[Joint House and Senate Hearing, 112 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
THE DALAI LAMA: WHAT HE MEANS FOR TIBETANS TODAY
=======================================================================
ROUNDTABLE
before the
CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA
ONE HUNDRED TWELFTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
__________
JULY 13, 2011
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CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA
LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS
House
Senate
To Be Appointed
SHERROD BROWN, Ohio, Cochairman
MAX BAUCUS, Montana
CARL LEVIN, Michigan
DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California
JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon
SUSAN COLLINS, Maine
JAMES RISCH, Idaho
EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS
SETH DAVID HARRIS, Department of Labor
MARIA OTERO, Department of State
FRANCISCO J. SANCHEZ, Department of Commerce
KURT M. CAMPBELL, Department of State
NISHA DESAI BISWAL, U.S. Agency for International Development
Lawrence Liu, Acting Staff Director (Cochairman)
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
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Page
Opening statement of Hon. Sherrod Brown, a U.S. Senator from
Ohio; Cochairman, Congressional-Executive Commission on China.. 1
Walz, Hon. Tim, a U.S. Representative from Minnesota............. 3
Tsering, Bhuchung K., Vice President, International Campaign for
Tibet.......................................................... 4
Otero, Maria, Under Secretary for Democracy and Global Affairs
and Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, U.S. Department of
State, Member, Congressional-Executive Commission on China..... 8
Arjia Rinpoche, Director, Tibetan Mongolian Buddhist Cultural
Center......................................................... 10
Germano, David, Professor, Department of Religious Studies,
University of Virginia......................................... 11
Sangdrol, Ngawang, Former Tibetan Political Prisoner............. 12
APPENDIX
Prepared Statements
Tsering, Bhuchung K.............................................. 22
Sangdrol, Ngawang................................................ 23
Brown, Hon. Sherrod.............................................. 23
Otero, Maria..................................................... 24
THE DALAI LAMA: WHAT HE MEANS FOR TIBETANS TODAY
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WEDNESDAY, JULY 13, 2011
Congressional-Executive
Commission on China,
Washington, DC.
The roundtable was convened, pursuant to notice, at 9:52
a.m., in Room 418, Russell Senate Office Building, Hon. Sherrod
Brown, Cochairman, presiding.
Also present: Representative Tim Walz and Under Secretary
of State and Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues Maria
Otero.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. SHERROD BROWN, A U.S. SENATOR FROM
OHIO; COCHAIRMAN, CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA
Senator Brown. The Commission will come to order. Thank
you for joining us. A special thanks to the witnesses and
people in the audience. Special thanks to Congressman Tim Walz
for joining us. He has been a member of this Commission--
initially appointed to this Commission in 2007. Unfortunately,
he is not a member now, but today we treat him as if he were
one in terms of a statement and questions he would like to ask.
Unfortunately, there are still a number of Commission
vacancies. I hope they will be filled soon. The House has not
yet appointed Republican or Democratic members. And I know
Congressman Walz is interested in rejoining this Commission. I
am hopeful that he will and I am hopeful that the vacancies,
both by Senate Republicans and by House members in both
parties, will move forward.
Today's roundtable, the second one in a couple of weeks, is
on the Dalai Lama, what he means for Tibetans today. In many
ways, this roundtable can mean what he means for all of us who
care about basic human rights for everyone.
Thousands of people gathered in Washington this past week
to hear His Holiness the Dalai Lama, perform a sacred ritual
and share his teachings on world peace. The world knows His
Holiness as a Nobel Peace Prize winner, a symbol of compassion,
a guardian of the Tibetan people.
Since the 1950s, he has made peaceful overtures to the
Chinese Government. As a result, as we know, he was forced into
exile into the Indian Himalayas.
The President met with the Dalai Lama last time and I hope
he will meet with him again this time. For decades, the Dalai
Lama led Tibet's peaceful campaign for legitimate Tibetan
political and cultural rights through prayer and speech,
traveling across the world, even as foreign governments worried
about Chinese reprisal for welcoming their so-called
``separatist.''
But in recent months, he has reduced his political role so
he can focus on spiritual matters. Regardless of his personal
role, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, remains the best hope for
restoring stability to Tibet and guaranteeing the genuine
autonomy that is the right of Tibetans, and the genuine
autonomy that is the right of other ethnic minority groups in
China.
Tibetans in China continue to suffer from human rights
abuses and restrictions on their constitutional and universal
rights, to their freedom of religion, expression, and
association. These abuses are deliberate acts of the Chinese
state.
The attack on Tibetan language, on Tibetan culture, on
religion, and its rich history is intentional and political. It
is harsh and it is brutal. Just as they have done with the
Uyghur people, the Chinese Government has attacked every aspect
of life and culture of Tibetans. And just as they have done
with the leading critics of government policies, like Rebiya
Kadeer, the government has done everything it can to discredit
and subvert the Dalai Lama.
Last month's Commission roundtable heard from Chinese legal
experts who discussed how the Communist Chinese Government sees
lawyers as a threat to the stability of the regime. The
roundtable briefly touched on how, in the United States and
other democratic nations, lawyers are, in many ways, the
foundation of the stability of the state.
In repressing defenders of rights, China suppresses a
diversity of cultures. The Beijing government treats legitimate
expression of cultural diversity as a threat to sovereignty.
In the United States, our very motto is ``E. Pluribus
Unum,'' out of many, there is one--that our strength as one
nation comes from the diversity of its people. Yet, respect and
recognition of fundamental rights are essential for the
preservation and celebration of China's minority cultures.
The situation in Tibet remains abysmal since the Chinese
Government's violent crackdown on largely peaceful protests
that began some three years ago. According to the Commission's
own political prisoner database, hundreds of political
prisoners remain imprisoned.
Far from seeing the Dalai Lama as an indispensible
negotiating partner, Chinese officials continue their attempts
to discredit him. Negotiations have stalled, with the longest
break since formal dialogue resumed in 2002.
At this critical moment, we have gathered an expert group
of panelists to discuss what the Dalai Lama means to Tibetans
and to our world; what impact might the Dalai Lama's reduced
political role have on negotiations; what role will the Dalai
Lama play in Tibetan future; what is the future of Tibetan
culture.
At this point, I will call on Congressman Walz. And then
Mr. Tsering will go first and will take questions, because he
has to leave, I understand. Congressman Walz, welcome.
[The prepared statement of Senator Brown appears in the
appendix.]
STATEMENT OF HON. TIM WALZ, A U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM
MINNESOTA
Representative Walz. Well, thank you, Senator Brown, for
this opportunity to be here at this important roundtable
discussion. More importantly, thank you for your leadership on
this important topic. We are very grateful.
I would like to say a thank you, also, to this talented
staff on the Commission, fabulous work that you do and very
proud to be a part of it.
I had the opportunity in May, in Minneapolis, to meet with
His Holiness as he was there with our Tibetan community and
provided several days of very heartfelt outreach amongst the
community there. It was interesting that that meeting came just
several weeks after I had had the opportunity to travel with
one of my colleagues, John Lewis, down to Birmingham, Alabama
to commemorate the civil rights movement down in Birmingham.
And as we were there, it reminded me of the connection that
we all have on human and civil rights, the letter from the
Birmingham jail. An oppressed people cannot remain oppressed
forever. Their yearning for freedom eventually manifests
itself. And feeling that connection and watching that struggle
that manifested itself here and those leaders who took us to a
new level, who brought that sense of humanity to all of us.
So I think today in holding this hearing, the connection
between Dr. King and His Holiness is very keen. It's very much
in the forefront, and it's something that we keep in mind.
So I am hopeful that our Chinese friends understand that
connection, understand why this is a very deeply seeded belief
for many of us in this country, and see that connection and
work that peaceful recognition so that the Tibetan people can
live in peace and freedom, as we so much hoped for here in this
country and continue to struggle daily for.
So I thank you all. I am very interested in listening to
our experts and folks who understand this situation as we move
forward.
And I thank you, Senator Brown, again, for the opportunity.
I yield back.
Senator Brown. Thank you, Congressman Walz.
Bhuchung Tsering is Vice President of the International
Campaign for Tibet. He has traveled as a senior aide with the
Dalai Lama's envoys to all of the rounds of formal dialogue
with Communist Party officials since the dialogue began almost
nine years ago.
We are grateful that Bhuchung has taken time out of his
busy schedule to be here, and I understand he can be with us
only a short time.
So I am asking you to speak first, then a couple of
questions, if the other three panelists don't mind, and then we
will hear from the other three, with questions.
So please proceed.
STATEMENT OF BHUCHUNG K. TSERING, VICE PRESIDENT, INTERNATIONAL
CAMPAIGN FOR TIBET
Mr. Tsering. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you,
Congressman Walz, for coming here.
The CECC has taken a positive step by organizing this
roundtable discussion at this point of time. This is yet
another indication of the U.S. Congress' interest in and
support for the Tibetan people, and I thank you for that.
I would like to touch on today's topic by looking at what
the devolution of the Dalai Lama's political authority to the
Tibetan elected leadership means to Tibet and to the Tibetan
people.
First, I would like to mention why the Dalai Lama devolved
his authority; second, I would like to touch on what the impact
is for the Tibetan people; third, what the impact is to China
and the Chinese people; and, last, what, if any, is the impact
to the international community.
First of all, I think there are three reasons why the Dalai
Lama chose to devolve his authority. First is his long-held
belief in the democratic process and the principles of
democracy, and, therefore, he has found the situation ripe to
hand over authority to the directly elected leadership of the
Tibetan people.
Second, by devolving his authority, His Holiness is also
using his foresight in planning for the long-term future of the
Tibetan struggle, in case it doesn't get resolved in the
foreseeable future. This is because he has always believed very
strongly that the issue of Tibet is not the issue of the Dalai
Lama, but of the six million Tibetan people and he wants it to
be seen as such in a very concrete way.
Third, His Holiness has personally believed that in this
world, religion and politics should be separate, and he has
long held the view that while politicians and those who rule
countries should have religious principles, including moral
ethics, et cetera, religion itself should not have any
involvement in politics.
Therefore, His Holiness has, as recent as during his visit
here, spoken publicly saying that while he tells others to
separate religion from politics, his continuing to combine
these two in his position as the political and religious leader
is, in his word, hypocritical. Therefore, he has said that he
has taken these steps.
So these are the three reasons why he has devolved his
authority.
Now, in terms of its implications to the Tibetan people,
first of all, there is this historical bond between the Dalai
Lamas and the Tibetan people, right from the first Dalai Lama,
and from the fifth Dalai Lama, who assumed both the temporal
and the spiritual leadership of the Tibetan people. That
historical bond will not undergo any changes, irrespective of
the changes that have taken place recently. It will continue,
as was most obviously shown during 2008 when there were
demonstrations all across the Tibetan Plateau. One of the
voices that we heard then was the Tibetan people's reference to
His Holiness. That will continue even now and in the future.
But what the devolution of authority will impact is the
immediate administration of the Tibetans in exile and the
Tibetan movement in exile. The directly elected leadership of
the Tibetan people, particularly the new Kalon Tripa, the
Chairman of the Tibetan cabinet, will have more responsibility
to see how he interacts with the Tibetan people and the outside
world.
So on the positive, this new Kalon Tripa will have more
power and responsibilities, but, also, given that now he will
be the last word in terms of the Tibetan political leadership,
the challenge will be on him, on how he handles issues like the
dialogue process with the Chinese leadership, as well as how he
handles his role as the political leader, which is something
new to the Tibetan people.
So he has to show his decisiveness. He has to see that he
doesn't continue to pass on responsibilities to the Dalai Lama
or he doesn't show that he has to depend on the Dalai Lama for
his political responsibilities. That is something challenging.
Then in terms of challenge to the Chinese people, the
Chinese say, and continue to hold, that the dialogue process is
on the future of the Dalai Lama, with the personal
representatives of the Dalai Lama. Now, since the Dalai Lama
has transferred authorities to the political leadership, it is
a challenge to them to see how China will handle this new
situation.
I'm sorry. My time is up. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Tsering appears in the
appendix.]
Senator Brown. Thank you very much, Bhuchung.
Welcome, Under Secretary of State and Special Coordinator
for Tibetan Issues, Maria Otero, who is joining us. Bhuchung
has to leave. So he is going first. Then you may make a
statement after the conclusion of our questions with him, if
that is okay with you.
Ms. Otero. Certainly.
Senator Brown. Bhuchung, talk to us about your thoughts
about the initial the Chinese Communist Party's reaction to His
Holiness separating himself from the spiritual and the
political side of his mission, if you will, and give us some
details about how that will impact negotiations with the
Chinese Communists.
Mr. Tsering. Initially, when His Holiness announced his
decision, the Chinese authorities were caught unprepared, I
would say. Even now they are quite unprepared as to how to
respond to his decision.
First, they thought that it was a gimmick and they, in
fact, said that it was just a gimmick by His Holiness, and that
nothing really would come out of it.
When he really implemented it in early this year--when the
Tibetans went to the polls and, thereafter, the Parliament
amended the Charter devolving authorities--the Chinese
authorities did not really have anything to say, other than
saying that they have never recognized the Tibetan government-
in-exile and they will not do that, and that is what they say.
But I think the main reason why the Chinese are caught
unprepared to respond in a positive manner is because to them,
holding onto power is the end. The Dalai Lama's devolution of
his authority, which is not given to him in this lifetime, but
from Tibetan belief, from the first Dalai Lama--which goes back
more than 600--I think around 600 years, is something that they
cannot imagine, somebody giving up power voluntarily, happily,
as His Holiness is.
Second, it thwarted the Chinese plans, because the Chinese
had plans to use what they see as the next Dalai Lama for their
political control of the Tibetan people. Now that this Dalai
Lama says he is devolving authority, not of his own authority
in this lifetime, but of all future Dalai Lamas, the Chinese do
not really know what to do.
So this is something they are caught up with.
Senator Brown. So, Bhuchung, do you expect the succeeding
Dalai Lamas to sort of eschew a political role and focus only
on the spiritual or do you expect each Dalai Lama to sort of
start anew in that way?
Mr. Tsering. No. I think this Dalai Lama has been very
categorical in saying that all roles of the Dalai Lama, the
institution of the Dalai Lama, which we call Gaden Phodrang,
will be separated from the politics of Tibet. Therefore, all
future Dalai Lamas will not have any political role.
This present Dalai Lama has said that this doesn't mean
that he will remain inactive. He says since the Tibetan people
believe in him and have faith in him, he will continue to be
there to guide them, but that he will also be there to promote
his two commitments of promotion of human values and promotion
of religious harmony.
So he will continue to be active on these fronts.
Senator Brown. Bhuchung, thank you for whatever time you
have left.
Congressman Walz?
Representative Walz. Again, thank you for your work and
your testimony.
How do you perceive--how would the Chinese Government react
now to the political leadership in the Tibetan authority as
they move forward and as there is democratic succession and
things like that? Will they engage at all with those officials
or will they continue to take the stand that this is a ruse and
that those elected officials hold no real sway?
Mr. Tsering. Well, the current indication looks like the
Chinese authorities either want the Tibetan side to believe
that they do not want to deal with the elected leadership or
they do not have the political courage to deal with the elected
leadership.
But if they are really concerned about the long-term future
of the Tibetan people, stability on the Tibetan Plateau, and
about the rights of the Tibetan people that are enshrined in
the Chinese Constitution, there is no reason why the Chinese
Government should not be engaging with the elected Tibetan
leadership. After all, both sides say that they are working for
the welfare of the Tibetan people.
Today, the majority of the Tibetans live in Tibet and,
therefore, the Chinese Government has the responsibility to see
that the rights of the Tibetan people are respected, and I see
the dialogue process as one way of addressing the rights of the
Tibetan people.
Representative Walz. And building somewhat on the
Senator's question. Do you believe that the Tibetan people
clearly see that politically elected leadership as speaking for
and acting in as their representatives.
Mr. Tsering. They clearly do and, as I mentioned earlier,
more recently, in 2008, Tibetans all over the Tibetan Plateau,
not just in the Tibet Autonomous Region, but more so in areas
outside of the Tibetan Autonomous Region, which are presently
in Qinghai, Yunnan, and Sichuan Provinces. They have shown time
and again, and as recent as last week or the week before, we
have had people in these areas voicing their feelings for the
Dalai Lama when his birthday was celebrated on July 6 and
before that.
So people continue to have faith in the Dalai Lama as a
free spokesman of Tibet.
Representative Walz. Good. Thank you again for your
testimony.
I yield back, Senator.
Senator Brown. Thank you, Congressman Walz.
Ms. Otero, thank you for joining us.
Ms. Otero. Thank you very much.
Permit me to ask, in line with what we are talking about
right now, whether you think that the Dalai Lama's decision to
step down from his formal governmental role in the Central
Tibetan Administration will change in any way prospects for
progress with the Chinese Government toward movement on the
dialogue--will prospects improve or not improve? How do you
envision this affecting efforts to continue and maintain a
dialogue with China?
Mr. Tsering. This new development is certainly a
challenge, both to the Tibetan side and to the Chinese
Government. Therefore, it depends on how, for example, the new
Kalon Tripa, Dr. Lobsang Sangay, deals with the issue in terms
of the dialogue process.
On the Chinese side, as I mentioned just now, whether they
have the political courage to deal with the elected Tibetan
leadership will be an indicator.
But I see no reason why the Chinese Government should not
deal with the Tibetan leadership, because after all, the
Central Tibetan Administration, which the Kalon Tripa is
heading, has a position that they are working for a solution
for Tibet within the framework of the Chinese Constitution and
they support the Middle Way Approach that His Holiness has
propagated. And since both sides do have common ground for
resolving the issue, it only is a matter of the Chinese
leadership having political courage to do so.
Ms. Otero. Thank you.
Senator Brown. Thank you, Ms. Otero.
Bhuchung, thank you very much for joining us. And if you
need to leave, that is fine. Thank you very much for being
here.
Mr. Tsering. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. May I say how glad
we are that Under Secretary Otero has been working for the
Tibetan people--I can say that, I think--within the State
Department after her appointment as the Special Coordinator on
Tibetan Issues, and I thank the Administration for its
continued support for Tibet.
Senator Brown. Thank you. Thank you for saying that.
Ms. Otero, would you like to make an opening statement now?
OPENING STATEMENT OF MARIA OTERO, UNDER SECRETARY FOR DEMOCRACY
AND GLOBAL AFFAIRS, AND SPECIAL COORDINATOR FOR TIBETAN ISSUES,
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE; MEMBER, CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE
COMMISSION ON CHINA
Ms. Otero. Yes. Thank you very much, Senator. And my thanks
to all the Commission members, those that are here and not. I'm
very glad that you have convened this roundtable and I'm very
glad to be able to participate as a Commissioner.
I have had the honor, as Special Coordinator for Tibetan
Issues, of meeting several times with the Dalai Lama as an
internationally recognized religious leader. I have also had
the opportunity to speak with Tibetan Buddhists in remote
settlements in India and with new arrivals and long-staying
Tibetan refugees in Nepal.
To young Tibetans, I have seen that the Dalai Lama is a
positive example of how to make the world a better place and a
source of wisdom and compassion in their personal lives.
The Dalai Lama's views are widely respected within Tibetan
society and command the respect of a wide variety of Tibetans.
The U.S. Government believes that the Dalai Lama can be a
constructive partner for China, particularly as it deals with
the challenges of resolving continuing tensions in Tibetan
areas. His consistent advocacy of nonviolence is an important
factor in reaching an eventual lasting solution.
China's engagement with the Dalai Lama, or his
representatives, to resolve problems facing Tibetans is in the
interests of the Chinese Government and the Tibetan people.
We believe failure to address these problems and reexamine
existing counterproductive policies will exacerbate already
existing tensions that will, in turn, undermine China's efforts
to maintain its current social and economic development.
The Administration's goals on Tibetan issues are twofold.
First, to promote a substantive, results-oriented dialogue
between the Chinese Government and the Dalai Lama or his
representatives, and, second, to sustain Tibet's unique
religious, linguistic, and cultural heritage.
The Administration, at all levels, from the President,
Secretary, Assistant Secretaries, and myself, has urged the
Chinese Government to engage in a dialogue with the
representatives of the Dalai Lama.
We remind the Chinese Government that the vast majority of
Tibetans advocate nonviolent solutions to Tibetan issues and
genuine autonomy--not independence, not sovereignty--in order
to preserve Tibet's unique culture, religion, and its fragile
environment.
Regrettably, the Chinese Government has not engaged in a
substantive dialogue with the Tibetans since January 2010.
I want to take this opportunity to briefly mention some of
our concerns and ongoing activities. We are extremely concerned
about the deteriorating human rights situation in China and, in
particular, in the Tibet Autonomous Region and other ethnic
Tibetan areas in neighboring provinces.
Recent regulations restricting Tibetan language education,
strict controls over the practice of Tibetan Buddhism, and the
arrests of prominent nonpolitical Tibetans, and the heavy
security presence reflects the difficult human rights situation
there today.
The forcible removal of monks from Kirti Monastery is also
a cause for deep concern.
Despite many challenges, we are committed to continuing our
longstanding support for nongovernmental organizations that
work in ethnic Tibetan areas and assist Tibetan refugees in
South Asia. Both the State Department and the U.S. Agency for
International Development [USAID) support cultural and
linguistic preservation, sustainable development, and
environmental preservation in Tibet and Tibetan majority areas,
as well as in Tibetan refugee communities in other countries.
We do this through numerous programs.
In addition, the State Department's Bureau of Population,
Refugees and Migration continues its longstanding support for
Tibetan refugees through ongoing support of nongovernment
organizations, as well as the United Nations' High Commission
on Refugees.
In fiscal 2010, $3.5 million was provided to support
reception services, education, health care, water, and
sanitation for Tibetan refugees in South Asia, including new
arrivals from China.
At the end of this month, the USAID's India Mission will
issue an award for a new $2 million, two-year program to
support Tibetan settlements in India, Nepal, and Bhutan.
The new program will support the development of organic
agriculture for selected Tibetan settlements in India, Nepal,
and Bhutan and provide training to Tibetan youth remaining in
the settlements.
USAID anticipates that the program will result in increased
economic opportunities, which will encourage youth to remain in
the settlements, strengthen community ties, and play a role in
preserving their cultural and linguistic traditions.
Strengthening the Tibetan communities and preserving their
extraordinary cultural and religious traditions has been at the
center of the Dalai Lama's work, as we know.
The Dalai Lama celebrated his 76th birthday this last week
in Washington, joined by thousands of Tibetans. While he is
still vigorous and healthy and full of life, it is my great
hope that Chinese leaders will seize this opportunity to pursue
a substantive dialogue, to resolve remaining differences, and
provide the next generation of Tibetans and Chinese with peace,
prosperity, and genuine stability.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Otero appears in the
appendix.]
Senator Brown. Thank you, Ms. Otero.
Ms. Otero. Thank you.
Senator Brown. And thank you for your service.
Bhuchung, thank you, again, very much for joining us. You
certainly have our permission to leave, too. Thanks for the
work you are doing and you are continuing to do.
We will hear from the other three members of the panel. I
have a vote scheduled around 10:30, a little bit after that I
can leave. I will turn the chair over to Ms. Otero at that
point.
Congressman Walz, you can continue to join us, and thank
you, again, for being here.
We will hear next from Arjia Rinpoche. He is a high-ranking
Tibetan Lama of Mongolian descent, who spent 16 years in a
Chinese forced labor camp. Arjia Rinpoche fled China into exile
in 1998. He is currently the Director of the Tibetan Mongolian
Buddhist Cultural Center.
Thank you for your courage and for joining us.
Our next member of the panel that is here is Professor
David Germano. Professor Germano teaches and researches Tibetan
and Buddhist studies at the University of Virginia. He directs
a library center at UVA to help foster scholarship and
exchanges to further our understanding of Tibetan issues.
Professor Germano, thank you for joining us.
And our last panelist is Ms. Ngawang Sangdrol. Ms. Sangdrol
spent 11 years as a political prisoner in Chinese prisons and
had her sentence extended three times to a total of 20 years
for behavior such as refusing to stand up when Communist Party
officials entered her work area. She came to the United States
in 2003 after her early release in 2002.
Ms. Sangdrol, thank you for your courage and for your
outspokenness.
Behind Ms. Sangdrol is Phuntsog Nyidron, one of Ms.
Sangdrol's former cellmates. She served more than 14 years in
prison, the longest of any female Tibetan political prisoner
since the 1980s.
If we could recognize you, also. Thank you for being here.
And I will start with the statement, please, by Arjia
Rinpoche. Welcome.
STATEMENT OF ARJIA RINPOCHE, DIRECTOR, TIBETAN MONGOLIAN
BUDDHIST CULTURAL CENTER
Arjia Rinpoche. Thank you so much, Chairman Brown, Ms.
Otero, and Mr. Walz.
For Tibetans, His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Panchen
Lama are very important. They are regarded as the sun and moon.
Talking about His Holiness the Dalai Lama's reincarnation, I
have full confidence that all will go fine because if we recall
our history, 2,500 years ago, Buddha Shakyamuni established
Buddhism in India and that set into motion the future
reincarnations. However, it is also true that at that time, the
Communists were not there.
Then 600 years ago, the first reincarnation was born in the
Tibetan Plateau. At that time, also, the Communists were not
there.
According to history, this is our own tradition, our
religious discussion. However, for the selection of the 10th
Panchen Lama, the Chinese Government had to take control and
did this by holding a golden urn ceremony. I, myself, was
there.
On the one hand, they criticize and denounce the Buddhist
tradition as feudalism. On the other hand, they used the
authority of the Ming Chinese Emperor and the golden urn
ceremony from another century and a different culture to backup
their own selection.
However, that doesn't work for the Tibetans. All Tibetans
do not recognize the Chinese selection. Today, the Dalai Lama
is very healthy and he can make his own decisions for his
reincarnation. And, also, just recently, he made a very
important decision--Bhuchung mentioned that--now religion and
politics are separate. That is really convenient and a good
thing for our reincarnation issue.
So even though I think we need a lot of support from the
whole world and especially from the U.S. Government, we hope
that the Chinese Government makes careful deliberations and
allows more freedom in the future. Then I think the Tibetan
reincarnation of the Dalai Lama will be wonderful.
Thank you.
Senator Brown. Thank you, Arjia Rinpoche.
Professor Germano?
STATEMENT OF DAVID GERMANO, PROFESSOR, DEPARTMENT OF RELIGIOUS
STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA
Mr. Germano. His Holiness the Dalai Lama, is renowned
amongst all Tibetans, as the 14th embodiment of a saint, who,
from the fifth incarnation, headed the most important polity on
the Tibetan Plateau since the ninth century disintegration of
the Tibetan empire.
He is part of a line of incarnations accepted by Tibetans
as being the most important Tibetans ever accepted as the
emanation of Avalokitesvara, believed to be the fullest
incarnation of compassion, the father, protector, and spiritual
inspiration for the Tibetan people.
But if we were to stop there, we will have understood
little, indeed, for over the past five decades, the Dalai Lama
has come to embody far more in the collective Tibetan heart and
mind than a mere Buddhist deity, as omniscient and salvific as
that deity might be.
Tibetans find themselves at a crossroads as a people
scattered across the vast Tibetan Plateau. Under pressure from
the forces of dominant neighbors and globalization, they are
unable to pursue their own agendas in spaces and times
increasingly defined by external agents, domestically and
internationally, limited in their ability to express their own
distinctive worlds and constrained in agency on multiple
fronts, economic, cultural, linguistic, political.
They seek an uncharted path forward toward the possibility
of continued vitality as a people, with their own languages,
their spaces, their times, their agencies, their values.
That one path involves two aspects; on the one hand,
participation in regional and global economy, physical
wellbeing, education, security, legal services, and other basic
elements that should be provided by the government in an
accountable, participatory, and transparent fashion; but, also,
expression, representation, and agency on their own terms, a
fully dimensional world where space, time, and values are
inherently Tibetan, a world that protrudes out from the global
and regional norms. They aspire to engage in their own self-
expression and agency in a world that is irreducibly Tibetan in
character and, yet, which engages the other worlds that
surround them, Chinese, American, Indian.
The alternative to this path is the death of these local
Tibetan worlds that are constituted and sustained on the basis
of unique languages, ethics, geographies, temporalities,
values, architectures, religions, and far more.
On a visit to the University of Virginia, it is said that
after a pilgrimage to nearby Monticello, His Holiness expressed
his strong sense of affinity with Thomas Jefferson, a political
and intellectual figure, like him, devoted to the
transformative power of human knowledge, by saying that he felt
like he himself must be Jefferson's contemporary reincarnation.
Thus, it may not be inappropriate if I conclude with a
quote of Thomas Jefferson, ``The important truths that
knowledge is power, that knowledge is safety, that knowledge is
happiness.'' The question that contemporary Tibetans might ask
is, ``Whose knowledge are we talking about, and, consequently,
whose power, whose safety, and whose happiness? ''
The Dalai Lama represents, in today's Tibet and for
Tibetans living in China, in particular, specifically Tibetan
knowledge, traditional and nontraditional, and the power of
safety and happiness that such knowledge would bring for
Tibetans in specifically Tibetan terms.
The promise that Tibetans could be empowered agents in
today's world, fully participating in relevant processes,
policies, and allocations to determine their wellbeing, but
doing so with their own language, their own religion, their own
ethics, their own social norms, their own livelihoods; in
short, their own distinctive way of being in this world.
To abandon His Holiness, then, is to not only turn their
back on a Buddhist deity understood to be watching them since
the dawn of Tibetan time, but, also, to give up this aspiration
to embody complex understanding and actions rooted in Tibetan
languages, values, and being, but, also, efficacious and
knowledgeable in today's increasingly unitary global stage and
ushering in the transformative power, security, and happiness
on Tibetan grounds to which Tibetans still dare to aspire.
Senator Brown. Thank you, Professor Germano.
Ms. Sangdrol, welcome. Thank you for joining us.
STATEMENT OF NGAWANG SANGDROL, FORMER TIBETAN POLITICAL
PRISONER
Ms. Sangdrol. I would like to first thank you very much
for inviting me to speak here today. My name is Ngawang
Sangdrol.
When I was 13 years old, I joined a peaceful demonstration.
I shouted ``free Tibet'' and ``long live His Holiness the Dalai
Lama.'' Just because of these two slogans, they put me in jail
and tortured me.
They sentenced me to 23 years and tortured me. But due to
international pressure on China, especially the U.S.
congressional support, I was finally released after 11 years.
Now, I live in a free country, but thousands of Tibetans
are still suffering in those same prisons today.
His Holiness the Dalai Lama is very important for all
Tibetans, especially important for those political prisoners.
Countless Tibetans have died under China's persecution, but
those who are still alive, their greatest wish is to see His
Holiness the Dalai Lama.
His Holiness the Dalai Lama is our refuge not only in this
life, but also in future lives. In my own experiences as a
political prisoner, when I was in solitary confinement for six
months, the conditions were terrible. For the first 10 days in
this small, dark cell, I would be given only one meal a day of
a tiny momo, nothing inside.
There were rats which terrified me, and it was so cold
there. The bed was a thin piece of cloth and the blanket was
very thin.
But every day, I imagined His Holiness the Dalai Lama, at
the top of my head. This gave me peace of mind, although
physical conditions were terrible. This was the only thing that
gave me some strength to live.
I feel the Dalai Lama should be allowed to go home. Of
course, that is not going to solve the whole problem, but this
would be so powerful and important for the Tibetan people.
He is not only important for this generation, but for
generations to come. China tried to extinguish Tibet, but it is
because of the Dalai Lama that the Tibetans' identity and
culture is still so strong today.
Finally, Tibet has many problems, but our biggest problem
is the political situation. If the political problem is solved,
all our other problems can be managed.
Therefore, please do everything you can to bring peace and
freedom in Tibet.
I would like also to thank the CECC and Steven Marshall for
getting the Tibetan political prisoners list. It is so
important that we do not forget those people.
Thank you. Thank you so much.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Sangdrol appears in the
appendix.]
Senator Brown. Thank you, Ms. Sangdrol.
I will start with you and thank you for your very poignant
testimony.
With you and others who served time in prison, either--
visiting here or living here, living in the West, and talking
to people the way you do, and with the Dalai Lama's fairly
frequent visits to other countries and the visibility he has,
would you tell us--do you think things are better than they
were in 1992 when you first went to prison? Do you have more
hope for improvement for the Tibetan people than you did 20
years ago?
Interpreter. I am so sorry. I was supposed to translate,
but I was----
Senator Brown. That's okay. I asked her because of her
involvement and somebody speaking out, including His Holiness,
in the West and to media and the place that the criticism that
the Chinese Government has been subjected to by many of us here
and others, is she more hopeful than--today, is the situation
better today than it was in 1992 when you went to prison?
Ms. Sangdrol. Yes. It is very hopeful. And you know that
the situation in Tibet is getting worse and worse day by day.
But we, like His Holiness the Dalai Lama, what you are saying,
and the congressional--and the Dalai Lama, we--how can I say--
we express what China is doing is a bad thing is very helpful.
In the meantime, in Tibet, the situation has not become
better, but if you are continuing to do something, it is very
helpful.
As one example, my own experience, you know they actually
made my sentence up to 23 years but because of your support, I
was finally released after 11 years. So that is the one
example. It is very helpful. So please continue to support us.
Thank you.
Senator Brown. Thank you. One more short question, Ms.
Sangdrol. How have the views of Tibetans changed toward His
Holiness in the last 20 years in terms of the hopefulness and
the strength of character? How do people today in Tibet see His
Holiness compared to 20 years ago?
Ms. Sangdrol. Within the last 20 years, the Tibetan people,
20 years ago, the Tibetan people--can I say in Tibetan, please.
Sorry. [Mr. Germano translates.]
Mr. Germano [translating]. Twenty years ago, the Tibetan
people believed His Holiness would do everything possible on
behalf of their welfare and hopefully the future. And although
that hoped for future hasn't come to pass, still, at the end of
20 years, they continue to have strong faith in him as their
refuge and as their hope for doing whatever he can possibly do
to help salvage a stable future for them.
Ms. Sangdrol. And so what we see now is how Tibetan people
love His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Outside of Tibet, we
celebrate His Holiness the Dalai Lama's birthday. But inside
Tibet, all the Tibetan people wanted to celebrate His Holiness
the Dalai Lama's birthday, but China does not allow us to do
that.
But Tibetan people take their Wednesdays to celebrate His
Holiness the Dalai Lama's birthday. You can see that burning
Sang [incense] to celebrate His Holiness the Dalai Lama.
Senator Brown. Thank you.
Mr. Germano, what can the international community and U.S.
policymakers do to help preserve Tibetan culture?
Mr. Germano. Well, I think there are two things. One is
what you were just talking about, which is continuing to raise
the profile of challenges Tibetan communities face, which has
been cited frequently today. Such a spotlight has a positive
function and I believe Tibetans perceive it as positive.
But the other thing, I think, that policymakers and
governments and nonprofits can do is help create a dense
network of people who are engaged inside China, both Americans
and Europeans, as well as Tibetans and Chinese who are living
within China, and try to help support a dense network of
engagement, of mutual understanding, of shared reciprocal
partnerships on a variety of issues.
And I think these two things together really represent the
greatest hope that we can offer back to Tibetans.
Senator Brown. Thank you.
Arjia Rinpoche, if the Chinese Government seats their
choice for the next Dalai Lama, how will senior Tibetan
Buddhist teachers and leaders deal with that?
Arjia Rinpoche. Of course, this is a very difficult issue.
For instance, regarding the reincarnation of the 10th Panchen
Lama--in the beginning, the Chinese Government had some liberal
officials. They really wanted to include the Dalai Lama's
preference and ideas. However, because of the political
upheaval that happened at that time, they changed everything.
So now the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama is the issue. Of
course, the Chinese Government has already set up rules and has
planned for that. But His Holiness is still very healthy and
very strong. So I guess that is just a good time. He can make
some kind of right decision, just as he created a setback for
the political selection.
Then, also, I am thinking about the dialogue between the
Chinese Government and the Tibetans-in-exile. The Chinese
Government has never given a chance to talk to them; they have
never even recognized the exiled government as a government
that is the representative of Tibetans.
So for that, my request is the U.S. Congress or Government
should support us by pushing them to have dialogue. If they
still don't give that chance, then the U.S. Government can talk
to the exiled government. Then there will be pressure on the
Chinese Government.
Thank you.
Senator Brown. Thank you very much.
Congressman Walz?
Representative Walz. Thank you, Senator. And thank you all
for the testimony. It is incredibly helpful for us to do our
job.
Professor Germano, I had a question. The obvious
charismatic nature of this current Dalai Lama and the ability
to capture the attention of the world, I think, through force
of personality and force of belief, is there any concern that
the lack of that will diminish the ability to make the case on
behalf of the Tibetan people?
Are the cultural ties to the importance of the Dalai Lama
so strong they will outweigh that personal charismatic nature?
Mr. Germano. You mean in terms of him----
Representative Walz. In succession, when we get succession
is what I am looking at. I am just wondering how much that
personal force of will from this Dalai Lama and how that holds
together--you understand the cultural binds better. Is that a
concern?
Mr. Germano. Right. You mean the eventuality of him passing
away.
Representative Walz. Yes.
Mr. Germano. I think that is a major concern, because not
only are we looking at the precise nature of his successor,
but, also, the reality that from birth to the age of 18 or 19,
he is not going to be really equipped to offer leadership,
apart from the symbolic kind.
And so I think that is a great concern and with all these
other pressures, not only what he emerges like at the age of 20
when he could take an adult leadership role, but, also, in
terms of what transpires within those 20 years in such a
volatile time, when so much will be changing and at stake.
So I think that this is a very pressing concern. Now, of
course, the current Dalai Lama has remarkable qualities, but
there is no question that the Tibetan people, as I was trying
to talk about in my presentation, invest much more in him than
simply the fact that he is such a remarkable individual. He has
come to represent----
Representative Walz. Right.
Mr. Germano [continuing].--something like a lightning rod,
and that will persist.
Representative Walz. Okay. And I don't know if you would
take on this. I am, just like many of us, starting to come to
see the biography and the background of Prime Minster Sangay.
How will that work? I mean, being that this was--if I'm
understanding this right, the process was the Diaspora was part
of the election process and we have this young, Western,
Harvard-educated leader now.
Maybe for all--maybe Arjia Rinpoche, if you have an intake
on this on that side, how would that work? Have you thought
that through yet? I know I'm asking you for somewhat of a
subjective opinion here. Either one of you.
Mr. Germano. Well, I'm much more knowledgeable about
Tibetan communities inside China than outside, but, of course,
like everyone, I have followed the process.
I think the great challenge, which is clear for all of us
is that when someone like Lobsang Sangay takes over this very
prominent role, who is he responding to, because on the one
hand, he has a constituency of Tibetans outside of China,
particularly those who are in vulnerable situations in India
and Nepal and Pakistan, as well as kind of the global Tibetan
Diaspora. And on the other hand, he has a responsibility to the
preponderance of Tibetans who actually live in China under
extremely different circumstances. These are very different
responsibilities and he has to somehow step up to both of them.
And with His Holiness, given his unique status in the world
globally, as well as in Tibetan communities, I think that was a
very different set of challenges. And so I think what we're
going to be looking at most acutely over the coming years is
the way he handles those two sides of the equation.
Representative Walz. How did Tibetans inside Tibet
familiarize themselves with Lobsang Sangay? How did they know
about him? How did they know, because he is from India and--
could you answer, Arjia Rinpoche, please?
Arjia Rinpoche. Yes. Through the Internet--that is the
communication method that allows more and more people inside
Tibet to learn about the exile situation, as well as about
Lobsang Sangay.
But still I don't think a majority of Tibetans know the
situation and how important it is. So I agree with his idea and
I am thinking that the exiled Tibetans have two major missions
to do. One is taking care of the exiled Tibetans in India,
Nepal, and the United States and everywhere else. The other
major mission is to have a dialogue with the Chinese
Government.
Of course, that is the role for Lobsang Sangay. It is very
challenging, I guess. But the exiled government still has to
kind of follow His Holiness the Dalai Lama's guidance and maybe
they will have a chance to discuss.
So the Dalai Lama himself also said he has already resigned
from the political positions, but before the envoys or
spokesmen ever meet, he still will want to discuss issues. Of
course, the Chinese Government, I guess, accepts this.
Thank you.
Representative Walz. Very good. Very helpful.
Ms. Sangdrol, again, I am so sorry for the plight that you
have endured. I am also thankful that you have chosen to turn
that situation into a positive for others and fight for
freedom.
I just had a question. You mentioned on several of your
answers the importance of this Commission and the political
prisoners list.
I, too, share your belief that this is a very important
place to get information out and to engage the American public
and the world on this.
Does this Commission need to be--can it make an impact? We
are not all fully seated yet. We are quite a few months into
the new Congress and we are not joined yet.
Is it helpful if we get this done for you when this
Commission is fully functioning?
Ms. Sangdrol. Yes. What you do is so important for us. It
is very helpful and I can add into this in Tibetan.
Interpreter. She said yes. In the past, what you have done
has had great benefit, as she talked about in her comments, and
she really appreciates all the strong support that the
Commission has shown the Tibetan people.
In particular, she would stress, again, the political
circumstances are central. Tibetans face many different
challenges, but unless their political constraints and problems
are solved, nothing else will help. And so the real key is to
take care of the political circumstances, to bring attention to
that, to try to engage the Chinese to support His Holiness in
his efforts to try to resolve that, and, if that can be
resolved, everything else will kind of come along for the ride.
And so she really does believe that you can have an impact
and she appreciates all the help you have done, and she would
ask the Commission to do everything they can in the future and
continue this good work.
Representative Walz. Well, thank you for that.
Thank you, Senator. I yield back.
Senator Brown. Thank you, Congressman Walz. I have been
called to a vote. Secretary Otero will proceed with her
questions and will chair the rest of the roundtable.
Secretary Otero, thank you.
Ms. Otero [presiding]. Thank you, Senator. Thank you
Congressman.
Let me just ask some questions--starting with Professor
Germano.
In your presentation, you talked about the many
ramifications of the situation that you described, but
particularly, you spoke about the issue of Tibetan culture.
I wonder if you could speak about just how great is the
current threat to Tibetan culture, to Tibetan identity, in both
China and the world. To what degree are all those cultural
underpinnings that are part of Tibet and part of certainly what
the Dalai Lama refers to so often, how are they under threat? I
would like to hear more from you on that.
Mr. Germano. Sure. My own background is really in Tibetan
religion. I spent many years in Tibetan monasteries and so
forth. But what always concerns me is that when people are so
focused on Tibetan monasteries, monks, and so forth, that they
don't perceive the real plight of the Tibetan people, which is
in the broader, cultural arena.
The first thing, of course, is language. Tibetan language
is one of the most important languages in the history of the
world. Now, if you look at the number of speakers--5 or 6
million speakers--it seems very minimal. But when you look at
other measures of linguistic weight, such as the heritage of
classics of world civilization that are only in the Tibetan
language, the number of journals, periodicals, Web sites, and
so forth, that are created in an ongoing fashion in the Tibetan
language, we can see that it belongs to one of the top tiers of
languages around the world.
And this vital language is under severe pressure on all
fronts, both inside China, as well as outside China. Inside
China, of course, it's the Chinese language. Outside China,
it's Hindi, Nepali, the English language, and so forth.
Keep in mind that Tibetan is a family of many different
languages that are as divergent as French and Portuguese and
Spanish from each other, and yet we all call all of them a
single language, the Tibetan language. And so it is not just
about preserving that kind of common standard that is beginning
to emerge across the plateau, but also preserving all those
specific Tibetan languages in Amdo and Kham and elsewhere that
are particular to people's identity and wellbeing and so forth.
So we must focus on the problem language, especially
Tibetan language as a medium of education. If people can't use
language within governmental processes, commercial processes,
and so forth within the broader social arena, then they are not
going to want their children to go through an educational
process that is based upon Tibetan.
If the Tibetan immersive educational process isn't of high
quality, again, they are not going to want it. Yet education is
very crucial for the preservation of Tibetan language, and
Tibetan language is crucial for Tibetan culture on kind of
multiple fronts.
Also, when we look at issues of culture, we have different
livelihoods--agrarian, nomadic, urban. Tibetans traditionally
are mostly rural communities, agrarian and nomadic in
character. And so we want those communities, to the degree that
they want to continue traditional patterns, to be able to do so
rather than to be pressured by external forces to shift those
livelihoods. So I think that is another challenge.
A third challenge is so much of Tibetan culture is local in
character. It is specific to locality. For example, in Lhasa,
prior to 1959, people could identify what block you came from
based upon your speech patterns. People can tell what village
you come from, even today, in much of Tibet.
So the cultural patterns--linguistic, religious, clothing,
architecture, and so forth--are very local in character and a
lot of that knowledge of people's history and identity and kind
of values is embedded in oral traditions.
I think one of the kind of threats now is with the global
valorization of written traditions, and then, in particular,
written traditions in Chinese or Hindi or English and so forth,
that all this distinctive Tibetan identity bound up with the
oral information, their old knowledge, memories, their ways of
doing things, artists and crafts and so forth, is under great
threat.
So that's just kind of some general background issues.
Ms. Otero. Thank you. Thank you, Professor.
Arjia Rinpoche, one of the areas that you have addressed as
certainly one of the most important freedoms that all human
beings should have, religious freedom--to be able to worship as
one wishes, and that clearly applies across the globe--I wonder
if you would have any recommendations, especially to U.S.
policymakers, on how we may support religious freedom in Tibet,
again, in the context of religious freedom as a right that
should be available to everyone.
Arjia Rinpoche. Yes. That is a very important and
complicated situation there. If you go to a Tibetan region,
then you will see lots of monasteries open and lots of monks
practicing and saying prayers or wherever.
But, actually, the inside and the outside are very
different. They have a saying in Chinese. They say: ``Tighten
inside, but loosen outside.'' So that means if you are a
tourist or somebody from the outside, you can't tell what is
inside. It looks like they have lots of freedom there,
especially compared to the time of the Cultural Revolution, et
cetera. Of course, there is a look of freedom. But inside it is
very tight. For instance, every monastery has a Religious
Department controlling them. We have to report to the Religious
Department so often about what's happened and what's going to
be.
Then if they give a permit, you can do what you have asked
for. If they don't give a permit, you can't do it. For
instance, foreigners visit the monasteries and pass to the
monks the Dalai Lama's pictures or whatever. But soon after
they have received that item and after the tourists have left,
then the secret agents will come and ask, ``What is your
relationship;'' ``What did this guy say,'' and so on.
So that is why the inside policy is still very, very tight.
Now, I'm in exile already 13 years. So when I hear that the
situation is getting worse in the monasteries, my concern or
recommendation is not really a clear one. But I guess if access
to the media opened up so it can go there and freely report or
find information from inside Tibet, it would be a very helpful
thing.
Then, also, there has to be more dialogue with the
government; it has to be more liberal, and the monasteries have
to have more chances to communicate to other societies or other
countries. Now, all of them are closed up. If they can
establish some kind of communication, then the relationship
maybe will be a little better and helpful.
Thank you.
Ms. Otero. Thank you. Thank you very much.
And then let me just ask one question of Ms. Sangdrol. I am
certainly very appreciative of your testimony. And as other
members of the Commission have said, we certainly not only
recognize the many trials that you endured as a prisoner, but,
also, just your presence here demonstrates your continued
courage and effort.
I would like to ask you--there are protesters in Tibet;
they hope that their actions may improve things. Do you think
that that is the case? Do you think that they will continue
peaceful protests, or will they try other approaches, maybe
even resort to violence at some point in order to be able to
make a difference?
Ms. Sangdrol. I believe in the peaceful option for our
struggle for truth. And, also, I think in Tibet so far, we
always are doing peaceful actions, what you said now. And I and
Tibetans inside Tibet, we still believe like that and we
never--I know we are doing the peaceful demonstrations, but
China is using the weapons to crack down but Tibetan people
never give up.
However, China cracked down and tortured us, we never gave
up, the struggle is continuing. And for the future, if China is
not listening to our--how can I say--ignoring what Tibetan
people's mind might be thinking, and I don't know what will
happen.
But so far, we believe that peaceful is a very powerful
way, because I believe truth has great--how do you say drebu--
great result.
Ms. Otero. Thank you. Thank you very much. Clearly, we will
continue addressing these human rights issues.
Ms. Sangdrol. Thank you. We will never give up continuing
to struggle for our freedom, and, also, we need your help.
Please continue to support us.
Ms. Otero. Thank you. Thank you. Any other questions?
[No response.]
Ms. Otero. Well, I think we have concluded the questions.
And so I want to thank everyone on the panel for your
presentations and for your presence here and for addressing the
questions of this Commission.
Thank you very much.
[Whereupon, at 10:58 a.m. the roundtable was adjourned.]
A P P E N D I X
=======================================================================
Prepared Statements
----------
Prepared Statement of Bhuchung K. Tsering
JULY 13, 2011
I would like to address this issue by looking at the impact of the
recent devolution of the authority of the Dalai Lama to an elected
Tibetan leadership on the future of Tibet.
To begin with, why did His Holiness divest himself of his
authority? I see there are three main reasons.
First, this is part of his long held aspiration to democratize the
Tibetan community and to develop a system of democratic governance in
the Tibetan polity. His Holiness has said that since his childhood, he
had developed an admiration for democratic values.
Secondly, through the system of rule by elected leadership, His
Holiness is enabling the Tibetan struggle to sustain itself even if
there is no resolution to the Tibetan issue in the foreseeable future.
He believes that the issue to be addressed
concerns the six million Tibetan people and not the person of the Dalai
Lama.
Thirdly, His Holiness has said that it looked hypocritical for him
to be combining spiritual and political authority in himself when he
was calling others to separate religion and politics.
What are the implications of the Dalai Lama's decision to devolve
authority? On the broader issue of the Dalai Lama's historical bond
with the Tibetan people, particularly the majority of them who are in
Tibet, I do not foresee any changes in the future. He will continue to
be revered by the Tibetan people and also regarded by them as their
``source of refuge for this life and the next.''
The change is and will have an impact on the Tibetan political
movement in exile. First of all, this will be a challenge to Dr.
Lobsang Sangay, the newly elected Kalon Tripa, the Chairman of the
Tibetan Cabinet, who will be assuming office in August. On the
positive, this Kalon Tripa will be more powerful than anyone so far.
But the changes also mean that the new Kalon Tripa will have to assume
more responsibility, be more decisive and not to be seen pushing issues
back into the Dalai Lama's hands. He will also have to mold himself to
be the Tibetan political leader, separate from the Dalai Lama. Also the
Tibetan administrative system in exile, including the various offices
connected with the Dalai Lama, will have to undergo the necessary
repositioning under such a development.
At the people level, the Tibetan people in exile will also have to
undergo a paradigm shift in their thinking and adapt to this new
reality. They will have to learn to see the elected leadership as their
political leaders.
Some of the implications of the Dalai Lama's decision on the
Chinese leadership's policy are:
It challenges the Chinese authorities' position on the dialogue
process. To date, even though the nine rounds of talks between envoys
of the Dalai Lama and the Chinese leadership have touched on issues
connected with the rights of the Tibetan people, the official Chinese
position is that the talks are not only with the private envoys of His
Holiness the Dalai Lama and are about his return.
There is a situation where the directly elected leader of the
Tibetan people take the helm of the direction of the movement, there
will be more voices that are there which may not be there currently
which will be having an impact on the future policies of the Tibetan
administration if there is no solution during that time.
It thwarts China's plans for the future Dalai Lamas. Despite their
position that the Dalai Lama should stay away from politics, the
Chinese authorities have been putting a long-term plan into action with
the intention of controlling the process of the reincarnation of the
next Dalai Lama to serve their political ends. Accordingly they have
formulated regulations saying that only the Communist Party can anoint
the highest Tibetan religious leader (not understanding the obvious
contradiction), or in recent days even commanding that the Dalai Lama
should be reincarnated irrespective of what the present incarnation is
saying. Therefore, this decision of the Dalai Lama to break away from
the historical role of the institution has effectively thwarted any
such Chinese plans.
It bursts the myth about the return of the ``Old Society'': One of
the scare tactics that the Chinese authorities continue to use among
Tibetans in Tibet to maintain control is to project the period during
independent Tibet (referred to as the ``old society'' as opposed to
life under China, which is the ``new society'') as horrendous, and to
say that the Dalai Lama's aim is to restore the ``old society.'' The
Dalai Lama's decision including the removal of the name of the
government of Ganden Phodrang (that ruled Tibet) from the present
Administration in exile takes away the opportunity for the Chinese to
continue resorting to this myth.
There is one interesting impact that the Dalai Lama's devolution of
his authority would have on his relationship with the governments
throughout the world. Internationally, governments should now find it
easier to have a simple, transparent and clear position towards the
Dalai Lama than in the past. To date, quite a few governments have
tried to overcome the perception of being seen as dealing with Dalai
Lama the political leader by formally regarding him as a spiritual
leader only. Now that the Dalai Lama has divested himself of his
political position, unless politics kick in governments should find it
easier to have a formal relationship with him as an eminent religious
leader.
S6621_
Prepared Statement of Ngawang Sangdrol
JULY 13, 2011
I would like to first thank you very much for inviting me to speak
here today.
1. My name is Ngawang Sangdrol. When I was 13 years old I joined a
peaceful demonstration. I shouted ``free Tibet'' and ``long live the
Dalai Lama.'' Just because of these two slogans, they put me in jail
and tortured me. They sentenced me to 23 years but due to international
pressure, especially US Congressional support, I was released after 11
years. Now I live in a free country. But thousands of Tibetans are
still suffering in those same prisons today.
2. His Holiness the Dalai Lama is very important for all Tibetans,
but especially important for those political prisoners. Countless
Tibetans have died under China's persecution but those who are still
alive, their greatest wish is to see His Holiness. His Holiness is our
refuge not only in this life but also in future lives.
3. In my own experience as a political prisoner, when I was in
solitary confinement for six months, the conditions were terrible. For
the first ten days in this small dark cell I would be given only one
meal a day of a tiny dumpling without any meat. There were rats, which
terrified me, and it was so cold. The bed was a thin piece of cloth and
the blanket was very thin. But every day I imagined His Holiness at the
top of my head. This gave me peace of mind, although physical
conditions were terrible. This was the only thing that gave me some
strength to live.
4. I feel the Dalai Lama should be allowed to go home. Of course,
that is not going to solve the whole problem. But this is something
that would be so powerful and important for the Tibetan people. He is
not only important for this generation, but for generations to come.
China tried to extinguish Tibet. But it is because of the Dalai Lama
that the Tibetan spirit and culture is still so strong today.
5. Finally, Tibet has many problems, but our biggest problem is the
political situation. If the political problem is solved, all our other
problems can be managed. Therefore, please do everything you can to
bring peace and freedom in Tibet.
Thank you.
S6621_
Prepared Statement of Hon. Sherrod Brown, a U.S. Senator From Ohio;
Cochairman, Congressional-Executive Commission on China
JULY 13, 2011
There are a number of Commission vacancies and I hope that they
will be filled soon.
In the meantime, I want to assure everyone who is interested in the
Commission's work that it will continue and that the outstanding staff
has continued its important mission.
Today's roundtable is on ``The Dalai Lama: What He Means for
Tibetans Today.''
In many ways, this roundtable can mean what he means for all of us
who care about basic human rights for everyone.
Thousands of people, including many Tibetans, gathered in
Washington, DC this past week to hear His Holiness the Dalai Lama
perform a sacred ritual and share his teachings on world peace.
The world knows His Holiness as a Nobel Peace Prize winner, a
symbol of compassion, and guardian of the Tibetan people.
Since the 1950s, he has made peaceful overtures to the Chinese
government. As a result he was forced into exile into the Indian
Himalayans.
The president met with the Dalai Lama last time and I hope he will
meet with him again this time.
For decades the Dalai Lama led Tibet's peaceful campaign for
legitimate Tibetan political and cultural rights through prayer and
speech, traveling across the world, even as foreign governments worried
about Chinese reprisal for welcoming their so-called ``separatist.''
But in recent months he has reduced his political role so he can
focus on spiritual matters.
Regardless of his role, His Holiness the Dalai Lama remains the
best hope for restoring stability to Tibet and guaranteeing the genuine
autonomy that is the right of Tibetans.
And the genuine autonomy that is the right of other ethnic minority
groups in China.
Tibetans in China continue to suffer from human rights abuses and
restrictions on their constitutional and universal rights to the
freedom of religion, expression, and association.
These abuses are deliberate acts of the Chinese State.
The attack on Tibetan language, culture, religion, and rich history
is intentional and political. It is harsh and brutal.
Just as they've done with the Uyghur people, the Chinese government
has attacked every aspect of life and culture of Tibetans.
And just as they've done with leading critics of government
policies like Rebiya Kadeer, the government has done everything it can
to discredit and subvert the Dalai Lama.
Last month's Commission Roundtable heard from Chinese legal experts
who discussed how the Communist Chinese government sees lawyers as a
threat to stability to the regime.
The Roundtable briefly touched on how in the United States--and
other democratic nations--lawyers are in many ways the foundation of
stability of the state.
In repressing defenders of rights, China suppresses the diversity
of cultures.
The Beijing government treats legitimate expression of cultural
diversity as a threat to sovereignty. In the United States our very
motto is ``E Pluribus Unum'', out of many there is one--that our
strength as one nation comes from the diversity of its people.
Yet respect and recognition of fundamental rights is essential for
the preservation and celebration of China's minority cultures.
The situation in Tibet remains abysmal since the Chinese
government's violent crackdown on largely peaceful protests that began
in March 2008.
According to the Commission's own Political Prisoner Database,
hundreds of political prisoners remain imprisoned.
Far from seeing the Dalai Lama as an indispensable negotiating
partner, Chinese officials continue their attempts to discredit him.
Negotiations between the two sides have stalled, with the longest
break since formal dialogue resumed in 2002.
At this critical moment, we have gathered an expert group of
panelists to discuss what the Dalai Lama means to Tibetans--and to our
world.
S6621_
Prepared Statement of Maria Otero, Under Secretary for Democracy and
Global Affairs and Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, U.S.
Department of State; Member, Congressional-Executive Commission on
China
JULY 13, 2011
Thank you, Senator Brown, other Commission Members and staff for
convening this roundtable. It's my pleasure to be able to participate
today for the first time as a Commissioner and to make brief remarks on
the Dalai Lama as the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues.
I have had the honor of meeting several times with the Dalai Lama
as an internationally recognized religious leader and Nobel Laureate. I
have also had an opportunity to speak with Tibetan Buddhists in remote
settlements in India and with new arrivals and long staying Tibetan
refugees in Nepal. I have learned that for many of them, the Dalai Lama
is the earthly manifestation of the living Buddha. To young Tibetans, I
have seen that the Dalai Lama is a positive example of how to make the
world a better place, and is a source of wisdom and compassion in their
personal lives.
The Dalai Lama's views are widely reflected within Tibetan society,
and command the respect of the vast majority of Tibetans. The U.S.
government believes that the Dalai Lama can be a constructive partner
for China, particularly as it deals with the challenge of resolving
continuing tensions in Tibetan areas. His consistent advocacy of non-
violence is an important factor in reaching an eventual lasting
solution. China's engagement with the Dalai Lama, or his
representatives, to resolve problems facing Tibetans is in the
interests of the Chinese government and the Tibetan people. We believe
failure to address these problems and reexamine existing,
counterproductive policies will exacerbate already existing tensions
that could, in turn, undermine China's efforts to maintain its current
social and economic development.
The Administration's goals on Tibetan issues are twofold. First, it
is to promote a substantive, results oriented dialogue between the
Chinese Government and the Dalai Lama or his representatives. Second,
it is to help sustain Tibet's unique religious, linguistic, and
cultural heritages. The Administration at all levels--from the
President, Secretary, Assistant Secretaries, to myself--has urged the
Chinese Government to engage in a dialogue with the representatives of
the Dalai Lama. We remind the Chinese government that the vast majority
of Tibetans advocate non-violent solutions to Tibetan issues and
genuine autonomy--not independence or
sovereignty--in order to preserve Tibet's unique culture, religion and
its fragile environment. Regrettably, the Chinese government has not
engaged in a substantive dialogue with the Tibetans since January 2010.
I want to take this opportunity to briefly mention some of our
concerns and ongoing activities. We are extremely concerned about the
deteriorating human rights situation in China and in particular in the
Tibet Autonomous Region and other ethnic Tibetan areas in neighboring
provinces. Recent regulations restricting Tibetan language education,
strict controls over the practice of Tibetan Buddhism, the arrests of
prominent non-political Tibetans, and the heavy security presence
reflect the difficult human rights situation there today. The forcible
removal of monks from Kirti Monastery is also a cause for deep concern.
Despite many challenges, we are committed to continuing our long-
standing support for non-governmental organizations that work in ethnic
Tibetan areas and
assist Tibetan refugees in South Asia. Both the State Department and
the U.S. Agency for International Development support cultural and
linguistic preservation, sustainable development and environmental
preservation in Tibet and Tibetan majority areas, as well as Tibetan
refugee communities in other countries, through
numerous programs. In addition, the State Department's Bureau of
Population, Refugees, and Migration continues its long-standing support
for Tibetan refugees through ongoing support to non-governmental
organizations as well as the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees. In fiscal year 2010, $3.5 million was provided to support
reception services, education, healthcare, and water and sanitation for
Tibetan refugees in South Asia, including new arrivals from China.
At the end of this month, the U.S. Agency for International
Development's India Mission will issue an award for a new $2 million,
two-year program to support Tibetan settlements in India, Nepal, and
Bhutan. The new program will support the development of organic
agriculture for selected Tibetan settlements in India, Nepal, and
Bhutan; and provide vocational training to Tibetan youth remaining in
the
settlements. USAID anticipates the program will result in increased
economic opportunities which will encourage youth to remain in the
settlements, strengthen community ties, and preserve cultural and
linguistic traditions. Strengthening Tibetan communities and preserving
their extraordinary cultural and religious traditions have been at the
center of the Dalai Lama's work.
The Dalai Lama celebrated his 76th birthday last week in
Washington, joined by thousands of Tibetans. While he is still vigorous
and healthy, it is my great hope that Chinese leaders will seize this
opportunity to pursue a substantive dialogue to resolve remaining
differences and provide the next generation of Tibetans and Chinese
with peace, prosperity, and genuine stability.