[House Hearing, 115 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
UPCOMING ELECTIONS IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE: IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S.
POLICY
=======================================================================
HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON
THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
JANUARY 10, 2018
__________
Serial No. 115-105
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
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28-179 PDF WASHINGTON : 2018
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida BRAD SHERMAN, California
DANA ROHRABACHER, California GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey
JOE WILSON, South Carolina GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida
TED POE, Texas KAREN BASS, California
DARRELL E. ISSA, California WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts
TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island
MO BROOKS, Alabama AMI BERA, California
PAUL COOK, California LOIS FRANKEL, Florida
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii
RON DeSANTIS, Florida JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois
TED S. YOHO, Florida BRENDAN F. BOYLE, Pennsylvania
ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois DINA TITUS, Nevada
LEE M. ZELDIN, New York NORMA J. TORRES, California
DANIEL M. DONOVAN, Jr., New York BRADLEY SCOTT SCHNEIDER, Illinois
F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, Jr., THOMAS R. SUOZZI, New York
Wisconsin ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York
ANN WAGNER, Missouri TED LIEU, California
BRIAN J. MAST, Florida
FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida
BRIAN K. FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
THOMAS A. GARRETT, Jr., Virginia
JOHN R. CURTIS, Utah
Amy Porter, Chief of Staff Thomas Sheehy, Staff Director
Jason Steinbaum, Democratic Staff Director
------
Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere
PAUL COOK, California, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois
MO BROOKS, Alabama NORMA J. TORRES, California
RON DeSANTIS, Florida ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York
TED S. YOHO, Florida GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida
C O N T E N T S
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Page
WITNESSES
Ms. Katya Rimkunas, deputy director, Latin America and the
Caribbean, International Republican Institute.................. 11
Mr. Michael Svetlik, vice president of programs, International
Foundation for Electoral Systems............................... 23
Mr. Jim Swigert, senior associate and regional director, Latin
America and Caribbean Programs, National Democratic Institute.. 39
LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING
The Honorable Paul Cook, a Representative in Congress from the
State of California, and chairman, Subcommittee on the Western
Hemisphere: Prepared statement................................. 3
Ms. Katya Rimkunas: Prepared statement........................... 14
Mr. Michael Svetlik: Prepared statement.......................... 25
Mr. Jim Swigert: Prepared statement.............................. 41
APPENDIX
Hearing notice................................................... 62
Hearing minutes.................................................. 63
Written responses from the witnesses to questions submitted for
the record by the Honorable Paul Cook.......................... 64
UPCOMING ELECTIONS IN THE WESTERN
HEMISPHERE: IMPLICATIONS FOR
U.S. POLICY
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WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 10, 2018
House of Representatives,
Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:00 p.m., in
room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Paul Cook
(chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
Mr. Cook. A quorum being present, the subcommittee will
come to order. And I would like to now recognize myself for an
opening statement.
I would like to begin this first subcommittee hearing of
the Second Session, 115th Congress, by extending a warm welcome
to our returning members on the subcommittee. I am especially
grateful for our ranking member, to the left of me here, and
especially the bipartisan nature of this subcommittee. And I am
excited to work together with each of you this year to conduct
oversight and then craft policy to advance U.S. interest in the
Western Hemisphere.
I also look forward to working with the Trump
administration to advance the national security strategy in the
days ahead, especially as it relates to addressing the many
challenges facing Latin America and the Caribbean. This is an
exciting year for regions, 12 elections--oh my God--12
elections will take place in 9 countries, including
Presidential elections in Costa Rica, Paraguay, Colombia,
Mexico, Brazil and Venezuela. Raul Castro has also announced he
will step down as official leader in Cuba. Although, the next
steps remain unclear. Each of these events will test the state
of democratic institutions, freedom and rule of law in the
region. And we must never take these principles for granted.
Approximately 350 million voters across Latin America and
the Caribbean will have the opportunity to elect new leaders
and affect the political trajectory of many countries this
year.
It is about the size of your district. Isn't it?
The stakes are high for the citizens, as well as for U.S.
interests in the region. Job and economic growth depend on
strong democratic institutions, mutually beneficial bilateral
relationships, and secure conditions that welcome business
investments. However, the security situation remains tenuous
throughout the region as transnational criminal networks
operate with impunity. And illicit activities, including drug
trafficking, continue affecting our country.
Further, unresponsive governments in an endless sea of
corruption scandals have eroded public trust in traditional
democratic institutions and in leaders who do it not face
accountability for their actions. Consequently, many countries
are facing an apathetic electorate ahead of their elections. A
recent poll by Vanderbilt found the lowest support for
democracy among citizens in the region since 2004. Fewer than
55 percent of Mexicans and Brazilians believe Democracy is the
best political system. A little scary.
Such views diverge sharply from what the United States and
other freedom-minded countries in the region agreed to in 2001
with the adoption of the Inter-America Democratic Charter,
which states that representative democracy is indispensable for
the stability, peace, and development of the region.
The ability for citizens to have access to credible
information about candidates and platforms, to vote freely and
fairly without interference, and to have confidence that public
institutions remain accessible and transparent when considering
election results is vital to the success of democracy.
Likewise, international electoral observation missions play a
critical role in providing impartial verification of election
results and strengthening confidence in democratic
institutions. I applaud Brazil, Mexico, Costa Rica, and
Paraguay for welcoming OAS observation missions and encourage
all the countries holding elections this year to allow for
robust international and domestic observations in their
elections. In addition, these elections have the potential to
alter the political trajectory of the region and impact U.S.
security and economic interests.
Brazil's elections could affect critical economic reforms.
Colombia's elections may influence the fate of the peace deal
and the country's approach to reducing coca production. And
Mexico's elections might impact its historic energy reforms and
the approach to the country's ongoing security issues.
We also continue to deal with the challenges from regimes
in our hemisphere as Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro has
moved to disqualify the country's main opposition parties from
participating in Presidential elections. And Cuba continues to
deprive the Cuban people of any form of free and fair elections
ahead of Raul Castro's anticipated handover of power later
this--well, it is close to New Year's. Regardless of whatever
challenges these countries may be facing, the United States and
other democratic countries in the region have a role to play in
supporting democracy and the citizens' ability to choose their
leaders freely.
I look forward to hearing from our distinguished panel of
experts whom each has personal experience promoting democracy,
increasing government accountability and transparency, and
strengthening the capacity of democratic actors throughout the
region.
With that, I turn to my ranking member for--or our ranking
member--actually, it is your ranking member--a very good friend
of mine who is a great asset to the committee and a good
friend. So I recognize him.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Cook follows:]
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
----------
Mr. Sires. Good afternoon everyone and Happy New Year.
Thank you to our witnesses for being here today. And thank you
to our chairman for holding this important hearing. I look
forward to working in 2018 with the chairman and continue the
bipartisan approach that we have had here for many, many years.
You know, an important and timely hearing is taking place
to look at the upcoming elections throughout the region in
2018. There are many elections slated for this calendar year in
some of the most consequential countries in the Western
Hemisphere. Some of the United States' largest trading partners
and strongest allies will see new Presidents in the coming
year. And I hope we can continue to build on our partnerships
with the incoming administration.
Unfortunately, some countries, like Cuba and Venezuela,
have elections in name only. The authoritarian grips of Castro
and Maduro over the people is absolute, and they refuse to
allow the will of the people to be heard. It is critical that
we do everything we can to ensure that, in each and every
election, the will of the people is heard, and elections are
conducted peacefully, safely, and freely. Free and fair
elections create trust between the population and the
government for the most transparency in government functions
and can allow a country to thrive. Hampering these efforts can
bring instability, violence, corruption, and economic decline
to populations, while elites thrive at the expense of everyone
else.
The past year has shown that the entire region is grappling
with a fight against corruption. No matter where a candidate is
on the political spectrum, they have been asked by the voters
how they plan on rooting out corruption, reducing crime,
improving economic stability and regaining the trust of the
general public. The U.S. does not have a favorite candidate or
outcome. We only want to ensure that democracy is upheld
throughout the region so that people's human rights are
respected and we, as a hemisphere, can continue to thrive. It
is my hope that we can learn today from our witnesses what more
can be done both by the U.S. Government and countries around
the region to strengthen institutions throughout the region to
ensure that elections are conducted freely, fairly, and
peacefully. Thank you.
Mr. Cook. Thank you, Congressman Sires.
Now I am going to turn to our distinguished member of the
Foreign Affairs Committee, Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen.
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Thank you so much, Chairman Cook.
Thank you to our Ranking Member Sires for holding this
important and timely hearing. With the Western Hemisphere set
to see many key Presidential, parliamentary, and municipal
elections this year, as you have pointed out, Mr. Chairman,
that will have far-reaching implications, this is an
opportunity to examine the landscape, to see how elections may
impact the region and our own interest.
And, sadly, one place we know we won't see elections, as
the chairman and the ranking member have pointed out, is in my
native homeland of Cuba. The Cuban people continue to be denied
the right to choose their own leaders. The system in Cuba is a
farce. The President is selected by the National Assembly, and
the National Assembly, oh, that is selected by the regime in
what can only be described as a vicious circle of corruption.
Raul Castro claims that he will step down and allow a
transition of power in April. He has already pushed that back
once.
The reality is, even if the so-called transition happens,
the balance of power will remain with Raul Castro for as long
as he wants it, and the people of Cuba will continue to suffer.
The U.S. must not give Castro any concessions until we see the
regime meet basic conditions, like the release of all political
prisoners and prisoners of conscience. The people must be
allowed to exercise the fundamental and basic human rights like
freedom of speech, freedom of expression, and to have free,
fair, and transparent elections that are monitored by
international observers.
And then, of course, we have Castro's protege in Venezuela:
Maduro. Venezuela is set it to hold sham elections sometime in
December, but with Maduro in power, little is expected. Even if
elections are held, we know that it will be a fraudulent
process--they all have been--just as the municipal elections
were last year. The people of Venezuela have been pleading for
a new democratically elected government. In 2015, when the
opposition won in the National Assembly, what did Maduro do? He
stripped it of any legislative power. Now Maduro's grip on the
Supreme Court and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal make it
impossible for the voice of the people to be heard at the
polls. When the people protest, they face beatings, arrests,
and even death.
The administration has taken action against Maduro regime
officials, but there is so much more that we can do. There is a
severe food and medicine shortage in Venezuela as a result of
Maduro's failed and oppressive policies, and that is why
Ranking Member Eliot Engel and I introduced, and the House
passed last month, the Venezuela Humanitarian Assistance and
Defense of Democratic Governance Act. Our bill mandates a
strategy from our agency, USAID, to provide humanitarian aid to
the people of Venezuela. And the bill also aims to fight
widespread corruption among Venezuela Government officials and
I hope that our colleagues in the Senate will take action and
pass this measure so that we can help those who are in urgent
need.
This year, we will also see important elections in Brazil.
With public opinion, as you pointed out, Mr. Chairman, at an
all-time low, increasing public debt, high-profile corruption
allegations reaching the highest levels in Brazil, the country
is at a crossroads and faces a critical election. At the center
of the corruption scandal is the Odebrecht case. Not only has
it implicated Brazil's politicians, but it has also implicated
high-profile business executives. Unfortunately, the Odebrecht
corruption is not limited to just Brazil. It has incriminated
more than half of the countries in Latin America and many
current heads of state. It is shocking.
In December 2016, our Department of Justice reached a plea
agreement with Odebrecht for at least $3.5 billion of global
penalties to resolve charges of bribery and what has amounted
to be the largest case of its kind in history. And what I want
the Department of Justice to do is to name the officials who
are implicated in this because many of those officials will be
standing for elections. And the people will not know that those
people they are voting for, those have been subject to bribery,
not just allegations, but factual cases of bribery.
And I will end with Colombia. Colombia is at a pivotal
point in the aftermath of agreement between the government and
the terror group FARC. Colombia still has a ways to go, but it
is often overlooked, and it is a critical one. We have so many
national security interests.
Thank you, Chairman Cook. Thank you, Ranking Member Sires,
for holding this important hearing. Thank you.
Mr. Cook. Thank you, Congresswoman.
With that, I am going to turn to our member from New York,
Congressman Meeks, for an opening statement.
Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you, Ranking Member Sires.
So much of the analysis I have been reading on the Western
Hemisphere lately conveys concerns about democratic
backsliding. The tendency to view developments that way is
understanding in the context of increased visibility of
corruption in the region and the persistence of violence and
inequality. But we contend with all of this at a time when most
Latin Americans will be in a position to cast a vote this year
in highly consequential elections. As someone who has been
actively engaged in trying to support and advance collective
hemispheric interests, I don't see a region with democracy at
risk. Rather, I see a region with democracies that are being
tested and compelled by citizens of various nations. And in the
process, they are maturing and being fortified.
We have moved beyond the extreme political volatility and
vulnerabilities of the 1980s. Latin American democracies have
shown that they have staying power, with tools such as stronger
judiciaries and increased visibility through the press and
technology. Economic reforms have strengthened economies. And
so much so that citizens now, more than ever, are in or
entering the middle class and the mainstream. They are using
their voices and purchasing power to demand transparency and
accountability in their governments. Americans know, perhaps
more than any other citizenry, that democracy is all evolving
and must never be taken for granted. We could not look at the
rise of populism and anti-establishment sentiment in Latin
America and see the trend as democracy faltering unless we are
willing to say the same about our own country.
On the contrary, those same trends in the electorate here
in America and throughout the hemisphere can be viewed as an
opportunity to make sure we never neglect democratic
institutions, which is absolutely key.
I am glad to see that we have NDI represented here today.
And I can recall working closely with Mr. Swigert and his NDI
colleagues in Colombia on strengthening democratic
institutions, particularly as they are related to African-
Colombians and indigenous communities that have historically
been disenfranchised. Afro-Colombians are more likely to live
in remote and marginalized communities in Colombia. They are
more likely to have many disadvantages that have--than I have
time to articulate. But with their collective efforts to
exercise their democratic rights, strengthen institutions and
demand a seat at the table, African-Colombians in indigenous
communities are making progress. Colombian elections in recent
years demonstrate that, despite hardships, African-Colombians
are showing up at the ballot box. And I am encouraged by that.
I am also encouraged by Brazilians who are demanding greater
transparency in their government. Similarly with elections on
the horizon, Mexicans are pressing for a change. They're not
just satisfied with what is. That is what democracy calls for,
the people's voices to be heard. And perhaps one of the most
democratically vulnerable nations right now in our hemisphere
is indeed Venezuela. Here is yet another example of the
importance of the United States not simply condemning a nation
but rather working directly with our partners to do all we can
to strengthen institutions so that the people can exert their
will in democratic countries.
The United States alone--I talked about this at our full
committee hearing, that I have not seen any sanctions work
where they are unilateral, but multilateral sanctions can make
a difference. And so the United States alone cannot and will
not make a difference in Venezuela. It is regional
organizations like the OAS, and our allies and partners, that
must be a part of any effort to help the people of Venezuela.
There is still space for political opposition parties in
Venezuela. And to that, I have hope. I think too often we reach
for condemnation when what is most necessary is the often quiet
and underappreciated work of diplomats and strategic leaders
who understand that a hemisphere that we all live in, are all
critically linked.
So I look forward to hearing from our witnesses today about
the upcoming 2018 elections, how they fit into the broader
scope of democratic trends in the hemisphere, because as the
saying goes: We are as strong as our weakest link. And I want
to thank the chairman and the ranking member for this very
timely and important hearing. And I can't wait to hear the
testimony of our witnesses. And I yield back.
Mr. Cook. Thank you very much, Congressman.
I just want you to check the panel here: We have got
Florida, Florida, Florida, Florida. And I had to make a ruling
that they he could not pass out free oranges to influence your
testimony, because the best oranges are from California. But
saying that, I will now recognize Congressman DeSantis.
Mr. DeSantis. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I just wanted to make one comment. Last month, the
President made a historic decision to recognize Jerusalem as
Israel's capital. It has been something that has been very
popular in the United States. Many Presidents have promised it.
It was something that people warned may cause repercussions in
the Arab world, but it really hasn't happened. Part of it is
because we are an 800 pound gorilla and a lot of those
countries need us more than we need them, particularly with the
specter of Iran. And so, as courageous of a decision as it was,
it is much more difficult for some smaller countries to make
the same decision.
But I just wanted to commend Guatemala for announcing
recently that they are going to move their Embassy in Israel to
Jerusalem and that they are going to recognize Jerusalem as
Israel's eternal capital. They have stuff to lose because as a
very small country, how the Arab League reacts to them is
probably going to be different than how the Arab League would
react or has reacted to the United States. So I think it is
important for us in America to say to Guatemala: We support
you. We commend your courage in making that decision, and we
hope other countries in Latin America and throughout the rest
of the world will follow suit very shortly.
With that, I yield back.
Mr. Cook. Thank you very much.
With that, I turn to Congressman Rooney for an opening
statement.
Mr. Rooney. Thank you, Chairman Cook. Thank you, Ranking
Member Sires. It is a real honor and pleasure to see
distinguished presenters here today.
I just want to make a couple of comments on things I am
thinking about. I spent a lot of time in Latin America. You
know, back in 2006, Peru took a different direction and tried
it our way, and it has worked out pretty well for Peru, free
enterprise and the rule of law. My friend Ray Hunt spent a $\1/
2\ billion on an LNG plant down there. It shows that investment
will follow good government. Now we have the Pacific Alliance,
you know, with Colombia, Peru, Chile, and Mexico, and I believe
soon to be Panama. I think those are green shoots for Latin
America. And we recently have the Panama Canal completion and
the election of Juan Carlos Varela to replace a very, very
corrupt Ricardo Martinelli.
On the other hand, we still have Bolivia, Ecuador, and
Venezuela. Venezuela is descending into total chaos. The
average Venezuelan I think we learned here at Chairman Cook's
subcommittee hearing has lost 8 kilos in the last year, and we
have Nicaragua somewhere in the middle ground. This may be
controversial for some of my colleagues from Florida, but
having done business in Nicaragua and knowing many private
sector people, Ortega is a complex guy. He is a horrible,
authoritarian crook who runs drugs and sucks up to Iranians.
But at the same time, the private sector loves him, employment
is down, and less than 500 people have immigrated from
Nicaragua in the last couple of years. I don't think I've ever
seen a greater dichotomy from an authoritarian ruler who takes
care of the private sector.
So just a few things that I was thinking about to kind of
frame the discussion. I appreciate you all being here. And,
Chairman, thank you for holding this hearing.
Mr. Cook. Thank you very much.
Before I recognize our panel with your testimony, I am
going to try to explain the lighting system in front of you.
Each have 5 minutes for your opening statement. When you begin,
the light will turn green. If you are color blind, we are all
in trouble. When you have a minute left, the light will turn
yellow. And when your time has expired, the light will turn
red. These are the instructions that they give me so I won't
screw up this. I ask that you conclude your testimony once the
red light comes on, please.
After our witnesses testify, members will have 5 minutes to
ask questions. I urge my colleagues to stick to them. Our first
witness to testify will be Ms. Katya Rimkunas, and she is the
deputy director of Latin America and the Caribbean at the
International Republican Institute, known as IRI. And she leads
and manages programs to strengthen democratic institutions and
processes in 15 countries and oversees the institute's
Washington base and regional staff. Prior to joining
International Republican Institute, she worked in the office of
Senator John McCain.
Our second witness to testify is Mr. Michael Svetlik, the
vice president of programs at the International Foundation for
Electoral Systems. In this role, Mr. Svetlik provides policy
and programming guidance to the international operations that
include electoral assistance and democratic institution
building in over 30 countries. Prior to his position, he had
served as the senior director of programs regional director for
Europe and Asia at IFES and was a senior lecturer at the
National School of Public Administration in Warsaw and served
as a Peace Corps volunteer in Poland.
Our last witness to testify will be Mr. Jim Swigert, senior
associate and regional director for Latin American and
Caribbean programs at the National Democratic Institute, NDI.
In this role, he supports democratic development by
strengthening political parties, civil organizations,
parliaments, safeguarding elections and promoting citizen
participation, openness, accountability in government. That is
a real mouth full to carry out all those things. Wow. Before
joining NDI, this gentleman served 30 years as a career
diplomat with the U.S. Department of State, serving Embassies
in Latin America and Europe. He also worked on the staff of
former chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee,
Representative Dante Fascell.
With that, we will now begin, and Ms. Rimkunas, welcome
aboard. You can begin your testimony. Thank you.
STATEMENT OF MS. KATYA RIMKUNAS, DEPUTY DIRECTOR, LATIN AMERICA
AND THE CARIBBEAN, INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE
Ms. Rimkunas. I thank you again for the opportunity to
testify in the upcoming elections taking place in Latin
America. Twelve countries will hold elections in 2018, and they
will do so against the backdrop of high level corruption
scandals, stagnant or minimal economic growth, sustained high
levels of violence, and declining support for democracy.
Disaffection with democracy and growing citizen
dissatisfaction with the political establishment is a dangerous
mix that could influence the outcome and legitimacy of various
elections. If elections are badly managed, this also has the
potential to undermine public confidence and worsen the
political situation. With all 12 countries experiencing
elections are important, I will touch upon a few that could
have far-reaching repercussions.
In Mexico, citizens are increasingly fed up with what they
perceive to be systematic and entrenched corruption that has
infected all levels of government and affected their financial
bottom line. The national anticorruption system, the SNA, which
was created in 2016, serves as a coordinating agency between
the government agencies and civil society in order to
strengthen collaboration in the fight against corruption, but
despite the progress it has made, the culture of transparency
that it seeks to promote has yet to filter through to the rest
of government.
The next President of Mexico will have the opportunity to
lead the fight against corruption by better supporting the SNA.
Mexico has also been plagued by some of the region's highest
levels of crime and violence. This violence also spills over to
electoral periods. In a little over a month, 11 politicians, 5
of whom aspire to run for office, were murdered. While violence
and crime is a multifaceted issue with many causes, some
Mexicans blame the weak and partial implementation of judicial
reform set in motion in 2008. This year's elections will
determine whether these reforms are fully implemented or
scrapped altogether.
Mexico's National Electoral Institute needs assistance with
combatting disinformation, international observation missions,
and post-election support to enhance legitimacy. Mexico's
special prosecutor for the attention of electoral crime, one of
the institutions that helps with the Federal electoral process,
has also requested international assistance with electoral
observation.
In Colombia, the next President will have the difficult
task of implementing the peace agreement reached with the FARC
and carrying out the reforms promised. This will not be easy as
there is a general dissatisfaction with the progress in
implementing the agreement. There is increased unrest in
communities where citizens feel that the government has failed
to deliver on its promises. These communities, often in rural
areas and post-conflict zones, have local governments which
tend to be disconnected from the central government and have a
lower capacity to govern. Yet they are charged with the
implementation of a lot of these reforms.
In order to do this successfully, local governments must
also be able to communicate and coordinate with their Federal
Government colleagues. It is vital to support increased
government capacity in these rural communities and help to open
up channels of communication between different levels of
government.
Colombian elections are historic, as the FARC will
participate for the first time. Under the peace agreement, they
are guaranteed at least 10 seats in Congress for the next two
elections. While the FARC's organization and influence in rural
areas could help them in the elections, the group remains
vastly unpopular on the national level.
In Venezuela, President Maduro could schedule the
Presidential elections for as early as the first quarter of
this year to consolidate power prior to further deterioration
of the economy. Maduro has taken steps to ensure his victory in
the elections by banning the main opposition political parties
from running. The last few elections show how far the
government is willing to win, including the consolidation,
closing, and late move of electoral precincts to confuse and
discourage voters, manipulate votes, and use and abuse
government resources and benefits to essentially hold votes
hostage. These techniques will likely be used again for the
elections in addition to an electoral council packed with
government cronies and government control over the media, all
of which leaves little chance for legitimate free and fair
electoral processes, and it discourages voters from
participating.
In order to achieve a free and fair electoral process, the
government would at minimum have to roll back all the
structural obstacles it has put into place, including changing
the electoral council to provide for balanced presentation of
the opposition and allow for domestic and international
electoral observations.
In Cuba, Raul Castro is set to step down in April. The road
to selecting a new President is an election in name only. The
Cuban Government has long asserted its power to ensure complete
control over the process in its outcome. And these elections
are really no different.
The National Assembly will elect a new President who is
expected to be current first Vice President Miguel Diaz-Canel.
However, Castro is expected to remain the head of the Communist
Party, thus retaining most of the decision making power on the
island. Some suspect that Castro may try to maneuver his son,
Colonel Alejandro Castro Espin, into the Presidency. However,
he is not part of the upper ranks of the Communist Party,
military or government, nor is he a member of the National
Assembly, although that could change with the upcoming
selection of new National Assembly members.
In the tightly controlled and repressive environment,
Cubans continue to demand the opportunity to control their
destinies. Cuban youth especially are increasingly pessimistic
about their futures, disconnected from the regime, and want to
leave their country. The U.S. should support programs that
provide outlets to these disaffected youth and civil society
actors. Additional assistance to increase the island's
connectivity with the outside world and within the island is
also needed.
And I would be remiss if I didn't quickly mention El
Salvador's legislative and local elections taking place in
March. These will be a bellwether for important 2019
Presidential elections. The last two elections there were
contested, and there were allegations of electoral
irregularities and fraud. The 2018 elections will be a test for
the country's electoral tribunal to see how far they have come
in recent years. Support for this tribunal, electoral
monitoring, and greater civic engagement in the process is
needed from now through next year's elections.
In conclusion, as Latin America approaches a highly
consequential year of elections, many things remain unclear.
But what is apparent is that the direction of these countries
will impact the U.S., especially on issues like the economy,
immigration, and security. It is vital that Congress and the
administration support efforts by our partners to ensure free
and fair elections throughout the region and continue to work
to strengthen transparency and the rule of law throughout Latin
America. Support for improved governance, stronger democratic
institutions and more active and coordinated civil society is
needed to ensure that elected officials are able to address
core challenges, such as corruption and rampant violence, in
order to ensure that citizens can have faith in their
democratic systems.
Again, I am grateful for the opportunity to appear before
this committee, and I look forward to your questions, thank
you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Rimkunas follows:]
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Mr. Cook. Thank you very much.
Mr. Svetlik, you are recognized.
STATEMENT OF MR. MICHAEL SVETLIK, VICE PRESIDENT OF PROGRAMS,
INTERNATIONAL FOUNDATION FOR ELECTORAL SYSTEMS
Mr. Svetlik. Mr. Chairman, ranking member and distinguished
members of the subcommittee, on behalf my organization IFES,
thank you for this opportunity to discuss the vital role of
election management bodies in ensuring credible elections in
Latin America in 2018.
With generous backing from USAID and other international
donors, IFES supports electoral processes worldwide. We are
proud to work with our Consortium for Elections and Political
Process Strengthening partners, IRI and NDI, to build strong,
inclusive democratic institutions.
Mr. Chairman, professional, transparent, and independent
electoral institutions are the backbone of democracy. These
bodies administer and oversee electoral processes that engender
democratic stability, promote peace, and enhance social
inclusion. Latin American electoral institutions were at the
center of many successful democratic transitions over the past
two decades, and they will play a critical role in the region's
2018 election super cycle.
Despite significant progress, Latin American democracy is
at a crossroads, conditions are ripe for backsliding, largely
due to a rise in disillusionment and a growing deficit of
trust. As the 2017 Latinobarometro survey indicates, overall
confidence in public institutions, including electoral
tribunals, has declined since 2013. In fact, only 28, 29
percent of Latin Americans express confidence in electoral
tribunals, down from 51 percent in 2006. And, lastly, 15
percent of those surveyed say they trust political parties.
This low level of trust has been consistent over the past
decade, falling from a high of 28 percent in 1997.
In light of this crisis of confidence, professional and
independent election management is increasingly important.
Mexico, for example, has enjoyed considerable success in
election management over the past two decades through
investment in well-resourced, independent and professional
bodies. We applaud Mexico for the strength and capacity of its
institutions, particularly the National Electoral Institute and
the electoral tribunal.
However, Mexico still faces several challenges that are
common to elections across the region. First, illicit money and
campaign finance. The enforcement of campaign finance
regulation remains a persistent Achilles heel and bears close
watching. Next, elections are on trial, election arbiters, the
courts will be tested with both pre- and post-election legal
challenges that will require rapid resolution.
Next, cybersecurity and outside influence. The likelihood
of cyber attacks varies across the region but looms as a
potential threat. Worse still is every country's vulnerability
to disinformation, which is equally as damaging. And, lastly,
inclusive democratic participation as broad participation
across society is critical as democracy is more resilient when
more groups are represented.
At the heart of each of these issues is citizen trust, and
institutions and electoral results. Democracy only works if the
people believe it is working, and electoral institutions are
only effective if they win public confidence through
transparency, accountability, and responsiveness. Electoral
management bodies can build trust through such things as
transparency in budgeting and procurement, through professional
communication and strong presence on social media, through
clear and accessible voter education, through consistency in
results tabulation and transmission, and finally the timely
release of election results through--and clear systems to
address any election complaints.
More broadly speaking, Mr. Chairman, we ask you to consider
the following for future assistance and engagement. We deeply
appreciate Congress' support of robust funding levels for
democracy programs and encourage you to leverage your oversight
role in ensuring that appropriated funds are both obligated and
spent.
The U.S. Congress and the administration must unequivocally
denounce efforts to erode fundamental democratic norms.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your December 21st statement
on the Honduran elections which expressed disappointment in
irregularities but called for all parties to seek relief
through established election-dispute mechanisms. We recommend
as well that election assistance should start early and
continue through the post-election period to allow for flexible
and responsive programming. Multiyear, multi-election programs
are the most impactful.
And, lastly, we recommend targeted support to improve
electoral leadership, like facilitating peer-to-peer exchanges
to build professional experience and spread best practices.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for this opportunity to testify.
Two thousand and eighteen will be an important test for
democratic institutions in Latin America. IFES remains
committed to working with our partners and our friends in the
region to promote continued democratic consolidation. I look
forward to any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Svetlik follows:]
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Mr. Cook. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Swigert, you are now recognized.
STATEMENT OF MR. JIM SWIGERT, SENIOR ASSOCIATE AND REGIONAL
DIRECTOR, LATIN AMERICA AND CARIBBEAN PROGRAMS, NATIONAL
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTE
Mr. Swigert. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Sires,
distinguished members of the subcommittee and committee, thank
you for the opportunity to appear before the committee. Today,
I want to highlight the stakes for the region and the United
States of safeguarding the integrity of elections in Latin
America's packed 2018 election season.
We often hear that sound elections are an essential but
insufficient condition for democracy. Unquestionably that is
true. The converse is also important: Bad elections are
catalysts for instability. In 2018, as two of every three Latin
Americans head to the poles, the resilience and stability of
democracies across the hemisphere will be put to the test.
While democratic advances are ongoing--Argentina, for example,
is working to boost transparency and improve governance--public
confidence in democratic institutions is in decline. Exposure
of far-reaching corruption networks has angered publics and
damaged trust in leaders and institutions. Political
polarization is on the rise. As Chairman Cook said, the stakes
are high. Upcoming elections are an opportunity to rebuild
confidence and strengthen political legitimacy across the
region. Failed elections would damage governance and set back
hemispheric cooperation on solutions to shared challenges of
economic growth, trade, drug trafficking, migration, and
addressing the crisis in Venezuela.
This year's elections are likely to be contentious. As seen
in questioning of many recent elections, challenges to
electoral integrity, some familiar, some new, are becoming more
pronounced in the region. Problems include efforts by some
political leaders to curtail the independence of electoral
authorities, twist rules to their favor, and use courts to
restrict political participation, infusions of illegal
political financing, including from narcotraffickers, and the
growing use of disinformation along with hacking for political
ends.
Democracy activists committed to safeguarding elections
need to step up efforts to address these challenges. The United
States and other regional and international actors can help by
directing diplomatic support and resources to build national
capacities both to conduct and monitor elections, and for
international election observation, which can reinforce the
efforts of the national actors.
NDI's experience has shown that both international and
national election monitors have key roles to play. Nonpartisan
citizen observers, active throughout the region, and leaders
within the global movement to defend the integrity of elections
build additional trust and credibility. They also underscore
local ownership of electoral integrity issues.
Proven lines of action to safeguard elections include
independent, statistically based monitoring of the election day
processes and election results verification, commonly referred
to as parallel vote tabulation, PVTs, or quick counts;
international networks for solidarity and assistance to citizen
election monitors; norms and standards for elections, like the
open electoral data initiative that NDI helped to launch;
youth-engagement programs; and building bridges between
citizens and officials to prevent election related violence.
Democratic elections are today the norm for the Americas, but a
handful of exceptions exist, Cuba the most glaring one.
Venezuela is another. There, a new Presidential election is
constitutionally required this year. Under what conditions the
election will take place, if at all, is uncertain. Given the
way the Maduro regime has dismantled democracy and trampled on
the rule of law, stepped-up international pressure for improved
election conditions is essential if the Venezuelan people are
going to have a say in determining their country's future. The
United States should also not lose track of unresolved
electoral integrity issues. In Central America, for nearly a
decade, Nicaragua's electoral process has been characterized by
opaqueness and deliberate restriction of political competition.
The scope of irregularities in Honduras' recent flawed
elections has cast a cloud over the legitimacy of the process
and could generate serious instability if unaddressed. Steps
are needed to enact a robust series of overdue electoral and
political reforms.
International support for improved democratic governance
should not stop after election day. Ongoing efforts to
strengthen democratic institutions are needed so that
legislatures, political parties, and governments can better
address priorities of improved citizen security, economic
growth, and reduced corruption. This serves the interest of
countries in the region and ultimately the foreign policy of
the United States.
Thank you for the opportunity to share my views with you
today. I look forward to your comments and questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Swigert follows:]
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----------
Mr. Cook. Thank you very much, sir.
I am going to forego my questions to the end. We have a
number of members who are eager to ask questions, and I am
going to ask mine at the end. So I hope they will remember my
generosity and kindness. And I am going to turn it over to
ranking member, Mr. Sires. You are recognized.
Mr. Sires. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I hope you get to ask
your question and we don't have to go and vote.
Thank you very much for your comments.
National Security Advisor McMaster said there is already
evidence that Russia is meddling in the Mexican election set
forth in July. What can the Mexican Government do to ensure the
integrity of their election and prevent interference from
foreign governments? To your knowledge, is there any
government--is the U.S. Government engaging with the Mexican
Government to convey some of the lessons we learned here? Just
wondering if anybody----
Mr. Svetlik. Thank you, Ranking Member Sires, for your
question. As I mentioned in my oral remarks, Mexico is very
lucky to have a very well-resourced and robust election
administration and electoral tribunal to address the
administration of the elections. My understanding of the
comments that Security Advisor McMaster has made relating to
the disinformation, the spread of information, not necessarily
the intrusion of the election--the system of elections. Mexico
votes with a paper ballot, and it creates an auditable paper
trail for the elections. So there is little vulnerability to
the type of intrusion that might be presented by a
disinformation campaign.
Now the electoral authorities do monitor very closely, they
have a public financing system for elections and monitor very
closely the use of media by the political parties and
candidates. And there is a special department within the
National Electoral Institute to do that. To my knowledge, I
don't have knowledge of the sharing of information, but I do
think that is incumbent upon the United States to share its
knowledge and experience to help Mexico defend itself.
Mr. Sires. Would you say that Mexico has strongest has the
election system in the Western Hemisphere?
Mr. Svetlik. If not the strongest, one of the strongest. It
has made tremendous strides over the past three decades since
the reforms in the early 1990s, and it has a budget of $1
billion and thousands of employees across the country that
manage the centralized system.
Mr. Sires. Now, since there is no chance of having a free
and fair election in either Venezuela or Cuba, what can
countries in the region and organizations like yours and civil
organizations and civil societies do to try to help and improve
the situation on the ground?
Mr. Swigert. Thank you, Congressman Sires, for that
question.
I think we need to be clear: There are no elections taking
place in Cuba. This is a completely different process. And I
think organizations such as ours need to continue supporting
very courageous democracy activists, independent civil society,
Cubans who are seeking to connect with like-minded activists
around the world, highlight the situation inside the island and
get greater information and skills on how to make the case for
a democratic future inside Cuba. There are a number of
initiatives that are underway.
With regard to Venezuela, I think that it is absolutely
important to continue the support for the democratically
elected national assembly and to highlight what are the
conditions for these upcoming elections, if these elections
take place at all. I think that international pressure and
pressure from Europe, Latin America, as well as the United
States, continued pressure from the OAS, highlighting the
conditions and pressing for changes can help. Obviously, it is
a decision of those inside Venezuela whether they want to
participate in this process or not.
Mr. Sires. What is the big stumbling block between the two
opposition parties coming together in Venezuela?
Mr. Swigert. I think there is a debate that takes place all
the time in authoritarian societies like Venezuela where they
hold election processes that are unfair, under circumstances
where there is no fair competition and possibility of outright
fraud, as to whether to participate, whether this is an
opportunity to mobilize supporters and highlight the
deficiencies of the regime, and that debate continues today.
Mr. Sires. Thank you.
Mr. Cook. Thank you very much.
Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen.
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Thank you so much, Chairman Cook. And I
want to point out that Mr. Eddy Acevedo is in the audience. He
is our former staff director for our Middle East and North
Africa Subcommittee. And he is now--listen to this fancy
title--Deputy Assistant Administrator and Chief Legislative
Strategist for the U.S. Agency for International Development.
It started here, and it went all the way to the back. They
couldn't get it all in there.
Welcome, Eddy.
Mr. Chairman, I wanted to ask the panelists about Colombia
and the peace process and what will happen to the FARC. Will
they run for office, et cetera. I have long been critical of
aspects of the peace agreement with the terror group, FARC. And
particularly I have opposed allowing FARC members to run for
political office. But under the current agreement, the
Colombian House and the Colombian Senate have guaranteed the
FARC five seats in each Chamber and any of them can run for
President. I believe that we have a moral obligation to the
victims of the terror the FARC, and allowing the FARC to hold
power in Colombia's Government before justice is served is just
plain wrong. But whatever your views on that, it is already a
done deal.
Is it possible do you think that the FARC could be using
its illicit profits from its narcoterror activity to fund any
electoral campaigns? Are you monitoring that? Have you heard of
any problems? Are there any indications that the FARC could be
using fear and intimidation tactics in order to undermine the
democratic process to its advantage?
Ms. Rimkunas. Thank you very much for the question. In the
conversations that we have had with local partners in some of
these more rural areas and post-conflict zones, there is a fear
that the FARC does have increased control and increased
influence, whether it be monetary or just with fear over some
of the electoral processes, including the candidates. And while
they themselves may not necessarily be running candidates under
the FARC new party, they may be influencing some of the
candidates running for office. And it is I think a fear that is
shared among not just the local partners but others observing
the election and something that we are looking closely. We
don't have any official programming that is taking a look at
that right now, although I think that is an excellent
recommendation.
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Well, thank you for putting it on your
radar.
I wanted to ask about the double standard when it comes to
the OAS. In Honduras, the secretary general took it upon
himself to ask for new elections while its own electoral
observation mission and the European Union mission did not come
to the same conclusion. Conversely, in Nicaragua, the OES
electoral observation mission stated, ``The mission received
219 complaints that were forwarded to the Supreme Electoral
Council.'' But the council is led by Roberto Rivas, who was
just recently sanctioned by the U.S. for human right
violations, for corruption, you name it. So, in Nicaragua, the
OES is asking the inmates to run the asylum, but in Honduras,
the secretary general is seeking new elections.
Do you share any concerns about this double standard, and
how do we make sure that there is a more uniformed response at
the OAS for these kinds of problems?
Mr. Swigert. Thank you, Congresswoman, for the question. I
think the question of double standards has always come up with
regard to international responses to elections. Election
observation is a tough job, and it is not unusual that you
might find some differences between European Union
international observations and OAS international observation
groups. I think the important thing is to press--to look at
where we are right now--and to press for improvements in both
countries. I think, as I pointed out in my testimony, there are
serious deficiencies in the case of the electoral system in
Nicaragua. And the irregularities that occurred in the Honduras
election, about which both the OAS and EU agreed, were severe.
So what to do? I think that there is a need to move forward on
political and electoral reform. There are some proposals out
there, for example from the conference of bishops inside
Honduras, to convene a constituent assembly. President
Hernandez has called for a dialogue. Clearly, steps have to be
taken to remove this cloud over the election.
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Thank you very much all of you.
And thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Cook. Thank you very much. Thank you.
Congresswoman Torres, you are recognized.
Mrs. Torres. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Building on some of
the questions that have already been asked. I want to thank the
panel for being here. I very much support your work and admire
the work that you do internationally.
In regards to Honduras and the work there of the OAS, in my
opinion, the State Department failed us miserably, head-in-the-
sand type of attitude when they certified Honduras for U.S.
assistance while they were in the middle of figuring out what
to do with their election process. So, at this point, what is
the U.S. policy in supporting the OAS? I mean, do we continue
to align ourselves with the work that they do, or do we not?
I have had an opportunity to meet personally with people
that were on the ground and election observers. It is alarming
to hear directly from them the processes that took place, how
the computer systems went down, and how a very different
candidate who was scheduled to lose came up winning after the
computer system came back live and many other issues that they
have identified. So I am curious to hear your opinion with your
backgrounds as to, what do you think, where is our positioning
with OAS?
Mr. Svetlik. Thank you for your question. Speaking from my
organization's perspective, we have enjoyed a very productive,
collaborative relationship with the OAS and its observation
efforts and its technical cooperation missions, as well. We are
currently not active and have not been for the past couple of
years in Honduras. So it is difficult for me to speak directly
to that experience.
I do think, however, and I would say generally in response
to the previous question about the U.S. observation efforts,
they do provide a clear and concise document or documentation
of what happened in the electoral process upon which
organizations like ours can clearly address then the issues
that others in the community, the domestic civic community----
Mrs. Torres. What are the implications, though, for the OAS
observation missions, in the upcoming elections, and obviously,
we did not support them in their positioning of this election.
What did we learn there?
Mr. Svetlik. I think we learned, as was mentioned, how
difficult the job of observation can be in terms of evaluating
the election in real time. As you pointed out, the prolonged
tabulation or vote count process or the interrupted vote count
process was extremely problematic, and we live in a world where
we are expected to get an immediate result, an immediate
evaluation of the process, and making the job of election
observation even more difficult.
Mrs. Torres. Mr. Swigert, in your testimony, you note that
one of the main concerns with elections in our hemisphere is
illegal political financing from narcotraffickers. We talked
about FARC in Colombia, for example. They mostly dealt in cash,
and there hasn't really been a true accountability of how much
cash they may still be hanging on to. So, aside from Colombia,
what other countries in particular where this could be a
problem, and is there anything that we can do to help those
governments identify those types of problems?
Mr. Swigert. Thank you, Congresswoman, for the question. I
think, unfortunately, there is a fairly extensive list of
countries where this is a problem. It starts from Mexico and
goes south. And I think any country that has been a country of
production or transit is susceptible to this sort of
corruption. It is most severe, in my experience, from what I
have heard from partners on the ground, coming from all
political perspectives at the local level. And the response has
to be a response taken by the local government institutions, in
the first case to pass legislation on political finance, to
require candidates and officials to disclose what resources
they are receiving and from where, and there are a variety of
approaches that have been taken in the hemisphere.
We have been trying to work with political parties directly
on trying to help exchange information on how to choose
candidates because what we have found is party leaders
themselves oppose illicit financing getting into politics.
Mrs. Torres. Thank you. And I yield back.
Mr. Cook. Thank you very much.
At this time, I am going to recognize the gentleman, the
Congressman from Florida again, what a surprise, Mr. Ted Yoho.
Mr. Yoho. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I appreciate it. I appreciate the panel being here. Let me
see where to start.
Twelve elections in nine countries this year. Russia is
really going to be busy. You know, I hope Putin is ready for
that.
But, seriously, you know, the threat of challenging
democracies--and as Gregory Meeks brought up, democracy is
being challenged. And we believe in a certain type of democracy
here, having a constitutional republic that goes through a
democratic process to vote. We know the value of that. We have
got a 200-plus year experience in that process. And we know
that value. And it is more about the idealisms of America that
we cherish so much and I think that a lot of the world wants.
And when I look at what is going on in Latin America, from
Mexico south, when I see what is changing down there--and as
you, Mr. Svetlik, brought up, the citizens are losing
confidence in the electoral process, for one thing. They are
losing confidence in their governments due to corruption and
the lack of the electoral process. Therefore, democracy as we
experience in this country is dropping. You know, people are
kind of confused, do they really want that.
And then I look at the amount of aid we have put in there
with USAID--and I am glad Eddy is here with USAID--if you look
at Mexico, there is $59 million for good governance to combat
corruption, for civil society; $12 million in Colombia; $4.8
million in Venezuela; $11 million in Cuba. What is your
experience on that money that we, as legislators, are spending
of American taxpayers' money? What is the benefit of that that
you see if we are seeing the slide kind of going down?
Let's start with you, Mr. Svetlik.
Mr. Svetlik. Thank you for your question. The investments
that are being made, we appreciate very much the funding that
is made available through USAID to help us in engaging in these
issues. The investments are, I think, important to make in part
because of the cautionary word that my colleague made regarding
bad elections and the backslide, further backsliding that can
take place. We are, in many cases, facing some third generation
issues in many of these countries that are difficult to solve,
that require persistent and consistent attention, working to
build systems that are responsive, giving citizens the
information to address their issues, to address these issues
themselves. But it is an effort that I think, over the long
term, pays dividends. It is something that needs to be
maintained.
Mr. Yoho. Ms. Rimkunas.
Ms. Rimkunas. Thank you for the question.
If I may, the support going to these countries is showing
dividends. It is showing impact and results. And we hear that
from, and we see that from, our partners and the beneficiaries.
One aspect I think that is feeding into this, into kind of the
distrust and decrease in the belief of democracy, is really the
dissatisfaction with the political establishment and weak
political parties throughout the region. This is something that
our funding hasn't necessarily been focused on over the last
few years. We don't--at least I can speak from IRI and I know
some other institutes--our political party work, which used to
be our bread-and-butter work really has weakened, and it is
very, very minimal in the region. And this, I think, to a
certain degree, speaks to the weaknesses of political parties
throughout the region and distrust in them.
Mr. Yoho. Well, and that is the important thing about a
system that has a democracy because that is the only way a
civil society can change politics. If we go the other way--and
there are so many places that have sham democracies. You know,
I chair the Asia and the Pacific Subcommittee on Foreign
Affairs. And we look at Cambodia. This country has invested
$1.7 billion in good governance. But, yet, when you have
somebody like the leader of Cambodia or Venezuela that outlaws
your political opponents and then says we are going to have
free and fair elections, it is not working. So is there
something else we should focus on from our country to bolster
the outcome of these elections? Not interfere, but bolster the
alliance with that country to boost the confidence of the
citizens and make a strong relationship with America?
Ms. Rimkunas. Sure. I think a lot of the issues that are
going to be at the forefront of a lot of the voters' minds for
the elections are longstanding issues that are present long
before elections and will be present long after elections. And
these are some of the areas where our assistance would be good
to focus on. Particularly, as I discussed, and I think all of
us see, some of the governance.
Mr. Yoho. I am out of time. You hear that rapping? So I
appreciate your time.
Mr. Chairman, thank you.
Mr. Cook. Thank you very much.
I would like to recognize the Congresswoman from Illinois,
Ms. Kelly.
Ms. Kelly. Thank you, Chairman Cook and Ranking Member
Sires. Thank you to the witnesses.
I wanted to know, what affect do you think the
renegotiations of NAFTA are having on the Presidential election
in Mexico? Anybody?
Mr. Swigert. Well, I might start. I haven't been following
the campaign on a day-to-day basis, Congresswoman, but I think
economic issues are very much on everyone's mind. Corruption is
another top issue, along with the question of insecurity. But I
think the focus has been more internal, in all the reports I
have read about the campaign to date, that relations with the
United States loom large in Mexico, but people are focusing on
politics at home at this stage.
Ms. Rimkunas. And I would also add that, at this point--and
it is still fairly early, we are starting the pre-electoral
period--NAFTA itself is not particularly at the forefront of
voters' minds. But, as my colleague said, the economy, the U.S.
relations with Mexico, corruption, those are the major issues
that are really, at this moment, driving the election. Now,
there is still plenty of time. And I am sure that, you know,
that will change as the elections are closer.
Mr. Svetlik. From a different perspective, our
institutional relationship with Mexican authorities is strong,
continues to be strong. There has been no impact.
Ms. Kelly. And what about any conversation about the wall?
Does that come up at all? Or is that worrisome to anybody?
Ms. Rimkunas. I can speak of our conversations with our
partners. Again, the focus is on those major issues. And that
is really what voters are looking to.
Ms. Kelly. Okay.
The other question is about transparency. You know, my
colleague talked about the money USAID has given to Mexico. And
it looks like we want to lessen that amount of money. But there
have been complaints about fairness. And we have Andres Manuel
Lopez Obrador has complained about election irregularities in
his losses. So, you know, what can we do to help with election
certification, or is there anything that we can do to help in
that arena?
Mr. Svetlik. Thank you for that question. I recently, this
summer, attended a conference in Mexico City on electoral
integrity in which the Foreign Minister made a very strong
invitation for increased electoral observation and involvement
of election organizations such as ours. And I think, while the
elections are only 7 months away, it would be timely for there
to be funding available so that we could engage in those
activities.
Ms. Rimkunas. And in our conversations with the INE, the
National Electoral Institute, they have requested, again,
international observation missions as well as post-election
support to enhance legitimacy. One thing that they have also
mentioned during our conversations is their concern with
disinformation. And this goes back to the question that you
had, Congressman Sires, about the disinformation in Mexico.
They are concerned about some of the disinformation that
occurred around the 2017 gubernatorial elections where there
was a lot of publicity out in YouTube via videos and so forth
trying to discredit their PREP system, which is INE's fast
count and vote tendency system which, you know, some candidates
used as a talking point. So they are looking to strengthen the
trust from citizens in the process.
They also shared with us that they have detected some
hacker attacks from foreign servers. They did not share from
where. So I can't confirm at this point from where that is. And
they have also detected that some of these videos that went
viral went viral through a coordinated system of foreign
servers like an attack. But, again, no information was shared
as to where that came from.
Ms. Kelly. Thank you.
Mr. Swigert. Just to add, very quickly, that this concern
over disinformation also exists in Brazil, and we have been
consulting with the Mexican electoral authorities on bringing
civic groups from Brazil together with Mexicans to talk about
how they could track and deter and counter any disinformation.
The concern is not just external. It may be internal sources as
well.
Ms. Kelly. Thank you very much.
And I yield back.
Mr. Cook. Thank you very much.
At this time, I would like to recognize Congressman Rooney
from Florida.
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Florida. Wow.
Mr. Cook. What a surprise, Florida, once again.
Mr. Rooney. Thank you, Chairman Cook.
I would like to ask a couple of questions about the FARC
deal, maybe Ms. Rimkunas, a little bit, start with that, if
anyone else wants to comment. You know, it is not off to a very
good start with the hectare buying program having the
unpredictable consequence of generating an increase in coca
production, which is affecting Panama and a lot of other
Central American countries. So my concern about the FARC deal
is the granting of political power without them having to earn
it. Now we have Timochenko in the election. And I have been
thinking a lot about what happened with the FMLN. And you all
are really smart, smarter than me. I would like to be
interested in if you think that is a reasonable analogy to be
worried about given where we are with Sanchez Ceren right now
having given the FMLN power many years ago.
Ms. Rimkunas. The test for the FARC will be--and this is
where these elections, especially the congressional elections,
will be really important to watch, as to whether they can reach
those ten seats on their own. They are guaranteed 10 seats, 5
in the House and 5 in the Senate. That doesn't mean that they
are going to reach them on their own, meaning that they are
going to get enough votes to get those seats. So, regardless of
the amount of votes that they get, they will be given those
seats. But, again, it will be----
Mr. Rooney. That is the problem.
Ms. Rimkunas. Correct. But, again, it will be a test to see
whether they have that base of support. And, again, through the
2026 elections, whether that base continues to support.
At this time, the overwhelming majority of Colombians do
not have a favorable view of the FARC and don't support their
transition into a political party. So, again, I think that that
is something that we will continue to watch.
Mr. Rooney. Any other comments?
Mr. Swigert. Congressman, I would add that, going back to a
point that was raised earlier about a concern of the victims
inside Colombia, the victims of conflict, there are new
transitional districts that have been set up that will allow
citizens' groups and victims' groups to elect Members of the
Congress under the terms of the peace agreement. I think that
is an area to keep an eye on. It provides an opportunity, an
opportunity to increase the voice of those who have been abused
under this conflict. And it is an area where we and IRI have
looked for ways to help improve the voices of the victims in
the political system.
Mr. Rooney. If I might, one more, the last minute or 2
here, is I remember working on the AMLO situation in 2006 with
your boss, Dan Fisk, who is a great guy--and please tell him
hello--and I just wonder if any of you all would like to offer
any kind of comment on what the high potential right now, or
certainly potential, of AMLO winning in Mexico might bring to
the United States-Mexico relationship?
Ms. Rimkunas. Well, AMLO is certainly leading in the polls
right now, though I would say that polling has been uncertain
in the region. So, again, there is a lot of time left before
the elections and a lot of things still to be decided in terms
of the candidates running.
Right now, as you are all aware, AMLO has become much more
moderate. He has become much more centrist, in terms of the
economy, he wants to keep things moving. He wants to keep the
Central Bank at the forefront of that. So he is trying not to
alarm not just his domestic audience but also his international
audience and really has distanced himself from his previous
friends in the region and really tried to play it straight.
So it is a question, that we are looking at closely is
exactly if he does win, where his positions would, at the end
of the day----
Mr. Rooney. Yeah. Which AMLO is going to show up after he
wins?
Ms. Rimkunas. Yeah. At this time, I don't think we can be
certain of that.
Mr. Rooney. Okay. Well, thank you very much. I yield.
Mr. Cook. Thank you very much.
I will now recognize Congressman Meeks from New York.
Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Also, let me just start by just saying to Ms. Rimkunas, I
left out the great work that IRI does in complement to--I
mentioned NDI--and Mr. Svetlik. I really appreciate your
testimony because you do magnificent work in trying to help
promote democracy. And I feel that we are challenged right now.
And hereis what we are trying to convey in my opening
statement. Institutions--and that is what you are trying to
help create--because that is the bedrock of democracy. Without
institutions that are working and operating, then we cannot
have democracy. And when I think of Latin America, especially
back in the eighties, when we just had military coup after
military coup, with no institutions, and thereby the voice of
everyday people not getting to be heard. You know, and from my
background, being here in the United States, I can remember
stories of my dad talking about him not having the ability to
vote. He had to count how many jelly beans was in a jar, in a
democracy, in the United States of America that we still--but
it is a work in progress.
So we have progressed past the discriminations and
preventing individuals. We have improved our judicial
institutions because it was our Supreme Court that, in Plessy
v. Ferguson, that said separate but equal was the law of the
land. Those institutions and how we put people in place, and we
are trying, in our democratic societies, to be a more perfect
union and to become better. But these democracies--even ours is
being challenged today--whether it is by cybersecurity, as
Russia is doing in Latin America. They have done it here in the
United States, doing it in Europe, trying to undermine our
institutions. And what your organizations do is trying to
strengthen our institutions. And I thank you for it because
that is how we preserve democracy and give those who have no
voice a voice.
I could not be prouder of the people of Venezuela who are
standing up and demanding that their voices are heard. It
reminds me of people in the streets of New York and other
places when we did the same. And what you are doing--and we do
all need to call out when they are trying to--the government,
to keep people and those voices from being heard. I would
really hope that the opposition leaders come together because
that hurts when the opposition is fighting one another and not
coming together to try to make sure that there is real voices
by all of the people, which I see is lacking to a degree. But
what you are doing in trying to help and strengthen
institutions in Venezuela and other places is what is
important, as opposed to saying we are just not going to do
anything.
So my question, then, is--because I do believe in
multilateral cooperation. And the only multilateral
organization that I know that is working is the OAS right now.
And they have a louder voice. What can we do to protect the--
you know, to help OAS? And what role can they play in
strengthening democratic elections and democratic institutions?
How can we get, you know, those--I think one of my colleagues
talked about how Peru and Colombia and Argentina now are doing
better. How can we get them also to work in a collaborative way
with us where those places--where those institutions are
backsliding, those that are working, so we can work
collectively to making changes and making a difference so we
can have institutions and have democracy continue and not go
back to the eighties where you have coup d'etat after coup
d'etat? Anyone?
Mr. Swigert. If I might respond very quickly, Congressman.
I think multilateral initiatives and multilateral institutions
are very helpful at this moment. The OAS is one, strong support
for the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights is critical,
and there are other groups that are active throughout the
region.
On Venezuela, there are homegrown initiatives. There is the
Lima Group of many governments that has stepped forward and to
be strong voices in support of democracy in Venezuela. So I
think it behooves the United States to find ways to support
that process.
When it comes to some of the other challenges that
democracy faces, I think we need to bear in mind, as you said,
this is a moment, and democracy is a process. And it is a
process, as I hear from friends in the region, that has its ups
and downs. But there is no better process.
I think, when it comes to the case of Brazil, we need to
bear in mind that the corruption scandals are moving forward
because of the strengths of judicial institutions. And that is
necessarily a consequence of one of the pillars of democracy.
So I think we have to look for ways to strengthen institutions,
as you say.
Ms. Rimkunas. And, if I may, long-term support for these
democratic institutions is crucial beyond the elections. I
think citizens see democracy and government work at the local
level with their mayors, with their city councils. That is
where they can feel it. That is where they can touch it,
especially those that are outside of the capital. Especially in
countries like Colombia, there are still a lot of populations
out in the rural areas that don't necessarily and are not
connected with their central government. And so, when they hear
about the scandals and the issues happening, reinforcing these
institutions at the local level is vital. Thank you.
Mr. Cook. Thank you very much. I feel like I am back in a
classroom again.
Speaking of that, in grad school, I always remember they
used to quote Bismarck. And I think they were talking about
making laws and policies--of all people, Bismarck, right? If
you know your history. And there will be a test after this
hearing. And he said it was--and it is almost analogous to
this. Democracy, it is like watching people make sausage. It is
not a very pretty process. And I am paraphrasing, probably
incorrectly.
But this hearing here, we are talking about a very, very
difficult subject. It is one which I personally think we, as a
country, have ignored, Latin America in particular, and for a
variety of reasons. And I think some of these things that have
happened in the past we can be a much better neighbor. I am not
talking about being a big brother or a big sister but
somebody--an equal partner instead of having that arrogance
when dealing with some of these countries. But that is my
personal opinion.
Just one other final piece of business. I am not going to
bore you. But I do support the decision to recognize President
Fernandez in Honduras. I hope that they will implement the
recommendations of the OAS and the EU.
And one of the things I have been talking about, we want to
see the lessons learned. Hopefully, in the spring, we would
like to--I am going to be soliciting for people that want to go
to Honduras, and some of the other countries, maybe Guatemala
down there. But if we go to Honduras, the only pre-qualifier is
there will be a test, and you have got to spell Tegucigalpa
correctly. I know you are all capable.
So, anyway, once again, I want to thank the panel for your
patience. We had a lot of people, a good turnout, everything
else. And with everything that was going on, I am glad we got
this done because of votes. And you know how crazy it is. So,
once again, thank you for your expertise and your patience in
dealing with us. And, with that, there being no further
business----
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. No other Floridians?
Mr. Cook. No, there are seven or eight or nine of them
left. This subcommittee is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:26 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]
A P P E N D I X
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