[Senate Hearing 114-712]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 114-712
NATO EXPANSION: EXAMINING THE
ACCESSION OF MONTENEGRO
=======================================================================
HEARING
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED FOURTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
SEPTEMBER 14, 2016
__________
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
BOB CORKER, TENNESSEE, Chairman
JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland
MARCO RUBIO, Florida BARBARA BOXER, California
RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
JEFF FLAKE, Arizona JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire
CORY GARDNER, Colorado CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware
DAVID PERDUE, Georgia TOM UDALL, New Mexico
JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut
RAND PAUL, Kentucky TIM KAINE, Virginia
JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts
Todd Womack, Staff Director
Jessica Lewis, Democratic Staff Director
Rob Strayer, Majority Chief Counsel
Margaret Taylor, Minority Chief Counsel
John Dutton, Chief Clerk
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
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Page
Johnson, Hon. Ron, U.S. Senator From Wisconsin................... 1
Yee, Hoyt Brian, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of European
and Eurasian Affairs, U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC. 3
Prepared statement........................................... 4
Responses to Questions for the Record Submitted to Deputy
Assistant Secretary Yee by Senator Corker.................. 26
Responses to Questions for the Record Submitted to Deputy
Assistant Secretary Yee by Senator Cardin.................. 28
Carpenter, Dr. Michael, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for
Russia, Ukraine, and Eurasia, U.S. Department of Defense,
Washington, DC................................................. 7
Prepared statement........................................... 8
Shaheen, Hon. Jeanne, U.S. Senator From New Hampshire............ 11
Prepared statement........................................... 12
Prepared statement of Senator Benjamin L. Cardin, submitted
by Senator Shaheen......................................... 15
Additional Information Submitted for the Record
Open Letter to President Obama and the U.S. Congress Urging Quick
Action on Montenegro's Entry into NATO......................... 24
(iii)
NATO EXPANSION: EXAMINING THE ACCESSION OF MONTENEGRO
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WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 14, 2016
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:25 p.m. in Room
SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Ron Johnson,
presiding.
Present: Senators Johnson, Risch, Rubio, Gardner, Paul,
Shaheen, and Murphy.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. RON JOHNSON,
U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN
Senator Johnson. This hearing of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee will come to order.
I would like to welcome our witnesses. I appreciate your
testimony. We look forward to your oral testimony and your
answers to our questions.
I want to welcome everybody here. We do have the Ambassador
from Montenegro here. We would like to welcome him and his
delegation. We appreciate their good efforts toward this
important moment in this important effort of theirs.
The committee comes together today to analyze a significant
milestone for one of our Nation's most important defensive
alliances, the accession of Montenegro to the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization. NATO has expanded only six times since its
founding, most recently in 2009 when Albania and Croatia joined
the Alliance. Montenegro was formally invited to join NATO in
May 2016 after a year's long process of fighting corruption and
strengthening its defense capabilities to meet NATO standards.
While NATO was created to foster stability in Europe and
counter Soviet expansionism during the Cold War, NATO remains
especially relevant today in light of the serious threats posed
by radical Islamic terrorism and Russian aggression.
Russia views NATO expansion as a threat to its interests
and has warned Montenegro that Moscow will retaliate if
Montenegro continues to pursue NATO membership.
Russia appears determined to do everything it can to
prevent other countries that have expressed interest in joining
NATO, including Georgia, Bosnia, and Macedonia, from moving
forward with their membership ambitions.
Russia's concerns, however, are not legitimate. NATO
remains a purely defensive Alliance and has been a tremendous
force for stability in Europe.
As the Senate prepares to consider a resolution on
Montenegro's accession to NATO, I hope that the witnesses today
can help this committee assess Montenegro's readiness to be a
full contributing member of the Alliance. I also hope that our
witnesses can shed light on the challenges NATO faces today and
its capacity to address those challenges moving forward.
Senator Shaheen told us to move on with the hearing, and so
when she comes, we will give her an opportunity to offer an
opening statement.
So why do we not move on to our witnesses? Our first
witness is Mr. Hoyt Brian Yee. Mr. Yee is Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State in the Bureau of European and Eurasian
Affairs. Mr. Yee is a career member of the U.S. Senior Foreign
Service and previously served at the U.S. embassy in
Montenegro.
Again, I will point out your full written statement will be
entered into the record. So if you can keep your remarks to
around 5 minutes, we would appreciate it. Mr. Yee?
STATEMENT OF HOYT BRIAN YEE, DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY, BUREAU
OF EUROPEAN AND EURASIAN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
WASHINGTON, D.C.
Mr. Yee. Thank you, Senator Johnson, members of the
committee. Thank you for the opportunity to discuss the
critical role NATO plays in our security and Montenegro's place
in the Alliance. In the wake of a successful summit in Warsaw
and exactly 8 years after the committee's last hearing on NATO
enlargement, I am honored to be here with you today.
NATO has been and remains a principal security instrument
of the transatlantic community. It is both a defensive alliance
and an alliance of values.
NATO's primary purpose was and remains to defend its
members from attack. Additionally, NATO brought together
western nations under a political and security umbrella where
old rivalries could be reconciled and general peace could
prevail.
NATO is active on the eastern and southern flanks of the
European continent and in other regions. NATO's impact,
however, transcends boundaries. When the United States was
attacked on September 11th, 2001, NATO invoked article 5 for
the first time in its history. It was then that our European
and Canadian allies supported us right when we needed them
most.
NATO is also operating in support of cybersecurity,
counterterrorism, and counter-human trafficking operations.
Thus, NATO has developed new capabilities for the future and
for working with partners all over the globe.
Against the backdrop of Russia's aggression in Ukraine and
its occupation and attempted annexation of Crimea, NATO is
moving forward with the most significant reinforcement of
collective defense at any time since the Cold War. All of the
actions we have taken to strengthen and sustain our deterrence
and defense, require appropriate investment and capabilities,
the development of highly capable and deployable forces, and
burden sharing among allies.
Already, the 27 other allies outside of the United States
are providing for 78 percent of the NATO budget. Allies are
making significant contributions to improve NATO's readiness,
responsiveness, and interoperability and reverse the slide in
defense budgets. Looking forward, all 28 allies have committed
to move toward spending at least 2 percent of GDP on defense,
with 70 percent already on track to meet that goal by 2024.
After the fall of the Iron Curtain, the countries that had
liberated themselves from communism were on unsteady ground.
Membership in NATO and the European Union became a way to
cement themselves in the institutions and values of the
transatlantic world.
Enlargement holds the potential to benefit many other parts
of our community. NATO enlargement can bring the Balkans much
closer to its deserved future as a site of peace and prosperity
at the heart of Europe.
Since Montenegro borders on five other Balkan nations, its
NATO membership will support greater integration, democratic
reform, trade, security, and stability with all of its
neighbors, bringing the entire Balkans a step closer to the
U.S. goal of realizing a Europe whole, free, and at peace.
Montenegro accession will also have a positive impact on the
Alliance's effectiveness, given its commitment to defense
reform, its contributions to existing operations, and its
willingness to continue to contribute available capabilities to
future operations. Furthermore, with Montenegro's accession,
the Alliance will have a nearly contiguous border along the
Adriatic coast.
As a NATO aspirant, Montenegro has made clear its Euro-
Atlantic trajectory is unshakeable. In 2008, it formally
applied to join the European Union and adopted a legal
framework that encourages privatization, employment, and
exports. Montenegro has also taken steps to address public
corruption and organized crime, such as establishing a new,
independent special state prosecutor.
On defense, Montenegro has been a reliable partner and
force provider to NATO, the EU, and U.N. missions. It
contributes to NATO's operations in Afghanistan. Its forces
have participated in missions in Mali, Liberia, and Cyprus.
Montenegro will further deploy troops to increase its level of
participation in the EU Operation Atalanta counter-piracy
mission off the coast of Somalia.
In recognition of its progress and potential, allied
foreign ministers in December unanimously agreed to invite
Montenegro to join the Alliance. In May of this year, allied
foreign ministers signed the accession protocol for Montenegro.
In turn, Montenegro has gone above and beyond to show its
willingness to be a productive member of the Alliance. It has
been a partner on successive rounds of sanctions following
Russia's aggression in Ukraine. In the face of Russian
pressure, it has worked tirelessly to increase public support
for NATO through debates, town hall meetings, and engagement
with NGOs and a free media.
In June, Montenegro's hard work came to fruition when its
parliament passed a resolution with a nearly two-thirds
majority expressing full support for membership in the
Alliance.
The promise of NATO membership and broad Euro-Atlantic
integration has advanced our democratic values and respect for
the rule of law. Montenegro's accession will help keep up this
positive momentum.
I wish to express my thanks to the committee. Your
bipartisan support for a Europe whole, free, and at peace has
served as a beacon of hope for many countries.
Distinguished members of this committee, our work to bring
prosperity and increased security to our partners is not yet
over. We urge the Senate to continue its cross-government,
historic cooperation on NATO enlargement and provide its advice
and consent on U.S. ratification of the accession protocol for
Montenegro.
[Mr. Yee's prepared statement follows:]
Prepared Statement of Assistant Secretary Hoyt Yee
Senator Johnson, Ranking Member Cardin, Members of the Committee:
Thank you for the opportunity to discuss NATO, the critical role it
plays in our security and the advance of freedom, and Montenegro's
integral part in this journey as NATO's latest invitee. In the wake of
a successful NATO Summit in Warsaw and almost exactly eight years after
this Committee's last hearing on NATO enlargement, I am honored to be
here with you today.
I will begin today with a discussion of NATO's purpose; the role
that NATO enlargement has played in advancing security and stability in
Europe; Montenegro's candidacy; and the future of the NATO Alliance as
put forth in the Communique of July's Warsaw Summit.
nato's purpose
NATO has been and remains the principal security instrument of the
transatlantic community. It is both a defensive Alliance and an
Alliance of values. It is not an alliance directed against any nation.
Article 5--NATO's collective defense commitment--mentions neither the
Soviet Union nor any specific adversary.
NATO's primary purpose was and remains to defend its members from
attack. Additionally, NATO brought together western nations under a
political and security umbrella under which old rivalries could be
reconciled and general peace in Europe could prevail. A third purpose
was to institutionalize transatlantic bonds. In the Cold War, NATO
succeeded: under its umbrella, much of Europe remained free and united.
Article 5 remains the core of the Alliance. When the United States
was attacked on September 11, 2001, NATO invoked Article 5 for the
first time in its history. Even with collective defense as its bedrock,
new threats have arisen. Today, NATO is operating in support of
cybersecurity, counterterrorism, and counter human-trafficking
operations throughout the transatlantic space. It is active on the
European continent, in Kosovo, on the eastern and southern flanks of
the European continent, and in Afghanistan and other such regions.
Thus, NATO has developed new capabilities and skills for the future and
for working with strategic partners all over the globe.
Post-Warsaw and against the backdrop of Russia's aggression in
Ukraine and its occupation and attempted annexation of Crimea, NATO is
moving forward with the most significant reinforcement of collective
defense at any time since the Cold War. Allies have agreed to
institutionalize a more sustained approach to deterrence, including by
enhancing NATO's forward presence in the East. To support this
commitment, President Obama has requested $3.4 billion in 2017 to fund
the European Reassurance Initiative. With your support, these funds
will be used for the deployment of an additional rotational Armored
Brigade Combat Team (ABCT) to Central and Eastern Europe, the
prepositioning of combat equipment, and additional trainings and
exercises in Europe.
All of the actions we have taken to strengthen our deterrence and
defense require appropriate investment in capabilities, the development
of highly-capable and deployable forces, and most importantly, a
healthy dose of burden-sharing among Allies. Already, the 27 other
Allies outside of the United States are providing for 78% of NATO's
budget. The non-U.S. share of the budget is going up again.
Increasingly, Allies will make significant contributions to improve
NATO's readiness, responsiveness, and interoperability and reverse the
slide in defense budgets. All 28 Allies are moving toward spending at
least two percent of GDP on defense with seventy percent already on
track to meet that goal by 2024, the target date we agreed to in Wales
and reaffirmed in Warsaw this summer.
nato enlargement
After the fall of the Iron Curtain, NATO enlargement took on a
profound strategic meaning: the countries that had liberated themselves
from communism found themselves on unsteady ground. Membership in NATO
and the E.U. became their main goals--a way to cement themselves in the
institutions and values of the transatlantic world. For the United
States and other NATO members, NATO enlargement, along with E.U.
enlargement, became the means by which to further their own goals of
``Europe whole, free and at peace.''
With these incentives, Central and Eastern European countries set
aside nationalist rivalries, and began much-needed reforms in
governance, media freedom, and economic openness.
NATO made its first decisions about post-Cold War enlargement in
1999, and security, stability, and democracy deepened in Central
Europe. The most recent round of enlargement in 2009 brought Croatia
and Albania into our community of democracies. During the process and
since, both countries undertook significant democratic and
institutional reforms, affecting rule of law, media freedom,
constitutional issues, and the defense and security sectors. They have
stood beside us in Afghanistan and both have committed to increasing
defense spending to 2 percent of their GDP by 2024.
montenegro
The post-Cold War era has brought unprecedented peace and stability
to much--but notably not all--of Europe. The Balkan wars of the 1990s
were a stark reminder of this fact. NATO's engagement in the region was
difficult, but necessary. And as declared by Alliance Heads of State
and Government in Warsaw, NATO remains committed to the region. Our
work there is not complete.
We believe that NATO enlargement--along with E.U. enlargement--can
bring the Balkans much closer to its deserved future as a site of peace
and prosperity at the heart of Europe. Since Montenegro borders on five
other Balkans nations, including NATO Allies Croatia and Albania, its
NATO membership will support greater integration, democratic reform,
trade, security, and stability with all of its neighbors, bringing the
entire Balkans region a step closer to the U.S. strategic goal of
realizing a Europe whole, free, and at peace. Montenegro joining NATO
will also have a positive impact on the Alliance's effectiveness, given
its commitment to defense reform, demonstrated contributions to
existing operations, and willingness to continue to contribute
available capabilities to future operations. Furthermore, with
Montenegro's accession, the Alliance will create a contiguous border
along the Adriatic coast.
As a NATO aspirant, Montenegro has made clear its Euro-Atlantic
trajectory is unshakeable. In this regard, it has been an example to
the other aspirants in the region--Bosnia and Herzegovina, and
Macedonia. In 2002, Montenegro adopted the Euro, and in 2008 it
formally applied to join the E.U. Montenegro has adopted a legal
framework that encourages privatization, employment, and exports.
Montenegro has also taken substantial steps to address public
corruption and organized crime, such as establishing a new, independent
Special State Prosecutor. Montenegro's progress in strengthening rule
of law and addressing corruption concerns will help bolster
Montenegro's economic stability and improve its attractiveness as a
destination for foreign direct investment.
Montenegro has made great strides to meet NATO standards by
implementing reforms in the defense, intelligence, and security
sectors, and by taking to heart the mentorship given by Allies in
successive rounds of NATO's Membership Action Plan, or MAP. Montenegro
has been a reliable partner and force provider to NATO, E.U., and U.N.
missions. The country contributed to NATO's operations in Afghanistan,
most recently by providing over $1.2 million towards the sustainability
of the Afghan National Defense and Security Forces. Montenegro
currently has 14 troops in Afghanistan, and its forces have also
participated in the E.U. Training Mission in Mali, the U.N. Mission in
Liberia, and civilian police officers have been deployed to the U.N.
Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus. Montenegro will further deploy troops to
increase its level of participation in the E.U. Operation Atalanta
counter-piracy mission off the coast of Somalia. Montenegro has also
requested to participate in NATO's Kosovo Force mission (KFOR).
Montenegro currently spends 1.68 percent of GDP on defense and, in
accordance with Allied commitments, plans to spend 1.72 percent in
2017, 1.75 percent by 2019, and reach the benchmark of two percent of
GDP defense spending by 2024. It is clear that the Government takes
seriously the financial commitment it will undertake with NATO
membership.
Finally, Article 10 of the North Atlantic Treaty spells out three
mandates for new members: one, the Ally must be a European state; two,
it must be in a position to further the principles of the Alliance; and
three, the Ally must contribute to the security of the North Atlantic
area. Montenegro clearly and demonstrably meets each of these criteria.
In recognition of its progress and potential, Allied Foreign
Ministers in December 2015 unanimously agreed to invite Montenegro to
join the Alliance. Following the invitation, per NATO protocol,
Montenegro has deepened its engagement with the Alliance. The country
is already participating in virtually all sessions of the North
Atlantic Council (NAC), and has attended all Summit and Foreign and
Defense Ministerial sessions as an observer. Montenegro fully
participates in Allied deliberations but cannot yet be involved in
decision-making.
Allies' invitation for Montenegro to join NATO affirmed the
validity and enduring nature of the Open Door policy. In May of this
year, Allied Foreign Ministers signed the Accession Protocol for
Montenegro; now it is in the process of national approval procedures,
which differ country to country. To date, six nations have deposited
their instruments of ratification of the Accession Protocol. They are:
Iceland, Slovenia, Hungary, Slovakia, Bulgaria, and Albania. Poland,
and, just a few days ago, Turkey, have also completed their national
approval procedures, meaning that more than a quarter of the Alliance
has moved forward on NATO's invitation.
Once the national approval processes are complete and all NATO
Allies have deposited their respective instruments of ratification with
the United States (the depositary nation of the Treaty), the United
States will notify the NATO Secretary General that the Accession
Protocol has entered into force. The Secretary General will in turn
issue an invitation to Montenegro to accede to the Treaty. Then, upon
Montenegro's deposit with the United States of its instrument of
accession to the Treaty, Montenegro will legally become party to the
Treaty and a NATO Ally.
Since its invitation, Montenegro has gone above and beyond to show
its willingness to be a productive member of the Alliance. It has been
a partner on successive rounds of sanctions following Russia's
occupation and attempted annexation of Crimea. In the face of Russian
pressure, it has worked tirelessly over the past year and a half to
increase public support for NATO through public debates, town hall
meetings, and engagement with NGOs and a free media-all hallmarks of a
democratic society. In June, Montenegro's hard work came to fruition
when its Parliament passed a resolution with a two-thirds majority,
expressing full support for membership in the Alliance.
Of course, Montenegro also has its challenges. We have made clear
that we expect reforms to continue, and to hold. But given its progress
so far, this Administration sees a historic window of opportunity to
have Montenegro become an official member of our transatlantic
community with the hope that it will expand its participation as a
member even further.
Montenegro will be an example, not only to other countries in the
Balkans, but also to other NATO partners. Over decades, the promise of
NATO membership and broader Euro-Atlantic integration has advanced our
democratic values, and respect for the rule of law. It has served as an
incentive for nations to pursue often difficult reforms. This policy
has yielded clear results. The Open Door policy remains viable and NATO
stands by its foundational doctrine. The rules have not changed.
Montenegro's accession will be an important stepping stone toward our
vision of a Europe whole, free, and at peace.
looking forward
I wish to express my thanks to the Committee for your bipartisan
support over the years, not only on NATO enlargement, but for helping
NATO evolve into an institution prepared for 21st century challenges.
Your support for a ``Europe whole, free, and at peace'' has served as a
beacon of hope for many countries that faced an uncertain future.
Today, millions in Europe have found security, stability, and greater
prosperity, in significant part as a result of being welcomed into the
NATO Alliance. The advance of freedom and security in the world has
sent a powerful message to many others that there is a reward for
putting cooperation over conflict.
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Cardin, and distinguished Members of
this Committee, our work to bring hope, prosperity, and increased
security to our Partners is not yet over. We urge the Senate to
continue our cross-government, historic cooperation on NATO
enlargement, and at the earliest opportunity to provide its advice and
consent to U.S. ratification of the Accession Protocol for Montenegro.
Thank you. I look forward to your questions.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Secretary Yee.
Our second witness is Dr. Michael Carpenter. Dr. Carpenter
is Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense. In his current role,
Dr. Carpenter is responsible for covering Russia, Ukraine,
Eurasia, and the western Balkans. Dr. Carpenter?
STATEMENT OF DR. MICHAEL CARPENTER, DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY
OF DEFENSE FOR RUSSIA, UKRAINE, AND EURASIA, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF
DEFENSE, WASHINGTON, D.C.
Dr. Carpenter. Senator Johnson, Senator Shaheen, and
members of the committee, I welcome this opportunity to explain
why the administration strongly and unequivocally supports
Montenegro's membership in NATO.
We firmly believe that Montenegro's membership in the
Alliance will advance the democratic principles upon which NATO
was founded and that Montenegro will contribute both to the
collective defense of NATO and the broader security of the
Euro-Atlantic region as a whole.
During its 10 years of independence, Montenegro has emerged
as a stable, multi-ethnic democracy committed to making tough
but necessary reforms to its defense and intelligence sectors,
as well as its rule of law institutions. Montenegro has right-
sized its armed forces and developed sustainable military
capabilities for national needs and international missions.
Montenegro's defense reforms have transformed its military into
a more agile, capable, deployable, and NATO-interoperable
force. In addition to its land forces, Montenegro has a capable
rotary wing squadron, along with a well-trained and proficient
coastal patrol and surveillance force with specialized
boarding, diving, and underwater demining teams.
Montenegro spends about 1.7 percent of GDP on defense,
which ranks in the top quarter of the Alliance, and it has a
credible plan to reach the Wales Summit pledge of 2 percent of
GDP spent on defense by 2024.
While Montenegro may be a small country, it has not
hesitated to deploy its military capabilities in support of
U.S. and NATO security priorities. Montenegro has been with us
in Afghanistan since shortly after its independence in 2006.
Over the course of 10 deployments, it has seen 20 percent of
its armed forces rotate through the International Security
Assistance Force and the Resolute Support mission. Montenegro
has made multiple military personnel contributions to U.N.
missions in Mali and Liberia and has offered to contribute
troops to the NATO KFOR mission in Kosovo. It is also a member
of the coalition to defeat ISIL and has made significant
contributions to that effort last year and again this year.
But the strategic significance of Montenegro's NATO
membership to the United States cannot be measured solely by
the additional military capabilities or troops that Montenegro
has sent to participate in Alliance missions. Rather, the
benefits of accession must be seen more broadly in terms of the
security and stability that Montenegro's membership will
project to the western Balkans. Montenegro has established
constructive and friendly relations with all five of its
neighbors, thereby demonstrating a clear commitment to
promoting peaceful and friendly international relations, as set
forth in article 2 of the Washington Treaty. Montenegro enjoys
constructive relations with both Serbia and Kosovo and has
actively pursued diplomatic and military cooperation with
Albania, Croatia, Macedonia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. And it is
for these reasons that some of the most enthusiastic and
dedicated supporters of Montenegro's NATO membership are its
neighbors in Southeastern Europe.
Finally, it is no secret that Russia has publicly opposed
Montenegro's bid for NATO membership and taken active measures
to foment opposition to its accession. Through its backing of
nongovernmental organizations and politicians who oppose NATO
membership, Russia has proven yet again that it is willing to
interfere with a sovereign country's right to choose its own
alliances, despite the fact that Montenegro lies some 800 miles
from the nearest Russian border and poses no geopolitical
threat to Russia.
In spite of this mounting pressure, Montenegro has stood by
its principles, rejecting a Russian bid in 2013 to use a
Montenegrin port for its naval vessels and aligning itself with
EU sanctions against Russia following Russia's aggression
against Ukraine.
Montenegro's NATO membership will be a powerful rebuke to
Russia's malign influence in the western Balkans and
demonstrate that no third country has a veto over NATO's
decisions to admit new members. It will also confirm the
countries whose values are aligned with ours and that pursue a
responsible foreign and security policy are free to choose
their own destiny without regard to outside coercion and
intimidation.
Senator Johnson, Senator Shaheen, and members of the
committee, Montenegro is ready for NATO membership. Its
accession to NATO will demonstrate to other countries in the
Euro-Atlantic space that NATO's door remains open to those
nations that share our values, implement difficult reforms, and
meet the requirements for membership. Its accession will
advance the Euro-Atlantic integration of the western Balkans
and promote regional reconciliation and stability and peace in
this historically volatile region. Its accession will result in
a net positive contribution to the overall security of Europe.
The administration stands ready to work with this committee
and the Senate to advance the longstanding bipartisan goal of
realizing a Europe whole, free, and at peace by supporting
Montenegro's as-soon-as-possible accession to NATO.
Thank you and I look forward to your questions.
[Dr. Carpenter's prepared statement follows:]
Prepared Statement of Deputy Assistant
Secretary of Defense Michael R. Carpenter
Senator Johnson, Ranking Member Cardin, and members of the
committee, I welcome this opportunity to explain why the administration
strongly and unequivocally supports Montenegro's membership in the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Article 10 of the Washington
Treaty states that Allies may by unanimous agreement ``invite any other
European State in a position to further the principles of this Treaty
and to contribute to the security of the North Atlantic area to accede
to this Treaty.'' The administration strongly believes that
Montenegro's membership in the Alliance will advance the democratic
principles upon which NATO was founded, and that Montenegro will
contribute both to the collective defense of NATO and the broader
security of the Euro-Atlantic region as a whole, particularly in the
Western Balkans.
The Senate's advice and consent to admit a new member to the
Alliance is a solemn undertaking that follows a thorough review of the
candidate's qualifications and commitments. A careful review of
Montenegro's candidacy shows that it has transformed its military to
make it interoperable with NATO, enacted necessary reforms to meet the
Alliance's benchmarks for membership, and demonstrated solidarity with
Allies by participating in overseas missions and aligning its foreign
and security policies with those of the Alliance. Montenegro has
demonstrated that it shares and will further advance the values of
democracy, individual liberty, and the rule of law, and that it will be
a net contributor to the security of the Euro-Atlantic area. Finally,
and perhaps most importantly, Montenegro's membership will also bring
the Alliance one step closer to realizing the strategic vision of a
Europe, whole, free and at peace.
Montenegro emerged as an independent nation ten years ago, in the
aftermath of the tumultuous Balkan wars of the 1990s. Within a month of
independence, it joined NATO's Partnership for Peace (PFP) program. In
2009, it received a Membership Action Plan, allowing it to chart its
own course towards membership in the Alliance. In 2008, it also began a
parallel process of accession to the European Union (EU), and to date
it has opened 24 of 35 chapters of the E.U.'s acquis communautaire.
During its ten years of independence, Montenegro has emerged as a
stable, multi-ethnic democracy committed to making tough but necessary
reforms to its rule of law institutions, as well as its defense and
intelligence sectors. It has established constructive and friendly
relations with all five of its neighbors, thereby demonstrating a clear
commitment to ``contribute toward the further development of peaceful
and friendly international relations.by promoting conditions of
stability and well-being'' as set forth in Article 2 of the Washington
Treaty.
defense and intelligence reforms
As a NATO aspirant, Montenegro has adopted comprehensive reforms of
its defense and intelligence institutions. In the defense sphere,
Montenegro has right-sized its armed forces and developed sustainable
military capabilities for national needs and international missions.
These reforms have been guided by NATO's Membership Action Plan and by
Montenegro's own Strategic Defense Review, which was completed in 2013
with the assistance of experts from the Department of Defense.
Montenegro's defense reforms have transformed its military into a
more agile, capable, deployable, and NATO-interoperable force. They
include transitioning Montenegro's land forces from a brigade-level to
a battalion-level structure; modernizing its strategic human resource
management policies and processes; developing logistics skill sets
consistent with NATO best practices; amending Montenegro's Law on
Defense to allow for the adoption of NATO standards; and reorganizing
the General Staff into a structure consonant with NATO practices.
Concurrently with these structural reforms, Montenegro has
strengthened the operational capabilities of its Armed Forces though
training and acquisition of modern NATO-interoperable equipment. An
infantry company was certified in 2014 by the Alliance as fully
interoperable, trained, and equipped in compliance with NATO standards,
and Montenegro has officially declared it for use in NATO-led
operations. Montenegro has also declared a second infantry company for
NATO use that is currently undergoing the certification process.
Likewise, Montenegro has undertaken deep, structural reform of its
intelligence enterprise, making necessary changes to institutions and
personnel with NATO's guidance and supervision. Montenegro has also
enacted important reforms to its rule of law institutions.
montenegro's military capabilities and overseas deployments
With a population of just over 600,000 people and a military force
of just under 2,000 members, Montenegro's accession to NATO will not
significantly expand the Alliance's military capabilities. However,
what it lacks in size is more than compensated by location, niche
capabilities, and willingness to deploy its military forces overseas in
support of Alliance missions. Furthermore, Montenegro's compact
territory located on the Adriatic coast, bordering two NATO Allies as
well as PFP partners and E.U. aspirants, poses few military
vulnerabilities or challenges for the defensibility of the Alliance.
The inclusion of Montenegro's 182 miles of Adriatic coastline will make
almost the entire north shore of the Mediterranean Sea (save for just a
few miles of Bosnian coastline) part of NATO's operational space. As
for its military capabilities, in addition to its land forces
Montenegro has a capable rotary-wing squadron that is undergoing
modernization, along with a well-trained and proficient coastal patrol
and surveillance force with specialized boarding, diving, and
underwater demining teams. Montenegro also spends about 1.7 percent of
its GDP on defense, which ranks in the top quartile of the Alliance,
and has a credible plan to reach the Wales Summit pledge of 2.0 percent
of GDP spent on defense by 2024.
While Montenegro may be a small country with modest military
capabilities, it has not hesitated to deploy those capabilities in
support of U.S. and NATO security priorities. Montenegro has been with
us in Afghanistan since shortly after its independence in 2006, and
over the course of ten rotations has seen 20% of its armed forces
deployed to the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and the
Resolute Support Mission. Montenegro has made multiple military
personnel contributions to U.N. missions in Mali and Liberia, and is
exploring a further role in U.N. peacekeeping missions. It has offered
to contribute troops to NATO's Kosovo Force (KFOR), which NATO is
currently considering. In July of this year, Montenegro's parliament
approved its participation in the E.U.'s counter-piracy mission off the
coast of Somalia, in which a boarding team will protect a U.N. vessel
with the World Food Program.
Montenegro also contributes to global security in other ways. It
contributed $1.2 million for the sustainability of the Afghan National
Defense and Security Forces during the period from 2015-2017. In 2015,
Montenegro made a sizable donation of ammunition in support of counter-
ISIL efforts in Iraq, and it made an additional donation of mortar
rounds to the counter-ISIL Coalition this year.
security and stability in the western balkans
It is the administration's firm belief that the benefits of
Montenegro's NATO membership to the United States cannot be measured
solely by the additional military capabilities or operational space
that Montenegro affords the Alliance. Rather, the benefits of accession
must be seen more broadly in terms of the security and stability that
Montenegro's membership will project to the Western Balkans, a
vulnerable region that was wracked by war less than a generation ago.
The history of NATO enlargement shows that the benefits of this
process accrue not just from the pooling of military resources, but
from the security, stability, and cooperative relations that NATO
membership brings to those countries that commit to NATO's founding
principles. From the accession of post-Francoist Spain in 1982 to that
of the post-Communist states of Central Europe after the end of the
Cold War, the benefits of collective defense and the habits of
multilateral military cooperation have had a transformative effect
across the entire region, cementing historical reconciliation among
erstwhile adversaries and allowing commerce and prosperity to flourish
across Europe. NATO's latest round of enlargement in 2009 to Croatia
and Albania finally brought the transformative benefits of this
enlargement process to the Western Balkans. Montenegro's accession as
the 29th member of the Alliance will further project security and
stability into the Western Balkans and demonstrate to the region's
remaining NATO and E.U. aspirants that the implementation of tough but
necessary reforms has a real payoff.
We are less than a generation removed from a decade of war in the
Western Balkans. While the region has come a long way since then, we
have an obligation not to forget our commitment to realizing a Europe
whole, free, and at peace. In many ways, the Western Balkans remains a
piece of unfinished business and, as recent headlines from the region
demonstrate, reconciliation is incomplete. However, despite the recent
resurgence of demagogic populism and nationalism across Europe, it is
telling that every single country in the Western Balkans has chosen to
pursue Euro-Atlantic integration as the best guarantee of its long-term
peace, security, and prosperity.
In pursuit of these Euro-Atlantic aspirations, Montenegro used its
ten years of independence to build constructive and peaceful relations
with all its neighbors. As a former constituent part of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, Montenegro retains peaceful and constructive
relations with both Serbia and Kosovo, having been one of the first
nations in the world to recognize Kosovo's independence. It has
actively pursued close diplomatic and military cooperation with
Albania, Croatia, Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina through the
Adriatic Charter organization. It has also built partnerships widely
across Europe through its active participation in NATO's Partnership
for Peace, contributing for example to one of NATO's Trust Funds for
Ukraine. It is for these reasons that some of the most dedicated and
articulate supporters of Montenegro's NATO membership are its neighbors
in Southeastern Europe--Croatia, Albania, Slovenia, Hungary, Bulgaria,
Romania, and Turkey.
Finally, for the non-NATO countries in the region, whether they be
NATO or E.U. aspirants or both, Montenegro's accession to NATO will
clearly demonstrate the Alliance's commitment to maintaining an ``Open
Door'' and prove that sometimes difficult reforms and tough decisions
will eventually have positive consequences. NATO's remaining aspirants
have therefore all embraced and applauded Montenegro's membership in
the Alliance.
countering russia's malign influence and standing on principle
As a final consideration, although we no longer live with the stark
dualities of the Cold War, it is no secret that Russia has publicly
opposed Montenegro's bid for NATO membership and taken active measures
to shape public opinion in the Western Balkans to oppose its accession.
Through its backing for non-governmental organizations and politicians
who oppose NATO membership, Russia has proven yet again that it is
willing to interfere with a sovereign country's right to choose its own
alliances--despite the fact that Montenegro lies some 800 miles from
the nearest Russian border and poses no geopolitical threat to Russia.
Particularly in the last 12 months, a sophisticated foreign-
financed propaganda campaign has sought to undermine popular support
for NATO accession, despite parliamentary votes in September 2015 and
June 2016 that overwhelmingly confirmed the consensus within the
Montenegrin parliament in support of NATO membership. In spite of this
mounting pressure from abroad, Montenegro has stood by its principles,
rejecting a Russian bid in 2013 to use a Montenegrin port for its naval
vessels and aligning itself with E.U. sanctions against Russia
following Russia's aggression against Ukraine.
Montenegro's NATO membership will be a powerful rebuke to Russia's
malign influence in the Western Balkans and demonstrate that no third
country has a veto over NATO's decision to admit new members. It will
also confirm that countries whose values are aligned with ours and who
pursue a responsible foreign and security policy are free to choose
their own destiny without regard to outside coercion and intimidation.
conclusion
Senator Johnson, Ranking Member Cardin, and members of the
committee, Montenegro is ready for NATO membership. Its accession to
NATO will demonstrate to other countries in the Euro-Atlantic space
that NATO's door remains open to those nations that share our values,
implement difficult reforms, and meet the requirements for membership.
Its accession will advance the Euro- Atlantic integration of the
Western Balkans and promote regional reconciliation, stability, and
peace in that historically volatile region. Its accession will result
in a net positive contribution to the overall security of Europe.
It is my great honor to appear before this Committee and to advance
the longstanding bipartisan goal of realizing a Europe whole, free, and
at peace by supporting Montenegro's accession to the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Dr. Carpenter.
Now I would like to welcome Senator Shaheen for her opening
comments.
STATEMENT OF HON. JEANNE SHAHEEN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW HAMPSHIRE
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Johnson. I have a full
statement that I will submit for the record. But I did want to
reaffirm several points.
First of all, as we have heard from both of our witnesses,
Montenegro's accession to NATO has only come after meaningful
reforms in its security sector. And I know those are reforms
that we have supported. Its accession will also serve to
further anchor the Balkan region and the security framework of
NATO. And in fact, the last time this committee held hearings
to consider the accession of a new NATO member, Croatia was on
the agenda. Bosnia and Herzegovina, which began its talks with
NATO in 2008, aspire to join the Alliance, as does Macedonia.
So it is my hope that this will serve as another example of
meaningful reforms that lead to positive membership in NATO.
I think more broadly Montenegro's achievement reaffirms
NATO's open-door policy for aspirant nations who share the
values of all NATO members. NATO must stand firm on the
principle that the decision to seek membership in the Alliance
cannot be blocked by a third party, and this is particularly
important when we see Russia's attempt to undermine
democratically elected governments that have sought to
integrate with Euro-Atlantic institutions.
For all these reasons, I am pleased that NATO has offered
Montenegro a place in the Alliance, and my hope is that
consideration of Montenegro's accession protocol can move
expeditiously through the Senate.
So as I said, Mr. Chairman, I have a full statement that I
will submit for the record.
[Senator Shaheen's prepared statement follows:]
Prepared Statement of Senator Jeanne Shaheen
Thank you, Senator Johnson. Thank you Chairman Corker and Ranking
Member Cardin for scheduling this important hearing today. And thank
you Deputy Assistant Secretaries Yee and Carpenter for agreeing to
testify before the committee today on Montenegro's Accession to NATO.
Since achieving its independence just 10 years ago, Montenegro has
consistently pursued inclusion in Euro-Atlantic institutions. Just
months after gaining independence, Montenegro elected to join NATO's
Partnership for Peace Program, which led to the formulation of its
Membership Action Plan just three years later. Finally, as you all
know, in December, 2015 Montenegro was formally invited to join the
Alliance and later signed its accession protocol in May of this year.
Montenegro's accession to NATO has only come after meaningful
reforms in its security sector, as well as to the laws that govern its
judiciary. Montenegro has also been a reliable contributor to the NATO
mission in Afghanistan since 2010, and has joined NATO allies in
imposing sanctions on Russia in response to its violation of Ukraine's
sovereignty. Montenegro's accession to NATO is an important opportunity
to recognize the contributions that it has already made to the
Alliance, and its accomplishments in taking the political steps
necessary to reach this point.
Montenegro's accession will serve to further anchor the Balkan
region in the security framework of NATO. The last time this committee
held hearings to consider the accession of new NATO members, Croatia
was on the agenda. Bosnia and Herzegovina, which began its talks with
NATO in 2008, aspires to join the Alliance, as does Macedonia. It is my
hope that the Alliance will continue to invest in this region where the
U.S. and NATO have historically played such a crucial role in resolving
serious conflicts.
More broadly, Montenegro's achievement reaffirms NATO's open door
policy for aspirant nations who share the values of all NATO members
and stand ready to contribute to NATO operations.
NATO must stand firm on the principle that the decision to seek
membership in the Alliance cannot be blocked by a third party. This is
particularly important when we see Russia attempt to undermine
democratically elected governments that have sought to integrate with
Euro-Atlantic institutions.
For all these reasons, I am pleased that NATO has offered
Montenegro a place in the alliance and my sincere hope is that
consideration of Montenegro's accession protocols can move
expeditiously through the Senate.
I'd also ask that this open letter to Congress urging quick action
on Montenegro's accession to NATO from a bipartisan group of diplomats,
national security experts and former administration officials, be
included for thehearing's official record.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
We are going to have votes called at 2:45. So we are going
to have to figure out how we work that among members. I would
like to keep the hearing going.
I will start with questions. I want to go right to the
instability of the meddling of Russia in this process.
Secretary Yee, we have heard this repeatedly in hearings with
our subcommittee of Russia just destabilizing its neighbors
that are trying to--let us face it--throw off the yokes of the
legacy of corruption and trying to establish themselves as a
democracy and greater freedom and greater economic prosperity.
Can you just offer some rationale in terms of why Russia
continues to do this? As you point out, Montenegro is 800 miles
from Russia. It poses no threat whatsoever.
Mr. Yee. Thank you, Senator Johnson, for the question.
It is our understanding that Russia would like to preserve
as much influence as it can throughout Europe, including in the
Balkans where it has historic ties and has a number of
commercial and political ties with governments in the Balkans.
So its aim is to preserve and to extend as much as possible
this influence. And part of that extension and preservation
involves preventing countries like Montenegro from aligning
themselves even more closely with the European-Atlantic
institutions such as NATO and the European Union.
So we have seen attempts, some mentioned by my colleague,
Dr. Carpenter, of Russia to interfere, to dissuade, to present
obstacles to these countries joining those organizations, but
we have seen, fortunately, that countries like Montenegro,
Croatia, other countries aspiring to NATO membership have been
successful, along with our help, the strong support from the
United States and other allies in pushing back both in terms of
the economies of these countries being more closely aligned
with Europe and the United States, with their security systems
becoming more closely aligned, with energy, energy security
becoming more of an instrument for cooperation among the
countries in the Balkans and more widely through Europe. We
have been successful in preventing some of that malign
influence.
Do we expect Russia to continue? Most likely, yes. But what
is important is that we use all available tools to push back to
help those countries that you mentioned, Senator Johnson, that
are trying to throw off the past repressive influences or to
move forward towards Euro-Atlantic integration.
Senator Johnson. Can you cite specific examples of how
Russia meddles, you know, how they interfere? Or Dr. Carpenter.
Either.
Mr. Yee. I will give one example perhaps, Senator Johnson,
in the example of Montenegro. And I am confident Dr. Carpenter
will have other examples as well.
What we have seen in Montenegro is the political leaders
from Russia expressing very publicly their views that
Montenegro should not join NATO in somewhat menacing terms. For
example, Deputy Prime Minister Rogozin recently early this year
made a statement that Montenegro would live to regret its
decision regarding the NATO. The Russian Duma made a statement
that Montenegro should consider the serious consequences it
will incur if it proceeds towards----
Senator Johnson. What would those consequences be? What
kind of sway, what type of influence would Russia have that
would actually make that threat credible?
Mr. Yee. Well, I think it is difficult to know exactly what
they would do, but I think what we have seen in other places is
an attempt to influence individual politicians, occasionally
institutions through direct political contact or bribery or
other extralegal means of influencing politicians and
institutions. We have not seen anything more malign than what
Dr. Carpenter mentioned earlier about the Russians, for
example, seeking a port in Montenegro to base their naval
forces. But these are all attempts at the same thing, which is
to maintain the traditional place of influence that Russia has
had and to prevent Montenegro and other countries from moving
closer towards NATO.
Senator Johnson. I know Montenegro's parliament has been
very supportive of this. What about the general population? Is
there some risk down the road that Russia's influence could
undermine this in terms of popular vote?
Mr. Yee. The popular support for NATO enlargement has
steadily increased over the last year. As Montenegro has come
closer to being invited, more and more Montenegrin citizens
have supported Montenegro's path. The current figure is about
46.6 percent of popular support in favor according to the
latest poll; 38.8 percent opposed. So there is a strong part of
the population that is at least skeptical about NATO
enlargement, but the trend is positive. As Montenegrins learn
about the benefits of the enlargement process of being part of
the Euro-Atlantic community, more and more will support it.
We do believe that Russia through its messaging, including
very public, direct messaging from its political leaders, but
also through media that it can influence is spreading messages,
misinformation about NATO, which we need to be alert to and to
help our Montenegrin friends push back against.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Secretary Yee.
Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Just to follow up a little bit on Senator Johnson's line of
questioning, if there are attempts by Russia to punish
Montenegro for its joining NATO, are there ways in which NATO
can help Montenegro respond to Russian action? Either one of
you.
Mr. Yee. Well, I will start. Yes, Senator Shaheen.
Senator Shaheen. And can you delineate some of those?
Mr. Yee. The first line of defense is NATO solidarity with
its members. All members know and its partners know that it can
count on NATO to respond appropriately, whatever is necessary
to defend a NATO ally, NATO, the United States in particular,
has committed to do. So in the first instance I think is
reaffirming all of our determination to protect Montenegro's
territorial integrity, its sovereignty. All of the tools which
NATO has to help other partners and allies would be put at the
disposal of Montenegro. For example, our experience in public
diplomacy, our training and exercises with allied and partner
militaries to demonstrate NATO's commitment and to enhance
their resilience to malign influences, all the tools that NATO
has which are considerable can be put for the assistance of
Montenegro and other partners who are facing the same
challenges.
Senator Shaheen. Great. Thank you.
Just to be clear, they just called the vote. Senator
Johnson has gone to vote, but for others who may want to do
that, we will continue the hearing through the vote.
My understanding is the Russians have a significant amount
of investment in Montenegro. Is there any effort to further
diversify the Montenegrin economy? And is this something that
we should be concerned about as we are looking at the future,
the amount of investment that Russia has?
Mr. Yee. Absolutely, Senator Shaheen. This is one of the
main purposes of helping Montenegro strengthen its economy as a
market economy, an open and transparent economy that is
competitive with other European countries so that it can
attract the type of businesses and investments from Europe,
from America, from within the Balkans that would be at least
competition to businesses from Russia, other places that are
used to operating in an environments in which there is not a
strong rule of law, where there is not transparency, where
certain business techniques are more acceptable than, let us
say, in Europe or the United States.
So our assistance is directly targeted at helping
Montenegro strengthen its competitiveness, strengthen economic
growth, decrease unemployment, and to help Montenegro in
particular fight corruption and organized crime, which is a
traditional avenue through which Russia and other actors can
promote its business interests at the expense of others in a
less transparent way.
So we are very much aware of the challenge. Montenegro is
doing much better at fighting corruption. It strengthened its
economy. Just last year, it moved up 15 places in the rankings
on Transparency International's perceptions of corruption
index, which shows the trend is positive, and we will do
everything possible to keep that trend going.
Senator Shaheen. That is great.
I am a big believer that stability in the Balkans is very
important to the security of Europe and see this, as I have
said in my remarks, as a very positive move for Montenegro to
join NATO.
What lessons are there in this for other countries in the
Balkans, for Macedonia, for Bosnia-Herzegovina, as they
hopefully look towards better Euro-Atlantic integration and
opportunities for them? I have worked with folks in Bosnia for
several years now regarding their interest in joining NATO, and
I know it continues. So are there things, lessons from this
effort that they can look to and hopefully adopt and that we
can support them as they think about what they can do to accede
to NATO?
Mr. Yee. Senator, I would say that the most important
lesson that the other aspirant countries can draw from the
Montenegrin experience--and you alluded to it in your opening
remarks--is that if they are willing to make the tough
decisions, the sacrifices, make the reforms necessary in order
to become able to join NATO and the European Union, that it is
possible. In other words, the door is open if they are willing
to make the sacrifices necessary. Montenegro has done this. It
still has work to do, but it is making progress towards the
European Union and, with Senate support, we hope will join
NATO.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. My time is over. But I would
ask unanimous consent to submit for the record testimony from
Senator Cardin, who was not able to be here.
[The prepared statement of Senator Cardin follows:]
Prepared Statement of Senator Benjamin L. Cardin
We meet today to discuss the admission of Montenegro to the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization. This is one of the most important
responsibilities that this committee has, and I appreciate the
Chairman's willingness to hold this hearing amid a very busy agenda for
the committee. I want to acknowledge the presence of Montenegro's
Ambassador to the United States Srdjan Darmanovic (Sir-jaan Darmaano-
vich) who has been a good friend to this committee and able
representative of his country here in Washington for several years.
Welcome Mr. Ambassador.
Does Montenegro fit this standard? I believe that it does, but I
would like our witnesses to address a series of concerns which have
been raised. Perhaps more importantly, I would like them to address how
we can encourage a reform process to continue even after NATO
membership is achieved.
Montenegro has also taken important steps to reorganize and reform
its defense ministry and intelligence services. I would like to know
what regional impact these reforms could have in the Balkans, including
in the effort to counter ISIS. As we know, ISIS recruitment is a
growing problem in several Balkan countries, including Kosovo, that
must be addressed.
Admission of Montenegro would mark another important step towards
fully integrating the Balkans into international institutions which
have helped to contribute to peace and stability over the years in
Europe. Croatia and Albania joined the Alliance in 2009 and have been
valuable contributors to accomplishing NATO objectives since then. And
I hope that Montenegro's admission will help to motivate the reforms
necessary in other Balkans countries to join.
We cannot have a discussion about NATO without highlighting the
increasingly negative role Russia is playing in the Balkans and across
much of Eurasia. The last time this committee met to deliberate on NATO
membership for Albania and Croatia in 2008, Russia had just invaded
Georgia. Since then, the case for NATO solidarity and expansion has
only grown as Russia invaded Ukraine and illegally occupies Crimea.
Now Russia has worked to influence Montenegro's membership in NATO.
It has funded campaigns against NATO in Montenegro to influence public
opinion on the alliance. But it hasn't worked. Montenegro's parliament
and people remain committed to the Alliance. In fact, Montenegro is a
supporter of EU sanctions on Russia and has proven to be a reliable
partner in the EU's periphery on standing up to Moscow.
Finally, we hope that Montenegro's accession will send a positive
signal to other Balkan countries at a particularly critical
time.Macedonia continues to seek a way out of its political crisis,
Kosovo faces its own political turbulence and, perhaps of most
immediate concern, Bosnian Serb leaders are later this month
challenging international resolve and questioning Bosnia's future by
staging their own referendum. I would like to see the United States
play a leadership role responding to these challenges, supporting our
EU partners of course, but not at the expense of doing what's right for
these countries which also aspire to eventual NATO membership. There is
unfinished work in the Balkans and U.S. leadership is key to resolving
these long standing issues.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you.
Senator Rubio?
Senator Rubio. Thank you, Senator Shaheen. Thank you both
for being here.
I wanted to briefly state on the record that I am a big
believer that NATO has a purpose today that is perhaps as
important as any in the last 20 years. I believe deeply the
world is a safer and a better place and Americans are more
prosperous when our country is able to lead, and our alliances
are a critical component in that leadership.
I would remind everyone that our NATO allies have fought
beside us in Afghanistan. They have provided more than 1,100
soldiers in the part of that coalition, 1,100 soldiers who paid
the ultimate price. And as in these critical times, the U.S.
needs to continue to support our allies as we work to ensure
our interests, our collective interests abroad.
I have always argued that when our alliances, especially
NATO, are under pressure from our foes, we need to continue to
expand and allow countries who meet the standards set by the
Alliance to join. This has never been more important than it is
now, given the uncertain security situation we face in Europe.
That is why I am so glad we are moving to ratify
Montenegro's access to NATO, and that is why it is so important
for our allies around the world to know that. No matter the
outcome of our election, you will have in me and I believe in
many of my colleagues here in the United States Senate very
strong support for this alliance that I think in time will be
proven, if challenged.
With that, in the interest of time, because I know we are
in the middle of votes, I just want to ask a very
straightforward question that I hope both or one of you can
answer for the record, and that is, is it the policy of the
United States that Russia shall not have a veto over a
potential country's membership in NATO?
Mr. Yee. The short answer, sir, is yes.
Senator Rubio. That is a good answer.
Dr. Carpenter. Senator, yes. It has been our longstanding
policy that no third country, including Russia, has a veto over
any Alliance decisions.
Senator Rubio. Thank you.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Rubio.
Senator Murphy?
Senator Murphy. Thank you very much, Senator Shaheen.
Welcome to both of you.
I join Senator Rubio in strong support for the NATO
Alliance, and I think as he points out rightly, there is only
one time that article 5 has been exercised and it was not in
defense of our allies in Europe. It was in our defense, and
they all rallied to it.
My question is a follow-up on Senator Shaheen's. I have
been a longstanding supporter of Montenegro's accession to NATO
since I visited Vujanovic and others there 2 years ago, and so
I am glad to see that we are taking these final steps.
But I do worry about the message that is being sent to
Balkan nations when it comes to their ability to join
transatlantic and European institutions, given what is
happening in the EU today. And so I think that this decision to
move forward with enlargement is even more important in the
context of an EU institution, which appears at the very best
frozen and at worst in retraction.
So I guess let me pose the question a little bit
differently. As we are trying to help countries like Serbia, an
incredibly important ally, a country that is legitimately
caught between an historic alliance with Russia and a desire to
join European-Atlantic institutions, is this step forward not
to show that the open-door policy remains in NATO even more
important given some legitimate questions that are being asked
right now in the Balkans as to whether their path forward to EU
membership is maybe looking a little bit more perilous or a
little bit more treacherous?
I know we cannot solve that problem for the Europeans. That
has to be their decision. But ultimately it is in our best
interest if we are growing membership more broadly in
transatlantic institutions, and to my mind, NATO is more
important now than ever. Just to get your thoughts on that, Mr.
Yee.
Mr. Yee. Thank you, Senator Murphy, for the question, for
your longstanding support for the region.
My answer is yes. NATO enlargement, the open door, NATO's
role, the U.S. role in south central Europe is more important
than ever in large part because of the tumult that is occurring
in Europe.
Of course, as we all know, there is no substitute for
European Union enlargement and the European Project. And we
certainly do hope that it will continue even though it is in
this current phase of great difficulty. As Vice President Biden
has said, the European Project and the enlargement process is
possibly the most successful force for prosperity and stability
and security in history, and we very much need to see that
continue.
NATO has been part of that, and while it cannot substitute
for European Union membership, it can provide a lot of the same
incentives to Balkan countries in making the tough reforms that
they might not otherwise make. It provides certainly security
and stability for those that are able to meet the criteria for
membership. And it sends a strong signal to those actors
outside of the region who may not have the best interests of
the region, by our standards, in mind. That the United States
and European allies remain committed to the Balkans that we are
not going to leave it to its own devices, that we remain
committed that we believe that it is essential for Europe and
for the United States, indeed our security, that the Balkans
are brought into the same security structures, the same
institutions that other NATO allies have benefited from so
long. So our view is that we must continue to keep the door
open to those members that are willing to meet and able to meet
the standards.
Senator Murphy. Dr. Carpenter, a quick follow-up to you.
How do we make sure that after we are hopefully successful in
brining Montenegro into the Alliance, that the pressure remains
for their progress on reform to continue? We have members of
the Alliance today who have not made the progress that we would
have hoped in the same region, frankly, since they joined. So
what are the ways in which we can continue to pressure these
reforms even after they are successful in joining the NATO
Alliance?
Dr. Carpenter. So, Senator, thanks for the question.
I think on the military side, having allies at the table at
28 and if Montenegro is admitted to the Alliance, at 29 will
encourage peers to pressure others to live up to their
obligation to the Alliance whether it be the Wales pledge of 2
percent of GDP spent on defense or the other part of the Wales
Summit pledge for 20 percent of investments to be spent on
capital modernization. So that is one avenue to keep the
pressure on.
But outside of the narrow military lane, there is also the
mutually reinforcing process of Montenegro's EU integration
which requires the opening of a lot of chapters of the EU
aquis, which again deal with some of the issues that were
brought on the table as part of the NATO integration process
concerning rule of law and so on and so forth. Those are also
elements of the EU integration process.
So I think for Montenegro there will be a continuing stream
of points along the road in the coming months and years whereby
they will be on record as being studied on the basis of their
reform track. And if they do not live up to that, there will be
consequences. So it is both the EU process and it is also
internally to NATO. It is sitting at the table with 28 other
peers and explaining how you are spending your defense dollars
and how you are contributing to international missions to
support NATO.
Senator Murphy. I thank you both, and I look forward to
working in a bipartisan way to support Montenegro's inclusion
in the NATO Alliance.
Thank you, Senator Shaheen.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, Senator Murphy.
We are going to recess the hearing for a few minutes.
Senator Johnson has not returned and our time is up to go vote.
I assume someone will be back in a few minutes. [Recess.]
Senator Johnson. This hearing will come back to order.
Again, I apologize for the votes. It is one of the things
we do here.
Dr. Carpenter, I would like to just have you describe a
little bit in more greater detail what Montenegro has done in
terms of bringing its military up to NATO standards and really
what is required of it.
Dr. Carpenter. Senator, Montenegro has thoroughly reformed,
root and branch, its military. So it has taken what was a
hollowed-out brigade-level structure and transformed it into a
much more agile and capable battalion-level structure.
Its military is small, about 2,000 members in total. But
they have some significant niche capabilities that they have
put money into and they have developed over the years. One is
mountain warfare. One is coastal surveillance and patrolling.
Another one is underwater demining. So they have focused on
some of these niche capabilities and continue to do so. They
have a small helicopter rotary wing squadron that they are
developing and modernizing, and they are seeking additional
platforms for that.
But they have really taken a hard look at their military
from top to bottom. They have changed the way they do human
resources management to align it with NATO standards. They have
changed and continue--are actually in the process of changing
the way they do logistics both to make it more transparent but
also again to adapt to NATO standards.
So they have really done a tremendous job over the course
of the last several years in bringing what was a post-Yugoslav,
largely hollowed-out military with very little readiness to
defend territory and taken it to a level where now they are
both much more capable to do territorial defense but also to
contribute in a meaningful way to international missions and to
have their troops integrate well, as they do in Afghanistan
where they not only participate honorably in Mazar-e-Sharif in
the north under fairly tough conditions, but where Montenegro
is also--and this is interesting--where it has decided to
deploy together with other members of the Adriatic Charter
organization, so together with Croatia and some other
countries, Macedonia as a symbol of sort of bringing the
western Balkans region together. And they have deployed, as I
said, collectively to Afghanistan.
So they have done a tremendous job, both on the military
side and also in terms of the intelligence enterprise where
they have again taken a root-and-branch approach both to
institutions and personnel.
Senator Johnson. Talk a little bit about their paramilitary
force. Does that also factor into one of the reasons you are so
supportive of their accession?
Dr. Carpenter. If I understood you correctly, Senator, they
do not have a paramilitary force. They have a capable military
police company. They have capable support companies. The major
component of their military, about 1,500 of the 2,000, are land
forces, primarily structured around an infantry battalion. And
then they have approximately 200 forces in their air force and
approximately 300 for their navy.
Senator Johnson. I do appreciate the fact that they are on
the path of actually reaching that 2 percent of GDP threshold
for military spending, but they are not there yet.
I guess I will ask Secretary Yee. Does that send a very
good signal as we are approving somebody coming into NATO and
not meeting that threshold? Can you just kind of speak to that?
It is just something that kind of struck me reading through the
briefing materials.
Mr. Yee. Yes. Thank you, Senator.
One of the major emphases in the last NATO summit at Warsaw
was on insuring that allies reaffirm their commitment to
pledges they had made at the Wales Summit in 2014 to move
towards the 2 percent target by 2024. And some allies, as you
know, Senator, are doing better than others. There are about
five allies now that are at the 2 percent level. The good news
is that most of the allies, about 70 percent of the allies, are
on track to meet the target by 2024. Montenegro is at about
1.68. It has made a plan so that next year it will go up
another few tenths of points. So they will be over 1.7 percent
and by 2024 to meet the 2.0 percent.
We certainly will keep on all of our allies to encourage
them to move as quickly as possible to that goal. We will also
help them, as much as we can, strengthen their economies so
that they are better able to meet these kinds of obligations.
And that is another bright spot in Montenegro's picture is the
growth of the economy at about 3.5 percent.
So there is a prospect, there is a hope they will be able
to contribute more. We are certainly not satisfied, but we
believe that by having Montenegro in NATO for all the reasons
that my colleague, Dr. Carpenter, mentioned and were mentioned
otherwise about the stabilization effect, it will also help
Montenegro become more prosperous, more stable, and better able
to contribute to security of the Alliance.
Senator Johnson. Thank you, Secretary Yee.
Senator Shaheen?
Senator Shaheen. I actually do not have a lot of additional
questions, but I do want to ask about the process here because
one of the things that I think people are watching NATO right
now in particular because of our presidential race. And so I
wonder if you could talk about what kind of a signal we would
send by expeditiously approving Montenegro's accession to NATO.
Mr. Yee. Thank you, Senator.
I think the first and the strongest signal will be that
NATO remains committed to the open door, to inviting countries
that meet the standards that are able to further the principles
of the Alliance and to contribute to our collective security,
our collective defense. That is an important signal for the
countries themselves who are struggling to make difficult
reforms, which are not always politically popular, but it is
also a signal to countries outside of the region who may wish
less than well towards the countries of the western Balkans. It
sends a signal that we remain committed to the security of this
region, that we are not simply leaving them alone. And it is
also a signal I think of support for the integration process,
the larger integration process of bringing these countries into
the European family of democratic and stable and secure
countries.
Senator Shaheen. Dr. Carpenter?
Dr. Carpenter. If I could just piggyback a little bit on
what my colleague, Deputy Assistant Secretary Yee, has said, I
think an additional consideration in terms of the speedy
ratification of NATO membership for Montenegro has to do with
some of the malign influence that Russia is exercising both in
Montenegro and in the region. As I mentioned in my opening
statement, they are backing both NGOs but also politicians in
Montenegro who are opposed to NATO and running a disinformation
campaign really about what NATO is all about and the benefits
that it will bring to Montenegro. And so I think the sooner
that Montenegro is brought into the Alliance, now that it has
met all the benchmarks and it has made the difficult reforms
and it has proven that it is capable of modernizing its
military and aligning its foreign policies with those of NATO,
I think the sooner we put this aside and show that Montenegro
is moving on with its membership in the Alliance.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you, I could not agree more. I think
it is an important message not just to our allies but also to
Russia as we look at the future of NATO.
Senator Paul?
Senator Paul. Thank you, and thank you to the panel for
your testimony.
It is sad and was sad in the opening that NATO is not about
a specific opposition to a specific country or threat, but
there certainly seems to be a lot of discussion of Russia in
this admitting a new country into NATO. Do you see no negative
aspects to admitting Montenegro into NATO, Mr. Yee?
Mr. Yee. Thank you, Senator, for the question.
I do not see any negatives in terms of U.S. interests for
admitting Montenegro into NATO, only positives.
Senator Paul. And you mentioned that we are sending a
message that nobody gets to veto. You know, we are sending this
tough guy message. You want to send them a louder message? Why
do you not admit Georgia?
Mr. Yee. So, Senator, thank you for the question.
We do support the aspirations of Georgia to join NATO.
Senator Paul. And you think there is no negative to
admitting Georgia into NATO as well?
Mr. Yee. We support their aspirations to join NATO,
Senator.
Senator Paul. Part of Georgia is occupied, right, by
Russia?
Mr. Yee. Yes, and we support----
Senator Paul. So if we admitted Georgia into NATO and they
said, well, what about article 5, we would be at war with
Russia. It sounds like there are profound implications to
admitting Georgia into NATO.
Mr. Yee. There would be implications. There are
implications for admitting any country into NATO.
What I would say, Senator, is that what NATO allies agreed
at the last summit in Warsaw is that the door remains open to
Georgia, that Georgia continues to need to do its homework. It
needs to prepare for membership. The consensus on which NATO
operates in all of its decisions for admitting Georgia has not
been met yet.
Senator Paul. Who do you think it is more important to have
diplomatic ties with? Russia or Montenegro?
Mr. Yee. Senator, frankly I do not think it is a choice
between diplomatic ties between one country or the other. We
can have both.
Senator Paul. Well, I would say that there is a down side
and that if you want to have improved relations with Russia
thumbing their nose or putting Georgia into NATO or trying to
put Ukraine into NATO, there are ramifications to this. And
these are not just benign things. Oh, hey, we all want to be
democrats and let us all join NATO. There are ramifications.
And for us to think that this is an exercise in, hey, we are
going to thumb our nose at Russia, you know, we are in the
middle of a conflict in Syria where, by most analysis,
including the administration, Russia is part of the solution.
Russia may be also part of the problem, but ultimately they are
probably part of the solution.
And I just do not think it is very realistic, and I think
it is sort of an arrogant, one-sided view of the world to
think, oh, hey, let us just have everybody in NATO. Why do we
not get all the ``stan'' countries north of Afghanistan and ask
them to be part of NATO? You know, I mean, are there
ramifications to getting all the Soviet satellite countries
into NATO? Sure, there are.
And so I think we need to think this through, and we need
to have a little bit more of a debate rather than a rah, rah,
rah, let us put everybody in NATO. I think admitting Georgia
into NATO would be a huge disaster and would be a huge step
back if you want to have any kind of Russian help in resolving
what happens in Syria.
So I do not know. I think that we could have heard another
side in this hearing as far as a more balanced approach to
whether or not there are ramifications. I think to say there no
ramifications of admitting Montenegro--it is a small country.
So it is not nearly as great a ramification as Georgia, but to
say that there are none, and that our avowed purpose is really
to tell Russia you cannot tell us what to do, sounds a little
schoolyard-ish to me and maybe not all completely thought
through or a balanced opinion.
So you are both free to respond.
Mr. Yee. Senator, if I could say, I would agree there are
certainly ramifications to admitting any country into NATO, and
I certainly did not mean to imply there were not. My answer was
that I do not believe there are any negative down sides for the
United States' interests in admitting Montenegro. And I would
also say that all countries that wish to join NATO need to be
evaluated for their candidacy for admission into NATO
individually on their merits and in due course, not all at
once, and not together as a group. We do weigh very carefully,
Senator, the ramifications, the consequences. We consider it
the most solemn commitment one nation can make to another in
admitting a country into NATO. But we believe that it is a
decision for NATO and the aspirant countries themselves to
make, that no country should have a veto over the decision.
Senator Paul. I think it is a little bit Pollyannaish also
to believe that this is a mutual treaty. This is the U.S.
protecting other countries. We are NATO. And so I think really
we are looking at a tiny little country that we take all of the
risk to protect Montenegro or we take all of the risk to defend
Georgia or Ukraine.
I do not think these are really a two-way street. I think
this is kind of a one-way street. We are the ones that spend
all the money on our military. We spend more on our military
than the next eight countries combined. There is a lot of talk
on spending 2 percent, but these people spend a minuscule
amount, not just Montenegro but all of NATO. And so I think
there does need to be a discussion. Is it important for Europe
to stick together? Is it more important for Europe to maybe
have an alliance with Montenegro? Probably. But, you know, we
borrow $1 million a minute. We have a $20 trillion debt. And I
think we ought to think through whether it is a two-way street
or whether it is a one-way street where we are going to be
picking up the tab for the rest of the world.
Dr. Carpenter, you had a comment?
Dr. Carpenter. Senator, I was just going to say that the
percentage of NATO's common funding that the United States
contributes is about 22 percent. So it is larger than any other
ally for sure.
However, going back to your comment about Montenegro, its
small economy, small military, small country, what I would say
is that the accession of Montenegro to NATO is not primarily
about thumbing a nose at Russia. Certainly Russia is not
pleased that Montenegro is joining, but Montenegro is
fundamentally joining on its own merits. So it has made the
difficult reforms both to the defense and the intelligence
sectors and to its rule of law institutions, but it has also
been with us in Afghanistan for these past 10 years and it has
been an independent country. So it has demonstrated its
solidarity in that way. It has adopted sanctions against Russia
for its actions in Ukraine, which it did not have to do, but
again to show solidarity with NATO and EU countries. So they
have shown that they have been with us, and although they are
small and their military capabilities are what they are, they
have been with us for this time. And so I think the important
point is they are judged on their own merits here and not as a
rebuke or as a thumbing of nose at Russia.
Senator Shaheen. Again, I am going to recess for a few
minutes until Senator Johnson gets back to officially close the
hearing, but I want to thank both of you for your testimony
today and hopefully we can move this forward as expeditiously
as possible in the Senate. Thank you.
If Senator Johnson does not come back in about 10 minutes,
you are dismissed. You are on your own. [Recess.]
Senator Shaheen. Senator Risch, do you have questions?
Senator Johnson. Again, I apologize for delaying the
hearing here.
One of the things I do like to do is give witnesses a
chance, before we close out the hearing. If there is any
additional information you want to provide committee, any
further statements, I am happy to do that. Either of you? Okay.
I have got to get the magic words.
Again, I would like to thank the witnesses then for your
thoughtful testimony. I do want to express my appreciation for
the Ambassador of Montenegro for attending the hearing and
certainly everything your country has done to reach this
milestone. I certainly want to wish you all the best. We want
to be as supportive as possible.
For the information of the members, the record will remain
open until the close of business on Friday, including for
members to submit questions for the record.
With that, this hearing is closed, is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:30 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Open Letter to President Obama and the U.S. Congress
Urging Quick Action on Montenegro's Entry into NATO
Submitted by: War On The Rocks (WOTR)
June 20, 2016
On May 19, 2016, Montenegro signed the Accession Protocol to join
the North Atlantic Treaty Alliance (NATO) as its 29th member. We
believe that Montenegro is prepared to undertake the commitments and
obligations of membership, and to contribute to security in the Euro-
Atlantic area. We therefore urge the Obama administration and Congress
to move forward with the ratification of this Protocol as soon as
possible, ideally by the end of the year.
Since joining the Partnership for Peace program in 2006 and the
Membership Action Plan in 2009, Montenegro has demonstrated a strong
commitment to Euro-Atlantic integration. Montenegro has built a small
but capable military and reformed its security services to meet NATO
standards. The nation has made significant progress in addressing
domestic issues related to the rule of law, corruption, organized
crime, and security sector reform. Montenegro has been a reliable
partner, supporting NATO-led missions in Afghanistan, and it continues
to support the Resolute Support Mission by training, advising, and
assisting Afghan forces. Additionally, Montenegro has joined NATO
allies in all major policy decisions, including sanctions imposed in
the wake of Russia's intervention in Ukraine. Montenegro's entry into
NATO will help ensure its long-term stability, sovereignty, and
security--and will help advance the agenda of stability and security in
southeastern Europe.
This effort has broad bipartisan support. Vice President Biden
agreed, ``Montenegro's NATO membership will be a significant milestone
in integrating the Balkans into Euro-Atlantic institutions and
contribute to stability, security, and prosperity in the Balkans.'' And
as Senator John McCain has said, ``Montenegro's membership to NATO
could be a driving force of stability in the region.''
Montenegro's NATO membership would also demonstrate the credibility
of NATO's ``open door'' policy based on Article 10 of the Washington
Treaty, which for two decades has underscored the importance of
sovereign nations freely choosing their own path. Moreover, it would
clearly reject the notion that any third party would possess a de facto
veto on NATO enlargement--a decision left solely to the North Atlantic
Council and the aspirant country in question. As NATO Secretary General
Jens Stoltenberg has put it, ``Montenegro's membership will demonstrate
to all those who aspire to membership that if a country delivers, so
does NATO. Our door remains open.''
The progress made by Montenegro and its significance for the
Western Balkans, a region that has been long held back by instability
and conflict, demonstrates the clear transformative power of democratic
alliances and Euro-Atlantic integration. In times of regional and
international volatility, supporting and strengthening alliance
structures that promote common, rules-based approaches and
understanding is critical. Montenegro's accession to NATO would be
another important step in this effort, and is why we urge President
Obama and Congress to move forward with ratification of Montenegro's
NATO Accession Protocol as quickly as possible, so it can be done by
the end of 2016.
Jeremy Bash, former CIA Chief of Staff (2009-11), former Chief of Staff
to the Secretary of Defense (2011-13)
Hans Binnendijk, former NSC Senior Director for Defense Policy and Arms
Control (1999-2001)
Stephen Biegun, former Executive Secretary, National Security Council
2001-03; Former Staff Director, Senate Foreign Relations
Committee 1999-2001
General Philip Breedlove (USAF, ret.), former Supreme Allied Commander,
NATO (2013-16)
Ambassador Sue Brown, former U.S. Ambassador to Montenegro (2011-2015)
Ian Brzezinski, former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Europe
and NATO Policy (2001-05)
Ambassador William Burns, former Deputy Secretary of State (2011-14)
Ambassador Richard Burt, former Assistant Secretary of State for
European and Canadian Affairs (1983-85)
Derek Chollet, former Assistant Secretary of Defense for International
Security Affairs (2012-15)
Ambassador Paula Dobriansky, former Under Secretary of State for Global
Affairs (2001-09)
Karen Donfried, former NSC Senior Director for European Affairs (2013-
14)
Eric Edelman, former Under Secretary of Defense for Policy (2005-2009)
Ambassador Julie Finley, former U.S. Ambassador to the OSCE (2005-09)
Evelyn Farkas, former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Russia/
Ukraine/Eurasia (2012-15)
Michele Flournoy, former Under Secretary of Defense for Policy (2009-
11)
Richard Fontaine, former Foreign Policy Advisor to Senator John McCain
(2004-09)
Jeff Gedmin, former President and CEO, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
(2007-11)
Ambassador Robert Gelbard, former Presidential Special Representative
for the Balkans (1997-99)
Philip Gordon, former Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs
(2009-13)
Stephen Hadley, former National Security Advisor (2005-09)
Chuck Hagel, former Secretary of Defense (2013-15)
Michael Haltzel, former Democratic Staff Director, Subcommittee on
European Affairs, Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Kathleen Hicks, former Principal Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for
Policy (2012-13)
General James L. Jones (USMC, ret.), former Supreme Allied Commander,
NATO (2003-6)
David J. Kramer, former Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy,
Human Rights and Labor (2008-09)
Ambassador Michael McFaul, former U.S. Ambassador to Russia (2011-14)
James N. Miller, former Under Secretary of Defense for Policy (2012-14)
Sally Painter, former Senior Advisor to The Secretary of Commerce and
Secretary of State
Kori Schake, former NSC Director for Defense Strategy and Requirements
(2001-05)
Julianne Smith, former Deputy National Security Advisor to the Vice
President (2012-13)
Admiral James Stavridis (ret.), former Supreme Allied Commander, NATO
(2009-13)
Ambassador Kurt Volker, former U.S. Ambassador to NATO (2008-09)
General Chuck Wald (USAF, ret.), Deputy Commander, U.S. European
Command (2003-2006)
Damon Wilson, former NSC Senior Director for European Affairs (2007-09)
__________
Responses to Additional Questions Submitted to
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Hoyt Brian Yee by Senator Corker
Question 1. Has tobacco smuggling in or through Montenegro been a
serious problem in the past? If so, can you estimate the value and
volume of illicit tobacco and tobacco products smuggled in or through
Montenegro in each of the past fifteen years?
Answer. Following the dissolution of Yugoslavia and imposition of
sanctions on the Milosevic regime in the late 1990's, Montenegro
experienced prevalent tobacco smuggling throughout the country. The
Department of State does not have reliable data on smuggled volumes.
Question 2. Were officials of the Montenegrin government complicit
in tobacco smuggling over the past fifteen years? If so, please
describe the levels to which this complicity rose in the Montenegrin
government?
Answer. Despite historical allegations that government officials
were complicit in cigarette smuggling, the Department of State is aware
of only one official case in the last 15 years, and this case did not
result in a conviction. Specifically, according to an indictment filed
by an Italian prosecutor in Bari many years ago, Prime Minister
Djukanovic was allegedly involved in a tobacco-smuggling operation that
spanned the period from 1994 to 2002. However, the Department has no
knowledge of any senior Montenegrin official, including Prime Minister
Djukanovic, ever being convicted of any tobacco-smuggling related
offenses.
Question 3. To what extent is tobacco smuggling in or through
Montenegro a problem today? Please include in this answer an estimate
of the value and volume of illicit tobacco and tobacco products that
will be smuggled in or through Montenegro this year.
Answer. Montenegro continues to struggle with a black market for
smuggled goods, including cigarettes, although the Department of State
does not have reliable data on smuggled volumes. According to the
Police Directorate of Montenegro's November 2013 ``Serious and
Organized Crime Threat Assessment (SOCTA),'' and the 2015 supplemental
mid-term SOCTA review, tobacco smuggling still occurs throughout
Montenegro. The Police Directorate identified the Port of Bar as the
main transit point for illicit cigarettes. Cigarettes are typically
smuggled into Montenegro for transit to a final destination in an E.U.
country using false excise stamps coupled with falsified documents. The
Police Directorate states that cigarette smuggling through Montenegrin
territory has actually increased recently due to an increase in excise
taxes in bordering countries.
In addition to transit routes, a portion of smuggled cigarettes are
intended for the Montenegrin market, with the authorities noting that
these cigarettes were distributed across points of sale in the majority
of Montenegrin towns. These cigarettes are usually sold without any
excise stamp, or have excise stamps from neighboring countries such as
Serbia, Croatia, and Albania.
An American tobacco producing company funded its own independent
survey through AC Nielsen in 2014, which estimated that 30.9 percent of
cigarettes consumed in Montenegro are smuggled into the country from
non-domestic sources, with the highest consumption of non-domestic
cigarettes in Podgorica (36.6 percent.) In addition, the survey
registered a small number of counterfeit packs (0.4 percent.)
The Police Directorate's Assessment also noted the smuggling of
cigarettes legally produced in Montenegro to other destinations, with
the Port of Bar taking a prominent role.
Question 4. Are any officials of the Montenegrin government
complicit in tobacco smuggling today? If so, please describe the levels
to which this complicity rises in the Montenegrin government?
Answer. The Department of State has no information that would
indicate that government officials are complicit in tobacco smuggling
today.
Question 5. Are you satisfied that the Montenegrin government
today is fully committed to combatting illicit tobacco trafficking?
Answer. The efforts of Montenegro's Customs Administration and
Police Directorate, coupled with establishment of the new Office of the
Special State Prosecutor, which has shown itself to be committed to
tackling all forms of organized crime, demonstrate the government's
firm commitment to combatting illicit tobacco trafficking.
Question. What specific steps has the Montenegrin government taken
to combat illicit tobacco trafficking?
Answer. The Police Directorate of Montenegro published a November
2013 ``Serious and Organized Crime Threat Assessment (SOCTA),'' and a
2015 supplemental mid-term SOCTA review. The Police Directorate states
that as cigarette smuggling through Montenegrin territory has increased
due to an increase in excise taxes in bordering countries, law
enforcement attention has also increased, producing seizures of larger
quantities of smuggled cigarettes. Montenegrin Customs reported that in
2015, 6.85 million cigarettes were seized, a major increase from 1.49
million in 2014.
Large quantities of cigarettes legally produced in Montenegro were
also seized on their path toward Greece and Italy. Through more
intensive controls in 2014 and 2015, law enforcement agencies of
Montenegro (notably the Customs Administration and Police Directorate)
seized over six million such cigarettes.
Question 7. What specific steps has the United States government
taken to combat illicit tobacco trafficking in or through Montenegro?
Answer. U.S. Embassy Podgorica has facilitated law enforcement and
customs training and equipment donations to assist the Government of
Montenegro's enhanced efforts to target cigarette smuggling. In
addition, the U.S. Embassy, as an active member of the American Chamber
of Commerce in Montenegro (AmCham), provides support to the AmCham Grey
Economy Committee, which specifically addresses ways to prevent
cigarette smuggling.
U.S. Embassy Podgorica's Export Control and Border Security (EXBS)
Program--with a main focus on stopping, identifying, and interdicting
Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD), WMD components, and arms and
munitions--donates video scopes and density meters to Montenegrin
customs officials to discover contraband and hidden compartments. EXBS
also conducts specialized training in interdicting contraband and the
current trends in smuggling techniques and modus operandi in both the
United States and Europe. The EXBS program has donated over $4 million
in equipment and interdiction training that can also be used to
interdict cigarette smuggling. According to interdiction reports the
EXBS program receives from Customs and Border Police, the majority of
seizures consist of narcotics and cigarettes.
Similarly to EXBS, U.S. Embassy Podgorica's International Criminal
Investigative Training Assistance Program (ICITAP) office has not
engaged in any training or donations specifically directed at cigarette
smuggling. However, ICITAP assists Montenegro to combat organized crime
groups in Montenegro that engage in narcotics, cigarette, weapons, and
human trafficking. As part of the overall strategy to assist
Montenegrin police in the investigation of organized crime groups,
ICITAP has provided many training courses. These include: Organized
Crime Investigations, Public Corruption Investigations, Financial
Investigations, Informant Management, Major Case Management, Undercover
Operations, and many others. ICITAP has also provided training, support
and expert advice to the newly formed Special Organized Crime and
Corruption Unit, and will continue to do so over the next two years.
The Department of State's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement Affairs (INL) office in Podgorica conducted a series of
four cross-border trainings during the past three years for
prosecutors, judges, and police, which focused, respectively, on the
borders of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Serbia. Each
included training on fighting cigarette smuggling. More generally, INL
has provided extensive training for hundreds of police, prosecutors,
and judges, as well as administrative officials, including customs,
tax, anti-corruption agency, and inspection authorities, on fighting
organized crime.
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Responses to Additional Questions Submitted to
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Hoyt Brian Yee by Senator Cardin
Question 1. I understand that Montenegro made strides in
addressing corruption as part of its reform effort to join NATO. In
2015, the Transparency International corruption index ranked Montenegro
61st out of 168 countries. In your assessment, what does Montenegro
still need to do in order to address corruption? How will you maintain
pressure on Montenegro to continue with this important reform process?
Answer. We work closely with Montenegro to support its efforts to
combat organized crime and corruption. Several key developments in
recent years have moved into the implementation phase, and we will
closely monitor their progress.
One important step in the last year has been the establishment of a
new independent Special State Prosecutor's Office to handle major cases
including organized crime and corruption. The new Special Prosecutor
and supporting special police unit are based in part on the FBI model,
and are supported by a U.S. Embassy team of rule of law and police
advisors funded through U.S. development assistance. The Special
Prosecutor has made numerous high profile arrests, including those with
links to senior officials in the ruling party. The Special Prosecutor
has already negotiated a number of plea agreements, which secure quick
convictions and prison sentences, yet do not preclude further
prosecutions for other crimes, or further financial investigations and
asset seizures under a new asset recovery law. In all, the Special
Prosecutor opened 991 cases in its first year, more than half of which
are already resolved. The United States will continue to encourage all
parties to support the work of the Special Prosecutor.
In January 2016, Montenegro's new Agency for the Prevention of
Corruption began operations, and in June, Montenegro's parliament
appointed five individuals, including a vocal anti-corruption civil
society activist, as members of the Anti-Corruption Agency Council.
Both entities have important mandates, and we will follow their
progress closely.
Similarly, the government is implementing two new laws to help
combat corruption. The Law on the Confiscation of Proceeds from
Criminal Activities provides for expanded procedures for the freezing,
seizure, and confiscation of illicit proceeds. It also authorizes the
creation of multi-disciplinary Financial Investigation Teams. The Law
on the Center for Training of the Judiciary and State Prosecutor's
Office created a new independent judicial training institute, with
greatly expanded powers and autonomy. We continue to work closely with
the Montenegrin government as it implements these laws, and also
provide technical assistance.
We have supported Montenegro's participation in NATO's Building
Integrity conference, an important part of NATO's framework to address
and combat corruption. We have also encouraged transparency and
accountability as part of the Strategic Defense Review process. In
addition to our bilateral engagement, NATO will continue its engagement
with Montenegro to support its ongoing defense reforms. Montenegro has
been moving steadily toward European Union (EU) membership since its
candidacy was officially opened in 2012, and the E.U. accession process
also entails significant institutional reforms.
Question 2. Montenegro has also taken steps to improve the rule of
law throughout the accession process. How would you characterize their
most significant achievements on these issues? What work remains to be
done?
Answer. Countering corruption is one essential part of improving
the rule of law. The establishment of an independent Special State
Prosecutor's Office to handle organized crime and corruption cases was
a major step forward. The Special Prosecutor has successfully
prosecuted a number of public officials, including those with links to
senior officials in the ruling party, sending a clear signal that no
one is above the law. Free and fair elections are critical as well.
U.S. Embassy Podgorica facilitated an ``agreement on electoral
confidence'' in 2016 between the government and the opposition which
will ensure the appropriate political landscape for Montenegro to hold
free and fair elections. According to the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Montenegro has developed the
administrative framework to ensure a transparent and legitimate
process, and all agencies responsible for the elections appear to be
fully engaged and are completing their requisite tasks.
We support ongoing efforts to continue to improve the rule of law
in Montenegro, recognizing the many sectors in which ongoing reform
will be necessary. In fiscal years 2015 and 2016, we are providing
$3.25 million in technical assistance to support Montenegrin efforts to
strengthen the rule of law and combat corruption. We are programming
$876,000 in additional fiscal year 2015 assistance to support
investigative reporting and civil society advocacy related to rule of
law and counter corruption efforts, help ensure media independence,
counter Russian pressure, and diversify Montenegro's trade and energy.
Question 3. Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic has been in power,
either as Prime Minister or President since 1998. Do you have concerns
with the democratic process in Montenegro? Have democratically-oriented
political parties been afforded adequate space to compete in
Montenegro?
Answer. Montenegro is a mixed parliamentary and presidential
republic with a multiparty political system. Voters choose both the
president and the unicameral parliament through popular elections. The
country's 2013 presidential elections were described by the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) as
professionally and efficiently administered but also characterized by a
blurring of the lines between the state and the ruling Party of
Democratic Socialists (DPS). The country's upcoming 2016 parliamentary
elections, which will be the first exercise for implementing
Montenegro's new electoral legislation, designed to counter electoral
fraud and build voter confidence, are expected to improve Montenegro's
democratic process and address some of the irregularities raised by the
OSCE.
Montenegro has a plethora of political parties with strong
ideological divisions. In May, for the first time in its history, the
ruling party invited opposition parties to join the government and
placed opposition members at the top of several key ministries. This
``agreement on electoral confidence'' was an effort to inject
transparency into the electoral process and build public confidence
ahead of the October 16 parliamentary elections. Although in early
August, opposition party United Reform Action (URA) decided to exit the
agreement, its ministers did not resign from the government, nor did
URA's opposition partners Demos and Social Democratic Party (SDP)
withdraw. The opposition parties have said they will participate in
Montenegro's October 16 parliamentary elections. With their
representatives in the government of electoral confidence and
international observers in place to monitor the elections, opposition
parties should be able to participate freely and fairly.
Question 4. I understand that Russia sought to exert considerable
pressure on Montenegro throughout this invitation and accession
process. Could you describe the actions of Russia or Russian backed
groups to influence Montenegrin public opinion? What form did it take?
How much did Moscow spend on these efforts? Did Russia exert any form
of military or diplomatic pressure on Montenegro?
Answer. Following NATO's decision to admit Montenegro to the
Alliance, Moscow threatened economic sanctions against Montenegro. To
its credit, the Montenegrin government has stood strong and repeatedly
asserted its sovereign right to choose its own alliances.
Backed by Russia, the radical Democratic Front (DF) opposition
group has worked hard to undermine the pro-NATO, pro-EU Djukanovic
administration. In the fall of 2015, the DF organized a series of
protests demanding the removal of Prime Minister Djukanovic, which
turned violent when protesters attacked police. The protests lasted
months but failed to attract more than 4,000-5,000 protesters at their
height.
Over the past year, Russian officials have increased their anti-
NATO rhetoric toward Montenegro. Russian Deputy Prime Minister Rogozin
stated that Montenegrin leadership would ``regret their decision'' not
to hold a public referendum on NATO membership. Recently, the Russian
Duma has written NATO member country parliaments to discourage
Montenegro's accession.
Russia has likely also attempted to influence public opinion by
securing editorial input into Montenegrin news media in the form of
lucrative advertising contracts for the DF. While other political
parties are also increasing their ad spending, these contracts have
been in the hundreds of thousands of euros, well exceeding market
rates. It appears that despite the strong economic incentive, offers
that would include editorial input have been rejected.
The U.S. government actively counters Russian messaging and, more
generally, supports progress on rule of law in Montenegro. In Fiscal
Years 2015 and 2016, we are providing $3.25 million in technical
assistance to strengthen the rule of law and combat corruption,
including those activities that trace back to Russia.
Question 5. Montenegro's accession will also send a positive
signal to other Balkan countries at a particularly critical time. Of
greatest and most immediate concern right now is Bosnia. The Bosnian
entity of Republika Srpska is planning to hold a referendum on
September 25 which, on the surface, seems to be little more than an
opinion poll regarding an official holiday. More deeply, however, this
is a challenge both to the authority of the country's constitutional
court, which ruled against the holiday, and to the international
community's resolve and ability to enforce Dayton implementation if
necessary. The referendum could set the stage for a more substantial
challenge and confrontation in the future.
What are we doing about this referendum, and why is the
international community seemingly hesitant to use the powers it retains
in the face of such dangerous recalcitrance? More broadly, where is
Bosnia at present regarding NATO?
Answer. The United States and the international community have
invested heavily in bringing peace, stability and prosperity to Bosnia
and Herzegovina (BiH), and we remain committed to the Dayton Peace
Agreement. We are working closely with all our partners to devise a
coordinated and effective response to the illegal referendum organized
by leadership of the Republika Srpska in direct contravention of the
Constitutional Court of BiH. We urged Republika Srpska authorities to
respect the Constitutional Court's decision to suspend the referendum.
We are also encouraging all sides to deescalate their rhetoric.
Ambassadors of the Peace Implementation Council have reaffirmed their
support for the Dayton Peace Agreement and their unequivocal commitment
to the territorial integrity and fundamental structure of BiH as a
single, sovereign state.
The 2010 Tallinn conditions state that BiH must register 63
immovable defense properties to the state-level government to activate
its Membership Action Plan (MAP). BiH has registered 24 of these
defense properties in the Federation, but none in the Republika Srpska.
The United States does not support a loosening of the Tallinn
conditions at this time. Despite the stalled progress on MAP, we are
encouraged by the Bosnian government's decision to finalize its long-
delayed Defense Review, which will allow for deeper engagement with
NATO in the absence of MAP activation.
Question 6. Where do each of the other countries currently
aspiring for NATO membership stand, given NATO's open door policy? What
reforms is the Alliance suggesting need to be made before an invitation
is given? Are these countries undertaking the requested reforms?
Answer. NATO actively promotes the Open Door policy, and counsels
each of the aspirants on ways they can advance their candidacies.
Specifically, at the NATO Summit in July, Allied Heads of State and
Government tasked the North Atlantic Council to prepare a report on the
Alliance's activities in the Western Balkans for submission to Foreign
Ministers in December. This proves that the Open Door policy is not a
checklist, but an active mentorship project. These nations are not just
aspirants; they are partners of the Alliance.
In 2010 Allies established the Tallinn Condition for Bosnia and
Herzegovina (BiH). Allies agreed to activate BiH's Membership Action
Plan (MAP) when it registers all its defense properties to the state.
This requirement has a purpose: to demonstrate that BiH has a fully
functioning, inclusive government, capable of the decision-making
required of an Ally. Twenty-four are currently registered. However,
none of these are located in Republika Srpska. Allies are pressing BiH
to tackle this admittedly more challenging task, while also continuing
with needed defense reforms. NATO actively supports BiH's path to
membership via its Headquarters in Sarajevo, which facilitates reform
efforts.Macedonia's primary impediment to accession remains the lack of
a resolution to the name issue with Greece. In 2008, Allies agreed that
Macedonia could only join NATO following a successful resolution of
this dispute. U.N. Special Envoy Matthew Nimetz continues to work with
both sides to come to an agreement. However, over the past 18 months,
Allies have also expressed concern about democratic backsliding in
Macedonia. Restrictions on free media, delays to elections, and the
political crisis associated with the wiretapping scandal have driven
Macedonia further away from NATO's democratic values. At the Warsaw
Summit this year, NATO called upon all parties to honor the 2015 Przino
agreement; elections are now scheduled for December of this year.
Before November, the NATO International Staff will visit Macedonia for
its in-country assessment of its Armed Forces. Macedonia has long
participated in NATO operations, and it is in the United States and
NATO's best interest to maintain a high level of interoperability.
Allies also play a very active role in supporting Georgia's NATO
membership aspirations. In 2008, Allies agreed that ``Georgia will
become a member of NATO'' and this year in Warsaw, Allies noted
``Georgia's relationship with the Alliance contains all the practical
tools to prepare for eventual membership.'' While Georgia does not
currently have a Membership Action Plan, it does have three unique and
tailored avenues through which it engages with NATO. First, Georgia is
one of only six Enhanced Opportunity Partners (EOPs). This status
allows Georgia to participate in high-level, strategic discussions with
Allies in the North Atlantic Council and at the Ministerial level.
Georgia hosted the North Atlantic Council in a visit to Tbilisi earlier
this month. Secondly, at the Wales Summit in 2014, Allies agreed on a
set of deliverables for Georgia known as the Substantial NATO-Georgia
Package (SNGP). The Package contains elements such as increased
training opportunities, a NATO Joint Training and Education Center in
Georgia, and a Defense Institution Building School. This year, Allies
augmented the SNGP with additional initiatives, underscoring NATO
Allies' commitment to moving Georgia toward membership. Nearly all
Allies (26), plus Sweden and Finland, contribute to the SNGP. No
aspirant past or present has received such a comprehensive package.
Finally, since 2008 NATO has met with Georgia bilaterally--on a regular
basis at all levels-in the NATO-Georgia Commission (NGC). The NGC met
at this year's Summit in Warsaw and issued a statement in which Georgia
pledged to do its part to advance its candidacy. Georgia reiterated its
commitment to comprehensive reforms, including the execution of
elections this fall in accordance with international democratic
standards. Allies noted that Georgia's commitment to NATO and E.U.
operations demonstrate its commitment and capabilities when it comes to
Euro-Atlantic security.
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