[House Hearing, 115 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
ADVANCING U.S. INTERESTS IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE: THE FY 2018 BUDGET
REQUEST
=======================================================================
HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON
THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
__________
JULY 12, 2017
__________
Serial No. 115-81
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
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U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida BRAD SHERMAN, California
DANA ROHRABACHER, California GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey
JOE WILSON, South Carolina GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida
TED POE, Texas KAREN BASS, California
DARRELL E. ISSA, California WILLIAM R. KEATING, Massachusetts
TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania DAVID N. CICILLINE, Rhode Island
JEFF DUNCAN, South Carolina AMI BERA, California
MO BROOKS, Alabama LOIS FRANKEL, Florida
PAUL COOK, California TULSI GABBARD, Hawaii
SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
RON DeSANTIS, Florida ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois
MARK MEADOWS, North Carolina BRENDAN F. BOYLE, Pennsylvania
TED S. YOHO, Florida DINA TITUS, Nevada
ADAM KINZINGER, Illinois NORMA J. TORRES, California
LEE M. ZELDIN, New York BRADLEY SCOTT SCHNEIDER, Illinois
DANIEL M. DONOVAN, Jr., New York THOMAS R. SUOZZI, New York
F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, Jr., ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York
Wisconsin TED LIEU, California
ANN WAGNER, Missouri
BRIAN J. MAST, Florida
FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida
BRIAN K. FITZPATRICK, Pennsylvania
THOMAS A. GARRETT, Jr., Virginia
Amy Porter, Chief of Staff Thomas Sheehy, Staff Director
Jason Steinbaum, Democratic Staff Director
------
Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere
JEFF DUNCAN, South Carolina, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas
MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas ROBIN L. KELLY, Illinois
MO BROOKS, Alabama NORMA J. TORRES, California
RON DeSANTIS, Florida ADRIANO ESPAILLAT, New York
TED S. YOHO, Florida GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
FRANCIS ROONEY, Florida
C O N T E N T S
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Page
WITNESSES
Mr. Francisco Palmieri, Acting Assistant Secretary, Bureau of
Western Hemisphere Affairs, U.S. Department of State........... 14
Ms. Sarah-Ann Lynch, Acting Assistant Administrator, Bureau for
Latin America and the Caribbean, U.S. Agency for International
Development.................................................... 14
LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING
The Honorable Jeff Duncan, a Representative in Congress from the
State of South Carolina, and chairman, Subcommittee on the
Western Hemisphere: Prepared statement......................... 2
The Honorable Albio Sires, a Representative in Congress from the
State of New Jersey: Prepared statement........................ 5
Mr. Francisco Palmieri: Prepared statement....................... 7
Ms. Sarah-Ann Lynch: Prepared statement.......................... 9
APPENDIX
Hearing notice................................................... 32
Hearing minutes.................................................. 33
The Honorable Jeff Duncan: Material submitted for the record..... 34
Questions submitted for the record by the Honorable Jeff Duncan,
the Honorable Eliot L. Engel, a Representative in Congress from
the State of New York, and the Honorable Norma J. Torres, a
Representative in Congress from the State of California........ 38
ADVANCING U.S. INTERESTS IN THE
WESTERN HEMISPHERE: THE FY 2018
BUDGET REQUEST
----------
WEDNESDAY, JULY 12, 2017
House of Representatives,
Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:08 p.m., in
room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Jeff Duncan
(chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
Mr. Duncan. All right. A quorum being present, the
subcommittee will come to order.
We are going to go ahead with an abbreviated agenda today
just due to time of our witnesses and be respectful, because we
are delayed. We are delayed by votes on the House floor, and
our witnesses have a hard stop departure this afternoon. And
the ranking member, our witnesses, and I have agreed to forego
our opening statements so we can proceed immediately to member
questions and answers.
Statements will be provided for the record, if anybody
would like to read the witnesses' statements, opening
statements of the members. I want to thank everyone for their
cooperation and patience. This is the way the schedule goes
sometimes.
So, without objection, everyone's opening statements will
be entered in the record, and we will now proceed to questions.
[The information referred to follows:]
[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
----------
Mr. Duncan. I guess I am first.
The ranking member is on his way.
In Cuba, in recent years, attacks against dissidents and
violations of human rights in Cuba have increased. As of May 8,
the Cuban Commission for Human Rights and National
Reconciliation reported that there were at least 1,867 short-
term detentions for political reasons in the first 4 months of
2017. Today, Cuba has at least 140 political prisoners. Despite
the June rollout of new policy with emphasis on protecting the
human rights of Cubans, democratic assistance to Cuba was cut
from the 2018 request down from $20 million in democracy
assistance in the 2016 that was used to support human rights
groups and civil society on the island.
So how does the administration reconcile the public support
for human rights on one hand and freedom in Cuba with the
elimination of funding that provides capacity-building and
support to local groups and organizations that are promoting
these rights on the island?
Mr. Palmieri.
Mr. Palmieri. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for that question.
Foreign assistance was reduced globally, sir. And we believe we
have a number of other tools that will permit us to continue to
engage and press Cuba on the human rights front. We will
continue to use our Embassy in Havana to do outreach to human
rights and civil society groups. We will engage in multilateral
fora, such as the OAS and the Inter-American Commission on
Human Rights. We will work with international partners, the EU,
and other countries of the Western Hemisphere to apply
pressure. We will continue--through direct bilateral talks,
such as the Human Rights Dialogue--to press Cuba on that
specific issue, sir.
Mr. Duncan. Ms. Lynch?
Ms. Lynch. Thank you, sir.
We have an existing appropriation that does get to the
humanitarian assistance issues that you mentioned, whereby we
are providing a package of goods to political dissidents,
political prisoners, and their families, and we will continue
to program that appropriation with existing funding.
Mr. Palmieri. Sir, I was also----
Mr. Duncan. Yes, sir.
Mr. Palmieri. I was also remiss in not mentioning the
President's new National Security Presidential Memorandum makes
it clear that engagement on human rights and democracy issues
in Cuba will be at the forefront of everything we do in the new
policy.
Mr. Duncan. Okay. Thank you for that.
Focus on Venezuela. We have a letter going to President
Trump on Venezuela. Current signers are myself, the ranking
member, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, and Francis Rooney. I am going to ask
unanimous consent to put this in the record, but I also would
like to pass this around if anyone would like to sign it.
But Venezuela and some of the actions there by Maduro
creating a Constituent Assembly as they call it, and,
basically, undermining the Venezuelan Constitution. Can you
talk with me a little bit about what the focus is in this
budget with Venezuela, with regard to what the United States is
doing with Venezuela, and how it may positively or negatively
impact the Maduro regime?
Mr. Palmieri. Yes, sir. We continue to be focused on the
four commitments that the Venezuelan Government made in the
dialogue and mediation efforts led by the Vatican last fall.
That is to immediately release all political prisoners, to
schedule the elections that have been postponed, to address the
humanitarian needs, and, most importantly, sir, to respect the
Venezuelan Constitution and the role of the duly elected
National Assembly to allow it to be a part of the democratic
process more fully and to provide solutions to the crises in
the country.
Mr. Duncan. Ms. Lynch?
Ms. Lynch. Yes. We have existing activities in Venezuela
working with civil society organizations with four U.S.-based
NGOs here and then 30 to 35 NGOs in Venezuela, and we will
continue to be working with those civil society organizations
to increase awareness of what is happening on the ground and to
increase the ability to report on human rights abuses,
corruption, things of that nature. We are also working with the
National Assembly to increase their ability to be legislators,
doing training and capacity building there.
In addition, we are doing assessments, to the extent we
can, on the situation on the ground in the food area, in the
economic area, in the financial area, and putting together
those assessments so, should there be an opportunity to do
more, we will be prepared to have a good response.
Mr. Duncan. Okay. Does the Department of State think that
democracy and governance support is necessary in the Western
Hemisphere?
Mr. Palmieri. Absolutely, sir.
Mr. Duncan. Okay. You think that is broad--let's broaden it
beyond. You are from the Western Hemisphere sector, so maybe
that is not fair. But do you think that is a policy of the
State Department in general, to support democracy and
governance?
Mr. Palmieri. Yes, sir.
Mr. Duncan. Okay. Thank you.
Would you agree that foreign aid is a tremendous foreign
policy tool?
Mr. Palmieri. It is a critical and important part of our
national power, yes, sir.
Mr. Duncan. So influencing foreign policy in a positive way
with foreign aid is one thing. Withholding of foreign aid or
limiting foreign aid could have a very impactful effort as
well, I guess. Right?
Mr. Palmieri. I would say, sir, there are many tools that
we have at our disposal. In a constrained budget environment,
we have to determine which priorities and which tools we can
use to their greatest effect based on each individual's
circumstance, yes.
Mr. Duncan. Let me just state for the record: There are a
number of countries that receive a tremendous amount of U.S.
foreign aid that don't support U.S. efforts sometimes, whether
it is votes at the U.N. or the OAS. I am not going to ask you
to comment on that. That is my opinion.
I am going to now turn to the ranking member.
Mr. Sires. Thank you, Chairman, and thank you for holding
this meeting.
First of all, I thank you for coming before the committee.
And I have certain concerns regarding this budget, especially
some of the cuts. I was in Honduras and Guatemala with my
colleague, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen. And one of the things that we
saw there is how we are helping these countries, especially the
Attorneys General of those countries, keeping up under a lot of
pressure. I was wondering if some of the cuts are going to
impact those Attorneys General and their offices?
Mr. Palmieri. I would agree, sir, that the work of the
three Attorneys General in the Northern Triangle countries
specifically have produced some important results over the last
few years. There is a renewed commitment by all three of those
individuals to attacking impunity, and the support that we can
provide them is money well spent.
Ms. Lynch. Yes. I totally agree with my colleague. Under
this budget request, we do suggest continued support for the
Attorneys General as well as other national institutions that
get to issues of impunity and corruption, such as MACCIH in
Honduras.
Mr. Sires. There is also the elimination of the Food for
Peace programming in the budget. I was wondering how you feel
about that?
Ms. Lynch. We will continue with some agriculture funding
particularly in the three countries of the Northern Triangle of
Central America, as well as in Haiti.
Mr. Sires. Mr. Palmieri?
Mr. Palmieri. The Food for Peace program?
Mr. Sires. Yeah, programming.
Mr. Palmieri. I would defer to my USAID colleague's answer,
yes, sir.
Mr. Sires. Okay. Who will speak on funding global health?
You will also?
Ms. Lynch. Sure.
Mr. Sires. I know there is a 62 percent cut there also. So
I was wondering how you feel about that.
Ms. Lynch. Right. We do seek to continue funding global
health in certain areas. In maternal and child health, for
example, in Haiti, where we want to build on the important work
that we have already done there, as well as in Guatemala, where
we are looking to shift much of that funding to nutrition,
which is key to some of the important and most problematic
issues in Guatemala, which are stunting.
Mr. Sires. Mr. Palmieri, what kind of a message do you
think we are sending to this part of the world when we have
these cuts?
Mr. Palmieri. In Central America, I think what we are
trying to do is build on the efforts that have been made in
previous budgets. In Fiscal Year 2015, Fiscal Year 2016, and
Fiscal Year 2017, we have a combined $2 billion that we are
directing to Central America.
And so Secretary Tillerson, with Secretary Kelly and
Secretary Mnuchin, hosted a conference last month on Central
America where the President of Honduras, the President of
Guatemala, and the Vice President attended, and we began to
look at ways that we can involve the private sector,
multilateral development banks, and so that we can deepen the
economic investments in the region. And through both our
previous assistance and the additional money in the Fiscal Year
2018 budget, we can begin to address some of the underlying
conditions there.
Mr. Sires. Thank you. I don't want you to think this is the
only administration I said this about. I was also concerned the
previous administration that we were not focusing enough
attention on the Western Hemisphere. Because I really feel that
it is one of those places where we have neglected due to the
fact that, you know, the world is at war, basically, and in the
Middle East, and the focus, the attention, is there. But I
think we would be shortsighted if we don't pay attention to our
backyard.
It is critical that we continue to support some of these
programs and continue to harbor a relationship like we always
had.
Mr. Palmieri. Yes, sir. I agree. And I think Secretary
Tillerson has made the Western Hemisphere a priority at the
start of his work here, the Central America conference, his
first trip was to Mexico. I think we are working hard at both
the issues of national security and economic prosperity,
because we do believe what is good for the United States is
also good for the region. And working together, we can continue
a positive path, as you just outlined.
Mr. Sires. I am concerned about the security, because some
of the players that are going to South America are not our
friends. So security is very important.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Duncan. I agree with you. I hope that is Tillerson's
focus and opinion. I haven't asked him. I hope that's correct.
I applaud him for that, because that is what we are going to
focus on.
I will now go to the gentlelady from Florida, the former
chairwoman, and the current chairwoman of Middle East and North
Africa.
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Thank you, very much, Mr. Chairman.
And welcome to you both.
As Mr. Sires pointed out, he and I traveled to Guatemala
and Honduras in March. It was a wonderful visit to great
countries who are solid allies of the U.S.
And while we were there in Honduras, I asked our Ambassador
to please look into the visa restrictions that we placed--
previous administration--in 2009. And after nearly a decade,
boy, we really need to return the visas to the Hondurans
impacted.
Could I receive your assurances, Mr. Palmieri, that you
will look into this matter and that you would please get back
to me on this?
Mr. Palmieri. We will absolutely get back to you on that
issue, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen.
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Thank you.
They have been so singled out and punished for adhering to
the constitution. And they were proven correct. But, still,
they are there, unable to leave their country. So thank you so
much.
Furthermore, Mr. Palmieri, the Cuban directive, as we know,
was issued on June 16th. And that directive states that the
changes shall not prohibit the support for democracy programs
in Cuba. And that is so important. But the budget proposal
zeroed out budget programs in Cuba. And I know that the
chairman and the ranking member have pointed that out, how
these cuts just seem to be maybe penny wise, pound foolish.
Can civil society groups in Cuba survive without this much
needed U.S. assistance?
Mr. Palmieri. I believe that the President's new National
Security Policy Memorandum makes it a focus of the U.S.
Government's effort to engage on human rights and democracy in
Cuba. And I believe we have tools that will be available to us
through our Embassy on the island with multilateral partners,
with other regional partners, to continue to engage with human
rights activists on the island and civil society groups. And I
believe the new policy will enable us to continue that
engagement effectively.
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Good. And we welcome the arrival of the
new chief of that section or intersection or Embassy or
whatever it is we are calling it these days.
In Nicaragua, as we know, the Ortega regime continues to
use his cronies to threaten and undermine civil society
members, human rights organizations. Yet, again, the budget
proposal zeros out democracy programs in Nicaragua as well.
What is the justification for doing that in Nicaragua, sir?
Mr. Palmieri. Again, I think foreign assistance was reduced
globally. And in an era of constrained budgets, we had to make
some difficult priority decisions. Again, in a place like
Nicaragua, we have a fully staffed Embassy. I think we can be
effective and efficient with some of the other resources we
will have at our disposal there to engage with the civil
society and human rights activists, and to try to continue to
advance our national interests in Nicaragua.
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Thank you.
And lastly--Mr. Chairman, thank you--we get to Venezuela.
And I think that the programs in Venezuela have been
transformational, have played a substantial and important role
in helping the people of Venezuela. Would you both agree with
that assessment?
And I know that you are agreeing, but what is the
justification of zeroing out funds for Venezuela when it is one
of the most important programs with bicameral and bipartisan
support on the Hill? It has become a great investment to
advance U.S. interests in the region.
Mr. Palmieri. We absolutely need to continue to support the
Venezuelan people in their effort to reestablish and restore
their democratic institutions, and we will use all the tools
available to us in that effort.
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Thank you. And speaking of the tools,
before the committee adjourns, I would kindly give you a list
of more human rights violators of Venezuela whom we would like
the administration to place on the sanctions list so that they
are not able to come and visit Mickey Mouse in Disney World and
shop at Bal Harbour and enjoy all the wonderful freedoms that
we have here, while they beat the heads and shoot at
demonstrators in Venezuela.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for the opportunity to show a short
video on the latest violence orchestrated by Maduro and his
cronies against the people of Venezuela. And I would like to
thank the brave Venezuelan civil society groups on the ground
for doing an amazing job of monitoring the situation, putting
this video together for our subcommittee.
Thank you.
[Video shown.]
Ms. Ros-Lehtinen. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Duncan. I will thank the gentlelady for her continued
focus in helping keep this subcommittee focused on Venezuela
and the human rights abuses going there and, hopefully, future
regime change there that we all are hoping for.
The Chair will now go to Mrs. Torres.
Mrs. Torres. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And thank you to our guests for being here. It is great to
see you.
As the founder of the Central America Caucus, I have been a
strong supporter of U.S. strategy for engagement in Central
America. I have a firm commitment to continuing to work in the
region in the Northern Triangle.
And as we continue to make the argument for aid in Central
America, we need to be able to account for where this aid is
going. We need to effectively measure their progress and
measure its impact.
The first $750 million that we appropriated in Fiscal Year
2016, just to make sure, none of that money has gone to the
government of any of these countries. Is that correct? Directly
into the coffers of the government.
Mr. Palmieri. That's correct. It is not our policy to
deliver that money directly to the government.
Mrs. Torres. I just wanted that for the record. There has
been a lot of questions within groups around how that money is
being spent.
Can you account for how much has been spent in each
country, and how much is going through contractors versus NGOs,
and how the money is balanced between the three main pillars:
The rule of law, development, and security? I just want to make
sure and get a basic sense of where that money is going.
Ms. Lynch. With all that detail, we may have to get back to
you on some of those numbers. But I would say that it is not a
cookie-cutter approach to each of the countries. So the sectors
might vary from one country to another, and it depends on the
emphasis of our programming.
Mrs. Torres. Okay.
Mr. Palmieri. In general, they go to three central pillars
of our effort in Central America that get at the drivers of
irregular migration. We are trying to improve all three
country's ability to address the security conditions in the
country. We are trying to help them improve their governance
programs, like improving their ability to collect taxes so that
their institutions have the ability to provide social services.
Mrs. Torres. And all of that is important, as well as
education. And I want to make sure that the bulk of the money
isn't just going for security or to build up more borders. I
want to make sure that we are actually spending money to
address the root causes that bring children to have to flee
their country.
How are you measuring progress in the Northern Triangle?
What are the main indicators that you are using in order to
ensure that what we are doing, the work that we are doing, is
actually making a difference?
Ms. Lynch. Some of the indicators that we have are that the
governments are taking an interest in investing their own
resources in many of the things that we are doing. So, for
example, in Guatemala, we helped stand up the 24-hour courts,
which help them respond to the legislation that says a detainee
has to report to a judge within 24 hours. We helped stand up
these courts. The Guatemalans have now taken them over.
Another measure of success is private sector engagement. We
now have a great number of private sector efforts there,
public-private partnerships, if you will. Microsoft, in El
Salvador, is a good example, where they are working with at-
risk youth to educate them in various areas, including in
computers. And then, finally, civil society, keeping an eye on
the government.
Mrs. Torres. I want to thank you both for recognizing the
efforts of CICIG and MACCIH, and the efforts of the Attorneys
General leading those causes, and the impact that their work
has had on their personal lives and their family and the number
of threats.
Are you aware that four members of the Guatemalan Congress
have hired and are paying $80,000 a month for a lobbying firm
to come here? And I am assuming that they are lobbying against
CICIG.
Mr. Palmieri. I have seen those press reports that there
are press reports of these four individuals engaging a lobbying
effort. I do not have specific factual information about what
they are funding or not funding.
Mrs. Torres. At some point I would like for you to report
back to this committee if that is true. Because I think that we
are spending a significant amount of money, amount of effort,
our own time, to focus on that. And as far as I am concerned,
my commitment to the Northern Triangle is contingent on the
work of CICIG and the work of MACCIH.
Mr. Palmieri. Thank you. We will do that.
Mr. Duncan. The gentlelady's time has expired.
The Chair will now go to Mr. Rooney from Florida.
Mr. Rooney. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
There are 85 countries that don't take our deportees. ICE
considers 23 of them recalcitrant countries. They consider 62
of them noncooperators. There are 243,000 people, illegal,
under deportation orders that their home country won't accept;
57,000 of them have been convicted of a crime. Cuba is number
two in the people that they won't accept, that is 40,000. Haiti
is number three, 35,000. And Brazil is number four at 30,000.
We had a fellow named Jean Jacques, you may know about him,
an illegal Haitian, who was--three times ICE tried to return
him to Haiti, and they wouldn't take him. And within 6 months
of the third time, in mid-2016, he brutally murdered a 25-year-
old lady in Connecticut.
In 2015, we gave Haiti $\1/2\ billion. And right now you
are proposing giving Haiti $157.5 million. So my question--and
one more thing. In addition to countries that don't accept our
deportees, we gave, in 2016, Ecuador, under Rafael Correa--
where I don't even think we had an ambassador at the time--$10
million. We gave Argentina $2\1/2\ million. And in Bolivia,
under Evo Morales, in 2015--where I am not sure we had an
ambassador back down there by that time--we gave them $56.5
million.
So my question is: Why should we support USAID when you are
giving money to countries that won't accept our deportees and
that are supporting countries where we can't even position an
ambassador and are run by authoritarian dictators?
Ms. Lynch. Sir, we have had a lot of very good investments
both in Haiti, in particular, and Ecuador, in the past. We
actually have not had a very extensive program in Ecuador in
the recent past. For USAID's part, we have about a $2 million
project that has been funding civil society organizations, not
the government at all. Those organizations actually draw
attention to some of the issues that you raise. So they are
there to raise awareness of things like human rights abuses,
lack of governance, corruption, impunity, and things of that
nature.
In Haiti, similarly, we do have an effort at civil society,
building the capacity for organizations to do the same. At the
same time, we are working, again, primarily with the NGO
community and private sector, to build up private sector
competitiveness. But also, on the health side of things, post-
earthquake, there were many, many issues, of course, I am sure
you are aware of. We have moved out of some of the those, the
infrastructure, into things like housing, finance, and whatnot.
But, basically, to create a situation of stability in order to
reduce the possibility of illegal immigrants coming from a
place like Haiti, same in Central America.
Mr. Palmieri. In addition, sir, we are working closely with
the Department of Homeland Security on a new initiative in this
administration to address the problem of recalcitrant countries
and their unwillingness to accept the repatriation of duly
deported--individuals who are ready for deportation.
Mr. Rooney. I am really glad to hear that you are
supportive of the move of the DHS to take over consular
deportation activities and get it out of the State Department.
That is the proposal. The proposal is to move it to the
Department of Homeland Security, right?
Mr. Palmieri. I am not aware of any proposal at this time.
But what I was referencing, sir, was the effort that the State
Department, with the Department of Homeland Security, is
looking at ways that we can enhance the repatriation of
individuals who are identified for deportation to recalcitrant
countries that have not taken----
Mr. Rooney. So is there any thought about cutting off their
money, or are we going to continue to fund programs while they
won't do it?
Mr. Palmieri. Depending on the country, we have a lot of
different interests that are in play. But it is very clear
under this administration that we are addressing the problem of
recalcitrant countries, yes, sir.
Mr. Rooney. Thank you.
I yield.
Mr. Duncan. I thank the gentleman.
I now go to Mr. Espaillat.
Mr. Espaillat. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Welcome.
The Inspector General for the Department of State and
Justice released a report recently that says that State
Department employees were involved in a coverup of a 2012
incident where a drug raid in Honduras went wrong and four
civilians were killed. The report finds that the State
Department employees failed to comply with and undermined the
Ambassador's Chief of Mission authority.
How is the State Department holding accountable these
employees cited in the IG's report?
Mr. Palmieri. Thank you for the question, Mr. Espaillat.
The IG's report is being handled at the Department and we are
preparing our response to those recommendations.
Mr. Espaillat. How are we doing with so far as the
nominations of potential ambassadors in Latin America and the
Caribbean? Where are we now? Because many of these countries
are in instability or right in the middle of a crisis. Do we
have any progress with regards to nomination and appointments?
Mr. Palmieri. Yeah. I believe the administration is making
significant process on the appointment of ambassadors in the
Western Hemisphere. We have nominees for Canada, the Bahamas,
Guatemala, Peru, and Costa Rica, and are working on their
nominations, sir.
Mr. Espaillat. Okay. TPS is about to expire for the
triangle countries of Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala.
What is the State Department's position of continuing TPS for
several hundred thousand people in the U.S. that are under that
status?
Mr. Palmieri. A temporary protective status, TPS, is a
Department of Homeland Security authority, and we will wait for
them to consult with us at an appropriate time ahead of that
decision, sir.
Mr. Espaillat. Last year, President Obama signed into law a
bipartisan U.S.-Caribbean Strategic Engagement Act, authored by
both Representatives Engel and Ros-Lehtinen. The administration
recently released its new strategy for engaging with the
subregion, which was mandated by the bill. Writing a strategy
is one thing, but implementing one is another. What are you
planning to do to implement this particular initiative?
Mr. Palmieri. Well, we began last week. Under Secretary Tom
Shannon and I attended the Summit of CARICOM Heads of
Government in Grenada.
Mr. Espaillat. Grenada.
Mr. Palmieri. We had extensive meetings during the 2 days
that we were there with different heads of government to talk
about the strategy that we prepared in response to the
legislation and to consult with them on the priorities that we
have listed in that report. We will continue to consult
stakeholders here in the United States, continue conversations
with the Congress, and develop that proposed strategy and
implement it as quickly and as effectively as we can.
Mr. Espaillat. Thank you.
Now, the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative is another
important initiative for a geopolitical region that is very
important to us. And there is currently an economic meltdown in
Puerto Rico, Cuba still very unstable, Dominican Republic,
Haiti are also facing great challenges, opening the door there
for perhaps increasing crime, drug trafficking, human
trafficking. We have seen a reduction in the budget for that
region from $57.7 million to 36.2, and a 36 percent reduction
altogether.
So how are we going to be able to respond to the emerging
need of that important region for the United States, given the
fact that there has been such a dramatic cut in aid for that
particular region of the world?
Mr. Palmieri. Foreign assistance was reduced globally. In
the Caribbean, earlier aspects of the Caribbean Security
Initiative focused on bigger ticket items, like maritime
vessels. And, now, as we move forward in the CBSI, our programs
are more focused toward capacity building, training, and
maintenance. And so we believe we can continue to use the level
of funding that is available to us to advance our national
interests there, sir.
Mr. Espaillat. Thank you for your answers. Thank you so
much.
Mr. Duncan. I thank the gentleman.
The Chair will now go down to Mr. DeSantis from Florida.
Mr. DeSantis. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you to the witnesses. I appreciate your service.
I would like to start seeing some of the folks who are
going to be the actual appointees nominated and confirmed. I
think that is important, particularly for the Western
Hemisphere. I have been supportive, and I know the chairman
has, of Mauricio Claver-Carone. I think he would do a great
job. But bottom line is, we would love to see these decisions
made so that these folks can get in place. But I appreciate
what you are doing.
Let me ask just you, just to follow up with my friend from
Florida, why hasn't the State Department ever halted visas when
some of these countries will not take back, particularly the
criminal illegal aliens? Under the law, if they are not doing
it, State Department shuts off visas until they start to do it.
But we have never done that, and I just don't know why.
Mr. Palmieri. I think that is a very good question. And I
would want to consult closely with our Bureau of Consular
Affairs. I know the decision to cease visa processing is a very
serious one that also has impacts on the U.S. economy in terms
of people being able to travel back and forth who might not
fall----
Mr. DeSantis. Well, without question. But I think if you
use it, then I think that a lot of the countries are going to
change their ways. Because it has a lot of effects on their
economies too. And as I understand the law, once DHS says, hey,
these countries are recalcitrant--it used to be the Attorney
General before DHS, because this law predated DHS--then I think
the State Department has to do it. And we have been trying to
figure out, is it DHS that is just not providing this to the
State Department or is the State Department dragging its feet?
And it may be the former as well.
But I think if we can get in a situation where these
countries are respecting this, where particularly these
criminal illegals, bringing them back, they are accepting
that--I don't even think you would need to use it then. But I
think at some point you have got to do something, because they
have figured out they are just not going to play ball with us.
And I think the tragedy has been that has harmed some of our
citizens here, when these people are released into American
society.
Let me ask you about Cuba. We had a big policy change in
Cuba announced in the winter of 2015. Have human rights on the
island improved since that policy change in December 2015?
Mr. Palmieri. I think President Trump's new policy review
of our Cuba policy focuses exactly on that question: How can we
ensure that U.S. engagement promotes human rights and democracy
on the island?
Mr. DeSantis. But is it fair to say that there has not
really been an improvement? Because as I watched it, people
said, hey, the policy hasn't worked, we got to change. Then you
changed the policy, and you actually had political arrests go
up, and you had even more repression in some respects. And so I
don't think you can say--I know I appreciate the President's
review of this and changes. I think those are positive steps.
But, man, for those 2 years, or 1\1/2\ years, I didn't see very
much progress. Am I wrong?
Mr. Palmieri. I think the policy review clearly reflects
that we need to work to ensure that U.S. engagement in Cuba
produces the kind of progress you are talking about.
Mr. DeSantis. Venezuela. It has just been an absolute
disgrace what is going on there. We have been engaged on this
committee for now--I mean, a long time. Since you have really
been chairman. And I would like to see us do more to empower
the people that are being oppressed.
What is the State Department doing? Is there more Congress
can do to help the people that are suffering under the yoke of
the Maduro dictatorship?
Mr. Palmieri. I think we share the same exact view, that we
need to find ways to better assist the Venezuelan people in the
face of crises, of political, economic, and humanitarian
nature.
The State Department continues to press the Venezuelan
Government to honor its commitments to the Vatican-led dialogue
last fall, specifically to address the humanitarian needs of
the Venezuelan people, to respect the role of the National
Assembly, to----
Mr. DeSantis. Well, we have obviously seen--those would all
be great. The question is: Is it feasible that this regime will
actually ever do any of that or do we really just need to hope
that this regime crumbles and that we can have a new regime
take its place.
I mean, I don't see how Maduro will ever go in the
direction that we want. I mean, you just look at how failed the
society is. They are sitting on the number one amount of oil
reserves in the world, and yet they have gas shortages. You
have people that are losing 15, 20 pounds a year because they
have food shortages. It is an absolute failure. But I think
what he has shown is, any time the people suffer, he always
errs on just trying to cling to his own power, and he has not
been open to reform. Am I wrong?
Mr. Palmieri. I think the record in Venezuela is very
clear, as you outlined.
Mr. DeSantis. Thank you. I yield back.
Mr. Duncan. I thank the gentleman.
Now I will go down to Ms. Kelly.
Ms. Kelly. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding a hearing
today on advancing U.S. interests in the Western Hemisphere.
The Trump administration has made it a priority to deter
illegal migration and combat transnational criminal
organizations. However, the President's budget significantly
cuts assistance to every country and regional program in Latin
America and the Caribbean. Many of these cuts will affect
programs that directly work on issues related to immigration
and crime.
For example, the U.S. Strategy for Engagement in Central
America, which addresses underlying conditions that affect
migration, will receive a 39 percent funding cut. The budget
has shifted the remaining aid toward security efforts and away
from governance and economic growth programs.
However, our country's economic and political circumstances
affect this ability to provide national security and stability.
Economic prosperity and good governance directly affect the
country's ability to combat crime. That is why it is vital that
the United States continues to provide assistance.
With such dramatic cuts in aid, would the United States be
able to continue to play a meaningful role in the economic and
political development of countries in Latin America and the
Caribbean? And how does cutting these programs endanger U.S.
interest in the region? For both of you.
Mr. Palmieri. You know, as Secretary Tillerson said in his
testimony before the full committee's hearing in Congress, the
level of funding devoted to a particular goal is not the most
important factor in achieving it. We believe the budget request
prioritizes programs that directly support national security
imperatives in the region, including stopping transnational
criminal organizations and reducing the flow of illegal
migrants and illicit goods. And we will use all of the
resources that we do have at our disposal to advance U.S.
national security and economic prosperity in this region.
Ms. Lynch. Yes. Likewise, and in a constrained budget
environment, I think what the budget reflects is doubling down
on the areas that you mentioned. As my colleague mentioned
also, illegal migration and the production and transit of
illegal drugs north.
In addition, we are building on the programming that we
have already done and increasing efforts to leverage resources
from the private sector to get more engaged in these efforts as
well. Also, we are encouraging other donors to get involved. My
colleague mentioned the Central America Conference, which
besides the member states from those countries, we had
participation from Canada, from, you know, Spain, the EU has
expressed interest in this region, as well as Japan. So it is a
holistic approach to the region.
Ms. Kelly. So you are trying to find others to supplement
where those huge cuts are?
Ms. Lynch. It is an opportunity for others to participate
in these efforts. I mean, I think the environment--a secure and
stable hemisphere is important to those donors that I mentioned
as well as the private sector.
Ms. Kelly. And have you been successful thus far in finding
private or other countries?
Ms. Lynch. Yes. We have leveraged several million dollars.
I will throw out El Salvador as an example, where we have
something like 11 or 12 small micro enterprises that have
created over 20,000 jobs for Salvadorans and increased sales in
the industries by $150 million. And that is with the help of
the private sector.
We also have experience with Microsoft in El Salvador that
I mentioned previously, and then a consortium of private sector
organizations--Hanes company, Wal-Mart, Citi, et cetera--that
are involved in educational opportunities for at-risk youth.
Ms. Kelly. There is a lot of countries to cover. So I hope
you are successful.
Following up on the Honduras investigation, are adequate
reparations or other compensations contemplated for the
Honduran victims of the Ahaus incident detailed in the report?
Mr. Palmieri. I believe in previous appropriations there
has been an effort to make some assistance to the group in that
area, but we would want to get back a more fuller answer for
the record.
Ms. Kelly. I would appreciate that.
Chairman, I yield back.
Mr. Duncan. I thank the gentlelady.
I recognize myself for another round of questions, just
because of where we are in the hearing.
Colombia, largest producer of coca. Largest supplier of
cocaine seized here in America. Santos dramatically reduced the
eradication during the FARC negotiations as a concession. So
eradication went down, coca production went up, cocaine supply
is at a--maybe an all-time high.
How will the terms of the peace process, as it relates to
coca eradication, affect the ability of the U.S. to support
Colombian eradication efforts?
Mr. Palmieri. I think moving forward with peace process
implementation, the Colombian Government has developed a
strategy to deal with this increase in coca leaf cultivation
and the subsequent increase in cocaine production.
We are working, our assistance programs on the
counternarcotics side, to complement and support that effort.
And I think it will be imperative that our effort and their
efforts show immediate results as quickly as we can, given the
increase in coca cultivation that you have singled.
Mr. Duncan. All right. So the FARC and people that were
involved in the FARC are now going to have to find other
employment.
The concern is for the Colombians and what these people are
going to do. Is there anything in the budget USAID-wise, what
is the number, if there are any, to assist the Colombians? Have
the Colombians asked us to help them with that through USAID?
Mr. Palmieri. There is definitely a component to the peace
plan implementation and to our assistance program that
envisions enhancing the state of Colombia's presence in these
regions and promoting alternative developments.
I don't know if you want to add anything.
Ms. Lynch. Yes. The $105 million, I think, that we have
requested in Fiscal Year 2018 will go toward three areas:
Extending state presence where it hasn't been seen in a while
in Colombia, improving rural economies there, and then
reintegration and inclusive programming. USAID is working right
now in 40 of the 58 most insecure areas of Colombia trying to
transform those into areas that--where there will be licit
possibilities for the farmers. Tumaco is a great example, where
we have already helped about 5,000 families and created 2,000
jobs.
So we are supporting the Colombians to make further
progress in those areas.
Mr. Duncan. And I think if the peace process is going to be
successful in the long run, you are going to have to find other
employment. They are going to have to retrain. They are going
to have to build schools and roads. The Colombians have got a
challenge ahead of them. I think Santos knows that, based on
our conversations.
Ranking Member, do you have another question?
Mr. Sires. Yes. I want to get back to Nicaragua.
Is there any money in the budget to counteract the
influence of Russia in Nicaragua? I know they sold 50 tanks and
they are opening up a listening post. And I was wondering, how
are we focusing on that?
Mr. Palmieri. Well, we do provide some funding for
international military education and training that allows us to
maintain U.S. military engagement with elements of the security
forces in Nicaragua. We also do some counternarcotics
cooperation with Nicaraguan security forces as well.
The Russian presence there is focused on a counternarcotics
training facility that they have created.
Mr. Sires. And as far as Costa Rica is concerned, I think
they are one of our best friends that we have there in terms of
dealing with this narcotraffic issue.
Are we cutting any of their money?
Mr. Palmieri. With respect to Costa Rica, I agree, sir,
they are one of our best friends and allies in the entire
hemisphere, not just in the fight against counter narcotics,
but on a whole range of political issues.
We will be looking at ways that we can use current year
funding to assist them. In the outyear, they will benefit from
the Central America Regional Security Initiative, and they will
receive funding.
Mr. Sires. Didn't we just turn a boat over to them or help
them buy a boat?
Mr. Palmieri. I have to confess, I do know that there is an
effort underway, and I will have to get the specifics on the--
the desire to----
Mr. Sires. I am not talking about a speedboat. You know,
the deal with the----
Mr. Palmieri. Yeah, yeah. I am sorry, sir. I will get you a
fuller answer on that. I don't know, off the top of my head.
Mr. Sires. Okay. Thank you.
Mr. Duncan. The Chair will now recognize and welcome to the
hearing Mr. Meeks. Five minutes.
Mr. Meeks. Just when you thought you could go home early.
Mr. Palmieri. It is good to see you, sir.
Mr. Meeks. Good to see you.
Let me start out--I had some questions and, really, I guess
they probably were more appropriate--one is more appropriate
for Secretary Tillerson than you, Mr. Palmieri, or Ms. Lynch,
because it goes into conflicts of interest or potentially
conflicts of interest on dealing with the President's
businesses and what he is doing. I started to ask that
question, but I think I am not going to ask either one of you
that. I don't want to put you on the spot. I know you are there
acting. I do not want you--there is only a few people there
now. We don't need anybody to lose anybody. So I will hold off
on asking those questions.
But I will ask you questions that I asked the Secretary
when he appeared here, and I was waiting to get an answer back,
and I have not received one yet. And maybe you can give me an
answer. And one of them deals with--the State Department led a
U.S.-Brazil Joint Action Plan to Eliminate Racial and Ethnic
Discrimination and Promote Equality and the U.S.-Colombia
Action Plan on Racial and Ethnic Equality have been important
ways to corroborate and coordinate efforts to address systemic
racial discrimination.
What resources--this is my question--within the State
Department are dedicated to continue the support of these
important mechanisms for the advancement of the marginalized
and underserved communities in Brazil and Colombia?
Mr. Palmieri. Thank you for that question, Mr. Meeks. And
the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs is very proud of the
work we have done to promote social inclusion--race, ethnicity,
and social inclusion programming into our efforts in the
hemisphere. The two agreements that you--or initiatives you
have pointed out with Brazil and Colombia will continue. We
continue to have a staff who will work on that. And we will use
different pots of available funding for exchange programs and
other programs to continue to spotlight the need for progress
in those two programs, sir.
Mr. Meeks. USAID, Ms. Lynch?
Ms. Lynch. Thank you.
Yes. We consider this a core value of USAID and all the
programming that we do. In this region, we have made it a top
priority to have inclusivity in all of our programming. In
Colombia, I mentioned earlier that we are in 40 of the 58 most
difficult parts of the country. Those are largely populated by
Afro-Colombians, indigenous people. Our inclusivity programming
includes women and others that do not have traditional access
to either services by the state or economic opportunities. So
it is very important to us, and we will continue to address
that issue.
Mr. Meeks. Thank you.
And, likewise--and I go back to Mr. Palmieri--the
indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities in Colombia have been
some of the hardest hit by the decades of conflict in that
nation. And the peace agreement has the potential, at least, to
bring advancements. But the post-conflict period of time has
increased the vulnerability of many that are in that area. And
when you look at the violence in the remote areas of Colombia,
which is home to many of these African-Colombian indigenous
communities and where a lot of the FARC is coming back into,
how do you envision, with the Fiscal Year 2018 budget request,
where there is 44 percent drop in assistance affecting the
Afro-Colombian and indigenous population in Colombia? And to
what extent could the State Department prepare to assist these
communities and USAID in this post-conflict phase?
Mr. Palmieri. I think as part of the Colombia peace
process, working with these communities is a significant part
of the peace plan implementation program of the Colombian
Government. And I think as USAID has indicated, and I will let
Sarah-Ann give more details, this continues to be a core value.
And, obviously, any peace plan implementation process to be
successful, it will need to address and incorporate these
communities into the development efforts.
Ms. Lynch. Thank you.
Yes. Our programming in Colombia has been preparing for
peace for some time. So we have included the indigenous, Afro-
Colombians, and other marginalized populations in our
programming already. So what we plan to do is build on that
programming and improve it and double-down on it and make sure
that these populations are a priority.
Mr. Meeks. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, I know I am out of time, but I just want to--
that is why I didn't and I will not ask either of these
witnesses questions about my concerns and the conflicts of
interest within the Trump administration. I just want to note
for the record that I do have concerns. And I know some of my
colleagues have concerns also. But I am not going to do that to
these individuals, or to you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Duncan. You are going to wait for Secretary Tillerson,
I guess.
Mr. Meeks. That is right. But I want the record to be noted
any time I speak.
Mr. Duncan. The gentleman yields back. And I know we are
all looking forward to Secretary Tillerson coming to the
committee on the budget, which will happen in full committee.
I do have a letter to President Trump about Venezuela,
which I would like to include in the record.
I am going to leave the record open for 5 days for members
to add additional statements, possible other questions,
including that letter.
So, without objection, that will remain open for 5 days.
And there being no further business of the subcommittee, we
will stand adjourned. And I thank the witnesses very much for
being here.
[Whereupon, at 4:05 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]
A P P E N D I X
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