[Joint House and Senate Hearing, 113 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
DEVELOPMENTS IN THE WESTERN BALKANS AND POLICY RESPONSES
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HEARING
before the
COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE
ONE HUNDRED THIRTEENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
MARCH 5, 2014
__________
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COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE
LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS
SENATE
HOUSE
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland, CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey,
Chairman Co-Chairman
SHELDON WHITEHOUSE, Rhode Island JOSEPH R. PITTS, Pennsylvania
TOM UDALL, New Mexico ROBERT B. ADERHOLT, Alabama
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire PHIL GINGREY, Georgia
RICHARD BLUMENTHAL, Connecticut MICHAEL C. BURGESS, Texas
ROGER F. WICKER, Mississippi ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
SAXBY CHAMBLISS, Georgia LOUISE McINTOSH SLAUGHTER,
JOHN BOOZMAN, Arkansas New York
MIKE McINTYRE, North Carolina
STEVE COHEN, Tennessee
EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS
Department of State
Department of Defense
Department of Commerce
(ii)
DEVELOPMENTS IN THE WESTERN BALKANS AND POLICY RESPONSES
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March 5, 2014
COMMISSIONER
Page
Hon. Benjamin L. Cardin, Chairman, Commission on Security and
Cooperation in Europe.......................................... 1
MEMBERS
Hon. Eliot L. Engel, a Member of Congress from the State of New
York........................................................... 10
Hon. Adam Kinzinger, a Member of Congress from the State of
Illinois....................................................... 13
WITNESSES
Hoyt Yee, Deputy Assistant Secretary for European and Eurasian
Affairs, U.S. Department of State.............................. 3
Tanja Fajon, Member (Slovenia), European Parliament.............. 17
Kurt Volker, Executive Director, McCain Institute for
International Leadership....................................... 20
APPENDICES
Prepared statement of Hon. Benjamin L. Cardin.................... 27
Prepared statement of Hoyt Yee................................... 28
Prepared statement of Tanja Fajon................................ 33
Prepared statement of Kurt Volker................................ 36
(iii)
DEVELOPMENTS IN THE WESTERN BALKANS AND POLICY RESPONSES
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March 5, 2014
Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe
Washington, DC
The hearing was held at 10 a.m. in room 106, Dirksen Senate
Office Building, Washington, DC, Hon. Benjamin L. Cardin,
Chairman, Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe,
presiding.
Commissioner present: Hon. Benjamin L. Cardin, Chairman,
Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe.
Members present: Hon. Eliot L. Engel, a Member of Congress
from the State of New York; and Hon. Adam Kinzinger, a Member
of Congress from the State of Illinois.
Witnesses present: Hoyt Yee, Deputy Assistant Secretary for
European and Eurasian Affairs, U.S. Department of State; Tanja
Fajon, Member (Slovenia), European Parliament; and Kurt Volker,
Former U.S. Ambassador to NATO, Executive Director, McCain
Institute for International Leadership.
HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, CHAIRMAN, COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND
COOPERATION IN EUROPE
Mr. Cardin. Good morning. Let me welcome you all to this
hearing of the Helsinki Commission. We thank you all for being
here. Today's hearing is on the Western Balkans. But I think I
need to start by at least to acknowledging the extremely
serious situation that currently exists in Ukraine. It's very
dangerous. Russia's actions violate its OSCE obligations and
its obligations under other international organizations. It's a
concern to all of us. Russia's announced concern about the
Russian ethnic groups within the Crimea could easily be
resolved by allowing the OSCE mission which is already
scheduled to provide some assistance to Ukraine full access to
Crimea. It is clearly aggression on the Russian part that is
causing a problem not just in Ukraine but the entire region. So
it's a matter of great interest to all of us.
This Commission will continue to do everything it can to
use all the tools that we have available to help the people of
Ukraine and continue to support the legitimate government of
Ukraine from the outside influence of Russia. And I know that
also expresses the sentiments of the members of Congress and
the administration.
As I said, today's hearing is on the Western Balkans. This
Commission has had a longstanding priority in the Western
Balkans. We've had numerous hearings since the breakup of
Yugoslavia and the wars of the 1990s. The specific countries
have been subject to hearings before this Commission.
And today, we're doing a regional hearing so that we can
look at all the countries in the Western Balkans and the
progress that they are making. I think it's fair to say that
there is a common desire among the countries in the Western
Balkans for integration into Europe and many into NATO. Only
Croatia has achieved both EU status and NATO membership. So
this is an area of great interest to the United States.
And while the Western Balkans is no longer the setting for
violent conflict that it was two decades ago, we have had to
devote considerable resources--financial, diplomatic and
military --to restore peace and to encourage the democratic and
other reforms necessary to sustain it. That job is not yet
done. We still have work to do in the Western Balkans. Having
accomplished so much, we need to see the task of a stable,
democratic and fully integrated Western Balkans completed.
These countries have also demonstrated a willingness to
contribute to peace operations globally and if they are not
already, they should soon be our newest allies in a stronger
NATO alliance. It is my view, at least, that their membership
in NATO, if they choose to join, enhances our own security. And
I hope we'll have a chance during this hearing to talk about
the role that NATO is playing and EU is playing in regards to
progress in the Western Balkans.
In the past year, we have been particularly encouraged by
Croatia's joining the European Union, the progress leading to
the normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo, the
beginning of negotiations for Serbia's EU accession, a smooth
political transition in Albania that will hopefully pave the
way for that country to begin soon its negotiations as well and
Montenegro's ongoing progress towards both NATO and EU
membership. Kosovo has just celebrated six years of independent
statehood. It still has a long way to go and must confront some
undoubtedly major obstacles along the way but has demonstrated
a very welcome commitment to moving forward.
While I am encouraged by these developments, we continue to
worry that progress in the two most multiethnic states in the
region--Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia--has stalled. In
Bosnia, we have seen for some time that the political structure
created by the Dayton Agreement with their emphasis on ethnic
balances rather than good governance has become outdated,
undemocratic and divisive. But we are now seeing the
implications of trying to maintain the status quo in the form
of popular unrest and a public demand for greater
accountability. Macedonia, which has made considerable strides
in its desire to join both NATO and the EU, today struggles to
maintain its democratic credentials and internal cohesive while
Greece's dispute with its name has put its aspirations
effectively on hold.
Then there are issues that pervade the region--official
corruption, trafficking in persons, the plight of the Roma,
attacks on journalists and control of the media--which continue
to be of concern. Many wounds of the past, wounds in the form
of missing persons and unpunished war crimes, remain open and
cannot be left unattended.
Several countries in the region will hold elections this
year. The conditions for free and fair contests could use
further improvement at least in some of these countries. The
Helsinki Commission emphasizes the need for governments to
implement the commitments they have undertaken in the OSCE,
especially those relating to human rights and democratic
development. And I hope we focus on that here at this hearing.
At the same time, given the tremendous role and influence
the United States and Europe have in the region, we cannot
ignore our own policies and whether they are actually
encouraging the progress we expect. We need to look at whether
mere promises of NATO and EU enlargement at some time in the
future are sufficient leverage for change and what we can do in
the meantime to keep these countries on track.
I want to welcome all of our witnesses today and thank them
very much for their participation in hearing. Our first panel
today is represented by Deputy Assistant Secretary of State
Hoyt Yee from the Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs. He
is a career foreign service officer with service in the Balkans
and at NATO and became deputy assistant secretary in September
of 2013. As the deputy chief of mission at the U.S. embassy in
Zagreb, he helped facilitate the Helsinki Commission's visit to
Croatia to attend a meeting of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly
in 2011. We're grateful for that. I'm glad that we are
continuing to work together and we look forward to your
testimony.
HOYT YEE, DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY FOR EUROPEAN AND EURASIAN
AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Mr. Yee. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I'd like to begin by
thanking you and also to join you in your expression of concern
for the situation in Ukraine as well as solidarity with the
people and legitimate government of Ukraine, which I think the
situation underscores the importance of continued U.S. and
European, NATO efforts to strengthen peace and stability and
security in Europe, including through integration with the
Western Balkans, which brings me to my testimony.
Mr. Chairman and distinguished commissioners, thank you for
inviting me to testify before the Helsinki Commission, which
for nearly 40 years has played a vital role in fostering
democracy, human rights and security across Europe and beyond.
Given your keen interest in the Western Balkans, I am
particularly honored to provide an assessment of the region's
prospects for Euro-Atlantic integration and overall democratic
development. I look forward to discussing how we and our
European partners can best encourage further steps along that
path.
The appeal of EU and NATO membership has been a positive
force for the political and economic transformation of the
Western Balkans. I'm pleased to say, as you note, Mr. Chairman,
we have some successes to report. In the past year, Croatia
became the 28th member of the European Union. Montenegro
progressed towards EU accession. Albania had the best
democratic transition in that country's history.
And perhaps most remarkably, Serbia and Kosovo signed a
historic agreement to normalize relations, a move that has
spurred the European Council to begin negotiating a
stabilization and association agreement with Pristina in
October and to open EU accession talks with Belgrade in
January. These advancements and other positive developments in
the region are especially encouraging because they are in large
part a result of sustained American engagement and assistance.
For more than two decades, the desire to support the
aspirations of the Western Balkan states to integrate into
Euro-Atlantic institutions has been the animating force behind
U.S. engagement in the region. This has been a top policy
objective of Republican and Democratic administrations alike
because it is the best means of ensuring long-term peace,
stability and prosperity in a region that is a critical part of
Europe. As impressive as the recent successes have been, they
do not obscure the many serious challenges the region still
faces, challenges that must be overcome before Euro-
Atlantic aspirations can be fully realized.
Progress comes most rapidly when political leaders and
other actors break loose from how things were done in the past.
We saw this in Croatia where successive governments remain
steadfastly committed to the goal of EU membership. The payoff
came last July when Croatia became the newest EU member,
demonstrating to the entire region that hard work and
compromise brings results. We're greatly encouraged by the
ongoing dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo.
This EU-facilitated effort created a space in which
Belgrade and Pristina tackled the seemingly intractable
differences that had prevented them from moving forward on
their respective European integration paths. Last April, they
produced a landmark agreement on principles for normalizing
relations between the two countries. Full implementation of the
agreement will not be easy. And the United States must remain
engaged with Pristina, Belgrade and the European Union to
ensure progress continues.
Both sides will face numerous politically difficult
decisions in the coming years. We can expect to see some
backpedaling and intransigence. However, I'm confident that
Serbia and Kosovo will remain on this path because it is
inseparable from their aspirations for EU membership.
Domestically, Serbia's 2012 election produced a coalition
government that committed itself to reforms and to growing
relationships with the European Union and the United States. As
Serbia heads into early elections March 16th, we hope the next
government will have a mandate to tackle the important domestic
reforms necessary to invigorate Serbia's labor market, business
climate and economy.
With Kosovo, we remain focused on helping it strengthen its
multiethnic democratic institutions. This includes advancing
reforms called for under the EU's stabilization and association
process, the measured development of its security sector,
expanding recognitions worldwide and sustaining cooperation
with the EULEX mission including its investigation into
allegations of organ trafficking and other serious crimes.
Albania has also enjoyed a year of progress, highlighted by
the successful conduct of last June's parliamentary elections
and the smooth democratic transition that followed. While
Albania is already a NATO ally, much work lies ahead on its EU
path.
In December, the European Council deferred granting Albania
candidate status, calling for progress in the fight against
organized crime and corruption. The European Council will
review Albania's application in June and we are encouraging the
government and opposition in Albania to work together and to
achieve results in order to strengthen the case for positive
decision.
Montenegro, which began EU accession talks last June,
recently opened EU chapters addressing the rule of law,
judicial transparency and corruption. NATO membership is a
further goal. Montenegro needs to improve its efforts in such
areas as defense and security sector reforms and in bolstering
public support for NATO membership. The prime minister and
other officials assured me during a recent visit that they are
working to do so.
Unfortunately, progress in the region is not universal.
Macedonia's integration into the EU and NATO remains vital for
lasting peace and stability in the region. However, the name
dispute with Athens continues to stymie progress toward that
goal. Both sides in that dispute should be motivated by the
desire to seek a solution that ensures the democratic and
prosperous development of the Balkan neighborhood.
We are deeply disappointed that the elected leaders in
Bosnia and Herzegovina have not fulfilled the basic conditions
for EU and NATO accession. As a result of their focus on
narrow, short-term interests, the longer term welfare of the
people they were elected to represent has suffered. Recent
protests that swept the country are expressions of citizens'
frustration. Citizens want to see economic improvement and the
building of a stable, multiethnic democracy. The outbreak of
popular protest underscores the need for the international
community to review its engagement with Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Voters should take their frustrations to the ballot box in
October and choose candidates who are serious about breaking
the political logjam.
Official corruption is a daily fact of life across the
region and it is preventing democratic and economic reforms
from taking firm root. Tackling this pervasive problem is a
first step toward meeting the standards of EU and NATO
membership. But that should not be the sole incentive.
Combating corruption and organized crime is vital and must be
pursued vigorously in its own right.
Realizing the full democratic and economic potential of the
region is also predicated on the existence of a free press. And
this too is a goal that should be pursued regardless of EU and
NATO requirements. Many countries can boast a vibrant and
diverse media. But limitations on media freedom, often through
direct intimidation, are still a problem and in some countries
a growing problem. Some progress is being made. In January, two
former members of Serbia's security forces were arrested for
the murder of Slavko CCuruvija, a courageous journalist who was
killed in 1999, not long after testifying before this
Commission, for challenging the Milosevic regime. However, the
recent series of attacks against journalists and media outlets
in Montenegro and the drop in Macedonia's media freedom rating
by respected international NGOs underscore the need for more
reform-minded action.
A further challenge I'd like to raise is the treatment of
minority populations. Given the region's long history of
interethnic tensions and conflict, we warmly welcome
initiatives like the opening of a Serbian language school in
the village of Hamel, Albania. Greater strides however must be
made to foster a mindset of tolerance for persons belonging to
national minorities.
And of all the region's ethnic minorities, none is more
vulnerable than the Roma. Roma experience discrimination and
violence and frequently live in abject poverty. We will
continue to support Western Balkan countries as they implement
the reforms needed to fully join the Euro-Atlantic community
and tackle the myriad challenges they face in improving human
rights, providing new opportunities for growth and development
and building multiethnic democracies. But it should not--it
should be clear to all that the responsibility lies with the
elected leaders of the region to adhere to the path of reform
and integration and with civil societies of the region to hold
their governments accountable when they stray from that path or
stumble along the way. Thank you again for this opportunity. I
welcome any questions you might have.
Mr. Cardin. Mr. Yee, thank you very much for that very
comprehensive analysis on the countries in the Western Balkans.
You point out in every case it's in the U.S. interest for full
integration, not only in Europe, the EU, but also in NATO. You
mentioned Montenegro. You mentioned others that are on path.
It was the 2012 meeting in Chicago that Secretary Clinton
expressed her desire that the next NATO meeting would be
considering expansion of NATO. There's a meeting coming up, I
believe in September, in the United Kingdom. What is our
position and what is the sentiment among our NATO allies on
further expansion and time schedules for further expansion
within NATO?
Mr. Yee. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. As you point out, there
is a NATO summit coming up in Cardiff, United Kingdom, in
September. And one of the issues that will undoubtedly be
discussed is the future of the alliance, including future
membership by countries aspiring to join NATO.
It is a policy of the United States and other allies that
NATO's door remains open and that countries that meet the
requirements to join should be included, should be invited to
join. There are two countries at least that are very interested
in joining and have been working very hard to reach the
requirements necessary in order to achieve an invitation--
Montenegro and Macedonia.
As you mentioned--and as I mentioned in opening remarks--
Macedonia is currently blocked by its dispute with Athens over
its name. In the last NATO summit, there was an agreement among
the NATO allies that an invitation to join the alliance would
be issued to Macedonia when a mutually acceptable solution to
the name issue was found. And we hope that that will still be
the case. We hope that Macedonia and Greece can reach an
agreement on a name. We're actively encouraging both capitals,
both governments to work towards that end.
We are to the extent possible providing ideas. And it is
ultimately up to those two governments to reach an agreement.
In Montenegro's case, Montenegro has been very active,
including through the Membership Action Plan process in
preparing itself and making the reforms necessary in order to
convince the allies that it is ready to join. It still has work
to do.
And what we've told the Montenegrins is that while the door
is open, time is running short between now and September,
between the time now and when allies will need to make their
decisions. Montenegro needs to make progress in its fight
against corruption and organized crime. It needs to reform its
security services, its intelligence services. And it needs to
make the case that its public--its public opinion supports NATO
membership.
Public support for NATO membership in Montenegro now
according to latest polls is quite low. NATO allies would like
to see that it's not only the government but it's the citizens
of Montenegro who are interested in joining NATO. So if
Montenegro can make significant progress in those areas with
the short time remaining, I think there will be great interest
in the allies in assessing that progress and in helping
Montenegro move forward towards its goal of joining NATO.
Mr. Cardin. I understand the U.S. position. But your
response is encouraging. You're saying that you believe our
allies in NATO are prepared to move forward with expansion if
the conditions are met.
Mr. Yee. Without speaking for the other allies, Mr.
Chairman, I think that all the allies have said repeatedly that
NATO's open door policy is real. It's not--it's not an
illusion. It's not a false hope for countries that aspire to
join. The countries of the alliance understand and have been
working with Montenegro in its membership action plan process
to prepare it for joining.
No one has told Montenegro that it's impossible to join.
We've all emphasized that the time is very short. The remaining
months do not leave a lot of time for Montenegro to do what
remains to be done. But we're still saying, and have not heard
any country contradict this, that the door is open. The door
may be open only a small crack at this point. But it is still
possible.
Mr. Cardin. Thank you. You started your comments and I
started my opening statement noting a lot of progress that have
been made in the Western Balkans, which is real and we've seen
a tremendous change from the wars of the 1990s. In Serbia,
there appears to be a genuine interest to fully integrate into
Europe, which is certainly very encouraging.
And you point out that there is now active discussions
taking place between Serbia and Kosovo. Could you just expand a
little bit more as to how you see Serbia's interest in joining
EU affecting Kosovo, perhaps Bosnia, and resolving those issues
and whether it's likely that other countries in EU that have
not recognized Kosovo may now formally recognize that
independent country?
Mr. Yee. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I'd be happy to. Serbia's
decision, its strategic decision to pursue EU membership in a
very active and intensive fashion has been key not only to its
own dramatic progress over the last year but also to Kosovo's.
Through the dialogue with Kosovo, Serbia, working with the
European Union which provided the facilitating role, Kosovo and
Serbia have been able to reach agreement on principles, on
normalizing their relationship, a progress, a development which
was unthinkable or at least very difficult to imagine a year
ago.
This has helped both countries advance towards the European
Union in large part because the European Union has made it
clear to them that in order to advance towards membership in
the EU, they would need to reach an agreement. They would need
to agree on a path for normalizing relations. So Serbia I think
has shown leadership, has shown initiative and showed courage
in reaching out to Kosovo and in the same way, Pristina has
shown great leadership and courage in answering that appeal
from Serbia to work together towards first agreeing on the
principles but also to implement them.
I think this is creating momentum not only for both
countries in leaving behind some of the past, leaving behind
some of the painful memories of what has been the source of
great conflict in order to build a better future for both
countries.
It's not only for both Kosovo and Serbia but I think for
the rest of the region an example for how this kind of
cooperative spirit, this willingness to look ahead, not so much
backwards, is a lesson for Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia,
Montenegro and others which are in different phases in their
own accession process but I think very interested in the pace,
the progress that's being made by Serbia and Kosovo.
I think it's very clear that in Bosnia-Herzegovina, as you
mentioned, Mr. Chairman, the people, the citizens first and
foremost, but also the leaders are paying close attention to
what's happening around them. It has not been missed--it has
not been gone unnoticed--by the leadership in Sarajevo that the
leaders in Serbia and in Kosovo have been able to move much
further forward than
Bosnia-Herzegovina has been.
The citizens are finally--I think after a long period of
time have finally begun to speak up and express their
frustration with the lack of progress by their own political
leaders, the kind of progress that they see being made in
neighboring countries including Montenegro and Serbia and
Kosovo. So in short, I think it's a very positive development
that is having a positive influence in neighboring countries.
Mr. Cardin. What is it going to take in Bosnia to get the
type of constitutional reforms that allow the country to have a
centralized government that will permit full integration into
Europe? The Dayton Accords were supposed to be temporary. And
yet, we're still living under those accords. As you point out,
the public demonstrations are clearly aimed at a more
democratic country than currently exists. With Serbia now
moving towards integration into the EU, what's it going to take
to get Bosnia to really give up its ethnic equations and go
towards a centralized, effective government?
Mr. Yee. Well, it's a great question, Mr. Chairman, one
we're struggling with now--``we'' meaning the entire
international community which realizes that the lack of
progress which has been underscored by positive developments
around Bosnia is in need of being addressed in a more urgent
fashion. I think some of the requirements for moving forward
and for remedying the problem in--problems in Bosnia-
Herzegovina are actually happening. The ones you mentioned,
including the progress on the EU track by Montenegro, Serbia
and Kosovo. I think the expression of the citizens, the
willingness of the citizens in Bosnia-Herzegovina to stand up
and to protest, we hope peacefully. But we've seen actually in
some cases there has been violence which we condemn.
But the citizens actually standing up and expressing
themselves is an important ingredient to reaching the solution
because it's ultimately dependent on the political leaders to
agree on changes to the constitution, to the legislative
framework, to procedures under which the governments within
Bosnia-Herzegovina have been operating or not operating.
There needs to be reform. In my view, there needs to be
fundamental reforms in the constitution in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
I fully agree the Dayton constitution was not meant to endure
forever as a monolithic, unchanging formula for governance. It
was meant to end the war, which it did in large part achieve.
We now are faced--the international community faced with a
challenge of helping the leadership of the country realize and
accept the importance of now seizing the moment, seizing the
opportunity with the support of the international community,
with the momentum in the rest of the region to advance towards
European Union accession and NATO membership through
fundamental reforms.
We now have elections--national elections coming up in
October--that places certain limitations, I think as a
political reality, on what is possible. But we can--we, the
international community, can use this time to work with the
leadership in Bosnia-Herzegovina, civil society, the citizens
to help them decide on what kind of reforms are going to be
necessary when the new government comes into power.
Mr. Cardin. Thank you.
Before recognizing Congressman Engel, and I will in a
moment, let me point out that Congressman Bishop of New York
wanted to be here in regards to the concerns on justice for the
Bytyqi brothers. We have members of the family that are with us
today and we welcome them here. The Bytyqi brothers were killed
in Serbia in the late 1990s. They were murdered. They're
American citizens and we have been seeking answers to why no
one's been held accountable for these atrocities. And they
expect our government to do everything we can.
Now that Serbia is moving towards integration into Europe,
the opportunities to get closer cooperation may very well
exist. Can you give us either in a reply now or written reply
the efforts that are being made to bring justice to these
cases?
Mr. Yee. Mr. Chairman, I'd be happy to answer that question
and also to provide additional details in written form about
what the Serbian government is doing. I will say that we at the
State Department and the entire U.S. government, all agencies
who are concerned with this issue, take the importance of
bringing to justice, of ensuring that those responsible are
brought to justice extremely seriously. We are dedicated to
raising this with the Serbian government at every opportunity.
Deputy Secretary Burns recently met with the prime minister
of Serbia and brought it up as one of the first topics of the
agenda. Our expectation, the U.S. government's expectation that
Serbia does everything possible to bring to justice those
responsible for the murder of the Bytyqi brothers. I would like
to reassure you and also the members of the family who are
present today of our unwavering commitment.
We will not rest until we ensure that justice is done in
this case. It will remain a top agenda item in all of our
conversations with the Serbian government. I was recently in
Belgrade myself. I met with the prime minister, Deputy Prime
Minister Vuccicc also, and made clear that in our bilateral
relations, this case as well as the burning of the embassy in
2008 remain cases that we expect resolution and we expect
justice.
Mr. Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Yee. I will now yield to
Congressman Engel, who's our senior Democrat on the House
Foreign Affairs Committee and the leading member of Congress in
regards to Albanian issues, which is one of the subject matters
of today's hearing.
HON. ELIOT L. ENGEL, A CONGRESSMAN FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Mr. Engel. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I
appreciate it and I'm just going to ask two questions and just
make a quick observation. Welcome, Mr. Secretary. I know that
your area of responsibility is now much larger than when your
predecessor held this position. With the crisis in Ukraine, it
can be difficult to sustain attention on the Balkans when
things in general are getting better. But as we all know, the
State Department must not lose focus on the Balkans region
because the job's not yet done. Bosnia and Kosovo, Macedonia
and Serbia all have serious unresolved issues and the region
needs U.S. leadership for progress to continue.
I was a long and early supporter of independence for Kosovo
and I am very happy that that independence has been achieved
for some years now. But what troubles me is that today all the
Balkan states other than Kosovo are either NATO members or in
the alliance's Partnership for Peace. I believe that Kosovo
needs a NATO pathway as well, beginning with an invitation to
join the Partnership for Peace. Quite frankly, it would be very
unfair to exclude Kosovo, one of the most pro-American,
Western-oriented countries in the world.
Denying Kosovo a route to eventual NATO membership would
only maintain an island of instability and uncertainty in the
region. Conversely, a Kosovo integrated into NATO would mean a
region in peace and a military configured to fulfill alliance
objectives rather than preparing to meet the challenge of
significantly better all neighbors.
So my question to you, sir, is does the United States
support Kosovo joining NATO as Partnership for Peace and will
we work with our allies and friends in the alliance to make
this happen in the not too distant future? And do we support
eventual NATO membership for Kosovo as part of its Euro-
Atlantic future?
Mr. Yee. Thank you, Mr. Engel. And let me begin by saying I
fully agree the Balkans need to remain very much in the
forefront of U.S. foreign policy in Europe. I have numerous
colleagues who are here with me today behind me who will make
sure that that remains the case, at least in my office. I want
to say that yes, absolutely in answer to your question.
The United States government firmly supports Kosovo's goal
of joining Partnership for Peace and eventually NATO. We work
very hard to help Kosovo make the reforms necessary in order to
meet the requirements both for Partnership for Peace and
eventually for NATO. We also work closely with other allies who
have reservations about, as you mentioned, Mr. Engel,
reservations about Kosovo joining the Partnership for Peace.
We think there is a lot that Kosovo can already be doing in
order to prepare independently of the political considerations
from particular allies who have not yet recognized Kosovo.
There recently has been, as you know, a security review.
We've worked very closely with Kosovo in how to reform its
forces in order to be an efficient, modern force that will be
eventually able to work with NATO members, other PFP members in
a way that it will be economically sustainable, in a way that
will meet the needs of Kosovo and also be able to interact in a
useful, practical way with other countries in the region.
We work closely with allies who have not yet recognized
Kosovo to convince them, to continue trying to convince them
that it's in the best interest of the region and of Europe as a
whole to have Kosovo first and foremost a member of the
Partnership for Peace, of course also of the European Union and
of NATO. It's far from complete. Our task is not easy in
convincing those countries who have not yet recognized Kosovo.
But we remain committed to this task. We see it as vital,
absolutely vital to ensure Kosovo's long-term sustainability
and security and prosperity, again, not only for Kosovo but for
the wider region.
Mr. Engel. Well, thank you. I couldn't agree more. So thank
you. Let me stick with Kosovo and say that the negotiations
between Kosovo and Serbia--I'm very pleased with the fact that
both countries have understood that this is a way for both
countries to move forward. And I have been a supporter of both
countries being involved in the talks.
But despite progress with Belgrade, Kosovo still
experiences major challenges, as you mentioned, in its mission
for greater EU recognition, including economic, political
integration and visa liberalization which is an important
issue. So what is the EU doing to address these crucial issues
and how is the United States playing a role in this as well?
Mr. Yee. Mr. Congressman, I agree fully on the need to
continue the momentum that has been generated by the dialogue
facilitated by the EU between Serbia and Kosovo. I think the
European Union is committed to seeing this process move
forward. They've invested a lot of time and energy and
political capital, particularly from the high representative,
Catherine Ashton, in ensuring that not only did the two
governments agree but they would really implement--they would
seriously work to implement the principles agreed in April of
last year.
The EU's first focus in helping Kosovo and Serbia in moving
along the path towards EU accession is to make the
implementation process take place in a timely fashion. In other
words, not to allow either Serbia or Kosovo to rest on the
laurels of success that they've achieved in either through the
stability and association process or through beginning the
negotiation process in Serbia's case, to forget about the very
difficult issues that need to be resolved in implementing the
agreement, whether it's the eliminations of perilous strictures
in the north of Kosovo or the establishment of a judicial
system that is under Kosovo law.
There are many challenges. That is I think the most
important part of the EU's role in providing the necessary
political and technical assistance in order to keep that
implementation process moving.
There's obviously a lot of economic assistance also and the
EU along with our own USAID, thanks to support from the U.S.
Congress, is providing a lot of technical assistance in helping
Kosovo make the reforms necessary, helping building civil
society in both Serbia and in Kosovo, helping both countries
develop market economies that will be more conducive to foreign
investment including from the United States.
These are all important ingredients in moving the countries
forward, not only towards accession into the EU but to a more
prosperous future with jobs and with prospects for their
younger generations.
Mr. Engel. Well, with regards to that, Serbia, as you know,
recently started its negotiation talks with the EU. I think
it's very important that Serbia adopt all chapters of the EU
agreement, including chapter 36, which is the implementation of
the Belgrade-Pristina Agreement. Is there any concern on our
part that the calling of early parliamentary elections in
Serbia scheduled for two weeks--about two weeks, or a week and
a half from now--will delay progress on its negotiations with
the EU?
Mr. Yee. Mr. Engel, I think there's no doubt that any time
there's an election in the Balkans, or anywhere I should say,
there is a tendency to leave aside some of the hard work that
could be politically controversial and potentially difficult
for candidates to sell to their constituencies. However, the
good news is the elections take place on March 16th.
So it's not going to be much longer. Also, I should say
that it's our understanding from our EU colleagues and also
from contacts through our embassies in Belgrade and Pristina
that the work has continued towards implementation of the April
agreement.
There is we understand another discussion, another round of
talks, dialogue talks scheduled for shortly after the elections
in Serbia. So I think, yes, there was inevitably a pause
because of the election. But it's not been a long one and we
expect the dialogue to continue and implementation to continue
shortly after elections.
Mr. Engel. Let me ask one final question and that involves
Montenegro. Local Albanians in a province called Tuzi have
attempted to regain municipality status since 1958. The
Montenegrin Prime Minister Dukanovicc, with whom I've spoken
and the ambassador has been very helpful, has promised to hold
a referendum on this subject repeatedly. I understand there are
ongoing negotiations.
I'm told that they are about to hold a referendum. They're
about to have an agreement. But to date, no referendum has been
held. I understand some people have raised questions about
Tuzi's financial viability. So what is the latest you've heard
about this issue and Tuzi and what is the U.S. doing to
facilitate a resolution that would address the longstanding
quest of a local Albanian population in Tuzi?
Mr. Yee. Mr. Engel, I will need to get back to you with the
latest details and most recent developments on that issue. I do
know, as you mention, this has been going on for some time. It
was a very important issue while I was consul general in
Podgorica from 2002 to 2005. I think what's important is to
first of all recognize that the government of Montenegro has
taken the issue of minority rights and of minority
representation in the government very seriously.
And I think that's a positive indication of its commitment
to the OSCE principles, basic human rights and also the
importance of political stability within Montenegro. I
understand that there has been an ongoing negotiation between
the ethnic Albanian parties and the major majority party, DPS,
regarding the timing of when to hold a referendum and when to
possibly make a change in the status of Tuzi. But I don't know
what the latest developments are on that and I'll have to get
back to you.
Mr. Engel. OK. Thank you very much. I haven't asked a
question on Albania so let me just not do that. But let me just
state that I hope that Albania, the election that was held
there, it's always good to see peaceful transition of parties
in a democracy and I think that we can all look at the progress
Albania has made through the years and be proud of the role the
United States has played. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Appreciate
your good work. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Cardin. It's nice to have you here. Thank you, Mr.
Engel.
Mr. Yee. Thank you, Mr. Engel.
Mr. Cardin. Mr. Kinzinger, Congressman from Illinois, it's
nice to have you here.
HON. ADAM KINZINGER, A CONGRESSMAN FROM THE STATE OF ILLINOIS
Mr. Kinzinger. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And, sir, thank you
for being here. I'm not going to take a whole lot of time. Just
had a couple of questions I wanted to discuss, specifically
Bosnia and NATO expansion, talk about Georgia right now. So
obviously with everything we're seeing occurring around the
world with Russia's invasion of Ukraine, we talk about the
importance of NATO expansion.
Recently a couple of times I've been to Georgia. Obviously
they have seen areas occupied by the Russians. In fact, there's
a process of militarization or borderization going on right now
including the Russians pushing further into Georgia claiming
it's for the Sochi Olympics.
And I'll be shocked if they relinquish some of that buffer
area that they've created for so-called security. In light of
the recent invasion, in light of what we're seeing in Russia,
what's your thought, what's the administration's thought in
terms of pressing ahead with NATO expansion in Georgia? What's
the likelihood of that and where would be the difficulties that
we see?
Mr. Yee. Well, I should preface my answer by saying that
unfortunately Georgia's not one of the countries I cover. But I
do know that there is--there is active discussion in the U.S.
government and also among other allies on how best to help
Georgia move forward in its efforts to join Euro-Atlantic
institutions. I also am aware that there is not yet consensus
among allies on the best way for Georgia to move forward,
whether to have Georgia join the Membership Action Plan, for
example.
There are many considerations, as you know, Mr. Kinzinger,
on the potential impact of having Georgia join the Membership
Action Plan or move forward in its NATO track, potential
implications for its relations with Russia, for example. There
is, of course, in the U.S. government no desire to appease, no
desire to compromise on Georgia's interests with the possible
implications regarding Russia.
However, it's a reality we do need to take into
consideration first and foremost the views of our other allies
since we cannot make the decision on our own. But we continue
to work with Georgia in preparing it for the types of reforms,
to help it make the kinds of reforms that would be necessary
for it to join NATO, for it to advance on that track regardless
of whether it's in the membership action plan or not. And of
course we continue to work with allies to reach a consensus on
the best way to make that happen.
Mr. Kinzinger. Yeah, I hope that over the next number of
months the discussions happening on Georgia, I hope that we can
move forward in understanding. Obviously Russia has an
intention of being aggressive against its neighbors and this is
one that's known that for far too long. What impact would the
inclusion of Georgia or the movement of Georgia towards an MAP
or towards NATO inclusion, what impact would that have on the
Western Balkans and the region if they saw that occurring?
Mr. Yee. I think the Western Balkans, as the chairman
mentioned earlier in one of our earlier questions, are
definitely paying attention to what's happening around them and
within the Balkans. It's certainly had an impact on the people
of Bosnia-Herzegovina when they saw that Serbia and Kosovo and
Montenegro and probably in June Albania moving forward and
making steps, concrete steps towards European Union accession.
With NATO, I think if there were progress by Georgia,
taking a step towards NATO and the Membership Action Plan, I
think there would be other questions raised in a positive sense
by the people of Bosnia-Herzegovina why Bosnia is standing
still, not making progress in either its EU track or NATO. So
there could be a salutary effect. At the same time, that's
obviously only one of our considerations.
We have to take into account the impact on the wider
security picture in Europe. But in direct answer to your
question, I think that as more countries move forward towards
Euro-Atlantic integration, the message will be even better
underscored that those countries are not moving forward, are
not only standing still but they're actually moving backwards.
Mr. Kinzinger. When you look at Bosnia and you look at the
political leadership and the inability to agree on even some
basic constitutional reforms that have been called for by the
European Court for Human Rights, why has the international
community downgraded its presence and relinquished its powers?
Mr. Yee. Well, first, I would agree that there has not been
progress towards implementation of some of the steps the
international community has been asking Bosnia-Herzegovina to
make, including with regard to implementation of the Sejdicc-
Finci case, or the European Court of Human Rights decision
requiring Bosnia to modify its system of electing presidency
because of discrimination against peoples who were not members
of the three major constituent peoples.
We think it's very important that this be solved, as well
as the other reforms that the international community is
asking. I would not agree, though, that the international
community has stepped back or reduced its presence. There may
be some changes in the numbers of some of our security forces.
Certainly the United States in recent years has reduced the
number of forces in Bosnia. But that has been by design.
That has been in an agreement with the European Union that
the European Union would increase the number of its forces as
our forces drew down. And in recognition I think of both the
aspirations of the European Union but also of the United States
to see Europe play a bigger role in assuming responsibility for
security in Bosnia-Herzegovina and in Europe in general. The
United States continues to have forces in Kosovo. We continue
to have very large diplomatic presences in Sarajevo, in
Pristina, in Belgrade, even in Podgorica and in all of the
countries in the Balkans.
We have relatively significant assistance programs as well.
The European Union also, as some of our aid programs have
decreased, has increased its programs, sometimes surpassing and
to a large extent the assistance programs that the United
States used to have, as it should be. European Union member
states also have said they want to integrate these countries.
So their presence, their assistance should be commensurately
larger than ours.
But I see no lack of commitment from the European Union,
from the international community remaining engaged in keeping
open the possibility, the real possibility for the countries of
the Western Balkans to join Euro-Atlantic institutions. And I
think that will continue. And I think particular because of
recent developments elsewhere in Ukraine, other parts, we've
all been reminded that we cannot avert our gaze. We cannot
lessen our vigilance if we want to continue our vision, our
mission of Europe whole, free and at peace.
Mr. Kinzinger. And so, your assertion is it may be a shift
in power between kind of America and the EU in terms of
engagement but there's no overall reduction of international
engagement.
Mr. Yee. That would be my assertion, yes, that there may be
a reduction in some of the numbers. Certainly our assistance
money, for example, unfortunately I would say has decreased.
But the European Union has increased its level of assistance.
Mr. Kinzinger. And I have just two more areas I want to hit
quickly. We were actively engaged in previous attempts for
constitutional reform in Bosnia and I think that was a very
commendable approach, didn't obviously succeed. What are some
lessons that you think were to be learned from that experience?
How can we improve going forward, not necessarily from your end
but what--I guess what are the lessons learned in terms of what
we experienced there?
Mr. Yee. I think the first lesson that we learned from
previous efforts at constitutional reform since the Dayton
Accords were signed almost 20 years ago now is that it is
absolutely essential that we in the international community and
the people of Bosnia-Herzegovina hold their leaders responsible
for making the changes, making the hard decisions necessary in
order to reform the constitution and in order to move the
country forward.
The international community cannot substitute for the
elected leaders of Bosnia-Herzegovina. We cannot sidestep their
authority as elected leaders. That is I think the first lesson,
that if we do not have the support of the people, if we do not
have the engagement of the citizens in the reform process, we
will not succeed.
Secondly, I think we've learned that we absolutely need to
have a united European Union-United States effort at whatever
we're trying to achieve in Bosnia-Herzegovina, whether it's a
particular type of reform or if it's in convincing political
leaders they need to take a certain step. We need to be
together. And this is of course a lesson we're seeing in other
parts of Europe. But that's absolutely essential.
Mr. Kinzinger. OK. And I think with the recent protests and
the widespread corruption that we're seeing, the lack of
emphasis on democratic ideals, I think it's important that we
keep reaffirming to the people that we hear them, we know what
their concerns are and we're going to stand with them. So Mr.
Chairman, I thank you for the opportunity to participate and I
yield back.
Mr. Cardin. Well, thank you. I appreciate your
participation in this hearing. Mr. Yee, thank you very much for
your testimony. We want to now move to the second panel. We are
very pleased that it consists of two distinguished witnesses
from both sides of the Atlantic. They will provide their own
independent assessment of the situation in the countries of the
Western Balkan region of Europe as well as of the United States
and European policy responses.
Tanja Fajon, of Slovenia, is a journalist by profession and
was elected to the European Parliament in 2009. She has been
active as a proponent of stronger engagement with the countries
of the Western Balkans but especially with the people.
She is known as a champion of the visa liberalization
process for those wishing to travel to EU countries. I want to
thank you particularly for coming here to the United States,
knowing full well that European Parliament elections are May
25th. You're a brave person. We thank you. Maybe you're seeking
a little bit of rest here. I don't know. But it's nice to have
you here in the United States.
And Kurt Volker, who is the executive director of the
McCain Institute for International Leadership, which is part of
the Arizona State University. Ambassador Volker was a career
member of the U.S. Senior Foreign Service with over 23 years of
experience working on European policies under five U.S.
administrations. And he served as the ambassador to NATO from
2008 to 2009, at the time of the enlargement of the alliance to
28 members.
He also served as principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State for European and Eurasia Affairs. And he's worked with
the Commission in the past. So it's a pleasure to have both of
our experts here today to help us sort through the current
policy issues in the Western Balkans. We'll start with Tanja
Fajon. Thank you.
TANJA FAJON, MEMBER (SLOVENIA), EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT
Ms. Fajon. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for inviting
me to testify here at this very prominent Helsinki Commission.
I'm honored to talk to you in the times that are extremely
important for the European perspective of the Western Balkan,
even more so given the recent and extremely worrying
developments in Ukraine, which dominate our concerns to a great
extent.
It is necessary that we preserve peace in Ukraine and in
the entire region and employ all our diplomatic means to
stabilize the country, to build a united country with respect
of its sovereignty and integrity and without further even
deeper ethnic divisions. And we have to engage ourselves
together through the political dialogue and answer especially
to the demands of people. But at the same time, we must not
lose our focus when it comes to engagement and interest in the
developments in the Western Balkan.
Ladies and gentlemen, this year is crucial for future
developments in the region. First of all, my testimony will be
based on my personal views. As you may already know, I have
taken the leading role, as you mentioned, in the European
Parliament in making visa liberalization for Western Balkans a
reality. And throughout my mandate, I have been encouraging the
governments, both in the European Union and in the Western
Balkans to engage more actively in pursuing the enlargement
agenda.
Based on its own experience, history and geography, my
country, Slovenia, plays an active role in the Western Balkans
accommodating the challenges of the EU integration. I will
outline my recommendations regarding our policy in the Western
Balkans, particularly in the light of what should be expected
in 2014. Challenges are enormous because of the European
elections on one hand and national elections in several
countries of the region on the other hand. And the U.S.
engagement has always been crucial in the past and it will
remain equally important in the future.
Without a common understanding of the situation and the
need to act in an appropriate, credible and unified way,
without listening to the voices of people as it was well
illustrated in Bosnia and Herzegovina recently, we might
jeopardize peace and stability in the entire region. But before
going into an in-depth analysis, allow me to share with you my
personal experience as a rapporteur of the European Parliament
for visa-free travel for citizens of the Western Balkans.
The abolishment of visas has been the most tangible
achievement for the countries of the region on their European
path. It has been a great and historical step in bringing down
the walls of bloody wars. It has strengthened political and
economic cooperation and, what is of immense importance,
people-to-people contacts. We have to do our utmost to preserve
this freedom of travel despite some nationalistic and
populistic attacks across Europe against these recently won
freedoms.
And we need to abolish visas for the last country in the
Western Balkans, which is still not on the visa-free regime,
Kosovo, once it meets the necessary condition. Needless to say,
visa-free travel is crucial for ordinary citizens, politicians
and businessmen travel today without waiting in front of the
consulates and criminals usually don't apply for visas. It is
about citizens and especially about young people. They will get
to know the European values and principles only by getting
closer to Europe.
Let me start with the country I strongly believe we have to
put on the very top of our agenda in the Western Balkan. That's
Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is still the most volatile,
ethnically divided country. The Dayton Agreement ended the war
but it did not provide the legal structure for a functional
country. The February demonstrations were the most serious
outbursts of violence since the war in the '90s, people calling
for change, unsatisfied with their political elites and their
personal welfare. Economic, political and social situation in
Bosnia and Herzegovina is more than worrying and it urges us to
act now more than ever before.
So far, our endeavors lack political will to make a serious
policy shift. We need clear messages and consistent policies.
We need an internal process which will lead to a wide
constitutional reform that can be accepted by the country and
its people. However, it cannot be externally imposed. The
European Union has to act as a facilitator. The support of its
international partners is hereby essential. Bosnia and
Herzegovina needs a custom-made accession approach. We must not
focus only on Sejdicc-Finci case. It should not block a new
application.
We have spent countless hours trying to forge a compromise.
We should maybe rethink our future or current policy. We need
to make use of the elections in October in Bosnia and
Herzegovina to develop a new unified policy approach with clear
messages, what kind of structural reforms Bosnia and
Herzegovina need to implement in order to join European Union.
I welcome the intentions of the European Commission to focus on
better economic governance and fight against corruption and
better implementation of EU-funded projects through the
instrument for pre-accession assistance but without any
additional further cuts.
And this is not enough. We need to channel the social
frustration in a positive direction, away from further ethnic
divisions or state dissolution. So far, the demonstrations
showed no interethnic tensions at all but a generally tense
atmosphere ahead of the elections can easily set the stage for
violence on a much larger scale. Therefore, we need a tailored
policy for the new government after the elections in October
that will help Bosnia and Herzegovina to present new EU
membership application as soon as possible, preferably this
year.
On Serbia, the country has taken important steps towards
the normalization of relations with Kosovo and the dialogue
between Pristina and Belgrade is extremely positive for the
people and it has opened the way for further steps in the
European integration process. But it is necessary that both
sides maintain this constructive approach while working on the
controversial and very sensitive details that still need to be
elaborated and agreed upon. And there is still need for greater
transparency and communicating the outcomes of the dialogue and
involving the parliaments and civil societies. The negotiators
need to build better public trust.
And a very positive outcome of the dialogue were the
elections in Kosovo. For the first time they included Northern
Kosovo and for the first time they were in line with democratic
norms. Serbia, as you know, started the accession talks in
January this year and it is committed to continue with
necessary reforms. And given the progress it achieved in the
recent part, the country has become an important player in the
region in supporting and promoting European values. And there
will be early elections on the 16th of March which we already
discussed and heard about today.
On Kosovo, because of the normalizations of the relations
with Serbia, the European Union launched negotiations for SAA
agreement with Kosovo and hopefully this agreement will be
signed this year, although the authorities need to make further
efforts to meet the challenges of the European reform agenda
and it is expected as well that Kosovo will hold early
elections in June. In European Parliament, we have encouraged
in a January resolution the remaining five EU member states to
proceed with the recognition of Kosovo and we have called on
all EU member states to their utmost to facilitate economic and
people-to-people contacts as well as social and political
relations between their citizens and citizens of Kosovo.
I visited Pristina two weeks ago and held a press
conference in Brussels two days ago, so a day before yesterday,
and I re-emphasized the importance of the visa-free travel for
the people of Kosovo. There will be an expert mission in Kosovo
next week evaluating its readiness and I do expect that the
commission will publish its report without further delay.
On Macedonia, as I'm coming from Slovenia, unfortunately
there is not much to say. The EU has decided for the fifth year
not to open the accession negotiations with the country in
spite of the positive recommendation of the commission and of
the European Parliament in this respect. And there is growing
frustration about the EU in the public opinion. I strongly
support the idea that the bilateral issues between Macedonia
and Greece should be resolved before the end of the accession
process.
But they should not present an obstacle to the opening of
the negotiations. And a further delayed process poses a
considerable risk to the regional stability. I hope that Greece
will use its EU presidency to create a positive environment.
But still, it takes two to tango and it seems that no side is
capable and ready to develop new initiatives to overcome the
current stalemate on the name issue.
There will be the presidential elections coming and early
parliamentary elections. It is difficult to believe that there
will be a good atmosphere to find a solution. In any case, all
the gestures, controversial actions and statements which could
negatively impact on good neighbor relations should be avoided.
On Montenegro, it seems to have least problems among the
Western Balkan countries. It still shows broad enthusiasm for
entering the European Union. Two chapters have been
provisionally closed--fight against corruption and organized
crime and judicial reform remain top priority as for all of the
countries of the Western Balkans. But nevertheless, I want to
use this opportunity to once again express my deep shock and
concern about at least two bomb attacks and around half a dozen
physical attacks against journalists in the recent past. I've
called on the responsible authorities in the country several
times to protect journalists and adequately investigate and
prosecute all these attacks and threats.
Albania has a new government after the June parliamentary
elections and it has improved its reputation significantly
after an orderly conducted and peaceful transfer of power. This
new government has an ambitious European agenda and significant
progress has already been made in the first hundred days of its
functioning.
Therefore, I do expect that the EU Council in June will
grant Albania a candidate status. It is also true that the
political climate in the country must be improved. But delaying
the granting of candidate status would mean to risk the
momentum for further progress in democratic development of the
country. And we must not forget that the country has been the
most isolated country of the Western Balkans in the past.
And let me conclude with a few final remarks. First,
despite the economic and social crisis in Europe, the
enlargement of the European Union towards the Western Balkans
countries must remain our priority. The political situation in
the region is still very fragile. In particular, Bosnia and
Herzegovina shows varying signs of instability. And peace and
stability of the region is our common strategic interest. With
the support of the United States and its international
partners, the European Union must lead a unified, comprehensive
policy approach toward the Western Balkans.
We must be capable to shift our policy approach when
needed. The economic crisis has hit the Western Balkans very
hard. Europe and the United States should seek opportunities
for more investments in the Western Balkans.
European Union institutions and the governments need to
make use of this year, the year of European elections, to fight
nationalism and extremism in the region. Otherwise, it will
jeopardize the European integration process. A credible
European Union policy towards the Western Balkan demands in-
depth understanding of the history of these countries,
different political and economic situations, involvement of
local authorities, NGOs, experts and the civil society.
And last, the Brdo Process launched by Slovenia and Croatia
has the potential to become a strong engine of political and
overall development in the region. The July summit of the Brdo
Process with French Prime Minister Hollande was a historical
event for the region which set the fundaments for a fruitful
common initiative and a successful story of the region. The
next summit of the Brdo Process will take place in Croatia in
July with Chancellor Angela Merkel already confirmed the
participation. Thank you for this opportunity.
Mr. Cardin. Well, thank you very much for your testimony.
Ambassador Volker?
KURT VOLKER, FORMER U.S. AMBASSADOR TO NATO, EXECUTIVE
DIRECTOR, McCAIN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL LEADERSHIP
Amb. Volker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is an honor for me
to be here. I have a written statement I'd like to put into the
record and I'll just summarize my views orally.
Mr. Cardin. Your written statement--all written
statements--will be made part of our record, yes.
Amb. Volker. Thank you. Thank you. I want to start by
commending you for having this hearing to focus on the Western
Balkans. It's easy to get lost in the fray. And I think it's
good that we do that. So thank you for doing that. I also want
to commend you for your comments on Ukraine. You've heard
excellent statements from Deputy Assistant Secretary Yee and
from Ms. Fajon. So what I'd like to do is offer maybe a
slightly broader perspective on the issue.
In my view, any discussion today about the Balkans really
doesn't start with Sarajevo or Pristina but perhaps needs to
start with Crimea. What we've seen in Europe in the past week
and a half is the use of military force to invade a country, to
occupy part of it, change borders by force perhaps. Really the
gravest threat to democracy, freedom and security in Europe
that we've seen in the last 25 years.
We've spent 25 years supporting the rights of people in
Central and Eastern Europe to determine their own future, to
build democracies, to build market economies, to build
security. NATO membership and EU membership have been a means
toward that end. And it has been remarkably successful.
I think that nothing can excuse what Yanukovych has done in
Ukraine or what Putin has done now by having this quasi-
invasion of Ukraine. But I do think that there is a factor here
which has been complacency and perhaps some disengagement on
the part of the West, Europe, the United States, that you can't
blame for these conditions but nonetheless should have had a
more proactive policy of supporting reform and supporting the
momentum towards really building a Europe whole, free and at
peace. I'm afraid that that's what I see in the Balkans as
well, a little bit of complacency, a little bit of insufficient
engagement from the leaders of the European Union, from NATO,
from the United States.
We have wonderful members of the European Parliament who
are engaged. But I think we need to have a more proactive
policy because when it's not there, the darker forces rise to
the surface and create conditions that make it harder to make
progress. And we've seen this in Eastern Europe but I'm afraid
we do see it at times in the Balkans as well.
So in that context, I think it is important that we
redouble our efforts to bring about and promote the right kinds
of reform in the Balkans and to use the prospects of NATO and
EU membership aggressively in order to encourage the right
reforms and to cement the movement of those societies in a
direction that is in the best interests of the people there at
their own choosing as well as in the best interest of Europe as
a whole. With that as a background, let me give a little
specifics about some of the countries there.
Start with Montenegro, it's come up earlier today.
Certainly Montenegro has more work to do in terms of political
reform, judiciary, dealing with crime, dealing with Russian
influence. But let's face it. Other countries had work to do
when they joined NATO and the EU as well. And I think we're at
a time now where it's time to extend an invitation to
Montenegro at the 2014 summit in the U.K. And then progress
shouldn't stop there. We should continue to have expectations
for reform and development in Montenegro.
The second one is Macedonia. Likewise, I think it is
shameful that the name issue has been a block to progress in
Macedonia and a block to progress in the wider Balkans region.
It serves no one's interest. It is not in Greece's economic
interest to have a Balkan region that is held back by keeping a
country away from NATO or EU membership. Moreover, having spent
a lot of time with people from both sides of this question, I'm
convinced that there is a solution to the name issue, that it
can be done as a win-win for both countries and should be an
opportunity to move on.
I do however believe that requires a context of U.S.
leadership and European leadership to help those countries get
to that win-win solution. I think it can be done. And again, I
think it should be done using the September 2014, NATO summit
as a target. And that invitation could therefore be extended to
Macedonia as well.
To move on to other countries, it's come up before on
Bosnia and I'd like to address a point you asked in a question,
what needs to be done. I think it's high time--it's past time
that we have a Dayton II effort to really put the governing
issues of Bosnia on the table. They can only be agreed by the
Bosnians themselves. But they need the context of U.S. and
European leadership to create a framework in which that kind of
negotiation can take place.
In the absence of changes to the Dayton framework that
currently exists, we see a political and governing structure
that reinforces ethnic nationalism, that paralyzes governance,
that rewards the politicians who bring some of the worst
elements to the table in domestic politics. We need to try to
push beyond that.
I want to commend High Representative Catherine Ashton for
her work on Serbia and Kosovo. I think that has made
substantial progress. I don't see that we're going to have
major new breakthroughs. But I think further practical steps
should be encouraged and should be supported.
And then one final word I'd like to put in about democracy
generally. NATO and EU membership are not an endpoint in
themselves. They're a means to an end. The real end is
societies that respect human rights, that protect minorities,
that function democratically, that build prosperity for the
citizens, that are stable, secure and contribute to a good
neighborhood in the Euro-Atlantic community.
And NATO and EU are powerful tools on that road but they're
not an endpoint. And even for countries that have already
joined NATO and the EU, there is often a lot of work yet to do.
And we see that with some examples in the Balkans, some
examples in Central Europe, some examples, frankly, in Western
Europe. And so it's a continuing effort to try to build the
right kind of societies. We shouldn't hold NATO and EU out
there as a final endpoint after everything has been done but
rather to try to use those institutions and those memberships
as ways to further promote progress in building a Europe whole,
free and at peace, as we have done for the past 25 years. Thank
you, Mr. Chairman. And I look forward to your questions.
Mr. Cardin. Well, let me thank both of you for your
contributions to this hearing. And I can tell you, we are going
to maintain our focus in this region. We are very proud of what
has been done but we know there's still progress that needs to
be made. And we have to balance very carefully the importance
of internally-driven solutions but within the context of the
international expectations, particularly with Europe and the
United States. That's our challenge.
I want to start with a question on a subject we haven't
really covered as well. And that is that there are human rights
concerns. You mention in your testimony the safety of
journalists. The secretary mentioned the corruption issues
within the Balkans. Our TIP report shows significant need for
progress on trafficking. Can you just share with us your
observations as to whether--at what stage these countries are
prepared to improve governance and respect for human rights?
Ms. Fajon. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for this
very important question, human rights. Of course, I will start
from the perspective of what is happening in the regard of
visa-free travel because what we are seeing is that a lot of
people, especially representatives of the minorities coming
from Roma society, are leaving their countries coming from
Serbia, from Macedonia or from Bosnia and Herzegovina. And this
is one of the greatest concerns, how to ensure a safe
environment, the reintegration for this most volatile part of
the community.
And certainly the governments are doing a lot. They are in
a constant dialogue with Brussels, what is possible to improve
the situation. But we have to be aware that we are talking
about very difficult economic conditions of the countries where
on one hand we have more and more people living on the edge of
poverty. And it's difficult even to blame people who are trying
to find better life in the western part of Europe, going to
search there for asylum or jobs or citizenship. And it's
something we have to tackle very seriously.
What is my concern is when I see that people are often
misled as well to use the freedom of travel and they often sell
all their properties by certain agencies or criminal networks
to get the free ticket to Europe and then finally they find
themselves in the illegal situation or they are sent back.
So when we discuss about the human rights violation or
discrimination, we have growing concern what is happening with
those people stopped on the borders because countries, of
course, in the region try to prevent abuses of visa-free
regime. So we have to ensure that people who are coming from
different background or belonging to Roma population or other
minorities, that they don't face any discriminatory rules.
Certainly we have to have constant monitoring of the
situation. We are doing everything as well in the European
Parliament to help the governments, as well with the fundings
because it's an extremely difficult economic situation, most
part of the region and to try to ensure that human rights are
respected to a great extent.
Mr. Cardin. Thank you. Mr. Ambassador?
Amb. Volker. Mr. Chairman, thank you. First, I share your
concern about human rights in the region and more generally. I
would observe that human rights in the region, while there are
challenges, as you mention and as Ms. Fajon mentioned, they are
better than they have been and they are better than they might
be. So we have still a window here where the Balkans has
produced some progress. I think the reason that it is not as
much progress as we want is because of some of these larger
forces that I described. It allows corruption to be an easy way
out.
It allows criminality to go a little too far. It creates
legal systems and judiciary systems that are vulnerable to the
extent that these countries are not firmly on a track into the
right institutions with the right kinds of engagement and
pressure over a long period. I think that it is worthy of the
European Union and the United States to continue to put
pressure on human rights on every case that comes up, whether
it's journalists or corruption or unresolved murders, as was
brought up. Those things are important. And at the same time,
we should also keep pressing the engagement with NATO and the
European Union and using all the tools at our disposal to bring
these countries in because it's only with leaders with the
incentives in front of them to clean up corruption, to take a
harder track on crime, to fix judiciaries that are really going
to tackle these problems in the long run.
Mr. Cardin. You know, you get basically one shot at this on
their transition, to a country's transition to Europe. Once
they're members, the leverage is nowhere near as direct or
strong. And it seems to me that we have pretty specific
expectations on some of the governance issues as it relates to
democratic institutions and centralized control of central
institutions of government including the military. That's
pretty well-defined, what is expected.
On the human rights front, it becomes a little bit more
difficult at times to get that specific with changes,
particularly with corruption because corruption is not as easy
to define as you resolve the problems in your country. We have
pretty good information on trafficking. We can, I think, be
pretty specific as to what we expect, improvements there on the
safety of journalists, there's pretty good information on that.
Roma populations, minority populations are very
challenging. As you point out, the economic issues but there's
always justifications by pointing to what's happening in
Western Europe or other areas to say we are using dual
standards. So there is a problem with the Roma populations and
other minorities that we have to do a better job in demanding
progress to be made.
So I think your testimonies are very helpful in that regard
and I'm glad we had a chance to talk about it. I just want to
follow up on your point about people-to-people. I couldn't
agree with you more. It seems to me people-to-people is how
changes are taking place. When I was in Bosnia, I think my best
meeting was with the students. When I was in China, my best
meeting is with the students.
They are the only group of people from whom I heard
something different. You know, they're really very inquisitive
and interested in what was going on in the West and very
interested in getting their views across. And we had a great
debate. In Bosnia, we see the popular expressions on the
streets because of their frustration but it's also refreshing
to see that the people get it. How do you translate that to the
leaders?
Of course, that's part of democracy, how that comes about.
And that's going to be our challenge moving forward. Let me
just ask the question in regards to Bosnia to both of you.
We've heard a lot of the challenges that they have. In your
view, what does Bosnia need to do? What would be their
priorities for change in order to accelerate a Membership
Action Plan for NATO and application for Europe?
Ms. Fajon. Thank you for this actually extremely difficult
question because it demands firstly understanding of the
situation that in the last few years in Bosnia and Herzegovina
we haven't really seen any progress. We have seen many
commitments or promises they were given by the political elites
in the country. But they were never fulfilling them, especially
when it comes to all the points on the European agenda, to the
case of Sejdicc-Finci, to the coordination mechanism and so on.
And most probably what we've seen with the manifestations
and demonstrations on the streets in the recent past, it's
somehow the mirror of the society, of what is happening in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, the dissatisfaction with the political
elite. And recently, as you may know, the commissioner for the
enlargement simply gave up the facilitation with Sejdic-Finci
talks with the political leaders. It seems that we have to
start rethinking our policy when we discuss with the political
leaders of the countries maybe where we have to bring it to the
level of the institutions.
But seriously, we have to make the pressure. And I'm very
happy to see that the society actually actively engaged finally
to bring the voice on the streets in a peaceful way to demand
the changes of the country. I cannot prejudge what the
elections will bring in October. But certainly corruption is a
very big problem in the country.
And we have to tackle with the agenda to bring the country
closer, to help them with the European reforms and to really
continue engaging all the political forces in the country to be
united and not only work the politicians in the country for
their ethnic community but for the whole country as united. And
this is what is lacking in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And of
course a proactive approach of European society with United
States and international partners has to be much stronger.
And how to achieve that? We are not really bringing the
solutions but trying to facilitate, to find a solution, it is
probably the most demanding challenge ahead of us. But we
should use this momentum now when we have people who are
actively engaging and to include the civil society and the
experts in the discussion on the future perspective of Bosnia
and Herzegovina.
Mr. Cardin. That's very helpful. Thank you. Ambassador?
Amb. Volker. Thank you. if I could address a couple of
points that you've raised, one of them is just to recall when I
served in Hungary or when I was at the National Security
Council, we were very proactive with interagency teams working
with interagency teams from each of the candidate countries,
developing lists of things that needed to be fixed in order for
us to be comfortable offering an invitation to join NATO.
Slovenia was a great example as well.
Some of these required very difficult decisions on the part
of countries. But they believed that we were serious, that at
the end of the road there would be a membership invitation and
that this would come out of NATO and eventually the EU. And so,
they made some tough decisions. You're right that once it's
done it's harder to exercise influence.
But in that process, a lot can be done. I have a feeling
that the countries today don't believe we're serious, that
we're not trying to get to that outcome. And so, the pressure
is less there for the leaders to make some tough decisions and
clean up some things that need to be cleaned up. That comes to
your question about Bosnia. The Membership Action Plan was
meant to be a tool on the path to a country being ready to
become a member. So we don't expect everything to be done. We
expect to use the Membership Action Plan for that purpose. You
do need an interlocutor and this is where in Bosnia in
particular the lack of an effective central government
authority, particularly exercising control of the military and
military installations and depots, is a problem. It doesn't
give us the effective interlocutor that we really want to have.
I think to get there, we probably should be just, as has
been done during the course of this administration and they've
been focused on this, work to get the central authorities in
the strongest position possible to deal with the security
issues, to make them an effective interlocutor for NATO.
And then in parallel we do have to work on these bigger
structural, political issues in Bosnia that will hopefully
create different governing conditions that--what you have now
is gridlock in the center and the Republika Srpska or other
more local political actors running the show for their own
benefit. We need to have a stronger central authority that
functions governing a country while respecting the regional
differences within the country.
Mr. Cardin. I think that's very helpful. I agree. It's
responsibility on both parties. It seems to me Europe and the
United States, NATO need to be very clear about their timelines
on membership so that there is clear understanding. I think
there's been some mixed signals sent. But clearly the principal
responsibility is with the country to be very serious about the
reforms. The reforms are important for transition into Europe.
But they're also important for the security of the country
itself and their future democratic commitments. So I think it's
a dual responsibility here. But I think we could give a clearer
message which would be helpful to get the serious progress made
on a realistic time schedule. Let me again thank both of you
for your testimony. And with that, the Commission will stand
adjourned. Thank you.
[Whereupon, at 11:33 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
A P P E N D I C E S
PREPARED STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, CHAIRMAN, COMMISSION ON
SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE
At today's hearing, we will focus on developments in the countries
of the Western Balkan region of Europe, as well as U.S. and European
policy responses. While we all have recently focused our attentions on
the critical situation in Ukraine--and the Helsinki Commission will
certainly continue to do this as well as focus on human rights problems
in Russia, the countries of Central Asia and elsewhere--we should also
be proactive and focus on situations before they become, as the Western
Balkan region once was, disturbing headline news.
The Helsinki Commission has focused its attention on specific
countries in the Balkans many times in the past, but a regional
overview is more important than ever before. Each country is at a
different stage of achievement or preparedness in meeting their Euro-
Atlantic and European aspirations, but they all share an interest in
each other's advancement and stability.
The United States and Europe continue to have a vested interest in
seeing this progress take place. While the Western Balkans is no longer
the setting for violent conflict that it was two decades ago, we have
had to devote considerable resources--financial, diplomatic and
military--to restore peace and to encourage the democratic and other
reforms necessary to sustain it. That job is not done. Having
accomplished so much, we need to see the task of a stable, democratic
and fully integrated Western Balkans completed.
These countries have also demonstrated a willingness to contribute
to peace operations globally, and, if they are not already, they should
soon be our newest allies in a stronger NATO Alliance. It is my view,
at least, that their membership in NATO, if they choose to join,
enhances our own security. More than that, as NATO allies and EU
partners, the countries of the Western Balkans will be bound to each
other's security and better able to find reconciliation among
themselves, to strengthen their ties and to focus on their collective
potential. Having gone through so much, the people of the region
certainly deserve this brighter future.
In the past year, we have been particularly encouraged by Croatia's
joining the European Union, the progress leading to the normalization
of relations between Serbia and Kosovo, the beginning of negotiations
for Serbia's EU accession, a smooth political transition in Albania
that will hopefully pave the way for that country to begin soon its
negotiations as well, and Montenegro's ongoing progress toward both
NATO and EU membership. Kosovo has just celebrated six years of
independent statehood. It still has a long way to go and must confront
some undoubtedly major obstacles along the way, but it has demonstrated
a very welcomed commitment to moving forward.
While encouraged by these developments, we continue to worry that
progress in the two most multi-ethnic states in the region--Bosnia-
Herzegovina and Macedonia--has stalled. In Bosnia, we have seen for
some time that the political structures created by the Dayton
Agreement, with their emphasis on ethnic balances rather than good
governance, have become outdated, undemocratic and divisive, but we are
now seeing the implications of trying to maintain the status quo in the
form of popular unrest and a public demand for greater accountability.
Macedonia, which had made considerable strides in its desire to join
both NATO and the EU, today struggles to maintain its democratic
credentials and internal cohesion while Greece's dispute with its name
has put its aspirations effectively on hold.
Then, there are issues that pervade the region--official
corruption, trafficking in persons, the plight of Roma, attacks on
journalists and control of the media--which continue to be a concern.
Many wounds of past conflict--wounds in the form of missing persons and
unpunished war crimes--remain open and cannot be left unattended.
Several countries in the region will hold elections this year, but
conditions for a free and fair contest could use further improvement in
at least some of them.
The Helsinki Commission emphasizes the need for governments to
implement the commitments they have undertaken in the OSCE, especially
those relating to human rights and democratic development, and I hope
we focus on that here at this hearing. At the same time, given the
tremendous role and influence the United States and Europe have in the
region, we cannot ignore our own policies and whether they are actually
encouraging the progress we expect. We need to look at whether mere
promises of NATO or EU enlargement at some time in the future are
sufficient leverage for change, and what we can do in the meantime to
keep these countries on track.
PREPARED STATEMENT OF HOYT YEE, ASSISTANT SECRETARY FOR EUROPEAN AND
EURASIAN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Mr. Chairman and distinguished Commissioners, thank you for
inviting me to testify today before the Helsinki Commission, which, for
nearly 40 years, has played a vital role in fostering democracy, human
rights and security across Europe and beyond. Given your keen interest
in the western Balkans, I am particularly honored to have an
opportunity to provide an assessment of democratic developments and
prospects for Euro-Atlantic integration in the region, and I look
forward to discussing how we and our European partners can best
encourage further progress.
The appeal of EU and NATO membership has been a positive force for
the political and economic transformation of the western Balkans, and
I'm pleased to say we have some successes to report. In the past year,
Croatia became the 28th member of the European Union. Montenegro
progressed toward EU accession. Albania had the best democratic
transition in that country's history. And, perhaps most remarkably,
Serbia and Kosovo signed a historic agreement to normalize relations, a
move that spurred the European Council to begin negotiating a
Stabilization and Association Agreement with Pristina in October and to
open EU accession talks with Belgrade in January.
These advances and other positive developments in the region are
especially encouraging because they are, in large part, a result of
sustained American engagement and assistance, which includes providing
$315 million in development aid over the past two years. For more than
20 years, U.S. engagement has been driven by a desire to support the
aspiration of western Balkan states to integrate into Euro-Atlantic
institutions. This has been the top policy objective of Republican and
Democratic administrations alike because it is the best means of
ensuring long-term peace, stability and prosperity in a region that is
a critical part of Europe--historically, geographically and culturally.
Recent progress, however, has not blinded us to the fact that there are
still many challenges that must be overcome before Euro-Atlantic
aspirations are fully realized.
As we have seen time and again, progress comes most rapidly when
political leaders and other actors break from how things were done in
the past. When people are no longer mired in the past, but inspired by
the future, they start thinking realistically about what needs to be
done to improve their countries and begin making the tough decisions to
get there. We saw this in Croatia, where successive governments stuck
to an overarching goal--EU membership--and they committed the resources
and relentlessly pursued the reforms needed to achieve it. The payoff
came last July when Croatia became the newest EU member, demonstrating
to the entire region that the door to EU integration is still open. In
order to enter, however, states must display the same level of
commitment and ability to institute needed reforms. We are very pleased
to see that Zagreb is now sharing lessons it learned with its neighbors
who aspire to join the EU and NATO.
Serbia and Kosovo
We're greatly encouraged by the ongoing dialogue between Serbia and
Kosovo, brokered by EU High Representative Catherine Ashton, which has
already yielded many successful breakthroughs. The United States
supported the EU's tireless efforts to build a framework for dialogue
between Belgrade and Pristina. This EU-
facilitated dialogue became a space in which the two sides tackled
seemingly intractable differences that have prevented them from moving
forward on their respective paths of European integration and improving
the lives of their citizens. Last April, this dialogue produced a
landmark First Agreement of Principles Governing the Normalization of
Relations between the two countries. The so-called April 19th agreement
has been followed by regular high-level and working-level meetings
aimed at translating those principles into functional reality on the
ground.
Full implementation of the April 19th agreement will not be easy,
and the United States must remain engaged with Pristina, Belgrade, and
the EU over the long term to ensure progress continues. Both countries
will face numerous politically difficult decisions in the coming months
and years. We can expect to see occasional backpedaling, delays, or
attempts to reopen or reinterpret what was agreed. However, I'm
confident that both Serbia and Kosovo will remain committed to
normalizing relations, because it is indivisible from their aspirations
for EU membership. The very same mechanisms the EU has in place to
guide both countries forward on their EU paths will serve to
systematically measure their progress toward normalization.
Normalization and EU accession progress will also provide important
economic benefits for both countries.
Serbia's performance in the Dialogue reflects its current leaders'
pragmatic approach to invigorating Serbia's standing in the world, and
this progress also makes it possible to deepen the U.S. bilateral
relationship. Serbia's 2012 election produced a government that
committed itself to reforms and to growing relationships with the EU
and the United States. Serbian officials recognize the need to enact
economic and legal reforms that will be difficult, but necessary as
part of the EU accession process and for economic revitalization. We
expect that Serbia's March 16 elections will produce a government that
continues along the path that the current government has charted. The
United States continues to urge Serbia to bring to justice those
responsible for the murder of the Bytyqi brothers and the 2008 burning
of the U.S. embassy.
Kosovo celebrated the sixth anniversary of its independence on
February 17th. Still the youngest country in Europe, it has made
tremendous progress in its development as a fully sovereign,
independent state and in building modern, multiethnic, and inclusive
democratic institutions. The signing of the normalization agreement
with Serbia and the launch of Stabilization and Association Agreement
talks with the EU last year were significant achievements. The end of
supervised independence in 2012 was another milestone reflecting
Kosovo's accomplishments toward realizing the principles enshrined in
its declaration of independence and constitution. In law enforcement,
the Kosovo Police is integrating ethnic Serb officers who had
previously served in parallel police forces under de facto Serbian
control in the north, and Kosovo is cooperating with EULEX and its
Special Investigative Task Force looking into the very serious
allegations contained in the 2010 Council of Europe report (the ``Marty
Report'') on organ trafficking and other serious crimes. In the
security sector, NATO declared ``full operational capability'' for the
Kosovo Security Force, and the KSF has made impressive efforts to
recruit Kosovo Serbs. A soon to be released security sector review,
which the U.S. Defense Department has helped facilitate for the past
two years, is aimed at developing Kosovo's security institutions in a
way that deepens Kosovo's relationships with Euro-Atlantic institutions
and contributes to regional stability.
We know that Kosovo faces many challenges. National elections this
year must sustain the positive momentum of last year's well-organized
municipal elections. Further strengthening rule of law and tackling
corruption; ensuring the rights of minorities including returnees are
fully protected in practice, expanding economic opportunities, and
building on the already 105 countries around the world that recognize
independent Kosovo remain among the central tasks Kosovo's current and
future leaders and citizens face. The United States remains committed
to helping them with this, as we support Kosovo's progress toward full
Euro-Atlantic integration.
Albania
Albania has also enjoyed a year of strong progress, highlighted by
the success of last June's parliamentary elections, which marked the
country's smoothest democratic transfer of power without violence or
allegations of vote rigging. The new government took office in
September, and like its predecessor, continues to hold Albania's strong
partnership with the United States as a key strategic priority. We have
been strengthening our military-to-military relationship with Albania,
a process that has been enhanced by some welcome reforms and innovative
programs undertaken by the new defense minister. For example, Albania
enjoys close partnership with the state of New Jersey and this year
will start sending new Albanian officers to train at the state's
National Guard officer candidate school (OCS) alongside American
officer candidates. That said, much work still lies ahead for Albania.
Despite the European Commission's recommendation that Albania be
granted candidate status, the European Council decided in December to
hold off and give Tirana six months to demonstrate additional progress
under the new government, in particular in fighting corruption and
organized crime. Albania must convert the initial steps it has taken to
improve the efficiency of investigations and prosecutions into tangible
results. We are encouraging the government and opposition to work
together to develop a track record by the time Council meets in June to
reconsider whether to grant candidate status. Time is short, so Albania
will need to act quickly.
Montenegro
Montenegro, which began accession talks last June, recently opened
the two most challenging EU acquis chapters, ones addressing rule of
law, judicial transparency, and corruption. To close these chapters,
it, too, will need to establish a track record of fighting organized
crime and high-level corruption. Government officials are motivated to
make needed reforms not only by their desire to follow Croatia into the
EU but also by their aspirations to join NATO. In his annual report
issued in late January, NATO Secretary General Rasmussen noted that
``good progress'' has been made in meeting NATO standards, but
Montenegro still needs to do more to fight corruption, reform its
intelligence apparatus, and modernize its defense. We are also
concerned about the relatively low level of Montenegrin public support
for NATO membership, which largely stems from misconceptions about the
responsibilities and benefits of membership. To bolster support, the
government has launched a public awareness campaign, and our Embassy in
Podgorica last month provided grants to nine governmental and non-
governmental organizations to aid this effort, and we are encouraged to
see some positive results from these efforts.
We and other Allies continue to review Montenegro's reform progress
and readiness for membership. The prime minister and other top
officials assured me during a recent trip to Montenegro that they are
committed to the process of implementing the reforms needed to
demonstrate full readiness to join NATO. Some Allies would like NATO to
take up enlargement at the September summit in Wales, a position
several members of this Commission endorsed in a recent letter to
Secretary Kerry. At Washington's suggestion, the NATO International
Staff was tasked in December with assessing each aspirant nation's
progress toward NATO membership and providing a summary of their
findings by June. At that time, we will review the report in light of
the upcoming summit.
Macedonia
Macedonia's integration into the EU and NATO remains vital for
lasting peace and stability in the region. However, the name dispute
with Athens continues to stymie progress toward this goal. Both sides
in that dispute should be motivated by the desire to seek a solution
that ensures the democratic and prosperous development of the Balkan
neighborhood.
Bosnia and Herzegovina
We are deeply disappointed that the basic conditions to move Bosnia
and Herzegovina ahead on its EU and NATO paths remain unfulfilled
despite constant encouragement and support from U.S. and EU officials.
Bosnia and Herzegovina has yet to comply with the 2009 European Court
of Human Rights ruling in the Sejdic-Finci case, which found the
Bosnian constitution is discriminatory because the tripartite
presidency and seats in the upper house of parliament can only be held
by Serbs, Croats, or Bosniaks. To date, politicians have been unable to
muster the political will to agree on a new constitutional formula to
comply with the ruling, despite numerous pledges to do so, nor have
they resolved the immovable defense property issue, which the Alliance
established as a prerequisite for activating the country's NATO
Membership Action Plan (MAP).
Bosnia and Herzegovina's Euro-Atlantic aspirations will remain
stalled as long as its political leaders remain focused on parochial,
short-term political interests rather than the long-term welfare of the
people they were elected to represent. This unwillingness to compromise
for a better future was on full display when EU Enlargement
Commissioner Stefan Fule convened the leaders of the seven main
political parties two weeks ago in an effort to push forward on
implementing Sejdic-Finci. Nine hours of negotiations ended in yet
another failure as no leader was willing to budge, leading Fule to
abandon his facilitation efforts. Recent protests that swept the
country are expressions of citizens frustrated by self-serving
politicians, bad governance and poor economic conditions. The protests
underscore the need for the international community to review its
engagement with Bosnia and Herzegovina and see if a new approach might
be warranted. We also urge Bosnian voters to take their frustrations to
the ballot box in next October's elections and vote for political
leaders who will be serious about breaking the political logjam.
Organized Crime and Corruption
Bosnian protestors have voiced particular frustration with the
country's intolerable level of corruption. Bosnia and Herzegovina is
not alone, however. Official corruption is a daily fact of life across
the region, and it is preventing democratic and economic reforms from
taking firm root. Tackling this pervasive problem is a first step
toward meeting the standards of EU and NATO membership, but that should
not be the sole incentive. Combatting corruption, and its close cousin
organized crime, is vital for ensuring brighter futures for all Balkans
countries and should be pursued vigorously in its own right.
For too long, the fight against organized crime and corruption
consisted of little more than those in power complaining about and
targeting their predecessors. Governments across the region are
implementing anti-corruption and judicial reform strategies needed for
proactive investigations and prosecutions. Now that police and
prosecutors are being given the necessary tools, we would like to see
these tools put to use in a consistent and even-handed manner.
Political leaders must make it clear that no target is off limits.
Organized crime and corruption cannot be curbed without enhancing
cross-border cooperation, which is a primary objective of our rule of
law assistance and training in the region. When countries put aside
longstanding differences and cooperatively address a common challenge
the results can be impressive, as we saw last December when Montenegrin
and Serbian law enforcement officials smashed a human smuggling ring.
Twenty-two members of known criminal groups were arrested and charged
with smuggling some 500 asylum seekers from Africa and Asia to the EU
via Montenegro and Serbia. The smuggling route also reportedly included
Greece, Albania, and Kosovo.
Trafficking in Persons
Enhanced cross-border cooperation is also needed to better address
trafficking in persons (TIP), another pressing problem fueled by
corruption and organized crime. We applaud Albania's Minister of
Interior for recently proposing to his Italian and Greek counterparts
that a joint maritime security area be created to tackle human
trafficking, and we urge Rome and Athens to respond affirmatively.
Nevertheless, we are dismayed that countries in the region have not
made greater headway in addressing this scourge. In fact, the State
Department's annual Trafficking in Persons Report found that some
countries are losing ground. In 2013, Albania fell from Tier 2 to the
Tier 2 Watch List and Croatia slipped from Tier 1 to Tier 2, while all
other countries maintained the previous year's rankings.
All our diplomatic posts in the region are deeply committed to
encouraging their host government to confront and eliminate
trafficking, and they push for improved performance regardless of tier
ranking. Last January in Macedonia, a Tier 1 Country, one of our
political officers and his local assistants visited 15 different towns
and cities, meeting more than 600 students, local officials, and
concerned citizens to educate them about TIP and how they can prevent
it. Although this effort was conducted in support of President Obama's
proclamation of January as National Slavery and Human Trafficking
Prevention Month, I can assure you U.S. embassies across the region
engage in robust anti-TIP efforts year round.
Press Freedom
Realizing the full democratic and economic potential of the region
is also predicated on the existence of a free press. Although many
countries can boast of vibrant and diverse media, limits on media
freedom, including direct intimidation, are still a problem. Progress
is being made, as witnessed by the January arrest of two former members
of Serbia's security services for the murder of Slavko Curuvija, a
courageous journalist who was killed in 1999--not long after testifying
before this Commission--for challenging the Milosevic regime. We were
also pleased to see Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Serbia, and Albania
improve their standing in the latest Reporters Without Borders World
Press Freedom Index.
The recent series of attacks against journalists and media outlets
in Montenegro and the precipitous drop in Macedonia's media freedom
ratings underscore that much more still needs to be done. Even in
Croatia, which is fully integrated into NATO and the EU, there is
considerable room for improvement. During the EU accession process,
Croatia amended its constitution to include specific reference to media
freedom and the right of access to information. However, parliament
adopted other changes empowering itself to appoint the director general
of Croatia Radio-Television (HRT), as well as members of the state-run
broadcaster's program council and monitoring committee. This
effectively gave the ruling political party control over HRT's
broadcast content.
Tolerating Ethnic and Religious Diversity
Perhaps the greatest challenge governments in the region face is
how to better promote and protect social diversity, especially the
accommodation of ethnic and religious minorities. Given the Balkans'
long history of inter-ethnic tensions leading to instability, we warmly
welcome efforts such as those of the Albanian officials responsible for
the recent opening of a Serbian-language school in the village of
Hamil. This is but a small step; greater strides must still be made.
Evidence of the need to do more to create an environment that fosters
inter-ethnic tolerance is overwhelming. In January, for example,
graffiti mocking the mass killings in Srebrenica and promoting Serb
nationalism appeared in the town center of Pljevlja, Montenegro. There
were bitter protests in the Croatian town of Vukovar late last year,
sparked by the government's efforts to comply with minority protection
laws by installing dual Latin and Cyrillic signs in areas with large
Serb populations. A leading Croat soccer player also chanted fascist
slogans at an international game.
Of all the ethnic minorities facing discrimination, none is more
vulnerable than the Roma. Living on the margins of society--often in
abject poverty--Roma across the region routinely experience
discrimination and violence. Serbian Roma activist and musician Olah
Vince, for instance, was attacked by six unknown assailants as he and
his wife were walking near their home in Novi Sad on Orthodox Christmas
this year. Vince said he had received a series of anonymous threatening
telephone calls and text messages that started soon after he publicly
accused city officials of corruption and discrimination.
Fostering social integration is the best means of preventing
attacks such as this and other maltreatment, and our embassies in
Belgrade and elsewhere are actively engaged in efforts to move Roma
from the margins to the mainstream. One particularly successful effort
has been the USAID-supported Romani youth education project in
Macedonia, a $4.5-million initiative that has aided more than 2,500
Roma students over the past 10 years. The project has markedly improved
access, retention, and school performance at all levels from pre-school
to university, and, perhaps even more importantly, had a catalytic role
in attracting interest in the donor community and from the host
government.
Governments generally respect religious freedom, but they are
frequently accused of giving preferential treatment to a favored
religious group and selectively enforcing the legal rights of others.
It is not uncommon for minority religious groups' property to be the
target of theft, vandalism or desecration, as we have seen with Serbian
Orthodox sites in Kosovo and Croatia. Restitution of religious
properties expropriated during World War II and the communist era is
moving forward slowly, where it is moving at all.
Over the past year in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a number of political
and religious leaders took positive steps to promote much-needed inter-
faith dialogue. In November, Montenegro's first provisional synagogue
opened in Podgorica, two years after the government granted the Jewish
community official minority status, and construction of a proper
synagogue is expected to be completed in 2015.
Conclusion
What I have laid out are just a few of the numerous challenges
western Balkans countries face in strengthening the protection of human
rights, opening new opportunities for growth and development, and
building multi-ethnic democracies. The United States and its European
partners will continue to assist these countries in any way that we can
to implement the reforms necessary to tackle these challenges,
particularly those impeding progress on their Euro-Atlantic paths.
While our commitment to helping create a brighter future is unwavering,
it should be clear to all that the ultimate responsibility for adhering
to the path of reform and integration rests with the region's elected
leaders, and civil societies must be prepared to hold their governments
accountable when they stray from the path or stall along the way.
Thank you again for the opportunity to testify before the
Commission.
PREPARED STATEMENT OF TANJA FAJON, MEMBER (SLOVENIA), EUROPEAN
PARLIAMENT
Honorable Chairman Mr. Cardin, distinguished members from the
Senate and the House of Representatives, members from the Departments
of State, Defense and Commerce, other representatives of the staff,
guests and invitees of the Helsinki Commission...
Good morning!
Thank you for inviting me to a hearing of this very prominent
Commission. I am honored to talk to you in the times that are extremely
important for the European perspective of the Western Balkans.
Even more so given the recent worrying developments in Ukraine
which dominate our concerns to a great extent. It is necessary that we
preserve peace in Ukraine and employ all our diplomatic means to
stabilize the country, to build a united country with respect of its
sovereignty and integrity and without further-- even deeper--ethnic
divisions. We have to engage ourselves through the political dialogue
and answer the demands of people.
But at the same time, we must not lose our focus when it comes to
engagement and interest in the developments in the Western Balkan.
Ladies and gentlemen, this year is crucial for future developments
in the region!
First of all, my testimony will be based on my personal views. As
you may already know, I have taken the leading role in the European
Parliament in making visa liberalization for Western Balkans a reality
and throughout my mandate I have been encouraging the governments both
in the European Union and in the Western Balkans to engage more
actively in pursuing the enlargement agenda.
Secondly, I will present my views on the developments in the region
based on my experiences gained through the work in different
parliamentarian commissions and delegations for the Western Balkans,
actively engaged in the democratic development and progress of the
region. Based on its own experience, history and geography, my country
Slovenia plays an active role in the Western Balkans, accommodating the
challenges of the EU integration.
Thirdly, I will outline my recommendations regarding our policy in
the Western Balkans, particularly in the light of what should be
expected in 2014. Challenges are enormous because of the European
elections, on the hand, and national elections in several countries of
the region, on the other hand. The US engagement has always been
crucial in the past and it will remain equally important in the future.
Without a common understanding of the situation, of the need to act in
an appropriate, credible and unified way, without listening to the
voices of people--as it was well illustrated in Bosnia and Herzegovina
recently--we might jeopardize peace and stability in the entire region.
Before going into an in-depth analysis, allow me to share with you
my personal experience as a Rapporteur of the European Parliament for
visa free travel for the citizens of the Western Balkans. The
abolishment of visas has been the most tangible achievement for the
countries of the region on their European path. It has been a great and
historical step in bringing down the walls of bloody wars. It has
strengthened political and economic cooperation and, what is of immense
importance, people to people contacts. We have to do our utmost to
preserve this freedom of travel despite some nationalistic and populist
attacks across Europe against these recently won freedoms.
We need to abolish visas for the last country in the Western
Balkans which is still not under visa free regime--Kosovo--once it
meets the necessary conditions. Needless to say, visa free travel is
crucial for ordinary citizens! Politicians and businessmen travel
without waiting in front of the consulates. And criminals usually don't
apply for visas. It is about citizens and especially about young
people! They will get to know the European values and principles only
by getting closer to Europe.
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Let me start with the country I strongly believe we have to put on
the very top of our agenda in the Western Balkans. It is still the most
volatile, ethnically divided country. Dayton agreement ended the war
but it did not provide the legal structure for a functional country.
The February demonstrations were the most serious outburst of violence
since the war in the nineties: People calling for change, unsatisfied
with their political elites and their personal welfare. Economic,
political and social situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is more than
worrying and it urges us to act now more then ever before!
So far, our endeavors lacked political will to make a serious
policy shift. We need clear messages and consistent policies. We need
an internal process, which will lead to a wide constitutional reform
that can be accepted by the country and its people. However it cannot
be (It must not be) externally imposed!
The European Union has to act as a facilitator. The support of its
international partners is hereby essential. Bosnia and Herzegovina
needs a custom made accession approach. We must not focus only on the
Sejdicc-Finci case; it should not block an EU application. We have
spent countless hours trying to forge a compromise.
We should rethink our current policy. We need to make use of the
elections in October to develop a new, unified policy approach, with
clear messages what kind of structural reforms Bosnia and Herzegovina
needs to implement in order to join the EU.
I welcome the intentions of the European Commission to focus on
better economic governance, on fight against corruption (there is no
doubt about political elites in the country being increasingly corrupt)
and better implementation of EU-funded projects through the Instrument
for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA)--without any additional cuts! But
this is not enough. We need to channel a social frustration in a
positive direction--away from further ethnic divisions or state
dissolution. So far, the demonstrations showed no interethnic tensions
at all, but a generally tense atmosphere ahead of the elections can
easily set the stage for violence on a much larger scale. Therefore we
need a tailored policy for the new government after the elections in
October that would help Bosnia and Herzegovina to present the EU
membership application as soon as possible! Preferably this year!
Serbia
The country has taken important steps towards the normalization of
the relations with Kosovo. The dialogue between Pristina and Belgrade
is extremely positive for their people and it has opened the way for
further steps in the European integration process. It is necessary that
both sides maintain this constructive approach while working on the
controversial and sensitive details that still need to be elaborated
and agreed upon. There is still a need for greater transparency in
communicating the outcomes of the dialogue and involving the
parliaments and civil societies. The negotiators need to build better
public trust.
A very positive outcome of the dialogue were the elections in
Kosovo: For the first time they included northern Kosovo and for the
first time they were in line with democratic norms.
Serbia started the EU accession talks in January this year and it
is committed to continue with necessary reforms, notably in the area of
the judiciary, fight against corruption, and the reform of the public
sector.
There will be early elections on the 16th of March. But most likely
the present coalition will remain in power. (Best case scenario for
2014: to close chapters 23 & 24 and open 32 and then 35 (the one on
Kosovo).
Given the progress it achieved in the recent past, Serbia has
become an important player in the region in supporting and promoting
EU-values.
Kosovo
Because of the normalization of the relations with Serbia the EU
launched negotiations for a Stabilization and Association Agreement
with Kosovo. Hopefully the Agreement will be signed this year although
the authorities need to make further efforts to meet the challenges of
the European Reform Agenda. It is expected that Kosovo will hold early
elections in June.
In the European Parliament we have encouraged in the January
resolution the remaining five EU Member States to proceed with the
recognition of Kosovo and we have called on all EU Member States to do
their utmost to facilitate economic and people to people contacts as
well as social and political relations between their citizens and
citizens of Kosovo.I visited Pristina two weeks ago and held a press
conference in Brussels a day before yesterday. I re-
emphasized the importance of the visa free travel for the people of
Kosovo. There will be an expert mission in Kosovo next week, evaluating
its readiness. I expect that the European Commission will publish its
report without further delay.
Macedonia
Unfortunately, there is not much to say. The EU has decided for the
fifth year not to open the accession negotiations with the country in
spite of the positive recommendation of the Commission and the European
Parliament in this respect. There is growing frustration about the EU
in the public opinion.
I strongly support the idea that the bilateral issues between
Macedonia and Greece should be resolved before the end of the accession
process but they should not present an obstacle to the opening of the
negotiations. A further delay poses a considerable risk to the regional
stability. I hope that Greece will use its EU-
Presidency to create a positive environment.
But still: it takes two to tango and it seems that no side is
capable and ready to develop new initiatives to overcome the current
stalemate on the name issue. There will be the presidential elections
in the country, and it's difficult to believe that there will be a good
atmosphere to find a solution.
Montenegro
Montenegro seems to have least problems among the Western Balkans
countries. It still shows broad enthusiasm for entering the European
Union. Two chapters in the negotiations have been (provisionally)
closed, fight against corruption and organized crime and judicial
reform remain top priorities.
Nevertheless, I want to use this opportunity to once again express
my deep shock and concern about at least two bomb attacks and around
half a dozen physical attacks against journalists in the recent past. I
have called the responsible authorities in the country several times to
protect journalists and adequately investigate and prosecute all these
attacks and threats.
Albania
Albania has a new government after the June Parliamentary elections
and it has improved its reputation significantly after the orderly
conducted and peaceful transfer of power.
This new government has an ambitious European agenda and
significant progress has already been made in the first 100 days of its
functioning. Therefore I do expect that the EU Council in June will
grant Albania a candidate status.
It is also true that the political climate in the country must be
improved. But delaying the granting of candidate status would mean to
risk the momentum for further progress and democratic development of
the country. We must not forget that the country has been the most
isolated country of the Western Balkans in the past. There still exists
blood revenge today. Two main parties run the country and corruption is
a serious problem.
We need to support the country and its current government on its
European path. It is important, especially for Albanian youth, which is
ambitious, well-educated and open minded, as well as willing to push
for further EU integration.
Ladies and gentlemen: Let me conclude with a few final remarks:
1. Despite the economic and social crisis in Europe, the
enlargement of the EU towards the Western Balkans countries must remain
a priority. The political situation in the region is still very
fragile. In particular Bosnia and Herzegovina show worrying signs of
instability! Peace and stability of the region is our strategic
interest.
2. With the support of the USA and its international partners the
EU must lead a unified, comprehensive policy approach towards the
Western Balkans; we must be capable to shift our policy approach when
needed.
3. The economic crisis has hit the Western Balkans very hard.
Europe and the USA should seek opportunities for more investments in
the Western Balkans.
4. EU institutions and EU governments need to make use of this
year--the year of European elections--to fight nationalism and
extremism in the region; otherwise it will jeopardize the European
integration process.
5. Credible EU policy towards the Western Balkans demands in-depth
understanding of the history of these countries, different political
and economic situations, involvement of local authorities, NGO's,
experts and the civil society.
6. Brdo Process, launched by Slovenia and Croatia, has the
potential to become a strong engine of political and overall
development in the region. The July Summit of Brdo Process with French
Prime Minister Hollande was a historical event for the region, which
set the fundaments for a fruitful common initiative and a successful
story of the region. The next summit of Brdo process will take place in
Croatia in July with Chancellor Merkel already confirmed the
participation.
PREPARED STATEMENT OF AMB. KURT VOLKER, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, McCAIN
INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL LEADERSHIP
The Situation in the Western Balkans
Thank you Chairman Cardin, Co-Chairman Smith, and all the
distinguished Members here today, for the opportunity to testify about
the Balkans region.
As you know, I had the privilege of serving as US Ambassador to
NATO in 2008-2009, and served in several other senior positions at the
State Department, the National Security Council, and the office of the
NATO Secretary General. I worked on issues dealing directly with the
Balkans region at several points in my career, and have continued to
remain engaged in my post-government career.
The starting point for any discussion of the Balkans today begins
not with Sarajevo, or Pristina, but with Crimea.
What is happening in Ukraine today--with Russia deploying military
forces to occupy Crimea--represents the most serious challenge to
freedom, democracy, and security in Europe since the end of the Cold
War.
For 25 years, we have worked to support the rights of people
throughout Central and Eastern Europe, as they sought to build free,
prosperous, stable, and secure societies. The results have been nothing
short of remarkable. A dozen countries, representing over 100 million
people, have built modern, democratic societies and long-term security
for the future, after a horrific past. To be sure, there have been and
remain challenges within this transformation, but the major trend-line
is clear.
Russia's 2008 invasion of Georgia was a bellwether. Borders in
Europe were changed by force of invasion by a neighboring country.
Russia's occupation of parts of Georgia and Moldova is a continuing
grave concern.
But the insertion of Russian forces into Ukraine in the past week
in order to take over Crimea and challenge authorities in Kiev should
be a wake-up call for all of us. The post-cold-war order of people
having the right to choose their own government and political
orientation democratically, the inviolability of borders, and the
rejection of the notion that military force can be used to dominate
neighbors are all under threat.
A strong U.S. and European response--to support the rights of all
Ukrainians to determine their own future, and to support the principles
of the post-cold-war peace in Europe--is absolutely essential.
There is no excuse for the excesses of the Yanukovych government in
Ukraine. Yet at the same time, a contributing factor to the situation
in Ukraine today was a relatively disengaged, complacent attitude in
Europe and the United States. By failing to continue to press forward
with the development of a Europe whole, free and at peace, working
actively with those Ukrainians seeking to implement reforms and build a
better society, we helped create a vacuum filled by the worst elements
of Ukrainian politics, and now by Russia.
That same attitude of minimal engagement, complacency, and lack of
commitment to creating a Europe whole, free, and at peace, for all the
peoples of Europe, is how I would characterize policy toward the
western Balkans over the past several years. As in Ukraine, in the
Western Balkans we have seen darker elements fill the void. And as in
Ukraine, the risks of more catastrophic failure are real, despite the
genuine progress that has been made.
The reasons for such a minimalist Western approach to the Balkans
are perfectly understandable. The need to tackle more pressing
challenges in Iraq, Afghanistan, or the Middle East. The financial
crisis. The Euro-zone debt crisis. Recession. Public fatigue with
difficult foreign engagements. Perceptions, however dubious, that EU
enlargement has led to mass immigration, loss of jobs, and diminished
prosperity in Western Europe.
It is easy, in this context, to justify a minimalist engagement,
and to point a finger at leaders in the Western Balkans themselves for
failing to strengthen their own societies better. But as Ukraine now
reminds us, we in the democratic, prosperous, and secure part of the
transatlantic community have a clear responsibility as well.
Despite our own difficulties, we must recognize that the costs of
reversing the progress already made are far greater than the costs of a
proactive, affirmative policy of promoting democratic development and
completing a Europe whole, free and at peace.
In this context, let me offer the following policy observations and
suggestions:
There has been no forward movement on NATO enlargement
since the Bucharest Summit of 2008, when Croatia and Albania were
invited to join NATO. Montenegro still has work to do in key areas--but
so did other nations when they were invited to join NATO. Especially in
the current context, it is important symbolically to renew momentum in
the Balkans, by offering NATO membership for Montenegro at the 2014
Summit in Wales, in exchange for completion of a few remaining reforms.
Likewise, it is time to press for a settlement on the
name issue and an invitation for Macedonia to join NATO as well.
Macedonia should be a vibrant crossroads of the Balkans--linking Greece
to the north and linking the Western Balkans to Greece and the
Mediterranean. The current stalemate on this issue serves no one's
interests. It harms Greek economic interests by retarding development
in the Balkans more generally. It prevents Macedonia from taking a
proper place in European and transatlantic institutions. And it creates
a political limbo in which ethnic rivalries in the Western Balkans
could again resurface--which again would damage Greek interests as much
as anyone else's.
I believe there is a framework for a settlement that can be
seen as a win-win for both Greece and Macedonia. I suspect both
sides know this, and are ready to reach such an agreement. But
context is important. The United States and key European allies
should play an active role in seeking such a genuine agreement,
providing support and guarantees as needed, and on that basis
proceed with an invitation for Macedonia to join NATO at the
2014 Summit.
Developments in Bosnia continue to be held back by the
dysfunctional governing arrangements put in place by the Dayton
Accords. Essential to end a war nearly two decades ago, those
arrangements are now preventing Bosnia from moving forward. They
reinforce ethnic divisions, rather than overcome them. They establish
political structures that promote deadlock. And they reward politicians
with narrow ethnic agendas, rather than inclusive, national,
developmental goals. It is long past time to open a ``Dayton Two''
negotiation on new government arrangements. Such arrangements can only
be agreed by Bosnians themselves--but they can only do so in the
context of a wider, transatlantic framework led by the United States
and European Union.
The progress in relations between Belgrade and Pristina
is the main bright spot in the region over recent years. We should
commend both governments, as well as the European Union High
Representative, Catherine Ashton, for their work in this area. In this
case, it is probably not possible to press for more of a permanent
solution at this time, but we should continue to press forward with
concrete, practical steps, in the context of a wider region that is
settling old issues and moving toward full transatlantic integration.
I would add one final word about democracy and reform: NATO
and EU membership is not an end-point in itself, but an
extremely powerful tool for building good societies--societies
that respect the human rights of all citizens, respect
minorities, treat political opposition fairly, promote market-
driven economic growth, contribute to greater security and
stability in the Euro-Atlantic area as a whole.
There are plenty of examples in countries that have already
joined one or both institutions, where democracy, and
democratic institutions, should be strengthened. This fact
should not lead to a conclusion that including those countries
in NATO or the EU--even long established NATO and EU members
have their own challenges--and neither should it be used to
raise the bar or prevent others from joining NATO or the EU.
Especially in the context of Ukraine today, we should
remember that it is far easier to deal with these challenges
proactively, and within the institutional frameworks we have
created. We should not wait, and risk darker forces rising to
fill the vacuum.
Europe has made extraordinary progress since the world wars of the
last century. But millions of people in Europe's South and East,
including in Russia, are still not living in free, prosperous, secure
stable societies. Europe remains divided--though in different ways and
across different lines than in the past.
The success of Europe will never be complete, and never 100 percent
secure, until all of Europe shares in the dream of a Europe whole, free
and at peace. American and European leaders need to keep to keep that
vision on the front burner, and continue working toward it. And America
should play a key leadership role in that effort, alongside Europe, as
it has for the past 60-plus years.
Thank you Mr. Chairman, and Mr. Co-Chairman, for the opportunity to
raise these views before this Committee.
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