia. This country has invested $1.7 billion in good governance. But, yet, when you have somebody like the leader of Cambodia or Venezuela that outlaws your political opponents and then says we are going to have free and fair elections, it is not working. So is there something else we should focus on from our country to bolster the outcome of these elections? Not interfere, but bolster the alliance with that country to boost the confidence of the citizens and make a strong relationship with America? Ms. Rimkunas. Sure. I think a lot of the issues that are going to be at the forefront of a lot of the voters' minds for the elections are longstanding issues that are present long before elections and will be present long after elections. And these are some of the areas where our assistance would be good to focus on. Particularly, as I discussed, and I think all of us see, some of the governance. Mr. Yoho. I am out of time. You hear that rapping? So I appreciate your time. Mr. Chairman, thank you. Mr. Cook. Thank you very much. I would like to recognize the Congresswoman from Illinois, Ms. Kelly. Ms. Kelly. Thank you, Chairman Cook and Ranking Member Sires. Thank you to the witnesses. I wanted to know, what affect do you think the renegotiations of NAFTA are having on the Presidential election in Mexico? Anybody? Mr. Swigert. Well, I might start. I haven't been following the campaign on a day-to-day basis, Congresswoman, but I think economic issues are very much on everyone's mind. Corruption is another top issue, along with the question of insecurity. But I think the focus has been more internal, in all the reports I have read about the campaign to date, that relations with the United States loom large in Mexico, but people are focusing on politics at home at this stage. Ms. Rimkunas. And I would also add that, at this point--and it is still fairly early, we are starting the pre-electoral period--NAFTA itself is not particularly at the forefront of voters' minds. But, as my colleague said, the economy, the U.S. relations with Mexico, corruption, those are the major issues that are really, at this moment, driving the election. Now, there is still plenty of time. And I am sure that, you know, that will change as the elections are closer. Mr. Svetlik. From a different perspective, our institutional relationship with Mexican authorities is strong, continues to be strong. There has been no impact. Ms. Kelly. And what about any conversation about the wall? Does that come up at all? Or is that worrisome to anybody? Ms. Rimkunas. I can speak of our conversations with our partners. Again, the focus is on those major issues. And that is really what voters are looking to. Ms. Kelly. Okay. The other question is about transparency. You know, my colleague talked about the money USAID has given to Mexico. And it looks like we want to lessen that amount of money. But there have been complaints about fairness. And we have Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador has complained about election irregularities in his losses. So, you know, what can we do to help with election certification, or is there anything that we can do to help in that arena? Mr. Svetlik. Thank you for that question. I recently, this summer, attended a conference in Mexico City on electoral integrity in which the Foreign Minister made a very strong invitation for increased electoral observation and involvement of election organizations such as ours. And I think, while the elections are only 7 months away, it would be timely for there to be funding available so that we could engage in those activities. Ms. Rimkunas. And in our conversations with the INE, the National Electoral Institute, they have requested, again, international observation missions as well as post-election support to enhance legitimacy. One thing that they have also mentioned during our conversations is their concern with disinformation. And this goes back to the question that you had, Congressman Sires, about the disinformation in Mexico. They are concerned about some of the disinformation that occurred around the 2017 gubernatorial elections where there was a lot of publicity out in YouTube via videos and so forth trying to discredit their PREP system, which is INE's fast count and vote tendency system which, you know, some candidates used as a talking point. So they are looking to strengthen the trust from citizens in the process. They also shared with us that they have detected some hacker attacks from foreign servers. They did not share from where. So I can't confirm at this point from where that is. And they have also detected that some of these videos that went viral went viral through a coordinated system of foreign servers like an attack. But, again, no information was shared as to where that came from. Ms. Kelly. Thank you. Mr. Swigert. Just to add, very quickly, that this concern over disinformation also exists in Brazil, and we have been consulting with the Mexican electoral authorities on bringing civic groups from Brazil together with Mexicans to talk about how they could track and deter and counter any disinformation. The concern is not just external. It may be internal sources as well. Ms. Kelly. Thank you very much. And I yield back. Mr. Cook. Thank you very much. At this time, I would like to recognize Congressman Rooney from Florida. Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Florida. Wow. Mr. Cook. What a surprise, Florida, once again. Mr. Rooney. Thank you, Chairman Cook. I would like to ask a couple of questions about the FARC deal, maybe Ms. Rimkunas, a little bit, start with that, if anyone else wants to comment. You know, it is not off to a very good start with the hectare buying program having the unpredictable consequence of generating an increase in coca production, which is affecting Panama and a lot of other Central American countries. So my concern about the FARC deal is the granting of political power without them having to earn it. Now we have Timochenko in the election. And I have been thinking a lot about what happened with the FMLN. And you all are really smart, smarter than me. I would like to be interested in if you think that is a reasonable analogy to be worried about given where we are with Sanchez Ceren right now having given the FMLN power many years ago. Ms. Rimkunas. The test for the FARC will be--and this is where these elections, especially the congressional elections, will be really important to watch, as to whether they can reach those ten seats on their own. They are guaranteed 10 seats, 5 in the House and 5 in the Senate. That doesn't mean that they are going to reach them on their own, meaning that they are going to get enough votes to get those seats. So, regardless of the amount of votes that they get, they will be given those seats. But, again, it will be---- Mr. Rooney. That is the problem. Ms. Rimkunas. Correct. But, again, it will be a test to see whether they have that base of support. And, again, through the 2026 elections, whether that base continues to support. At this time, the overwhelming majority of Colombians do not have a favorable view of the FARC and don't support their transition into a political party. So, again, I think that that is something that we will continue to watch. Mr. Rooney. Any other comments? Mr. Swigert. Congressman, I would add that, going back to a point that was raised earlier about a concern of the victims inside Colombia, the victims of conflict, there are new transitional districts that have been set up that will allow citizens' groups and victims' groups to elect Members of the Congress under the terms of the peace agreement. I think that is an area to keep an eye on. It provides an opportunity, an opportunity to increase the voice of those who have been abused under this conflict. And it is an area where we and IRI have looked for ways to help improve the voices of the victims in the political system. Mr. Rooney. If I might, one more, the last minute or 2 here, is I remember working on the AMLO situation in 2006 with your boss, Dan Fisk, who is a great guy--and please tell him hello--and I just wonder if any of you all would like to offer any kind of comment on what the high potential right now, or certainly potential, of AMLO winning in Mexico might bring to the United States-Mexico relationship? Ms. Rimkunas. Well, AMLO is certainly leading in the polls right now, though I would say that polling has been uncertain in the region. So, again, there is a lot of time left before the elections and a lot of things still to be decided in terms of the candidates running. Right now, as you are all aware, AMLO has become much more moderate. He has become much more centrist, in terms of the economy, he wants to keep things moving. He wants to keep the Central Bank at the forefront of that. So he is trying not to alarm not just his domestic audience but also his international audience and really has distanced himself from his previous friends in the region and really tried to play it straight. So it is a question, that we are looking at closely is exactly if he does win, where his positions would, at the end of the day---- Mr. Rooney. Yeah. Which AMLO is going to show up after he wins? Ms. Rimkunas. Yeah. At this time, I don't think we can be certain of that. Mr. Rooney. Okay. Well, thank you very much. I yield. Mr. Cook. Thank you very much. I will now recognize Congressman Meeks from New York. Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Also, let me just start by just saying to Ms. Rimkunas, I left out the great work that IRI does in complement to--I mentioned NDI--and Mr. Svetlik. I really appreciate your testimony because you do magnificent work in trying to help promote democracy. And I feel that we are challenged right now. And hereis what we are trying to convey in my opening statement. Institutions--and that is what you are trying to help create--because that is the bedrock of democracy. Without institutions that are working and operating, then we cannot have democracy. And when I think of Latin America, especially back in the eighties, when we just had military coup after military coup, with no institutions, and thereby the voice of everyday people not getting to be heard. You know, and from my background, being here in the United States, I can remember stories of my dad talking about him not having the ability to vote. He had to count how many jelly beans was in a jar, in a democracy, in the United States of America that we still--but it is a work in progress. So we have progressed past the discriminations and preventing individuals. We have improved our judicial institutions because it was our Supreme Court that, in Plessy v. Ferguson, that said separate but equal was the law of the land. Those institutions and how we put people in place, and we are trying, in our democratic societies, to be a more perfect union and to become better. But these democracies--even ours is being challenged today--whether it is by cybersecurity, as Russia is doing in Latin America. They have done it here in the United States, doing it in Europe, trying to undermine our institutions. And what your organizations do is trying to strengthen our institutions. And I thank you for it because that is how we preserve democracy and give those who have no voice a voice. I could not be prouder of the people of Venezuela who are standing up and demanding that their voices are heard. It reminds me of people in the streets of New York and other places when we did the same. And what you are doing--and we do all need to call out when they are trying to--the government, to keep people and those voices from being heard. I would really hope that the opposition leaders come together because that hurts when the opposition is fighting one another and not coming together to try to make sure that there is real voices by all of the people, which I see is lacking to a degree. But what you are doing in trying to help and strengthen institutions in Venezuela and other places is what is important, as opposed to saying we are just not going to do anything. So my question, then, is--because I do believe in multilateral cooperation. And the only multilateral organization that I know that is working is the OAS right now. And they have a louder voice. What can we do to protect the-- you know, to help OAS? And what role can they play in strengthening democratic elections and democratic institutions? How can we get, you know, those--I think one of my colleagues talked about how Peru and Colombia and Argentina now are doing better. How can we get them also to work in a collaborative way with us where those places--where those institutions are backsliding, those that are working, so we can work collectively to making changes and making a difference so we can have institutions and have democracy continue and not go back to the eighties where you have coup d'etat after coup d'etat? Anyone? Mr. Swigert. If I might respond very quickly, Congressman. I think multilateral initiatives and multilateral institutions are very helpful at this moment. The OAS is one, strong support for the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights is critical, and there are other groups that are active throughout the region. On Venezuela, there are homegrown initiatives. There is the Lima Group of many governments that has stepped forward and to be strong voices in support of democracy in Venezuela. So I think it behooves the United States to find ways to support that process. When it comes to some of the other challenges that democracy faces, I think we need to bear in mind, as you said, this is a moment, and democracy is a process. And it is a process, as I hear from friends in the region, that has its ups and downs. But there is no better process. I think, when it comes to the case of Brazil, we need to bear in mind that the corruption scandals are moving forward because of the strengths of judicial institutions. And that is necessarily a consequence of one of the pillars of democracy. So I think we have to look for ways to strengthen institutions, as you say. Ms. Rimkunas. And, if I may, long-term support for these democratic institutions is crucial beyond the elections. I think citizens see democracy and government work at the local level with their mayors, with their city councils. That is where they can feel it. That is where they can touch it, especially those that are outside of the capital. Especially in countries like Colombia, there are still a lot of populations out in the rural areas that don't necessarily and are not connected with their central government. And so, when they hear about the scandals and the issues happening, reinforcing these institutions at the local level is vital. Thank you. Mr. Cook. Thank you very much. I feel like I am back in a classroom again. Speaking of that, in grad school, I always remember they used to quote Bismarck. And I think they were talking about making laws and policies--of all people, Bismarck, right? If you know your history. And there will be a test after this hearing. And he said it was--and it is almost analogous to this. Democracy, it is like watching people make sausage. It is not a very pretty process. And I am paraphrasing, probably incorrectly. But this hearing here, we are talking about a very, very difficult subject. It is one which I personally think we, as a country, have ignored, Latin America in particular, and for a variety of reasons. And I think some of these things that have happened in the past we can be a much better neighbor. I am not talking about being a big brother or a big sister but somebody--an equal partner instead of having that arrogance when dealing with some of these countries. But that is my personal opinion. Just one other final piece of business. I am not going to bore you. But I do support the decision to recognize President Fernandez in Honduras. I hope that they will implement the recommendations of the OAS and the EU. And one of the things I have been talking about, we want to see the lessons learned. Hopefully, in the spring, we would like to--I am going to be soliciting for people that want to go to Honduras, and some of the other countries, maybe Guatemala down there. But if we go to Honduras, the only pre-qualifier is there will be a test, and you have got to spell Tegucigalpa correctly. I know you are all capable. So, anyway, once again, I want to thank the panel for your patience. We had a lot of people, a good turnout, everything else. And with everything that was going on, I am glad we got this done because of votes. And you know how crazy it is. So, once again, thank you for your expertise and your patience in dealing with us. And, with that, there being no further business---- Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. No other Floridians? Mr. Cook. No, there are seven or eight or nine of them left. This subcommittee is adjourned. [Whereupon, at 3:26 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.] A P P E N D I X ---------- Material Submitted for the Record [GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] [all]