[House Hearing, 115 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
THE ROHINGYA CRISIS: U.S. RESPONSE TO THE TRAGEDY IN BURMA
=======================================================================
HEARING
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
__________
OCTOBER 5, 2017
__________
Serial No. 115-99
__________
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida BRAD SHERMAN, California
DANA ROHRABACHER, California GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey
JOE WILSON, South Carolina GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida
TED POE, Texas KAREN BASS, California
DARRELL E. ISSA, California WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts
TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island
JEFF DUNCAN, South Carolina AMI BERA, California
MO BROOKS, Alabama LOIS FRANKEL, Florida
PAUL COOK, California TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
RON DeSANTIS, Florida ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois
MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina BRENDAN F. BOYLE, Pennsylvania
TED S. YOHO, Florida DINA TITUS, Nevada
ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois NORMA J. TORRES, California
LEE M. ZELDIN, New York BRADLEY SCOTT SCHNEIDER, Illinois
DANIEL M. DONOVAN, Jr., New York THOMAS R. SUOZZI, New York
F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, Jr., ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York
Wisconsin TED LIEU, California
ANN WAGNER, Missouri
BRIAN J. MAST, Florida
FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida
BRIAN K. FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
THOMAS A. GARRETT, Jr., Virginia
Amy Porter, Chief of Staff Thomas Sheehy, Staff Director
Jason Steinbaum, Democratic Staff Director
C O N T E N T S
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Page
WITNESSES
Mr. W. Patrick Murphy, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Southeast
Asia, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, U.S. Department
of State....................................................... 5
The Honorable Mark C. Storella, Deputy Assistant Secretary,
Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration, U.S. Department
of State....................................................... 7
Ms. V. Kate Somvongsiri, Acting Deputy Assistant Administrator,
Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance,
U.S. Agency for International Development...................... 16
LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING
Mr. W. Patrick Murphy and the Honorable Mark C. Storella:
Prepared statement............................................. 9
Ms. V. Kate Somvongsiri: Prepared statement...................... 18
APPENDIX
Hearing notice................................................... 48
Hearing minutes.................................................. 49
The Honorable Eliot L. Engel, a Representative in Congress from
the State of New York: Material submitted for the record....... 51
The Honorable David Cicilline, a Representative in Congress from
the State of Rhode Island: Material submitted for the record... 59
The Honorable Gerald E. Connolly, a Representative in Congress
from the Commonwealth of Virginia: Prepared statement.......... 62
Written responses from Mr. W. Patrick Murphy and Ms. V. Kate
Somvongsiri to questions submitted for the record by the
Honorable Edward R. Royce, a Representative in Congress from
the State of California, and chairman, Committee on Foreign
Affairs........................................................ 64
Written responses from Mr. W. Patrick Murphy to questions
submitted for the record by the Honorable Eliot L. Engel....... 69
Written response from Ms. V. Kate Somvongsiri to question
submitted for the record by the Honorable Ann Wagner, a
Representative in Congress from the State of Missouri.......... 83
THE ROHINGYA CRISIS: U.S. RESPONSE TO THE TRAGEDY IN BURMA
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THURSDAY, OCTOBER 5, 2017
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:10 a.m., in
room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Ed Royce
(chairman of the committee) presiding.
Chairman Royce. This hearing will come to order.
Before my opening statement, without objection, I would
like to play a short video from our friends at Radio Free Asia
that highlights very much the scope and severity of the
violence against the Rohingya. So if that is prepared, let's
play that right now.
While we are waiting for that, I see Mrs. Muhammad Ali in
the audience, and I wanted to thank her for her focus on this
issue, and appreciate her presence with us here today. Thank
you.
[Video shown.]
Chairman Royce. So one of the reasons that I thought we
would show the video from Radio Free Asia is to make a point:
There is very little information outside of these types of
coverage that are coming into the outside world, and more
importantly, the Burmese people themselves. In Myanmar, there
is no coverage of this information, so people do not actually
know what is happening. The generals that run the country have
a different narrative. And so there is very little recognition
of the reality.
In order to get to that reality, it is very important that
we get reporters in on the ground, that we get USAID in to
Myanmar, that we get the United Nations back in some way into
Myanmar in order to cover. Because as long as that presence is
there, it is a check to these types of atrocities.
Now, there are few more pressing demands with respect to
our attention to this immediate moment where we can do
something to halt mass killings than the situation right now
with respect to the plight of the Rohingya. As is often pointed
out, for generation after generation now, they have been one of
the most persecuted people in the world. And last week, for
example, we heard testimony from two witnesses who had just
returned from refugee camps in Bangladesh, and they told
horrific stories. We heard from a young mother, torn from her
burning home, separated from her husband and three daughters,
finding out later that her husband had been brutally killed.
Her story is just one of countless stories that we are now
hearing about Rohingya refugees that are torn from their homes,
that are forced to flee under these horrible conditions.
For decades now, the Burmese Government has systematically
suppressed the Rohingya people. A 1982 citizenship law denies
Rohingya Burmese citizenship, even though most have lived in
that country for generation after generation. They have been
denied freedom of movement. They do not have access there to
education or to healthcare. They have been marginalized by
every level that the Burmese Government can marginalize them,
from top to bottom. Formerly someone who was a minister, I
talked with him, and he had had his citizenship stripped, and
could no longer run for office because he was deemed to be of
Rohingya blood. This is the reality that these people face in
terms of not being able to even speak up for themselves.
Recently, we have seen the horrors of this decades-old
persecution. And there is ARSA, a fringe militant group that
has carried out attacks there and, thus, sparked a new round on
top of the old pogroms that we saw over the last few years
directed against the Rohingya. So now you have an estimated
507,000 Rohingya that have been driven from their homes. Most
of that had been forced to cross over to the border into
Bangladesh, hundreds have been killed. But as they say, you
don't have journalists able to cover the story. They are denied
access to the area, so I am sure it is more than the reported
number, much higher. Two hundred villages have been burned to
the ground, land mines have been placed inside Burma's border
with Bangladesh, so that is maiming some seeking safe haven. It
is little wonder that the U.N.'s human rights chief called this
a textbook example of ethnic cleansing.
Bangladesh deserves credit, and I talked again with the
Bangladesh Ambassador the other day. They deserve credit for
opening their borders to this influx of refugees. The
government, I know, will honor its promise in Bangladesh to
build shelter for new arrivals and provide medical services.
In response to this crisis, the Trump administration
announced that it would provide $32 million in humanitarian
assistance, and $20 million of that is going to Bangladesh
right now. And the remainder is supposed to go into Rakhine
State in Burma. And that is most welcomed.
The State Counselor, Aung San Suu Kyi, she is a Nobel Prize
winner, but she must make it a top priority to provide for the
safety of those in Burma, including the Rohingya. This is a
dialogue I have had with her for a number of years on this
subject, and the international community is pressing her as
well. We know the military government is calling the shots, but
we expect everybody who has access to a microphone inside
Myanmar to tell people the reality of what is going on in the
country, and that includes her. We know they are not hearing it
from their media, but they have to hear it from other sources,
and that is why I appreciate Radio Free Asia broadcasting this
information in.
Her recent statement questioning why the Rohingya were
fleeing and denying that the military had conducted clearance
operations, that is factually false. That is exactly what the
military is doing there. As I made clear when I wrote her a
month ago, her government and the military have a
responsibility to protect all of the people of Burma,
regardless of their ethnic background or religious beliefs.
Those responsible for these atrocities must face justice. She
and the military generals must rise to this challenge. This is
ethnic cleansing. The protection of human rights has been our
Nation's top priority in Burma, including freeing Aung San Suu
Kyi. And today, that must also include the Muslim Rohingya
people.
This is a moral issue, and it is a national security issue.
No one is more secure when extremism and instability is growing
in this part of the world. And I look forward to hearing from
the administration on how it is using the tools that we have to
end this humanitarian and human rights crisis.
And I now turn to our ranking member for his statement.
Mr. Engel.
Mr. Engel. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. And as
always, thank you for calling this hearing. And let me thank
all witnesses and welcome you all to the Foreign Affairs
Committee. You are very welcomed.
The Rohingya crisis rages more than 8,000 miles from
Washington. At that distance, events like this can seem remote.
So during my statement, I ask that we display some images that
show the reality facing the people of Burma right now as a
reminder of the human tragedy unfolding as we sit here today.
These images are the result of the unprecedented level of
violence in Burma's Rakhine State over the past 6 weeks.
Violence that police and security forces have inflicted on
civilians, interethnic and interreligious violence between
Buddhist, Rakhine, and Muslim Rohingya.
Because of this bloody conflict, more than \1/2\ million
Rohingya, 60 percent of whom are children, have fled as
refugees across the border into Bangladesh. More than 400,000
people left in the first 30 days, the swiftest exodus of any
population since the 1994 Rwanda genocide and Serbia's 1999
ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. Now, nearly three-quarters of those
who have fled don't have adequate shelter and half have no safe
drinking water. It is a heartbreaking humanitarian disaster and
it is getting worse.
The Burmese military has claimed that this brutal crackdown
is the response to a clash that took place on August 25, in
which border security forces faced off against Rohingya
insurgents, reportedly using knives, small arms, and small
explosives. But this isn't just some skirmish that has gotten
out of hand, it isn't a legitimate counterinsurgency or
counterterrorism operation. The Burmese military and border
security forces have specifically targeted Rohingya using
medieval tactics: Slash and burn, rape, indiscriminate killing.
Twenty-one square kilometers of villages systematically burned
to the ground. The U.N.'s top human rights officials have
called this a textbook case of ethnic cleansing. This flareup
is not an isolated event, but the latest chapter in a long
history of discrimination against the Rohingya, a history in
which they have been denied citizenship, the ability to work,
freedom of movement.
A few key Burmese leaders have figured prominently into
recent events. As I see it, the only person in Burma who can
put an end to this violence, clear the way for humanitarian
aid, and allow for a full accounting of what occurred is Min
Aung Hlaing, commander-in-chief of the Burmese military.
Unfortunately, the intention of the military is clear: To
remove the Rohingya people from Burma.
Some of those watching this horror have laid part of the
blame at the feet of Aung San Suu Kyi, the moral and civilian
leader of Burma. There is speculation that she is either not
getting accurate information or is severely constrained
politically. Some assert that she is unsympathetic to the
events in Rakhine, but I personally have a hard time believing
that a noble laureate, a champion of democracy, and a person of
her moral fortitude, she has come here, we have met with her,
would turn a blind eye to the immense human suffering taking
place in her country.
I think American policy toward Burma has complicated the
situation. The Burmese military drafted the constitution, which
allows the military to operate with impunity, maintain veto
power in the Parliament, and legally retake control over the
government. And yet when the United States lifted economic
sanctions against Burma, we also lifted sanctions against the
military and the businesses that fund them. So while Aung San
Suu Kyi has little leverage to reign in military forces that
run amuck, it is now legal for American companies to do
business with Burmese military-owned companies. It is seems to
me at a time that the Burmese military is waging this sort of
violence against innocent people, we should reconsider our
policy on targeted sanctions. And in the meantime, we need to
confront a serious humanitarian crisis that is going to persist
for years to come.
The United States has allocated $38 million to assist with
the crisis. That number seems grossly inadequate, considering
the scale of the humanitarian nightmare now facing the
Government of Bangladesh, and this is in addition to the
Rohingya still trapped inside Burma. Bangladesh, a country with
an average income of around $1,300, is currently supporting
nearly 1 million refugees. This is a country that already has
close to the highest population density in the world. I want to
recognize Bangladesh's Ambassador, Mohammad Ziauddin, who is
here today.
Your government has shown tremendous generosity in
welcoming these refugees. Thank you. And while your country
opens its doors, I consider it an embarrassment that the United
States is closing ours. The Trump administration has lowered
our yearly cap on refugees from all over the world to 45,000
per year, the smallest number ever. As this crisis grows worse,
and as it grew worse, Bangladesh took in that many people every
4 days.
This policy harms American leadership on the global stage.
It undermines our ability to speak credibly about refugees'
human rights, while living up to basic international
humanitarian principles. It diminishes our standing in the part
of a world where China is only too happy to fill the void. So I
do want to hear what our approach is. How the administration
plans to deal with the crisis facing, not just the Rohingya,
but the Kachin, the Shan, and other ethnic groups under assault
by the Burmese army, how this violence subverts the peace
process and undermines the democratically elected government.
So I look forward to your testimony.
I thank you, again, Mr. Chairman, and I yield back.
Chairman Royce. Thank you.
So we are joined by a distinguished panel here. We have Mr.
Patrick Murphy, serves as the Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Southeast Asia at the Department of State. And previously, Mr.
Murphy served as Special Representative for Burma, among other
senior positions.
We have Ambassador Mark Storella with us. He is the Deputy
Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and
Migration at the State Department. Previously, he served in
multiple senior positions, including serving as the Deputy
Chief of Mission in Brussels and as U.S. Ambassador to Zambia.
We have Ms. Kate Somvongsiri. She serves as the acting
Deputy Assistant Administrator for the Bureau for Democracy,
Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance at USAID. She has served
in a variety of senior positions at USAID where she is focused
on rule of law and on human rights issues.
So, without objection, the witnesses' full prepared
statements are going to be made part of the record. Members
will have 5 calendar days to submit any statements or any
questions they have for the witnesses or any extraneous
material for the record.
So if you would, Mr. Murphy, I would ask you to summarize
your remarks.
STATEMENT OF MR. W. PATRICK MURPHY, DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY
FOR SOUTHEAST ASIA, BUREAU OF EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS,
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Mr. Murphy. Chairman Royce, Ranking Member Engel,
distinguished members of the committee, I greatly appreciate
the invitation to testify on the devastating human tragedy in
Burma's Rakhine State, and the suffering of ethnic Rohingya and
other populations. I first want to thank this committee for its
leadership on Burma, and Congress, in general, for the
bipartisan collaboration with successive administrations over
many decades working on Burma.
Over the past 6 weeks, militant attacks on security forces
and on local residents, a disproportionate military response,
vigilante violence, and a lack of civilian protection have
aggravated longstanding challenges in Rakhine State. The
current crisis has led to the desperate flight of over \1/2\
million refugees and displaced others internally. This massive
and virtually unprecedented population movement has worsened
the humanitarian situation in Bangladesh where many Rohingya
refugees already shelter.
This administration is undertaking all efforts to end the
suffering immediately. We have made clear to Burmese civilian
and military officials they must take urgent actions and steps
to stop the violence, respect the rule of law, pave a path for
safe return, and hold accountable those responsible for abuses.
In spite of assurances that security operations have ended,
there are continuing reports of violence, including civilians
participating in arson attacks and blocking humanitarian
assistance.
Those who have fled must be able to return to their homes
voluntarily. State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi has stated that
Burma will allow their return, and we are encouraging closer
communication between Burma and Bangladesh. The two sides met
this week and formed a joint committee to address repatriation.
Most urgently, we must ensure that humanitarian aid reaches
people in need. My colleagues will speak to this, but on the
diplomatic front, we are working to overcome security
challenges and local resistance in Rakhine State that have
precluded many U.N. agencies and NGOs from reaching affected
areas. We are also pressing for unfettered media access so that
we can all learn in greater detail what is happening.
President Trump has discussed the situation with leaders
from Southeast Asia. Secretary of State Tillerson called Aung
San Suu Kyi to urge action. Vice President Pence denounced the
military's disproportionate response. U.S. Ambassador Haley
called the Security Council for an international role. This
crisis has implications far beyond Rakhine State. Burma's
nascent democracy is at a turning point, and a heavy-handed
response invites international terrorists and challenges for
other neighbors. We are thus engaging with ASEAN to address
humanitarian needs and actions to stop the violence.
I was in Burma myself 2 weeks ago. Our Ambassador and I met
with top government and military officials, including Aung San
Suu Kyi. Authorities committed to protect civilians, pursue
accountability, and cooperate with the international community.
The situation on the ground, nonetheless, remains grim. We must
pursue all efforts to see full implementation of these
commitments. I also visited Rakhine State. I met with members
of the displaced Rohingya community. They condemn the violent
attacks on security forces. I called on local officials and
political figures in Rakhine State, as leaders of ethnic
Rakhine communities, to end violence, facilitate assistance,
and respect the rule of law.
Under a government elected in 2015 by the people of Burma
for the first time in half a century, there are efforts to
address inherited longstanding challenges of discrimination and
neglect. One such effort was the establishment of the Annan
Rakhine Advisory Commission, which produced valuable
recommendations to address these challenges. The government
committed to implementing those recommendations.
The U.S. Government is forming an overarching policy
response to discourage abuses, ensure accountability, and
further advance the democratization and development processes
so desperately needed in Burma, and especially in Rakhine
State. We will not do this alone. We are consulting with the
region, the United Nations, the Human Rights Council, and
courageous voices inside Burma to ensure human dignity for all.
The current crisis in Rakhine has exposed the fragility of
a transition we and Congress worked so hard to help achieve.
The governing complexities underscore that no single actor can
resolve this crisis. The national and local governments,
security forces, community leaders, and indeed all peoples of
Burma, have responsibilities.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, we are strongly
engaged to bring an end to this suffering and to find lasting
solutions in Rakhine State. We look to Congress as an essential
partner in these efforts, and we thank you for the opportunity
to describe what we are doing to address this tragic crisis.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Royce. Thank you. Ambassador?
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE MARK C. STORELLA, DEPUTY ASSISTANT
SECRETARY, BUREAU OF POPULATION, REFUGEES, AND MIGRATION, U.S.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Ambassador Storella. Chairman Royce, Ranking Member Engel,
distinguished members of the committee, thank you for inviting
us to this important hearing on the U.S. response to the
violence against Rohingyas in Burma. I am grateful for the
opportunity to update you on how the U.S. Government is
targeting lifesaving aid and on the challenges ahead.
The violence in Rakhine State continues to devastate
vulnerable populations within Burma, and cause families, mostly
women and children, to flee their homes for their lives. In
terms of magnitude and speed, this is one of the most dramatic
humanitarian emergencies to occur in decades.
I will briefly comment on the current humanitarian
situation facing those affected by the crisis, discuss the
challenges the international community faces in delivering
humanitarian assistance, and comment on what the State
Department is doing to address the situation.
The attacks on August 25 and the continuing violence
resulted in approximately 200,000 internally displaced inside
Burma and prompted, as has been noted, more than \1/2\ million
people to flee to Bangladesh, bringing the total number of
Rohingya in Bangladesh to over 1 million people.
The number one humanitarian priority, as the chairman and
the ranking member both have noted, is access in Burma, gaining
access to those in need in Rakhine State. Burma's civilian
government has committed publicly and privately to provide
humanitarian assistance to all communities in affected areas
through the Red Cross movement. The movement has stressed to
the Burmese Government that it will not be able to fully meet
humanitarian needs, and that U.N. agencies and international
law and governmental organizations will also require
operational space in northern Rakhine State. We take every
opportunity to emphasize to Burmese officials at all levels of
the government the need to allow humanitarian assistance to
those in need.
This week, PRM Acting Assistant Secretary Simon Henshaw met
with Burmese officials at the UNHCR Executive Committee
meetings in Geneva to express our profound concern. In all our
contacts with Burmese officials, we continue to press the
government and the military, both publicly and privately, to
end the violence, to protect the security of all communities,
and to allow Rohingya refugees to voluntarily return to their
homes after Burmese authorities ensure they can do so safely.
We are greatly appreciative of the Government of Bangladesh
for opening its borders to those fleeing the violence, many of
whom arrived after walking for days and in need of food, water,
and medical care. The monsoon season has exacerbated the
situation, as flooding and poor infrastructure made aid
delivery even more challenging.
In every meeting with Bangladeshi officials, we thank them
for allowing refugees to cross into their country in such large
numbers, and urge them to uphold humanitarian principles while
balancing their own security concerns. Earlier this week, I met
with a high-level delegation from Bangladesh here in Washington
for the U.S.-Bangladesh Security Dialogue, which included the
discussion of the violence in Rakhine State and the
humanitarian crisis in Bangladesh. Our Ambassador in Dhaka,
Ambassador Bernicat, recently visited the refugee encampments
at Cox's Bazar and has been in constant contact with
Bangladeshi authorities on humanitarian issues.
In addition to our diplomatic engagement, the U.S. is
providing humanitarian assistance to our U.N. and other
humanitarian partners to help vulnerable populations affected
by the Rakhine State violence. The U.N. has estimated $434
million is needed for emergency response in Bangladesh through
February 2018.
In fiscal year 2017, thanks to the support from this
Congress, the United States contributed nearly $104 million in
assistance to displaced populations in Burma and for refugees
from Burma throughout the region. Of this funding, the State
Department's contribution totaled nearly $76 million. This
included the nearly $32 million dollars deg.in
emergency assistance, to which you have referred, which we
announced in September, that allowed our partners to respond
immediately as thousands were arriving daily in the already
established and new settlements in Bangladesh. Our
contributions provide lifesaving assistance, such as food,
water, shelter, sanitation, health, and core relief items, and
support to victims of gender-based violence. We are urging
other donors to do more as well.
I would like to conclude, Mr. Chairman, by highlighting
that in responding to this crisis, the State Department's
primary concerns are protection and achieving meaningful,
durable solutions for those who have been displaced, including
the chance to go home in safety and dignity when conditions
permit. The U.S. Government's humanitarian assistance provides
an important lifeline until that possibility becomes a reality.
In concluding, thank you to the Congress for all that you
have done, and thank you for the way you authorize funds so
that we are able to react quickly to these urgent requirements.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Murphy and Ambassador
Storella follows:]
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Chairman Royce. Thank you, Ambassador. Kate Somvongsiri.
STATEMENT OF MS. V. KATE SOMVONGSIRI, ACTING DEPUTY ASSISTANT
ADMINISTRATOR, BUREAU FOR DEMOCRACY, CONFLICT, AND HUMANITARIAN
ASSISTANCE, U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Ms. Somvongsiri. Chairman Royce, Ranking Member Engel,
members of the committee, thank you for inviting me to speak
today and for your engagement on this important issue.
The recent escalation and violence in Northern Burma has
resulted in massive displacement, as we have discussed, and
increased humanitarian needs both in Burma and in neighboring
Bangladesh. Burma has come a long way in its transition to a
free and democratic society. These events, however, not only
imperil the lives of thousands, but also cast a cloud over
Burma's gains and threaten to undermine economic progress.
Over 500,000 people, as we have discussed, mostly Rohingya,
have fled the recent violence in Rakhine and have sought refuge
in Bangladesh. For a sense of scale, that is nearly the entire
population of Washington, DC, leaving the city in just over a
month's time. And in addition, there are tens of thousands of
people who have been internally displaced and are in need of
assistance within Rakhine State.
USAID is providing humanitarian assistance in Burma,
helping host communities in Bangladesh cope with the influx of
refugees, and addressing tensions in ethnically mixed areas of
Rakhine and Burma, including those not directly affected by the
recent violence.
As a foreign service officer who lived on the Thai-Burma
border 16 years ago working with migrants and refugees, Burma
is for me as it is for many, a special place, and has
influenced my path in international human rights and
development. In my testimony, I will touch on USAID's response
to the current crisis and highlight some of the challenges of
providing assistance and bringing lasting resolution to this
conflict.
In Burma, our main humanitarian challenge is not a lack of
resources, but a lack of access. Since the August 25 attacks,
many of USAID's partners were forced to suspend their work due
to military security operations in Rakhine State. Insecurity,
government restrictions, and local communities' enmity toward
U.N., international NGOs, and local staff, have prevented full
humanitarian access, including along the border. False and
misleading rumors about Rohingya spread and fanned by official
government information have contributed to this volatility.
We continue to call upon all parties to allow unfettered
humanitarian access to people in need, and we urge the
government to allow media and human rights monitors to access
the afflicted areas.
Reports of atrocities against civilians are extremely
troubling and demonstrate the need for humanitarian assistance
and protection from further violence, which are urgently
needed. Together with our colleagues at State, along with the
international community, USAID's mission in Burma has
reiterated our concerns to the Burmese Government and has
called on them to end the violence, ensure that people have
dignified, safe, and voluntary return to their homes.
Additionally, USAID continues to support civil society within
Rakhine State and across Burma to prevent the escalation of
violent conflict, and to counter hate, speech and rumors.
The speed and volume of people fleeing from Burma to
Bangladesh has been staggering. We have seen, as we have
discussed, over 500,000 flee in the span of over a month, a
truly unprecedented rate, even faster than those fleeing Mosul,
Iraq, or South Sudan over the past year. I don't use the term
``unprecedented'' lightly, but it is fitting in this scenario.
Given the enormity of this influx, stark challenges remain to
adequately respond. The people fleeing to Bangladesh arrive
with just what they could carry. They are in immediate need of
safe drinking water, of sanitation facilities, of emergency
food assistance, shelter, healthcare, nutrition, and protection
services. And poor conditions in these displacement sites
increase the risk of disease and outbreaks.
USAID's Office of Food For Peace has contributed $7 million
to the World Food Program to provide lifesaving food
assistance. In addition, USAID is supporting essential
coordination efforts needed to manage the massive influx and
for the immediate scaleup in concert with our state partners.
We also applaud the Government of Bangladesh's generosity in
responding to this severe humanitarian crisis, and we recognize
that the communities are stretching their own scarce resources
to take in their neighbors. We are committed to supporting them
as well.
In conclusion, the latest violence and continued conflict
in Rakhine State has exacerbated the existing human rights and
humanitarian crisis impacting the lives of thousands. We must
be honest and forthright in our assessment of the situation and
clear on what we expect as humanitarians and as Americans. We
shall remain resolute in our efforts to meet the needs of the
Rohingya and affected communities in Burma and Bangladesh, and
we call on all stakeholders to end the violence and seek a
lasting resolution to the conflict.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Somvongsiri follows:]
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
----------
Chairman Royce. Thank you, Kate.
This was always going to be a difficult transition for
Burma to a more democratic state from the military control,
especially given the tripwires of all the different ethnic
groups inside Burma. But the most injurious decision, I think,
that has been made by the military has been to restrict access
of the United Nations to these areas like Rakhine State.
Because what that does is that when you have a situation like
the attack of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, this fringe
group, and they launch an attack--you had 10 police officers
killed in that attack, and many of the attackers killed as
well--that then gives the excuse for the local militia that is
trained and focused along ethnic lines to unleash their
violence, and in this case, with the full support, apparently,
of the military in Myanmar.
So you end up with a circumstance here, without eyes or
ears on the ground, where there is no check to it. And had
these arrangements originally allowed in times of stress like
this, the positioning, the continued position of U.N. personnel
and Red Cross and NGOs up in Rakhine State, at least you would
have observers on the ground that would have tempered--I mean,
the information would have got out a lot sooner and there would
be direct evidence of it, and it would filter across Burma. All
of that is being locked out.
And so, Mr. Murphy, you mentioned that you went up there
and you had these conversations. But when you say to the
military government, right now, can we bring the United Nations
in here, can we bring the Red Cross in here and start
addressing these issues in these specific villages, what is the
response? I understand the response is, well, everybody is
going to be allowed to come back to their villages. Where is
the evidence that any of that is true? Where is the evidence
that we have cleared the way with those who we have discussed
this with that are going to allow them to have access for U.N.
and NGOs? Has it happened yet anywhere in Rakhine?
Mr. Murphy. Mr. Chairman, I would agree with you that it is
a significant mistake on the part of Burmese stakeholders to
prohibit the U.N. agencies to have access to northern Rakhine
State. Worse, I would point out, that early in this crisis,
military figures suggested somehow that U.N. agencies were
aiding and abetting militant attackers. That was false. We
called them out on that. That has since been corrected. But it
created damage and increased tensions locally.
We have told them that they can't do this alone. They need
the help of agencies to scale up the kind of assistance that is
needed. The U.N. agencies that have experience in this part of
the country are on the ground and poised to operate.
Aung San Suu Kyi did agree publicly to call for
international help and assistance. We are urging that they take
advantage of that by inviting the U.N.----
Chairman Royce. So to clarify this, although you had these
discussions, the reality is that unless you personally lead
these NGOs back in there and the U.N. back in there, I mean,
they are willing to tell us that, yes, this is what they are
going to do, but those are just words. You actually cannot get
up there into Rakhine State to see these villages. We can't get
NGOs up there, right? You want to clarify this point?
Mr. Murphy. Mr. Chairman, there actually has been some
small signs of progress in recent days. The Myanmar authorities
are working with the Red Cross family of organizations. And
just this week, Red Cross agencies have gained access to
northern Rakhine State. There is some humanitarian assistance
being delivered. It is not adequate. We are encouraging this to
be scaled up with the kind of partners, World Food Program, the
U.N. family of agencies, that have the experience to meet all
of the needs.
It is a very difficult environment right now for a variety
of reasons for these international organizations. I saw that
firsthand. While I was in Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State,
there was a Red Cross shipment of supplies. Locals heard about
this and came out and began attacking that Red Cross shipment.
Now, local security authorities put down the attack, but
this is the environment. There are local populations who
perceive all of the assistance is going to the Rohingya and
their own needs are not being met. That is inaccurate. That is
a result of a lot of misinformation and a complicated
longstanding history of discrimination for all ethnic
populations in the state. Therefore, we need to work with many
stakeholders, not just the central government authorities and
the security forces, but local leaders. And that is who I met
with while I was in Rakhine. It is in their own interest to
help facilitate the access of humanitarian assistance.
Chairman Royce. I have met with Kofi Annan in the past, and
we all understand his Advisory Commission on Rakhine State that
he chaired and the recommendations he made. But the ones that
would seem particularly essential at this moment, besides the
humanitarian assistance, obviously, being able to get to the
people we want it directed at, is to ensure that the violators
of human rights be held accountable. I think there has to be
some understanding that there will be an attempt to trace down
those who have committed these human rights atrocities, to
strengthen bilateral ties between Myanmar and Bangladesh--very
important at this moment--to train security forces deployed in
Rakhine State.
And I think this is an added point that we are going to
have to address so that, in the future, there is some kind of
effort in this training to ensure those verified as citizens
enjoy the benefits, rights, and freedoms associated with
citizenship there. And that is going to require us making that
a component of this solution. To investigate and map existing
restrictions on movement so that that is changed, and the
government should role out comprehensive birth registration, an
ongoing campaign to make sure that girls and boys are
registered at birth so that they are recognized that they have
full citizenship rights. And the government should roll out a
comprehensive strategy to close all IDP camps in Rakhine. That,
I would say, is essential.
I am going to go to Mr. Engel for his question. We have a
15-minute vote, and the subcommittee chairman is voting right
now, and will take the chair while I vote.
So, Mr. Engel.
Mr. Engel. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I ask unanimous consent to enter into the record two
documents. The first is a report prepared by Amnesty
International detailing their research and documentation of
this crisis. The second is a bipartisan letter on the U.S.
response to this crisis sent on September 28 to Secretary
Tillerson and USAID Administrator Green from Senators McCain,
Cardin, and 20 of our colleagues in the Senate. So I ask
unanimous consent to have those two entered in.
Chairman Royce. Without objection.
Mr. Engel. Thank you.
Mr. Murphy, let me start with you. There is ample evidence
and satellite imagery and eyewitness accounts that Burmese
military and security forces have been carrying out an
intentional, systematic policy to drive Rohingya from their
homes in Burma and to burn their villages to the ground.
Medical professionals working in Bangladesh report hundreds of
men, women, and children being treated for gunshot wounds
because the Burmese military and security forces have opened
fire on them as they flee. Senior United Nations officials have
called this a textbook case of ethnic cleansing.
The commander-in-chief of the Burmese military, Min Aung
Hlaing, said there is no oppression or intimidation against the
Muslim minority, and everything he says is within the framework
of the law. He also said the Bengali problem was a longstanding
one, which has become an unfinished job. So let me ask you, are
the Burmese military and security forces responsible for
violence and intimidation of the Rohingya in Burma, and do
these actions constitute ethnic cleansing, in your opinion?
Mr. Murphy. Thank you very much, Ranking Member Engel. The
horrific actions that have taken place in northern Rakhine
State are beyond troubling. This is a tragedy of epic
proportions. And the security forces there in northern Rakhine
State bear considerable responsibility for what we have called
a disproportionate response.
I think it is important to note that there are other
contributors to violence in this area. There are the militant
attacks that took place on August 25 by individuals who claim
responsibility for attacks that took place the year prior.
There is also local vigilante action on the part of citizens
and others. And these militants, according to very credible
reports, are exacting violence on some of their own population.
This is a cauldron of complexities. What has taken place is
absolutely horrific. The Secretary of State said that it has
been characterized by many as ethnic cleansing. Ambassador
Haley in New York said what has taken place appears to be a
sustained campaign to cleanse the country of an ethnic
minority.
There are unknowns. There are populations that obviously
have moved in great numbers. There are other populations that
haven't moved. That is why we are asking for full access of
media, humanitarian organizations, all steps to stop the
violence.
Let me also point out, Mr. Engel, to another action. The
United States, earlier this year, helped form a U.N. fact-
finding mission. We are asking authorities in Burma to support
and cooperate with that mission so that there can be full
disclosure of what has transpired, not just in Rakhine State,
but I hasten to point out, there is conflict elsewhere in
Burma, longstanding conflict currently ongoing in the northeast
in Shan and Kachin states. But Burma is a country that has been
at war with itself since the 1940s, since independence. And the
current government is struggling with these sorts of conflicts
and refugees and displaced persons.
We have talked about the displacement inside Rakhine State,
potentially hundreds of thousands. There are hundreds of
thousands of displaced individuals elsewhere in the country as
well.
You mentioned Min Aung Hlaing. Yes, as commander of the
armed forces, he has enormous responsibility to stop the
violence, to act in a proper manner with the security threats
they believe they face. He is not the only stakeholder. We need
actions from the government, from local Rakhine officials, and
Burmese citizens as well.
Mr. Engel. So you would agree with me, then, that this is
ethnic cleansing?
Mr. Murphy. Mr. Engel, I am pointing to our members of the
Cabinet who have pointed to voices and evidence that would
suggest that there may be ethnic cleansing. I would say what is
more germane, what is more important is the actual humanitarian
crisis: Displaced persons, violence that hasn't stopped. That
is our most pressing focus. There are mechanisms, there are
bodies who are looking at what best to call this, but it is, at
the end of the day, a human tragedy. And we want to do
everything to stop it.
Chairman Royce. Would the gentleman yield?
Mr. Engel. Certainly.
Chairman Royce. Just for the record, myself and Mr. Engel,
this committee, we identify this as full-fledged ethnic
cleansing.
Mr. Engel. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
What are we doing right now to hold the military
accountable? Do you think that reimposition of targeted
sanctions against senior military leadership or businesses that
generate funds for the military is appropriate?
And let me say, as a first step, I would encourage the
administration to immediately stop issuing JADE Act waivers,
which allow members of the Burmese military and their families
to come to the United States, at least until such time as
violence stops and humanitarian access is restored.
Mr. Murphy. Congressman, thank you. We are exploring all
options available to us to effect change inside this country,
with a focus on the armed forces. I think it is important to
point out that we have in place already a substantial range of
restrictions on the military. Our engagement is virtually
nonexistent. There is no training. Assistance is prohibited.
That reflects the fact that the transition to democracy is not
complete.
Democracy has not been fully consolidated. We have talked
about the expansive authorities that the security forces have
over their own armed forces, three key ministries, one of the
vice presidencies in the country. They are outside civilian
control, particularly in this part of the country. We want to
bring about accountability. There are ample evidence and
reports of abuses and allegations. We will explore further
tools.
The JADE Act, which Congress put into place in 2008,
remains very active. There are visa restrictions on all senior
military leaders and their family members. The waivers that you
refer to, Mr. Engel, are very sparingly and very rarely
applied, only in the cases where it is in the U.S. interest. We
are examining that very closely, not considering any expansion.
For the time being, the JADE Act holds and those restrictions
remain in place.
Chairman Royce. I think that one of the issues is going to
be, can we get the United Nations back more engaged in Burma,
and can the U.N. then be the conduit to get the Red Cross and
to get NGO groups back into Rakhine State?
What is the prospect at the United Nations that our
Ambassador could work with the Security Council, lay the
foundation for a more robust presence? The very criteria that I
just laid out that Kofi Annan helped develop in consultation
while in Burma--he had been invited in and worked with the
Council on Aung San Suu Kyi on this issue. So there is this
possibility of the U.N. being the mediator or helping even in
this role of setting up the dialogues between different ethnic
groups up in Rakhine State. If the international body can come
in, would that give us considerable leverage to get to some of
these objectives?
Mr. Murphy. Mr. Chairman, you rightly point out the
critical, important role of the United Nations. And that is
important in a variety of avenues of effort: The humanitarian
assistance that you refer to, also the actions that potentially
the Security Council could take. And let me point out the U.N.
bodies that deal with human rights, like the Human Rights
Council.
I also want to offer that our Ambassador in Burma,
Ambassador Scot Marciel, and his team have been relentless on
this and many lines of effort to address this crisis. They are
working with the government to encourage an increased role for
the United Nations. In fact, there is currently a U.N. presence
in Burma on the ground. In Rakhine State itself, they are
poised to activate their humanitarian operations.
We have encouraged the government to invite senior U.N.
figures to visit Burma, engage, discuss possible ways forward.
And as the chairman pointed out, in New York, our Ambassador
and team are quite engaged at the Security Council in forging a
way forward for the U.N. I just want to emphasize, there are
many lines of action for the U.N.--humanitarian,
accountability, human rights. And our press is on all of those
fronts and encouraging cooperation inside Burma with these
entities.
Mr. Yoho [presiding]. Does anybody else want to comment on
that?
Ambassador Storella. I would like to add that our efforts
at pushing for access have not been without any success
whatsoever. Initially, the Government in Burma had said that it
would allow humanitarian assistance to pass only through its
hands, and our Ambassador in Burma and others insisted that
that would not be possible for us. Eventually, they agreed to
the Red Cross Movement being a source of assistance directly in
the region. And with the assistance provided through the
Department of State, the Red Cross Movement is staffing up from
20 in northern Rakhine State to, we hope, 200 soon to increase
access.
Access has also come in the way of, most recently, movement
to permit one NGO from the United Kingdom to be present. And I
would note that, on October 2, our Ambassador, Scot Marciel,
was able to visit Rakhine State to see what was going on with
his own eyes and saw some of the destruction. So we will keep
pushing. And I want to guarantee to you that we will support
these agencies that are active, and we will keep supporting
them diplomatically on every single front.
Mr. Yoho. I appreciate your work in doing that.
And, again, I want to give a shout-out to the Ambassador of
Bangladesh, Ambassador Ziauddin. Thank you and your country for
what you have done and are continuing to do, and we look
forward to partnering up with you.
You know, too many times, we see these disturbing things
going on around the world. And this is the 21st century, and I
know we have said over and over again, ``Never again.'' Never
again will we see these atrocities, whether it is in Nazi
Germany, whether it is in Rwanda, any other place where we see
genocide. And we as humans, to tolerate this is intolerable.
And we have to crack down, and we have to find an effective way
to bring partners to this.
And one of my questions was, why do Russia and China feel
that it is in their strategic interest to provide diplomatic
cover for the Burmese military? Are they afraid of another
democracy forming? What are your thoughts on that?
We will start with you, Mr. Murphy. Go ahead.
Mr. Murphy. Thank you, Congressman Yoho.
I could not agree with you more that this is a human
tragedy, and we don't want to see history repeat itself. Inside
Burma, the plight of the Rohingya people is a longstanding
challenge, decades and decades of repression and
discrimination. The new government there is 18 months in the
making and inherited this problem. It needs to do more. We have
called on the government to provide moral leadership.
There are some efforts underway. As the chairman cited, the
Annan commission provides an important potential path forward.
Eighty-eight recommendations. This was a commission formed by
the Government of Burma with expertise from outside and inside
the country. And it deals with some of the most sensitive,
politically challenged issues, including citizenship for the
Rohingya, important development efforts, rights, and
cooperation with neighbors, including Bangladesh.
Mr. Yoho. Let me interrupt you there, because I just read a
report, I think it was a day or 2 ago, where the Burma
Government said they would allow people to come back in. And I
know there is proof of citizenship and all that. Have they
worked through that, or are they at a point where they are
like, you know what, we need to take these people back?
And then another question, and this will probably be for
you, Ambassador Storella. If we can't rely on the Security
Council at the U.N., the obvious question that comes to me is,
number one, is it efficient or effective? And the obvious
answer is no. So what do we need to do, from the influence of
the United States, to say, ``You guys need to get your act
together. These are crimes against humanity, and for us to
continue to be involved with you, you need to tighten up your
act, and let's get the results we want on the ground and stop
these things''?
So if you guys could respond to that.
Mr. Murphy. Congressman Yoho, on returns, a couple of
things to offer. First, we have stated very clearly the right
to safe, voluntary, dignified return must be an absolute. Aung
San Suu Kyi herself stated that those who have fled will be
allowed to return to their homes.
A couple of things have taken place. We now need to see
implementation.
The Burmese, earlier this week, sent a senior minister,
Kyaw Tin Swe, to Dhaka to begin discussions with Bangladesh
counterparts. They, together, formed a joint working committee
on repatriation modalities. That is important, and we want to
support that.
Inside the country, the government has formed a committee
to implement the recommendations of the Annan commission, the
recommendations in that report.
This is good. Now we need to see action.
And there are other stakeholders. This is not just a matter
of the civilian government, dictating refugees shall return.
There are other stakeholders like the security forces, like
local authorities in Rakhine State. There is not one single
point of authority in the country. So, you know, it is very
complex in that regard.
Mr. Yoho. Well, and that leads to, who is going to monitor
and who is going to police it outside of the Burmese
Government?
Let me have Ambassador Storella--and, Ms. Somvongsiri, I
will ask you something if I have a moment. I guess I do.
Go ahead.
Ambassador Storella. So thank you very much, Mr. Yoho, for
that question.
Indeed, we face obstacles in the actions that we want to
take. I think that what is most important for us in dealing
with the U.N. system and international organizations is that we
look at all the tools that we have at our disposal and try to
use all the tools as best as we can.
It is noteworthy that the U.N. Human Rights Council, on
which I once represented the United States, has extended the
mandate for action in Burma. We should work with that. The 88
recommendations from the Annan Commission report have been
accepted by the Burmese Government and by the Bangladesh
Government. We should look at each one of those and determine
which ones can be used best to press our case to provide for
access and accountability.
I think that we also have to continue to use our voice
publicly, which our senior leadership has in New York and
Washington and also in Burma itself. And we should continue
that.
Finally, I think that we have to keep demonstrating to the
Burmese leadership that it is in their interest to settle the
issues inside their country so the country can get on with
peaceful development and a better future for its own people. As
you know, that is not so easy to do.
Mr. Yoho. It is not. And we had a hearing on this last
week, and it was disheartening because we brought up some of
these issues.
And, Ms. Somvongsiri, since you were on the Thai-Burma
border and you lived there, what are the things that need to
change? You know, when we had the hearing last week, it was
recommended that the U.N. needs to study this and do a report.
In the meantime, we don't have time for that. We have people
dying on the ground, being run out, genocide happening today.
We don't have time for a report.
What do we need to change in the narrative or in the
directive of the U.N. to intervene, go in there and monitor it
and bring in the appropriate world nations to help bring
stability to this and stop this nonsense?
Ms. Somvongsiri. Thank you, sir, for that important
question and for that point.
The main thing, from USAID's perspective, that needs to
change immediately is humanitarian access. Until and unless we
are able to get into northern Rakhine State to provide
lifesaving support as well as to be able to have media to come
in to actually see and assess the situation, there is not much,
from a development assistance perspective, that we can do until
that happens.
As the situation stands right now, as we have heard, the
Government of Burma and the military are in northern Rakhine,
and the Red Cross Movement has been granted permission. But,
aside from that, none of the U.N. agencies, none of the aid
partners are in there. We are in central Rakhine State and are
able to restore some support there, but it is very limited. So
we call for unfettered access. That is an obvious----
Mr. Yoho. All right. I thank you.
I am going to turn now to Mr. Dana Rohrabacher from
California.
Mr. Rohrabacher. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. And I
say ``Mr. Chairman'' because you are the subcommittee chairman
and had a great hearing on this issue just a few days ago. So I
would like to congratulate you, and also to suggest that I
think that Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Eliot Engel, they
have done a good job in making sure that this issue is high on
our priority. So the word is out around the world that we are
paying attention. Perhaps more than anything else, that can
have a positive impact.
And this message is especially important for those people
in the Muslim world who are being told that we are their enemy.
And we have to let good people know all over the world,
whatever their religion is, that we are on the side of ordinary
people and their rights to live decent lives without being
murdered and raped and the type of things that these poor
people are suffering who are the subject of the hearing today.
This does remind me--and I wasn't here for Eliot's remarks,
but Eliot and I were very involved when a similar situation was
in Kosovo, where you had Muslims who were being--I say
obliterated, they were being ethnically cleansed, and, at that
time, it was by the Serbs. Let me just say that, from what I
see here, the Serbs at that time were acting very similarly to
what we see happening in Burma.
And I spent a lot of time working with people in Burma who
were under attack 20, 30 years ago. So this vicious activity by
the Burmese Government shouldn't be looked at just as something
aimed at this Muslim people. The fact is they are conducting
themselves in an absolutely unacceptable, criminal way with the
Kachins, the Chins, the Karens and the Karenni who are
Christians, the Shan.
The central government in Burma and the Burmese Army, which
used to call themselves--the administration before Aung San Suu
Kyi was called the SLORC, which fit what was going on there.
This has got to stop. And I don't think we should look at this
just as the attack on these people, which is unacceptable, but
we should look at it as an example of the behavior of the
Burmese Government and hold them accountable.
I was a big supporter of Aung San Suu Kyi. We are expecting
more from her than what is happening. And the fact is, perhaps
she is unable to do more. But we must mobilize public opinion--
that is what this hearing is about--mobilize public opinion
when such atrocities are being committed by the Burmese
Government.
Okay, so I have castigated the Burmese Government, but I
want to ask you about the Bangladesh Government now, because I
have had reports that significant amounts of money have been
donated by oil-rich countries to Bangladesh to deal with these
people but that that aid has somewhat disappeared. Is that
correct?
Mr. Murphy. Congressman Rohrabacher, if I first could thank
you for your longstanding interest in Burma. We have had the
opportunity to discuss many times over the years the challenges
there, and these discussions are always quite fruitful.
Before we talk about Bangladesh, I want to acknowledge the
accuracy of what you have had to offer, say, about many
suffering people throughout the country of Burma. And, indeed,
what I would add to the mix: Inside complicated Rakhine State
itself, on display is the terrible, terrible treatment of the
Rohingya people.
Mr. Rohrabacher. That is right.
Mr. Murphy. There are other minorities there, as well, who
feel aggrieved, most notably the ethnic Rakhine, who happen to
be Buddhist but feel over many, many years they have been
discriminated and repressed by central authorities and
successive military governments.
That complicates the environment to facilitate humanitarian
assistance and give the Rohingya the attention they need. We
have to think about the other ethnic minorities there, too,
that are in need, are part of the problem and need to be part
of the solution.
And, indeed, we call on all Burmese people who have
suffered through the struggle for independence, the 50 years of
authoritarian rule, have suffered discrimination, repression,
neglect, underdevelopment. We ask them to find in their own
hearts compassion for fellow human beings who need basic
dignity--apart from any political, challenging questions, need
respect, dignity, and safety.
With regards to Bangladesh, I have been in communications
with Bangladesh diplomats here in Washington. We are very, very
grateful for the incredible safe haven that country has
provided, not only in response to the current crisis--over \1/
2\ million refugees--but substantial populations who have
crossed, following previous crises, into Bangladesh.
I will defer to my colleagues to talk about the kind of
assistance, but what we are focusing on is the much-needed
communication between Burma and Bangladesh. We have seen some
movement on that this week. We understand that a Bangladesh
senior official planned some travel to Naypyidaw, the capital
of Burma, for further discussions. This is good. The two
countries have much in common, many challenges they need to
overcome--most importantly, the safe path to return of refugees
to their original homes.
Mr. Rohrabacher. Uh-huh.
Mr. Murphy. And there was an earlier question about
citizenship. Our understanding from the authorities in Burma is
that citizenship is not a requirement for return. That is a
separate process--verification and path to citizenship. There
will need to be a process to identify where they came from,
when they crossed. But those discussions are now underway, and
we are going to focus on that very, very closely.
Mr. Rohrabacher. Well, let's note that many people in
Congress, when we are dealing with a limited budget, some of us
who do not believe in economy-building or nation-building as a
target for foreign aid, we all believe that, as human beings
and as on this planet, the American people do have
responsibility toward their fellow human beings in cases of
emergency and crisis.
Now, this is not a natural crisis. This is a manmade
crisis, and it is an emergency. So we are behind these efforts.
But, again, just one question. I am sorry to put you on the
spot, Mr. Ambassador, but I have been told that money that was
donated by very wealthy, oil-producing, Muslim countries, that
a lot of it has not gone to these folks who are suffering.
I would ask our lady from the USAID.
Ms. Somvongsiri. Thank you, sir, for that question on the
issue of support to Bangladesh.
In addition to our U.S. support that we have been
discussing today, I would note that a number of other countries
have also stepped up their efforts. It is not just the U.S.
that has seized with this issue. So the United Kingdom, for
example, has pledged----
Mr. Rohrabacher. Okay. But is there any indication that
that aid has been--that corruption is getting in the way of
helping these people?
Ms. Somvongsiri. There is indication that some of the aid
is going to much-needed lifesaving support. Of the corruption
issue, the issue you speak of specifically, I don't have
knowledge of that right now, but we can look into that and get
back to you on that.
Mr. Rohrabacher. Okay. Thank you.
And thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Royce [presiding]. Thank you, Mr. Rohrabacher.
We go now to Mr. Joaquin Castro of Texas.
Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairman. And thank all of you for
your testimony today. And I apologize if I retread any ground
that we have covered already. I was at my other committee
hearing.
But, as you know, this is an incredible time, a very
tumultuous time for dispossessed peoples in the world. Europe
is still facing its largest migration since World War II,
mostly because of the Syrian conflict. But, also, in Southeast
Asia, the Rohingya have been dispossessed.
So humanitarian organizations estimate that the cost to
help them would be about $434 million. The United States, I
know, in September, I believe, committed about $32 million. My
question is, as far as you know, what other nations are helping
or groups are helping? And, also, does the United States plan
any further aid?
Ambassador Storella. Congressman Castro, thank you very
much for that question. And I would like to start by saying
that the magnitude of this crisis, as you have indicated, is so
large that it is going to require many different hands to
support the needs that are so evident and so urgent right now.
The United States did indeed provide an additional $32
million on September 20. On September 28, USAID, through the
Office of Food for Peace, announced an additional $6 million in
assistance. And, on that same day, PRM at the Department of
State announced an additional--well, we didn't announce, we
simply provided an additional $2.1 million. That is the end of
fiscal year 2017.
We are going to review our funding in fiscal year 2018, but
we will fund against appeals themselves. The indication of $434
million in needs is a preliminary statement by the United
Nations. We will be reacting to and examining actual appeals by
different organizations to respond to them.
But I do want to emphasize, as my colleague from USAID
mentioned, we are not the only ones and we should not be the
only ones to respond to this tragedy. She mentioned that the
United Kingdom has already stepped forward, but I----
Mr. Castro. And how much have they put up?
Ms. Somvongsiri. $33.5 million.
Ambassador Storella. $33.5 million.
Mr. Castro. Any other European nations that have stepped
forward?
Ambassador Storella. Yes. Denmark provided $3.1 million;
Australia, $4 million; the European Union, 3 million euros;
Canada, $2.1 million; South Korea, $1.5 million; Japan, $4
million; and Saudi Arabia, $15 million.
That is a beginning. The United Nations Humanitarian
Coordinator, Mr. Lowcock, announced yesterday that there will
be, in all likelihood, a pledging conference on October 23. And
that may take place in Geneva, but, actually, we don't have the
full details on that. I don't know that we will be ready to
pledge additional assistance at that time, but we will
certainly be ready to work with other governments to ensure
that others come forward to help carry this burden.
Mr. Castro. Thank you.
Ambassador Storella. Thank you.
Mr. Castro. And--yes?
Mr. Murphy. If I could, Representative Castro, first, I
want to thank you for your leadership with the ASEAN Caucus----
Mr. Castro. Thank you.
Mr. Murphy [continuing]. Here in Congress. A very important
entity in our relationship there at 40 years is very
productive.
But that gives me the opportunity to talk about the
neighborhood. In my statement, I said that if this crisis is
not managed and the violence brought to an end, it can have an
impact on the neighborhood. Under military regimes, Burma
exported refugees, illicit narcotics, trafficking victims. We
don't want to revert to that. And we have been messaging with
the neighborhood that they need to focus on this crisis so it
doesn't spread throughout the region.
There is a growing potential for terrorism of an
international flavor in Burma. That would spell bad news for
the neighborhood.
So we are working with ASEAN. ASEAN has activated its ASEAN
humanitarian assistance program. And I believe it is only the
second time--they call it AHA--only the second time they have
activated this mechanism as a result of a non-natural disaster
crisis. So they are providing assistance.
We are also encouraging ASEAN to communicate, to encourage
the stakeholders inside Burma to take the actions needed to end
the violence, open up humanitarian assistance for international
organizations, and implement the Kofi Annan recommendations. We
believe the voice, the collective voice, of ASEAN could be
influential in this situation.
Mr. Castro. And I probably have time for one more question.
Has the United States been clear that this is ethnic cleansing?
Has the State Department taken that position? Or how would you
all define it, at this point?
Mr. Murphy. Mr Castro, I refer to my seniors in the U.S.
Government, the Secretary of State, who said it has been
characterized by many as ethnic cleansing. That must stop. Our
Ambassador to the United Nations, Ambassador Haley, stated that
this is a brutal, sustained campaign that appears to be an
effort to cleanse the country of an ethnic minority.
There are separate processes underway examining the avenue
of accountability. What we do know, regardless of discussions
about what to call it, is that it is a human tragedy. Half a
million people on the move across the border, several hundred
thousands displaced internally. And actions need to be taken
now to stop the violence, deliver humanitarian assistance, as
well as the efforts to hold accountable those who have
perpetuated abuses and violations of international standards.
Mr. Castro. Will you permit me one more comment?
Chairman Royce. I will, Mr. Castro.
Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairman.
Well, thank you all for your efforts. Thank you for the
initial assistance to this problem. And I hope that we won't
lose sight of this, even though it is in a faraway place in the
world from the United States. The pace at which news and
devastating news hits us now causes whiplash, almost, for not
only Americans but also for those of us in Congress as we deal
with human tragedies. So, you know, we will keep working with
you on this.
Chairman Royce. Would the gentleman yield?
Mr. Castro. Sure.
Chairman Royce. The other thing I thought I would clarify
is the $32 million is the latest tranche for this fiscal year.
The total is $104 million for Burma, the vast majority of that
for the Rohingya situation. But an additional funding we have
for regional humanitarian assistance, some money that we don't
break out by country. So it would be in excess of the $104
million so far.
But it is a good point, that we will stay on top of this.
And I just----
Mr. Castro. Thank you, Chairman.
Chairman Royce [continuing]. Mention that for the record.
We go now to Ann Wagner, Ambassador Wagner, of Missouri.
Mrs. Wagner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will be brief here.
I have to run to another Financial Services hearing.
But I want to first acknowledge the Bangladesh Embassy for
the work that they are doing to give refuge to Rohingya. I
thank them very, very much.
I am devastated by the ethnic cleansing of Rohingya Muslims
in Burma. For over 60 years, the Burmese Government has
persecuted religious and ethnic minorities, from Christians in
Kachin to Muslims in Rakhine State. We are, in part, to blame
for not holding the Burmese Government and military accountable
for their actions, which we knew about full well as we lifted
the sanctions.
Ambassador Storella, you indicated in your written
statement that you are supporting the elected government's
efforts, including the Rakhine Advisory Commission. I
understand the political expediency of supporting the
Commission, but Burma has clearly abdicated its responsibility
to protect. And the U.S. should officially recognize mass-
atrocity crimes against Rohingya Muslims and unequivocally
support an independent investigation. Downplaying human rights
violations and impunity has not resulted in national
reconciliation. It has perpetuated more conflict and a lack of
accountability.
Ambassador Storella and Assistant Secretary Murphy, when
will the United States push for an independent investigation
into these mass-atrocity crimes?
Mr. Murphy. Thank you very much, Congresswoman.
And I agree with your characterization of this longstanding
challenge that is abhorrent and now on full display. But for
those of us who have followed the country for a long time, we
have seen big population movements in the past--1970s, 1990s,
crisis again in 2012, last year as well. Irregular migration in
2015 caused a crisis for the entire region----
Mrs. Wagner. Independent investigations. Please get to the
point.
Mr. Murphy. We are supporting, Congresswoman, as a
cosponsor at the Human Rights Council, a U.N. fact-finding
mission that was recently extended, the mandate for this
program, to look closely at the abuses, gather information, and
make determinations on the way forward.
I hasten to point out, there are not just challenges in
Rakhine State; there is ongoing, active conflict elsewhere in
the country----
Mrs. Wagner. Correct.
Mr. Murphy [continuing]. In particular, in Kachin and Shan
States. Those conflicts need to come to an end.
There are many actors inside the country, I also want to
point out, in terms of pressure points. There is the civilian
government. There are the security forces. There are local
ethnic leaders. There is the broad population.
Mrs. Wagner. Why isn't--and reclaiming my time, and I have
a short amount here. Why isn't the U.S. doing its own
independent investigation? Why are we not doing that?
Mr. Murphy. We have many efforts underway, first and
foremost, to bring this immediate crisis and suffering to an
end. We are indeed looking at tracks for accountability. As we
stated earlier----
Mrs. Wagner. Okay.
Mr. Murphy [continuing]. We are attempting to gain access--
--
Mrs. Wagner. I am going to reclaim my time----
Mr. Murphy [continuing]. To northern Rakhine State----
Mrs. Wagner [continuing]. With apologies. We have been
looking at this while people have been suffering for 60 years.
Ambassador Storella, some countries are hesitant to
officially call survivors in Bangladesh refugees. How do we
address the needs of Rohingya who have no home to return to?
How would you classify these stateless people who were forced
to leave their country, running from likely genocide?
Ambassador Storella. Congresswoman, thank you very much for
that question. And I would like to say that right now there are
1 million Rohingya residing inside Bangladesh. We have all
recognized the incredible generosity----
Mrs. Wagner. Correct.
Ambassador Storella [continuing]. Of the Government of
Bangladesh and its people. It is perhaps more than there are
Rohingya left in Burma at this time. We consider these people
refugees. We think that they should come under the mandate of
the UNHCR and the international legal instruments that apply to
that.
The United States has been very gratified to see that the
Bangladesh Government has undertaken a registration process for
the people who have crossed the border. This is something that
at times has been controversial in the past. They are doing so
now, with the assistance of the UNHCR. This will give us a
record of who has come across the border, which will help us
provide greater protection under international law for them.
It is a slow process right now. I think that they are able
to register right now, as they have just started the process,
about 6,000 per day.
This is going to help. And I think that it is important to
recognize that the Government of Bangladesh has increased its
cooperation with UNHCR under these circumstances----
Mrs. Wagner. Thank you. Thank you.
With the chair's indulgence, I have one last question.
Chairman Royce. The gentlelady's time has expired.
We go to Mr. Gerry Connolly of Virginia.
Mrs. Wagner. I will submit it for the record. Thank you.
Mr. Connolly. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Following up on I think where my colleague Mrs. Wagner was
leading, Mr. Murphy, I guess I don't understand your reluctance
to call this what it is: Ethnic cleansing. I mean, you have
used code, ``disproportionate response by the military,''
``other sources of violence,'' ``a culture of complexities.''
At least Nikki Haley admitted it appears to be ethnic
cleansing.
When 800,000 people of a particular ethnic background are
living in a neighboring country because they have been forcibly
removed from their villages, I would call that ethnic
cleansing, you know, pretty clear and simple.
What is your reluctance to call it what it is?
Mr. Murphy. Thank you very much, Congressman Connolly. I
appreciate your perspectives and concern about the situation,
as we are deeply, deeply concerned by the human tragedy. And
that is what it is.
Mr. Connolly. Let's stipulate we both are concerned. We
accept that. Why not call it ethnic cleansing? What is the
nature of your reluctance, as a diplomat representing the State
Department, to call it ethnic cleansing? Are you afraid you
will offend the Burmese military? I mean, what is our concern?
Mr. Murphy. No, there is no reluctance, Mr. Connolly, at
all. I have referred to our senior officials, including
Ambassador Haley and Secretary Tillerson, who have referred to
what appears to many to be ethnic cleansing.
The important thing now is action to end the violence----
Mr. Connolly. I get that, Mr. Murphy. But, you know, I am
an English lit major; words mean something. And you are still
evidencing a reluctance to call it ethnic cleansing. My
question to you is, why?
Mr. Murphy. In part, the situation must be focused on the
U.N. fact-finding mission. That is a deliberative process to
look exactly at what has taken place----
Mr. Connolly. Okay. So----
Mr. Murphy [continuing]. Both there and elsewhere.
Mr. Connolly. I am sorry. I am----
Mr. Murphy. We are supportive----
Mr. Connolly. I am worried about time. I am not trying to
be rude, but I only have 3 more minutes, and you see the
chairman is strict.
So we are waiting for the U.N.?
Mr. Murphy. No. That is a parallel process that we are
strongly supporting.
Mr. Connolly. So we don't care whether the U.N. finds it
ethnic cleansing or not; we are free to call it what we think
it is.
Mr. Murphy. Absolutely. A human----
Mr. Connolly. Well, then why don't you call it----
Mr. Murphy [continuing]. Tragedy.
Mr. Connolly. Then why don't you call it ethnic cleansing?
Mr. Murphy. It is a human tragedy.
Mr. Connolly. Mr. Murphy, do I look like a fool to you?
Chairman Royce. Would the gentleman yield for a moment?
Mr. Connolly. Yes, sir. Of course.
Chairman Royce. Just to quote Ambassador Nikki Haley, who I
have talked to at length on this issue and is speaking for the
administration, I presume, on this issue, she says it is a
``brutal, sustained campaign to cleanse the country of an
ethnic minority.'' To cleanse the country of an ethnic
minority.
The U.N. is engaged in its assessment of the situation, but
I would say that puts us out on the ledge of what I and Eliot
Engel and us on the committee have named and called ethnic
cleansing. We encourage everyone to use that term.
But I just wanted to clarify Nikki Haley's----
Mr. Connolly. Yeah. I thank the chair. And, apparently,
that word hasn't gotten to the Deputy Assistant Secretary.
Chairman Royce. He had used the quote earlier.
Mr. Connolly. Sometimes we have to be careful, but when we
are looking at the kind of tragedy we are looking at here, it
seems to me speaking with clarity actually is an important tool
of diplomacy, not fuzzifying it with other kinds of
descriptions that clearly, deliberately are avoiding calling it
what it is.
By the way, I would ask the chair if he might just restore
a little bit of my time.
Chairman Royce. But of course.
Mr. Connolly. I thank the chair.
Okay. Let's see.
Mr. Murphy, when Mr. Engel asked you about sanctions, you
said, ``We are exploring all available options, and many
restrictions remain in place, especially with respect to the
armed forces.''
Could you elaborate? Does that mean no military-to-military
training, for example, or that military assistance directly is
still on ice?
Mr. Murphy. Yes, sir. What that means is there is a
prohibition on assistance to the Burmese military. There is a
broad set of visa restrictions that apply to senior military
leaders and their families that remains active. There is very,
very limited ability to engage with the Burmese military on
issues like humanitarian assistance, human rights international
standards, but that has been so nascent and almost negligible.
But, primarily, this is not a normalized military-to-military
relationship, by any stretch, and has not been for decades.
Mr. Connolly. Yes. I agree with that.
The military was driven to open itself to the outside world
back in 2011 and came to some kind of uneasy peace with
civilian government up to a point, allowing elections and Aung
San Suu Kyi being the effective leader of the country--not by
title, but she has it.
What has liberated the military in this situation to feel
that all of those restraints or all of those boundaries do not
pertain and we are free to engage in this ethnic cleansing with
such violence and effectiveness, actually?
Mr. Murphy. Congressman, the transition that you referred
to enjoyed the support of many in the international community,
providing Burma perhaps with its first and best opportunity to
address so many longstanding challenges. The transition to an
elected government allowed the will of the people to be
expressed.
However, the armed forces designed and implemented the very
constitution that forms the basis for government. That places a
lot of limitations on this new government. The military accords
full authority for its own security forces----
Mr. Connolly. Mr. Murphy, I was in Burma a year ago. I met
with the head of the military as well as Aung San Suu Kyi, and
I absolutely take your point.
But my question, really, though, is, in this time period
until this, they have shown a certain restraint, a certain
caution. There are also restraints on the civilian side. They
know there are unwritten boundaries. But, in this case, all of
that seems to have been pushed away, and there seems to be no
sense of restraint by the military with respect to the
Rohingya. Why do you think that is? It is out of character with
how I think we would characterize the last 5 or 6 years of
their behavior.
Mr. Murphy. Congressman, I would say not entirely out of
character, because there is ongoing conflict in northern Burma.
At any point in time over the last 70 years, there has been
active conflict somewhere between the----
Mr. Connolly. Mr. Murphy, my time is up. But, look, all of
that is true, but they haven't pushed \1/2\ million people into
another country in such a limited timeframe. And I am asking
you your assessment. Why do you think, at this moment, they
kind of changed their behavior and really accelerated this in
such enormous numbers and with such impunity?
Mr. Murphy. Congressman, without explaining any
understanding or condoning the actions, I can point to what the
security forces say, what the narrative in the country is. They
feel that they are under attack. The militant, coordinated
assaults on August 25----
Mr. Connolly. By the Rohingya.
Mr. Murphy [continuing]. By Rohingya militants, a new
organization that now claims responsibility for attacks as well
in 2016, this has bumped up a level. They were coordinated.
They resulted in deaths. This feeds a narrative popular in the
country that the sovereignty of their country is under assault
and they face a serious terrorism problem.
They obviously have responded in a very disproportionate
manner and have failed to protect civilian populations.
Regardless of that threat, they have behaved in a way that has
exacerbated the problem and the challenges.
Mr. Connolly. Mr. Chairman, thank you for your indulgence.
Chairman Royce. Thank you, Mr. Connolly.
We go now to Tom Garrett of Virginia.
Mr. Garrett. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you all for your testimony here today.
It strikes me that, for the last probably 20 years, I have
heard folks of a broad array of political stripes extol the
virtues of Aung San Suu Kyi, the progress in Burma, et cetera.
And that tool that is at our disposal that I think is
infrequently used but oftentimes effective is that of shame.
I wonder if any of you could elaborate on the potential to
bring pressure on the Government of Burma to amend its
behaviors by virtue of publicizing the realities on the ground
as it relates to the Rohingya and essentially motivating Ms.--I
don't know what the proper--Aung San Suu Kyi--I don't know
whether it would be Ms. Suu Kyi--to compel different behavior
by virtue of that tried-and-true, traditional tactic of shame.
In other words, do you think it might help to shine light
on the reality? What role could the United States take to that
end, both in the global media world and in the United Nations
and as an influencer of ASEAN and as a member of SEATO, et
cetera? And it is wide open.
Mr. Murphy, you can take a break if you want. You are also
welcome to answer, but if you would like to catch your breath,
you can.
Ambassador Storella. Congressman, thank you very much for
that question. I can answer from the humanitarian assistance
perspective and will not try to cover the entire scope of your
question. But I do want to say that it is extremely important
to document what is going on, and it is extremely important to
bear witness to what is going on.
The Government of Bangladesh has accepted over 500,000
people onto its territory. Our Ambassador in Dhaka, Marcia
Bernicat, I spoke with her last night. And she immediately went
to Cox's Bazar to check on the circumstances there. And there
she brought the press with her. And she interviewed people,
including women who had been subject to gender-based violence,
to hear their stories, and she has related them.
That is part of our humanitarian approach, but it also
shines a light on what has happened, and it is very important
for us to continue doing that.
Thank you.
Mr. Garrett. Oh, you can talk. I wasn't telling you not to
talk. I just felt like you had kind of been raked across the
coals there. And, candidly, to be fair, I know you don't
single-handedly shape U.S. policy, but I am a little bit
sympathetic to--mark this down, it is a red-letter day--to Mr.
Connolly's line of questioning.
But, yeah, go ahead and speak to it, please, sir.
Mr. Murphy. Thank you, Congressman. And I appreciate the
perspective. What can we do? This is a source of frustration,
and we are outraged by the human suffering.
There are many stakeholders inside the country that need to
take action. This is not a monolithic authority. There is the
government. There are the security forces. There are local
ethnic leaders inside Rakhine State. There is the broad
population. All of them need to take actions.
I would agree----
Mr. Garrett. Let me interrupt you for a second. And, again,
I am not trying to double down on beating up on you.
It has been my experience, whether it is in Burma or it is
in Central America or whether it is in Africa, that the local
militias, et cetera, operate with a great deal more impunity
when the government is willing to look the other way.
Obviously, they continue to exist, even in contrivance to the
government in many instances.
But I think right now what we are seeing--what I understand
is that they operate with impunity because the government
either condones it or doesn't do anything to deter it.
So, sorry. Go ahead.
Mr. Murphy. I agree with your perspective, and I appreciate
that. I think the fact that we herald the transition to a more
democratic Burma does not absolve the government of criticism.
And, indeed, as Ambassador Haley said in New York, we should
shame Burma's leadership. We are looking for more.
At the same time, there are figures who are attempting to
do what has been unattempted, unprecedented for many, many
decades--that is, to give Rakhine and the Rohingya attention, a
path to citizenship, right now a path to return to their homes.
We can't effect action from outside the country without
action by stakeholders inside the country----
Mr. Garrett. Let me interrupt you, because I have 10
seconds, because you touched on something, and that is a path
to return to their country.
It is so frustrating--I know I am over; I am going to wrap
up quickly--because I spent the better part of a year in a
uniform in the Balkans, and we watched 6 million internally and
externally, at least, displaced people from Iraq and Syria, and
we see it here with Burmese Rohingya pushed into Bangladesh,
and we always talk about creating circumstances where people
can return to their homes, and they never--I mean, with small
exceptions, they never do.
So it is not directed at you; it is more of a frustration
of the world that we live in and perhaps an implorement to find
a better paradigm moving forward.
Thank you.
Chairman Royce. Thank you very, very much for your
questioning, Mr. Garrett.
We now go to Mr. David Cicilline of Rhode Island.
Mr. Cicilline. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you to the witnesses for your testimony this
morning.
I would like to focus very specifically on the sanctions
and what specific actions the administration is considering in
terms of removing or revising any of the existing waivers on
sanctions on Burma. I know earlier in testimony it was
suggested that waivers are infrequently used. I just pulled up
on my phone a long list of sanctions that were waived with
respect to Burma.
So I want know very specifically, is the administration
looking at revoking or revising those and instituting
additional sanctions? What is the downside of that? And
particularly sanctions with the military in Burma that is
responsible for this outrageous and atrocious behavior.
Mr. Murphy. Thank you, Congressman.
I think what you are getting at is what consideration of
actions can we take that can effect behavior change inside the
country of actors who need to stop the violence.
We have a deliberative process, interagency process,
underway, where we are looking at all options----
Mr. Cicilline. Including the waivers? Including removing
the waivers that have been previously granted?
Mr. Murphy. All the available options are under
consideration: Reimposing restrictions, expanding restrictions.
Or is there a different variety of assistance and cooperation
that in fact is needed?
What we are motivated by are two things that I would like
to highlight.
One, there does need to be accountability for any abuses
and violations. That is a very important track. That will be
ongoing.
In the very immediate term, we need to take actions that
help the plight of people who are vulnerable, at risk, facing
violence. We don't want to take actions that exacerbate their
suffering. There is that risk in this complicated environment.
Mr. Cicilline. I understand----
Mr. Murphy. That doesn't withhold us from action, but it
means we want to be very deliberative and careful about what we
do, Congressman.
Mr. Cicilline. I understand that.
In fact, that leads to my very next question. What are we
doing to ensure--and this is really for the Administrator--that
women and girls who have been subjected to unspeakable sexual
violence are receiving the care and not only medical care but
the comprehensive counseling and all the things that a victim
of this kind of violence absolutely requires? And are we taking
any steps, either alone or with our partners, to help mitigate
the risk of sexual violence?
Ms. Somvongsiri. Thank you, sir, for raising that very
important issue.
As you highlighted, within a vulnerable population already
within the Rohingya, women and adolescent girls are especially
vulnerable. We have talked about the limitations on movements
within the community. Women and girls have further limitations,
not only just staying in the camps but, as Muslim women and
girls, in some cases having to stay in their homes and
shelters, which really makes them much more vulnerable and
susceptible to things like trafficking.
As you know, we do not have access to northern Rakhine
State to see the situation firsthand, but we have heard reports
of those who have crossed over to Bangladesh of exactly the
sorts of gender-based violence you have mentioned.
Mr. Cicilline. But my question is--I am aware of it. I
think we all know the problem. I am asking, are we doing
anything about it?
Ms. Somvongsiri. So what we are doing on the humanitarian
side is helping to provide things like psychosocial counseling,
which is very important, getting access to health care,
clinical rape kits, trying to provide child-friendly and other
safe spaces.
But, as I mentioned earlier, until we are actually able
to--that we can do on the Bangladesh side, and Ambassador
Storella may want to elaborate on that. But within northern
Rakhine State itself, since we do not have access, we are
unable to provide the kind of protection services that are
essentially needed. So we continue to call on the need for
that.
Mr. Cicilline. You hear the numbers in terms of the
refugees who have gone into Bangladesh--nearly 750,000, I
think. And we have to wonder, have we lost our leverage as a
country to be effective in this conversation when we only are
accepting 145,000 refugees, and what impact is that having on
what we are asking of other countries and what they are
undertaking?
It seems like it would have significantly reduced our
leadership and our credibility on the issue of refugees when,
at the time of a crisis like this, we have actually reduced to
an embarrassingly small amount the number of people we are
accepting into our own country.
I don't know--anyone is free to answer that.
Ambassador Storella. Congressman Cicilline, the United
States' record on accepting refugees is quite an admirable one.
Since 1975, the United States has resettled over 3.3 million
refugees in the United States, giving them full rights to
citizenship, work, education, and the rest here.
The President each year, as you know, sets a ceiling for
the fiscal year coming up on the number of refugees who will be
admitted. This year, it was set at 45,000. The number varied
over times, but it is important to recognize that it is a
ceiling. And that means that, over the years, we have never
actually surpassed the ceiling. We have come very, very close
several times, but sometimes we have missed by 10,000, even
20,000.
Mr. Cicilline. Ambassador, that is really not my question.
With all due respect, I know our history, our very proud
history of refugees, and it makes me very sad that that history
is changing.
My question is, is that decrease diminishing our leverage
in this crisis? You know, I appreciate the history. It is
exactly what is not happening now. And I am asking, is that
undermining our ability to be a leader in this crisis?
Mr. Yoho [presiding]. Mr. Ambassador, I am going to have to
cut you off. If you could submit that answer for Mr. Cicilline,
I would greatly appreciate it.
David, if you don't mind----
Mr. Cicilline. No, I don't----
Mr. Yoho. Thank you.
Mr. Cicilline. Can I just ask unanimous consent that these
three pages of waivers granted for Burma be entered into the
record?
And I look forward to a written response as to what the
administration is going to do with respect to specific reviews.
Mr. Yoho. I think those are very important. And, without
objection, we will submit those.
Mr. Cicilline. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Yoho. Thank you.
Mr. Perry?
Mr. Perry. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me join the long list of those who give accolades and
acknowledgment to the Ambassador of Bangladesh and our
gratitude for your help and assistance in this crisis.
Ladies and gentlemen of the panel, thank you.
I am frustrated again this week, as I was last week. Let's
get right to the point. Do we understand, do we acknowledge and
agree that time is of the essence? There is an urgency
associated with this circumstance, right?
Because last week we were talking about 1 million Rohingya,
right? And as of last week, in about a timespan of 30 days, as
of last week, 488,000, from my notes, were either displaced or
murdered. Right? So, if you are looking at the sheer numbers,
we have about 30 days to deal with this.
Now, we are all talking, we are sitting here in our white
shirts and our suits, and these people are being slaughtered
and thrown out of their country. I am frustrated.
Burma is a sovereign nation, as the United States is a
sovereign nation. Somebody needs to take action. And I don't
think anybody here is discussing or is implying that we should
go invade Burma. I don't think anybody is implying that, and I
am certainly not implying that. But while we talk about
sanctions and we talk about foreign assistance, these things
take a long time. We have 30 days or less.
So my question to you--first of all, Mr. Murphy, I
appreciate--and, Ambassador, Ms.--I am sorry, I am not even
going to attempt it--what can be done right--or can sanctions
have an effect right now? Can foreign assistance have an effect
right now? What can have an effect right now? Right now. These
people are dying today as we sit here.
Mr. Murphy. Congressman, I think we share your frustration
and concern, absolutely.
Mr. Perry. I know you do.
Mr. Murphy. And----
Mr. Perry. The U.N.
Mr. Murphy [continuing]. I will restate----
Mr. Perry. Anything.
Mr. Murphy [continuing]. That we are fully seized with
taking all measures to end human suffering now. We are working
with the United Nations--U.N. Security Council, U.N. Human
Rights Council--with ASEAN, with all of the stakeholders in
Burma. I traveled there 2 weeks ago. Our Ambassador and his
team are relentlessly pursuing all efforts.
We have achieved some results. There is humanitarian
assistance being delivered in Rakhine State. It is
insufficient, but we have opened an aperture, and we are
seeking to widen it to reach all people in need.
We are looking for actors to take steps to stop the
violence, including vigilante action undertaken by local
civilians. There are responsibilities for the government, for
the armed forces, for local ethnic leaders. We are
communicating with all of them. We are consulting with our
partners around the world.
We are on this in every way possible----
Mr. Perry. I don't doubt you. I don't doubt you for an
instant. And I sense that you sense the urgency as well. But,
with all due respect, it just doesn't seem to me that any of
the things that you are talking about are going to be
effectual.
We are going to get at the end of these next 30 days, and
maybe we are going to have another hearing in this nice room
and we are going to talk about all the things that happened,
and we are going to do an investigation, and we are going to
get after those who are responsible, and it is all going to be
history.
I am looking for some methodology, some vehicle today,
right now, while we sit here, where you walk out of this room
and go say, we are going to go do this and it is going to stop
this from happening. Is there any potential for anything like
that? Whether it is the U.S., whether it is our partners in the
region, whether it is the United Nations?
Because I feel like we are talking; that is great. We are
making sure that we don't make the matter worse, which is
admirable and appropriate. But I have to tell you, I have to
walk out of here and vote in a couple minutes. I have no
confidence that the Rohingya aren't going to continue to be
slaughtered until we come back in this next room. And they are
all in this man's country, and none of them are in Burma.
Is there any reason for me to believe otherwise as I walk
out of here to go vote?
Mr. Murphy. I wish, Congressman, there was a simple
solution. We really do. What we have to keep focused on are the
efforts underway. This doesn't get resolved without
stakeholders inside the country taking action.
The fact that there is humanitarian assistance, there is an
agreement to implement the Kofi Annan recommendations, there
are discussions with Bangladesh on repatriation of refugees. We
have to support these efforts, we have to hold those
accountable. And there are efforts underway to identify those
who are responsible for violations and human rights----
Mr. Perry. If these folks don't let us in their country now
to do an investigation, what makes us think that they are going
to allow an investigation post facto where we can take them to
The Hague for war crimes? Why would they do that?
Mr. Murphy. I don't take the reluctance of any of these
stakeholders in the country as a reason to stop our efforts.
Mr. Perry. I understand. I----
Mr. Murphy. We are absolutely relentless on this, sir.
Mr. Perry. Thank you. Thank you. My time has expired.
Mr. Yoho [presiding]. I appreciate your passion and your
concern there, Mr. Perry.
Ambassador, did you want to say something else? Go ahead.
Ambassador Storella. I just want to say, and it doesn't
really answer Congressman Perry's question altogether, but I do
want to assure you, Congressman, that the generosity of this
Congress has made it possible for the United States to provide
lifesaving assistance now to hundreds of thousands--well,
100,000, I will say for sure, who have been fed thanks to the
generosity of this Congress.
Mr. Yoho. I appreciate you saying that. You know, and this
is just something we have seen over and over again. As you saw
the frustration here, I am like Mr. Perry, I want action now.
We don't need to study. We need action.
And when you have a military government mixed with a
civilian government, but the military has more clout and has
veto power, I don't see things changing, because there's nobody
holding the military people accountable. And that is where the
U.N. needs to be more effective, the world community needs to
be more effective.
How effective would it be if we were to suspend foreign aid
until Burma allowed the U.N. inspectors in the Rakhine State?
Real quickly, and then I am going to close out.
Ms. Somvongsiri. So thank you for raising that. I think
with the gravity of the situation, we obviously need to look at
all the possible tools of leverage on the table.
I would note, though, our foreign assistance right now,
none of our foreign assistance is going directly to the
Government of Burma, it is mostly in terms of----
Mr. Yoho. It looks under 5 percent.
Ms. Somvongsiri. So it is more in terms of supporting the
people of Burma, civil society organizations, the democrat, the
institutions that are necessary for the transition and peace
process. So we would strongly encourage that we take a look at
that issue as we consider that.
Mr. Yoho. I want to thank you all for being here, the
audience, for being here, being respectful and weighing in on
this very important hearing.
I want to thank the witnesses, members, for taking the time
to be here. This is a human rights issue and a national
security issue. We will remain attentive to this pressing
matter. And as it gets imperative, that we will hold all
perpetrators of this violence, including the Burmese Government
and the military, accountable.
The committee stands adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 10:59 a.m., the committee was adjourned.]
A P P E N D I X
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Material Submitted for the Record
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Material submitted for the record by the Honorable Eliot L. Engel, a
Representative in Congress from the State of New York
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Material submitted for the record by the Honorable David Cicilline, a
Representative in Congress from the State of Rhode Island
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